A50917	----	Of true religion, hæresie, schism, toleration, and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author J.M. Milton, John, 1608-1674. 1673 Approx. 26 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A50917 Wing M2135 ESTC R8629 11982847 ocm 11982847 51894 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50917) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51894) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 817:33) Of true religion, hæresie, schism, toleration, and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author J.M. Milton, John, 1608-1674. 16 p. [s.n.], London : 1673. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Theology -- Early works to 1800. Theology -- History -- 17th century. Papacy -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2002-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OF True Religion , HAERESIE , SCHISM , TOLERATION , And what best means may be us'd against the growth of POPERY The Author J. M. LONDON Printed in the Year , 1673. OF True RELIGION , HAERESIE , SCHISM , and TOLERATION . IT is unknown to no man , who knows ought of concernment among us , that the increase of Popery is at this day no small trouble and offence to greatest part of the Nation ; and the rejoycing of all good men that it is so ; the more their rejoycing , that God hath giv'n a heart to the people to remember still their great and happy deliverance from Popish Thraldom , and to esteem so highly the precious benefit of his Gospel , so freely and so peacealy injoy'd among them . Since therefore some have already in Publick with many considerable Arguments exhorted the people to beware the growth of this Romish Weed ; I thought it no less then a common duty to lend my hand , how unable soever , to so good a Purpose . I will not now enter into the Labyrinth of Councels and Fathers , an intangl'd wood which the Papist loves to fight in , not with hope of Victory , but to obscure the shame of an open overthrow : which yet in that kind of Combate , many heretofore , and one of late , hath eminently giv'n them . And such manner of dispute with them , to Learned Men , is useful and very commendable : But I shall insist now on what is plainer to Common apprehension , and what I have to say , without longer introduction . True Religion is the true Worship and Service of God , learnt and believed from the Word of God only . No Man or Angel can know how God would be worshipt and serv'd unless God reveal it : He hath Reveal'd and taught it us in the holy Scriptures by inspir'd Ministers , and in the Gospel by his own Son and his Apostles , with strictest command to reject all other traditions or additions whatsoever . According to that of St. Paul , Though wee or an Angel from Heaven preach any other Gospel unto you , than that which wee have preacht unto you , let him be Anathema , or accurst . And Deut. 4. 2. Ye shall not add to the word which I command you , neither shall you diminish ought from it . Rev. 22. 18 , 19. If any man shall add , &c. If any man shall take away from the Words , &c. With good and Religious Reason therefore all Protestant Churches with one consent , and particularly the Church of England in Her thirty nine Articles , Artic. 6th , 19th , 20th , 21st , and elsewhere , maintain these two points , as the main Principles of true Religion : that the Rule of true Religion is the Word of God only : and that their Faith ought not to be an implicit faith , that is , to believe , though as the Church believes , against or without express authority of Scripture . And if all Protestants as universally as they hold these two Principles , so attentively and Religiously would observe them , they would avoid and cut off many Debates and Contentions , Schisms and Persecutions , which too oft have been among them , and more firmly unite against the common adversary . For hence it directly follows , that no true Protestant can persecute , or not tolerate his fellow Protestant , though dissenting from him in som opinions , but he must flatly deny and Renounce these two his own main Principles , whereon true Religion is founded ; while he compels his Brother from that which he believes as the manifest word of God , to an implicit faith ( which he himself condemns ) to the endangering of his Brothers soul , whether by rash belief , or outward Conformity : for whatsoever is not of Faith , is Sin. I will now as briefly show what is false Religion or Heresie , which will be done as easily : for of contraries the definitions must needs be contrary . Heresie therefore is a Religion taken up and believ'd from the traditions of men and additions to the word of God. Whence also it follows clearly , that of all known Sects or pretended Religions at this day in Christendom , Popery is the only or the greatest Heresie : and he who is so forward to brand all others for Hereticks , the obstinate Papist , the only Heretick . Hence one of their own famous Writers found just cause to stile the Romish Church Mother of Error , School of Heresie . And whereas the Papist boasts himself to be a Roman Catholick , it is a meer contradiction , one of the Popes Bulls , as if he should say , universal particular a Catholic Schismatic . For Catholic in Greek signifies universal : and the Christian Church was so call'd , as consisting of all Nations to whom the Gospel was to be preach't , in contradistinction to the Jewish Church , which consisted for the most part of Jews only . Sects may be a in true Church as well as in a false , when men follow the Doctrin too much for the Teachers sake , whom they think almost infallible ; and this becomes , through Infirmity , implicit Faith ; and the name Sectary , pertains to such a Disciple . Schism is a rent or division in the Church , when it comes to the separating of Congregations ; and may also happen to a true Church , as well as toa false ; yet in the true needs not tend to the breaking of Communion ; if they can agree in the right administration of that wherein they Communicate , keeping their other Opinions to themselves , not being destuctive to Faith. The Pharisees and Saduces were two Sects , yet both met together in their common worship of God at Jerusalem . But here the Papist will angrily demand , what ! Are Lutherans , Calvinists , Anabaptists , Socinians , Arminians , no Hereticks ? I answer , all these may have some errors , but are no Hereticks . Heresie is in the Will and choice profestly against Scripture ; error is against the Will , in misunderstanding the Scripture after all sincere endeavours to understand it rightly : Hence it was said well by one of the Ancients , Err I may , but a Heretick I will not be . It is a humane frailty to err , and no man is infallible here on earth . But so long as all these profess to set the Word of God only before them as the Rule of faith and obedience ; and use all diligence and sincerity of heart , by reading , by learning , by study , by prayer for Illumination of the holy Spirit , to understand the Rule and obey it , they have done what man can do : God will assuredly pardon them , as he did the friends of Job , good and pious men , though much mistaken , as there it appears , in some Points of Doctrin . But some will say , with Christians it is otherwise , whom God hath promis'd by his Spirit to teach all things . True , all things absolutely necessary to salvation : But the hottest disputes among Protestants calmly and charitably enquir'd into , will be found less then such . The Lutheran holds Consubstantiation ; an error indeed , but not mortal . The Calvinist is taxt with Predestination , and to make God the Author of sin ; not with any dishonourable thought of God , but it may be overzealously asserting his absolute power , not without plea of Scripture . The Anabaptist is accus'd of Denying Infants their right to Baptism ; again they say , they deny nothing but what the Scripture denies them . The Arian and Socinian are charg'd to dispute against the Trinity : they affirm to believe the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , according to Scripture , and the Apostolic Creed ; as for terms of Trinity , Triniunity , Coessentiality , Tripersonality , and the like , they reject them as Scholastic Notions , not to be found in Scripture , which by a general Protestant Maxim is plain and perspicuous abundantly to explain its own meaning in the properest words , belonging to so high a Matter and so necessary to be known ; a mystery indeed in their Sophistic Subtilties , but in Scripture a plain Doctrin . Their other Opinions are of less Moment . They dispute the satisfaction of Christ , or rather the word Satisfaction , as not Scriptural : but they acknowledge him both God and their Saviour . The Arminian lastly is condemn'd for setting up free will against free grace ; but that Imputation he disclaims in all his writings , and grounds himself largly upon Scripture only . It cannot be deny'd that the Authors or late Revivers of all these Sects or Opinions , were Learned , Worthy , Zealous , and Religious Men , as appears by their lives written , and the same of their many Eminent and Learned followers , perfect and powerful in the Scriptures , holy and unblameable in their lives : and it cannot be imagin'd that God would desert such painful and zealous labourers in his Church , and oft-times great sufferers for their Conscience , to damnable Errors & a Reprobate sense , who had so often implor'd the assistance of his Spirit ; but rather , having made no man Infallible , that he hath pardon'd their errors , and accepts their Pious endeavours , sincerely searching all things according to the rule of Scripture , with such guidance and direction as they can obtain of God by Prayer . What Protestant then who himself maintains the same Principles , and disavowes all implicit Faith , would persecute , and not rather charitably tolerate such men as these , unless he mean to abjure the Principles of his own Religion ? If it be askt how far they should be tolerated ? I answer doubtless equally , as being all Protestants ; that is on all occasions to give account of their Faith , either by Arguing , Preaching in their several Assemblies , Publick writing , and the freedom of Printing . For if the French and Polonian Protestants injoy all this liberty among Papists , much more may a Protestant justly expect it among Protestants ; and yet some times here among us , the one persecutes the other upon every slight Pretence . But he is wont to say he enjoyns only things indifferent . Let them be so still ; who gave him authority to change their nature by injoyning them ? If by his own Principles , as is prov'd , he ought to tolerate controverted points of Doctrine not slightly grounded on Scripture , much more ought he not impose things indifferent without Scripture . In Religion nothing is indifferent , but , if it come once to be Impos'd , is either a command or a Prohibition , and so consequently an addition to the word of God , which he professes to disallow . Besides , how unequal , how uncharitable must it needs be , to Impose that which his conscience cannot urge him to impose , upon him whose conscience forbids him to obey ? What can it be but love of contention for things not necessary to be done , to molest the conscience of his Brother , who holds them necessary to be not done ? To conclude , let such a one but call to mind his own Principles above mention'd , and he must necessarily grant , that neither he can impose , nor the other believe or obey ought in Religion , but from the Word of God only . More amply to understand this , may be read the 14th . and 15th . Chapters to the Romans , and the Contents of the 14th , set forth no doubt but with full authority of the Church of England ; the Gloss is this . Men may not contemn , or condemn one the other for things indifferent . And in the 6th Article above mentioned , Whatsoever is not read in Holy Scripture , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man as an article of Faith , or necessary to salvation . And certainly what is not so , is not to be required at all ; as being an addition to the Word of God expressly forbidden . Thus this long and hot Contest , whether Protestants ought to tolerate one another , if men will be but Rational and not Partial , may be ended without need of more words to compose it . Let us now enquire whether Popery be tolerable or no. Popery is a double thing to deal with , and claims a twofold Power , Ecclesiastical , and Political , both usurpt , and the one supporting the other . But Ecclesiastical is ever pretended to Political . The Pope by this mixt faculty , pretends right to Kingdoms and States , and especially to this of England , Thrones and Unthrones Kings , and absolves the people from their obedience to them ; sometimes interdicts to whole Nations the Publick worship of God , shutting up their Churches : and was wont to dreign away greatest part of the wealth of this then miserable Land , as part of his Patrimony , to maintain the Pride and Luxury of his Court and Prelates : and now since , through the infinite mercy and favour of God , we have shaken off his Babylonish Yoke , hath not ceas'd by his Spyes and Agents , Bulls and Emissaries , once to destroy both King and Parliament ; perpetually to seduce , corrupt , and pervert as many as they can of the People . Whether therefore it be fit or reasonable , to tolerate men thus principl'd in Religion towards the State , I submit it to the consideration of all Magistrates , who are best able to provide for their own and the publick safety . As for tolerating the exercise of their Religion , supposing their State activities not to be dangerous , I answer , that Toleration is either public or private ; and the exercise of their Religion , as far as it is Idolatrous , can be tolerated neither way : not publicly , without grievous and unsufferable scandal giv'n to all consciencious Beholders ; not privately , without great offence to God , declar'd against all kind of Idolatry , though secret . Ezekiel 8. 7 , 8. And he brought me to the door of the Court , and when I looked , behold a hole in the Wall. Then said he unto me , Son of Man , digg now in the wall ; and when I had digged , behold a Door , and he said unto me , go in , and behold the wicked Abominations that they do here . And verse 12. Then said he unto me , Son of Man , hast thou seen what the Antients of the house of Israel do in the dark ? &c. And it appears by the whole Chapter , that God was no less offended with these secret Idolatries , then with those in public ; and no less provokt , then to bring on and hasten his Judgements on the whole Land for these also . Having shown thus , that Popery , as being Idolatrous , is not to be tolerated either in Public or in Private ; it must be now thought how to remove it and hinder the growth thereof , I mean in our Natives , and not Forreigners , Privileg'd by the Law of Nations . Are we to punish them by corporal punishment , or fines in their Estates , upon account of their Religion ? I suppose it stands not with the Clemency of the Gospel , more then what appertains to the security of the State : But first we must remove their Idolatry , and all the furniture thereof , whether Idols , or the Mass wherein they adore their God under Bread and Wine : for the Commandment forbids to adore , not only any Graven Image , but the likeness of any thing in Heaven above , or in the Earth beneath , or in the Water under the Earth , thou shalt not bow down to them nor worship them , for I the Lord thy God am a Jealous God. If they say that by removing their Idols we violate their Consciences , we have no warrant to regard Conscience which is not grounded on Scripture : and they themselves confess in their late defences , that they hold not their Images necessary to salvation , but only as they are enjoyn'd them by tradition . Shall we condescend to dispute with them The Scripture is our only Principle in Religion ; and by that only they will not be Judg'd , but will add other Principles of their own , which , forbidden by the Word of God , we cannot assent to . And the common Maxim also in Logic is , against them who deny Principles , we are not to dispute . Let them bound their disputations on the Scripture only , and an ordinary Protestant , well read in the Bible , may turn and wind their Doctors . They will not go about to prove their Idolatries by the Word of God , but run to shifts and evasions , and frivolous distinctions : Idols they say are Laymens Books , and a great means to stir up pious thoughts and Devotion in the Learnedst . I say they are no means of Gods appointing , but plainly the contrary : Let them hear the Prophets ; Jerem. 10. 8. The stock is a Doctrin of Vanities . Habakkuk 2. 18. What profiteth the graven Image that the maker thereof hath graven it : The Molten Image and a teacher of Lyes ? But they alleadge in their late answers , that the Laws of Moses giv'n only to the Jews , concern not us under the Gospel : and remember not that Idolatry is forbidden as expresly , [ in several places of the Gospel , ] But with these wiles and fallacies compassing Sea and Land , like the Pharisees of old , to make one Proselite , they lead away privily many simple and ignorant Souls , men or women , and make them twofold more the Children of Hell then themselves , Matt. 23. 15. But the Apostle hath well warn'd us , I may say , from such Deceivers as these , for their Mystery was then working . I beseech you Brethren , saith he , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrin which ye have learned , and avoid them ; for they that are such serve not our Lord Jesus Christ , but their own belly , and by good words and fair speeches deceive the heart of the simplea Rom. 16. 17 , 18. The next means to hinder the growth of Popery will be to read duly and diligently the Holy Scriptures , which as St. Paul saith to Timothy , who had known them from a child , are able to make wise unto salvation . And to the whole Church of Colossi ; Let the word of Christ dwell in you plentifully , with all wisdome , Coloss. 3. 16. The Papal Antichristian Church permits not her Laity to read the Bible in their own tongue : Our Church on the contrary hath proposd it to all men , and to this end translated it into English , with profitable Notes on what is met with obscure , though what is most necessary to be known be still plainest : that all sorts and degrees of men , not understanding the Original , may read it in their Mother Tongue . Neither let the Countryman , the Tradesman , the Lawyer , the Physician , the Statesman , excuse himself by his much business from the studious reading thereof . Our Saviour saith , Luke 10. 41 , 42. Thou art careful and troubled about many things , but one thing is needful . If they were ask't , they would be loath to set earthly things , wealth , or honour before the wisdom of salvation . Yet most men in the course and practice of their lives are found to do so ; and through unwillingness to take the pains of understanding their Religion by their own diligent study , would fain be sav'd by a Deputy . Hence comes implicit faith , ever learning and never taught , much hearing and small proficience , till want of Fundamental knowledg easily turns to susperstition or Popery : Therefore the Apostle admonishes , Eccles. 4. 14. That we henceforth be no more children tossed to and fro and carryed about with every wind of Doctrine , by the sleight of men , and cunning craftiness whereby they lye in wait to deceive . Every member of the Church , at least of any breeding or capacity , so well ought to be grounded in spiritual knowledg , as , if need be , to examine their Teachers themselves , Acts. 17. 11. They searched the Scriptures dayly , whether those things were so . Rev. 2. 2. Thou hast tryed them which say they are Apostles , and are not . How should any private Christian try his Teachers unless he be well grounded himself in the Rule of Scripture , by which he is taught . As therefore among Papists , their ignorance in Scripture cheifly upholds Popery ; so among Protestant People , the frequent and serious reading thereof will soonest pull Popery down . Another means to abate Popery arises from the constant reading of Scripture , wherein Beleivers who agree in the main , are every where exhorted to mutual forbearance and charity one towards the other , though dissenting in some opinions . It is written that the Coat of our Saviour was without seame : whence some would infer that there should be no division in the Church of Christ. It should be so indeed ; Yet seams in the same cloath , neither hurt the garment , nor misbecome it ; and not only seams , but Schisms will be while men are fallible : But if they who dissent in matters not essential to belief , while the common adversary is in the field , shall stand jarring and pelting at one another , they will be soon routed and subdued . The Papist with open mouth makes much advantage of our several opinions ; not that he is able to confute the worst of them , but that we by our continual jangle among our selves make them worse then they are indeed . To save our selves therefore , and resist the common enemy , it concerns us mainly to agree within our selves , that with joynt forces we may not only hold our own , but get ground ; and why should we not ? The Gospel commands us to tolerate one another , though of various opinions , and hath promised a good and happy event thereof , Phil. 3. 15. Let us therefore as many as be perfect be thus minded ; and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , God shall reveal even this unto you . And we are bid , 1 Thess. 5. 21. Prove all things , hold fast that which is good . St. Paul judg'd that not only to tolerate , but to examine and prove all things , was no danger to our holding fast of that which is good . How shall we prove all things , which includes all opinions at least founded on Scripture , unless we not only tolerate them , but patiently hear them , and seriously read them ? If he who thinks himself in the truth professes to have learnt it , not by implicit faith , but by attentive study of the Scriptures & full perswasion of heart , with what equity can he refuse to hear or read him , who demonstrates to have gained his knowledge by the same way ? is it a fair course to assert truth by arrogating to himself the only freedome of speech , and stopping the mouths of others equally gifted ? This is the direct way to bring in that Papistical implicit faith which we all disclaim . They pretend it would unsettle the weaker sort ▪ the same groundless fear is pretended by the Romish Clergy in prohibiting the Scripture . At least then let them have leave to write in Latin which the common people understand not ; that what they hold may be discust among the Learned only . We suffer the Idolatrous books of Papists , without this fear , to be sold & read as common as our own . Why not much rather of Anabaptists , Arians , Arminians , & Socinians ? There is no Learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading Controversies , his Senses awakt , his Judgement sharpn'd , and the truth which he holds more firmly establish't . If then it be profitable for him to read ; why should it not at least be tolerable and free for his Adversary to write ? In Logic they teach , that contraries laid together more evidently appear : it follows then that all controversies being permitted , falshood will appear more false , and truth the more true ▪ which must needs conduce much , not only to the confounding of Popery , but to the general confirmation of unimplicit truth . The last means to avoid Popery , is to amend our lives : it is a general complaint that this Nation of late years , is grown more numerously and excessively vitious then heretofore ▪ Pride , Luxury , Drunkenness , Whoredom , Cursing , Swearing , bold and open Atheism every where abounding : Where these grow , no wonder if Popery also grow a pace . There is no man so wicked , but at somtimes his conscience , will wring him with thoughts of another world , & the Peril of his soul : the trouble and melancholy which he conceives of true Repentance and amendment he endures not ; but enclines rather to some carnal Superstion , which may pacify and lull his Conscience with some more pleasing Doctrin . None more ready and officious to offer her self then the Romish , and opens wide her Office , with all her faculties to receive him ; easy Confession , easy Absolution , Pardons , Indulgences , Masses for him both quick and dead , Agnus Dei's , Reliques , and the like : and he , instead of Working out his salvation with fear and trembling , strait thinks in his heart ( like another kind of fool then he in the Psalmes ) to bribe God as a corrupt judge ; and by his Proctor , some Priest or Fryer , to buy out his Peace with money , which he cannot with his repentance . For God , when men sin outragiously , and will not be admonisht , gives over chastizing them , perhaps by Pestilence , Fire , Sword , or Famin , which may all turn to their good , and takes up his severest punishments , hardness besottedness of heart , and Idolatry , to their final perdition . Idolatry brought the Heathen to hainous Transgressions , Romans 2 a. And hainous Transgressions oft times bring the slight professors of true Religion , to gross Idolatry : Thess● 2. 11 , 12. For this cause , God shall send them strong delusion that they should believe a lye , that they all might be damed ▪ who believe not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteoussness . And Isaiah 44. 18. Speaking of Idolaters , They have not known nor understood ▪ for he hath shut their Eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts that they cannot understand . Let us therefore using this last means , last here spoken of , but first to be done , amend our lives with all speed ; least through impenitency we run into that stupidly , which we now seek all meansso warilyto avoid , the worst of superstitions , and the heaviest of all Gods Judgements , Popery . FINIS . 
A31475	----	The ceremonies of the vacant see, or, A true relation of what passes at Rome upon the pope's death with the proceedings in the conclave, for the election of a new pope, according to the constitutions and ceremonials, as also the coronation and cavalcade / out of the French by J. Davies of Kidwelly. Ceremoniale historico e politico. Part 5. English Leti, Gregorio, 1630-1701. 1671 Approx. 120 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31475 Wing C1677 ESTC R17737 11741020 ocm 11741020 48490 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31475) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48490) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 486:1) The ceremonies of the vacant see, or, A true relation of what passes at Rome upon the pope's death with the proceedings in the conclave, for the election of a new pope, according to the constitutions and ceremonials, as also the coronation and cavalcade / out of the French by J. Davies of Kidwelly. Ceremoniale historico e politico. Part 5. English Leti, Gregorio, 1630-1701. Davies, John, 1625-1693. [6], 102 p. : ill. Printed by H.L. and R.B. for Tho. Basset, London : 1671. Epistle dedicatory dated: Jan 7, 1671, J. Davies. "Translated from a French version of an unidentified work by Gregorio Leti which was subsequently incorporated in pt. 5 of his 'Il Ceremoniale historico, e politico.'" -- cf. BM Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church. Popes -- Election. Papacy. 2005-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Ceremonies of the Vacant See. THE Ceremonies OF THE VACANT SEE . Or a True RELATION Of what passes at ROME upon the POPE's Death . With the Proceedings in the Conclave , for the Election of a New POPE ; According to the Constitutions and Ceremonials . As also The Coronation and Cavalcade . Out of the French by J. DAVIES of Kidwelly . LONDON , Printed by H. L. and R. B. for Tho. Basset at the George in Fleetstreet , near Cliffords - Inn. 1671. TO My Worthy and much Honoured FRIEND , Mr. MICHAEL HALL OF DURHAM . SIR , THE Obligations I had to your Worthy Brother JOHN HALL , somtime of Grey's Inne Esquire , are no less present to my thoughts , when I am at the greatest distance from his Relations , then they are during my long Residences at London , where I frequently converse with those , who , knowing his worth , take occasion to celebrate it , upon the least mention of his Name . But the Account I receiv'd from you of Him not long since , and what you design'd to have done thereupon , rais'd in me a general reflection on the Excellencies of that Person , at least what was within the reach of my happy knowledge of him . Of this I gave the world what satisfaction I could , before his Translation of Hierocles upon the Golden Verses of the Pythagoreans ; that is , a short Collection of my own Observations , without communicating my design to any of his Friends . What Overtures you have made in order to the compleating of it , I shall not here insist upon , further then to assure you , that my prosecution of it , shall , what lies in my power , be answerable to your desires . As to what is at present usher'd to you by this Dedicatory , be pleas'd , Sir , to take this short Character of it ; That it is a particular account of that Action , which being of highest Importance in the Concerns of Christianity , occasions the discourse of all persons , during the process of it , as well of these , whose Principles induce them to a belief , as those , who stand upon the denial of a Supream Pastorship of the Christian Flock upon Earth . Whence ROME derives the Priviledge of being the Scene of this great Transaction , is not my business to enquire : yet I think it not amiss , to bring in here two Distichs of that worthy Author , Sir R. Stapylton , comprehending , first , the Metropolism of that City , upon the Gentile account , and then its loss of that super-intendency , and afterwards its retrival thereof upon the Christian score ! Roma fuit quondam Terrae Regina Marisque ; At nunc nec Terras , nec Mare Roma regit . Roma fuit quondam Terrae Regina Marisque . Nunc Mare , nunc Terras , amplius Illa regit . Thus as to the subject of the ensuing Treatise . The further Business of this Address , is , to acquaint you , that the Manuscript left in my hands by one nearly related to you , concerning your ancient Cathedral , will ere long appear in publick . What else I have to adde , is only the usual Complement made in the Infancy of the year ; That is , my wishes to you , of Health , Prosperity , in Friends and Affairs ; and , the greatest transient Happinesse , all the Endearing Enjoyments of a Conjugal life ; and all this , without any other design , but that of assuring you , how much , and how truly I am , SIR , Your most Affectionate and most Humble Servant , J. DAVIES . Jan. 7. 1671. An Historical Account of the Ceremonies at the Election of a Pope . ROME , having heretofore rais'd it self to that Greatness as to become the Seat of the World's Empire , continu'd its possession thereof for many after-Ages . During that vast Interval of time its Councils had an Influence over the Affairs and Concerns of most Nations : the Changes and Revolutions of States were regulated by its Policies ; and its Judgments were Legislative to all places over which the Roman-Eagles had spread their victorious wings : in a word , the general Emergencies of the Universe are the ordinary discourse of the Inhabitants of this great City : and on the contrary , what is done in it employs the reflections of all those who have heard of its name . But as it hapned heretofore at the death of any of its Emperours , all eyes were upon it , to observe the management of an Election , which they thought contributory to their happiness or unhappiness , though as yet the Jurisdiction related only to temporal Concerns : so is it since it became the Seat of a spiritual Monarchy and Hierarchy . For upon every vacancy in This , the whole Christian World is inquisitive to know what passes in a conjuncture of so great importance , to the tranquillity and advantage of Christendom , and wholly taken up with a consideration how worthy or how happy that subject ought to be , who is to fill a Chair exalted above all the Thrones upon earth . As therefore every one thinks himself concern'd in this exaltation to the Papal Dignity , so does every one imagine he hath a right and freedom to speak , and give his judgment of it . Accordingly hath it hapned , that all the circumstances of so celebrious and sacred an action have been so well observ'd , and thought of such consequence , that the Memorials thereof have been transmitted to after-Ages ; to the end it should be known , with what extraordinary precautions they were to proceed upon the like occasions , in order to the prevention of those misfortunes and disturbances , which the long continuance of a vacancy hath many times occasion'd in the Church . But what occasions long vacancies , and how far they are to be imputed to the interfering Interests of those temporal Princes , who think themselves more nearly concern'd in the Election , is no● our business here to determine : Onl● this seems rationally deducible from their proceedings therein , that they would demean themselves with a greater indifference , as to the Election , were they less perswaded , that the Person once elected must be acknowledg'd Supreme Pastor of the Catholick Church . But in process of time , through the prudent provisions , which the Popes have made by their Constitutions : things are reduc'd to a certain order , so as that there is the less ground of fearing those fatal Accidents , wherewith the Church hath been but too much afflicted by so many schismes , most of which have deriv'd their birth or growth from the long continuance of Conclaves . And the City of Rome seems from that time to have attain'd a better constitution , so as not to be subject to any disturbance during that Interregnum ; of which it is the design of this Discourse to give a particular Account , by discovering what is done , not only within the walls of Rome , but also those of the Conclave it self , upon the occasion of a Vacancy in the See Apostolick , and representing the Ceremonies observed at the Exaltation of a Person to a spiritual Jurisdiction and Supremacy . As soon as the Pope hath submitted to the Laws of Mortality by resigning up his last breath , or seems past all hopes of recovery , the Cardinal Patrone , who is ordinarily the Nephew , and entrusted with the management of State-affairs , sends an account of his condition to the several Cardinals and Embassadors : by the Prelates he dispatches to them , and orders all the considerable prisoners to be remov'd out of the ordinary Prisons to the Castle St. Angelo , in regard that immediately upon the Pope's death the Senate and People of Rome set open the prison-doors , and give liberty to all those whom they there find in restraint . Soon after the Cardinals and Embassadors make their Visits to the Cardinal Patrone , condoling the loss he hath received by the Pope's death ; and if it happen that any of them be in the Pope's Antichamber , when he is ready to expire , they are admitted into his chamber to see his departure , and to address their prayers to God for him . Assoon as he is given over for dead the Cardinal 's , and all the Officers , who had lodgings assign'd them in the Palace , dislodge themselves and go to their houses in the City , save only the Cardinal , who has the title of Chamberlain , whose priviledge it is to continue still in the Pope's appartment . There are in the Sacred Colledge of Cardinals , ( whose number is by the Constitution of Sixtus Quintus limited to seventy ) three principal Charges , which admit not of any vacancy upon the Pope's death , but only upon theirs who were possest thereof . Those are that of Chancellour , ( who yet assumes only the title and quality of Vice-Chancellour , though there be not any other Person above him ) that of the Grand Penitentiary , and that of Chamberlain . The Functions of the two former Charges are sufficiently known by their Nam●s ; but the third is in its greatest lustre during the vacancy of the See , though the person who is possest of it be at all other times chief of the Chamber of Accompts and the Finances of the Holy See. But when , and as long as there is no Pope , he commands the Swisses of the Guard , who had belong'd to the deceas'd , and they keep Guard about his Palace , and follow him up and down the City . He orders the coynage of money , on which there are engraven his own Armes under those of the vacant See , which are two Keys crossing one the other under a Canopy . He has this further priviledge , to be present with the three Chiefs of the Order of the Cardinals , ( that is to say , the Dean of the Sacred Colledge , the first Cardinal-Priest , and the first Cardinal-Deacon ) in all the Assemblies they shall hold during the vacancy of the See , to advise with them about the Affairs of the Church . It belongs also to the Cardinal-Chamberlain to see all things ordered relating to the Conclave , which he disposes to whom he thinks fit after the Election of a Pope . The chief Officer of the Datary , the Secretaries , and all others who are intrusted with Seals of any kind , which they had had from the deceas'd Pope , bring them immediately upon the first news of his death to the Cardinal - Chamberlain , who , in the presence of the Auditor , and the Clerks of the Chamber ( who are the Masters of Accompts ) and of the Grand Treasurer ( who is Surintendant of the Finances or Revenues ) orders them to be broken , that no foul play or forgerie be done with them ; And the Ring of the Fisher , which is of Gold , and valu'd at about a hundred Crowns , after it is broken , belongs to the Masters of the Ceremonies . It is also incumbent on the said Cardinal to send notice at the same time to all the Cardinals , the Senate , and people of Rome , of the Pope's death , and the three Chiefs in point of Denomination ( there being three different Classes of Cardinals , according to the difference of their titles ; to wit , six titles of Episcopal Cardinals , fifty of Priesthood , and fourteen Deacon-Cardinals ) send the like notice to all the other Cardinals , to make their appearance in the Hall of the Consistory that very Evening ; or if that cannot be done with convenience the next morning to take order for all the Charges which shall be vacant upon the Pope's death , and to appoint a Governour of the Conclave , and of St. Peter's , which is the most fortify'd Quarter of Rome , and wherein lie the Castle of St. Angelo , the Church of St. Peter , and the Vatican Palace , and where the Conclave is ordinarily kept ; and they all go with the Roquet uncover'd , as a mark that the Sovereign Spiritual Authority is devolv'd into their hands , as having then no Superiours over them . Those who are Creatures of the deceas'd Pope are clad in Violet , as are also the other Cardinals , but with this distinction , that the borders and ornaments of their garments are red . In the mean time the Pope's Almoners , after they have washt the Corps , cloath it with his Cassock , his Roquet , his Camad , and his Caloth , and by a secret pair of stairs convey it to the Chapel of Sixtus , which is in the Palace . There it is received by the Penitentiaries of St. Peter , who vest him so as if he were going to celebrate Mass , setting on his head a Mitre of cloth of Gold , with all the other Ornaments peculiar to this Ceremony ; and among others the Pallium and Pannona , which none is to wear but only the Pope in his Pontifical Habiliments . Being thus habited , they lay him on a Couch in the midst of the Chappel , with a silver Cross upon his breast , and two Cardinals Hats at his feet , representing his spiritual and temporal authority . Ordinarily , there are but a dozen Torches set about the Corps , and no Canopy . The Congregation of Cardinals being risen , the Creatures of the deceas'd and his particular servants come into the Chapel ; where , after they have said certain prayers for his soul , the Canons of St. Peter make their entrance with their Crosses , with every one a wax candle in his hand , and taking the Corps they carry it into one of the Chapels of their Church , where it lies expos'd for the space of three days to the sight of all the people , who are admitted to kiss his feet and hands . After the expiration of those three days , the same Canons , accompany'd by the Relations of the deceas'd ( the church-doors being shut ) dispose the Body into his Sepulchre , in case he had ordered any to be made in his life-time ; but if not , they cover it with plaister in some part of their said Church , till his Sepulchre be made ready , which the succeeding Pope , if he be a Creature of the deceas'd , does ordinarily cause to be made at his own charge , together with one for himself , in such Church as he shall think fit to make choice of : Yet is it to be observed , that the Body is to continue a whole year deposited in the said Church of St. Peter ; after which it may be buried any where else , and the Translation of it is celebrated with great pomp aud magnificence ; and they use in that Ceremony a particular Herse-cloth embroidered , which the Clergy of St. Peter are oblig'd to get made for every Pope immediately after his EElection , which Cloth is carefully laid up , during the life of the said Pope . The first day after the departure of any Pope being over , the Cardinals employ the mornings of the nine subsequent days in having Dirges sung for the repose of the soul of the deceas'd ; and on the ninth the Funeral-Oration is made ; after which all the Cardinals come about the Quire beset all with lights , under which there is a Bed of State , and five among them ( of which number the Cardinal , who says Mass is one ) with black . on , having given holy-water and incense , say the Suffrages and accustomed Prayers . All the days next following the said Dirges of the said Cardinals meet in the Sacristy of St. Peter , to name the Officers of the Conclave , and to settle other affairs of the Ecclesiastical State. The Embassadors make them proffers of the Assistance of their Masters , in order to the security and freedom of the Conclave . At their coming in , they make a genuflexion , and speak standing and cover'd ; and at their departure thence they make the like genuflexion . The House of the Ursini , and that of the Colonni , as being the chiefest Houses of Rome , are also receiv'd into it , but kneeling and bare-headed . They pretend that they have a priviledge to offer with their own service , that , of all the other Roman Princes and Lords . These latter on the contrary , ( whose Body is called the Baronage ) are not willing to acknowledge any dependence on the former two Houses , and ordinarily make choice of the most ancient Person of their Body to make their Harangue . This Contest upon the death of Urban the Eighth , occasion'd the Ursini and the Colonni to forbear going at all , and yet the Baronage was admitted to make proffers of their service . The ten days above-mentioned being expired , on the eleventh the Cardinals have a Dirge sung at St. Peters , one of them celebrating Mass in Honour of the Holy Ghost , after which there is a Sermon preach'd , wherein they are exhorted to divest themselves of all passion and self-interest in the Election they are to make of a good common Father of the Church . After which they make their entrance by way of Procession into the Conclave , the Musick singing the Veni Creator , and lay their Crosses in the Chapel Paulina . The Dean being come up to the Altar says the Prayer , Deus qui corda fidelium : which ended , the Cardinals take the Oath appointed for the observance of the Constitutions of former Popes concerning the Election of the new one . That done , every one goes to dinner in his own Apartment , which had been assign'd them in the Palace , for the preparing of their sustenance during their abode in the Conclave , they being not permitted to come out of the Palace till they have chosen a Pope . All that day the Conclave lies open , to satisfie the curiosity of the people , who are permitted during that time to visit it ; and towards the Evening every one withdraws into his Cell , and about three or four hours after , the Cursors or Heralds put out the multitude , crying aloud Extra omnes . But the Embassadors , who had spent the eleven days aforesaid in visiting all the Cardinals at their several Lodgings , come to see them once more in the Conclave ; and as soon as they are come out thence , ( which they commonly do last of any ) the chief Person of the House of the Savelli , as Hereditary Marshal of the Holy Church , locks the door of the Conclave , sets a Guard at it , and hath an apartment adjoyning thereto , out of which he is not to stir either night or day till there be a Pope chosen . At the last Conclave , there arose a Contest between him and the Governour of the said Conclave about the Keys of it ; but they were adjudg'd to the Prince Savelli , as'having been in former times in the possession of his Predecessors . The keeping of the Keys within the Conclave belongs to the Cardinal-Chamberlian and the Master of the Ceremonies . In the door of the Conclave there is a little square window , which may be shut on both sides within and without , and is not open'd , but only when Embassadors or some other Person of Quality brings some very important advertisement or intelligence to the sacred Colledge , and then they direct their Speech through the said Window . According to the Constitution of Pius the Fourth every Cardinal may have two men with him to wait upon him in the Conclave ; but Princes and the more ancient Cardinals may have three and no more : and these persons are called Conclavists , who all joyning together oblige all the Cardinals to take an Oath for the Observance of their priviledges . Nor can any of the Cardinals balk the taking of the said Oath , out of a fear of the reproach which might be made him of his desire to be Pope . Their Priviledges consist in having ten thousand Crowns out of the Chamber , to be divided among them , and all the vacant Benefices , not exceeding two thousand Crowns Revenue . Moreover , it is further requisite , according to the foresaid Constitution of Pius the Fourth , that the Conclavists , be actually menial servants to the said Cardinals at the vacancy of the Holy See , and that they had been in their service for the space of a year before . With this further Proviso , that the Ministers of Princes , Persons possessd of in for , ost . temporal Seigneuries , having the rights of the Administration of Justice annex'd thereto , as also persons employ'd in Traffick and Commerce ; and lastly , the Brothers or Nephews of Cardinals , cannot be chosen by them for their Conclavists , though they were their Domesticks , and receiv'd wages or salaries from them . To this kind of persons there are added also two others , one for the service of the two Masters of Ceremonies , and the other , for the Secretary of the Sacred Colledge . With this reservation nevertheless , that the servant of of the Masters of the Ceremonies ought to be actually a Domestick of one of them , and have been such for the space of six months before : which condition is in like manner requisite in the servant to the Secretary of the Colledge of Cardinals . Besides the Cardinals and their Conclavists , the two Masters of Ceremonies , the Secretary of the Colledge , and their servants there are also shut up in the Conclave a Penitentiary , to receive Confessions , and resolve such Cases of Conscience as may be propos'd to him ; as also a Sacristan , with a Chaplain to assist him in the service of the Sacristy , a Physician , an Apothecary , and a Chyrurgeon , with one or two servants , and the Drugs and Medicines requisite for the relief and accommodation of the indispos'd ; a Carpenter , a Mason , and about twenty Porters or servants of the meanest sort , to be employed in the carrying of wood , sweeping the Chambers and the streets of the Conclave , and to what other services may be necessary within . All these Officers and Servants are chosen by the Cardinals by plurality of voices , and are not to be taken out of the houses of any of the said Cardinals , and their Salaries are paid out of the Chamber . Assoon as they have clear'd the Conclave of all those persons , whom either their curiosity or some other occasion had brought thither , the Embassador's also being retir'd , and the door lockt on the out-side by the Marshal of the Conclave , who has the Keys of it , and is to see it guarded , the three Cardinals , Chiefs of the three different Classes , accompany'd by the Cardinal-Chamberlain , and one of the Masters of Ceremonies , who have the custody of the Keyes within , ( as hath been observ'd already ) go with Torches all about the Conclave , visiting all parts of it , to see if there be any there who ought not to be , and whether the shutting up of the Conclave be performed according to the Constitutions . And the next day , immediately after dinner , there is a review taken of all the Conclavists and Servants in the Chapel , out of which they are ordered to go one after another , to be examin'd , whether they have the qualifications requisite for their admission , as also whether they exceed not the number appointed by the said Constitutions . But , before we come to a particular Account of what passes among the Cardinals in the Conclave , it will not be amiss to say somewhat of what is done in the mean time , in reference to the Government of the City . Upon the News spread abroad of the Pope's death , the Senate and People of Rome , ( that is to say , the Consuls of the City ) being assembled in the Capital , cause it to be publish'd through all the streets by beat of drum , order the prison-doors to be open'd , and set at liberty all they find in restraint , thereby signifying that the Jurisdiction of Rome during the Vacancy of the Holy See , is devoted to them . They order all the Inhabitants to keep a candle lighted at their Window during all that night , and enjoyn the Captains of the several Wards or Quarters , ( whose Companies consist of men , whom the Inhabitants of all Ranks and Orders , ( excepting only both the Roman and Foreign Nobility ) are oblig'd to furnish them withal , to the number of one for every House with their Armes ) to keep strict Guards day and night , every one in their Lodgings , and to take their several rounds and patrouilles , to prevent the disorders which are many times very great , proceeding hence , that such as have been hardly or injuriously dealt with , during the precedent Papacies , do for the most part defer their resentments thereof to the next vacant See ; so that it happens many Murthers and Assassinations may be committed . Not but that Justice is very severely administred at that time , and with greater expedition , then at any other ; but if the Murtherers and other mischievous persons be not surpriz'd in the very Facts , and can make a shift to abscond themselves and keep out of the way till the Creation of a new Pope , they return to their habitations as if they had committed those crimes in some other Countrey . All the Cardinals , Embassadors , Princes and Lords about Rome raise Souldiers for the guarding of their Palaces and their Houses , and they among the Cardinals who have any pretensions to the Papacy are more careful in this particular then the others , by reason of the priviledge the people assume to themselves of pillaging them assoon as they are chosen . There passes not a day without some Processions , which from all Churches and Monasteries take their way to St. Peter's , and about the Conclave , singing as they go the Hymn Veni Creator , to implore the assistance of the Holy Ghost and its Inspirations upon the Cardinals . The Conclave consists ordinarily of three Galleries , aud twenty five or thirty withdrawing-rooms or Chambers , all of a floor , from the Vatican-Palace of equal height with the Gallerie which is over the Portal of St. Peter's , which is the ordinary place of the Benediction given by the Pope to the people after his Coronation , and upon the great Festivals of the year : Which Gallery makes also part of the Conclave . In all which Galleries , rooms and chambers , they make partitions of boards for so many Cells as there are Cardinals . Every Cardinal hath a Cell assign'd him about five paces in length , and about four in bredth , with a little wardrobe proportionable thereto . The Cells are taken by lot , and every Cardinal is to take that the number whereof he finds in his lot : and whereas it happens that the Cardinals are not all of them , during the whole time , confin'd within the Conclave , either upon the account of sickness or absence , the Cells which are not taken up are divided among the next neighbors , who make this advantage only of the absence or indisposition of others , that their rooms are somwhat enlarg'd therby ; but the absent or sick Cardinals , returning into the Conclave , reassume their Cells , and so oblige those who had made use of them to content themselves with their own divisions . They among the Cardinals , who were Creatures of the deceas'd Pope , hang their Cells within and without with Cloth or Serge of a violet colour , and the others with green Serge , all setting up their Armes over their doors , which they make fast only with two staves crossing one the other after the form of a St. Andrews Cross . The Officers and Servants of the Conclave have their quarters assign'd them in some remote part . At three or four avenues of the said Conclave , there are Turning-Boxes , like those in the Monasteries of Nuns , through which the meat sent in to the Cardinals and their Conclavists is received . Their Partizans and Servants attend their meat as they were wont to do their persons when they were at liberty . Before the entrance of the Cardinals into the Conclave , there is a List taken of all the Prelates then about the Court of Rome , and the Governour of it appoints every day , two in the morning , and as many in the afternoon , every one in his rank , to be present at the said Turning-Boxes , to visit and observe whatever is sent in to the Cardinals , to prevent the sending in of Letters or Notes with the meat . They are also to hinder all persons from speaking to them or their Conclavists at the said Boxes , unless they speak aloud , and in the Italian or Latin Tongue , that every one may understand what is said ; inasmuch as by the Constitutions , it is matter of Excommunication to talk of , or to enquire what is done within the Conclave . But notwithstanding all the caution and vigilance us'd as to this particular , yet cannot some abuses be prevented ; and people come to know what passes there . This happens sometimes by the way of Notes or Advertisements in writing , which they find means to get in , either by the connivance of some Prelates , who are unwilling to disoblige the Crowns and Princes , whose Patrizans they are , as they think they should do , by obstructing their having intelligence of what passes . Sometimes also this is attributed to the Cardinals themselves , who do it to promote their different engagements and affections , or to prevent prejudicing their hopes , or that their precautions are really eluded . Another way yet , where there may be a discovery made of proceedings in the Conclave , is , a secret kind of language before-hand , studied and agreed upon between the Conclavists , and their Correspondents , whereof they make their advantages when occasion serves , comprehending under the supposititious termes of houshold-stuffe , Relations , or domestick Affairs , concerning which they enquire News , the Names of such Cardinals as are propos'd , or excluded , or that stand fair for the Papal dignity ; and so by disguiz'd discourses , and an affected Jargon applicable to divers senses , disclosing what is most secretly carried on in the Conclave . Yet is there not any thing to be objected against the shutting up of the Conclave , since it is done with all the exactness imaginable . For the Chimneys are close done up at the tops , and the windows of all the rooms and Galleries are in like manner stop'd to within a foot of the upper part , which small distance is clos'd with course linen cloth , whereby a little light comes in ; but so that if the Cardinals have any occasion to write or read , they must always have a wax-candle standing by them . And thence it proceeds , that not receiving any supplies of fresh air from without , and that within being many times infected and corrupted , they are apt to fall sick , especially when the Conclaves are of long continuance . The twelfth day after the Pope's death ( the first , as hath bin already observ'd being spent in conveying the Body into one of the Chapels of St. Peter's Church , and the nine subsequent days in celebrating Obsequies and singing Dirges for the soul of the deceas'd , and holding the ordinary Congregations at the end of the said Dirges ; and the eleventh , in the Cardinals taking possession of the Conclave , which for all that day lies open to satisfie the curiosity of the people , who come not out of it till three or four houres after night ) all the Cardinals resident about the Court of Rome , having shut themselves up in the Conclave , ina much as by the Constitution of Gregory XV. there can be no warrantable proceeding to the Election , till the shutting up of the Conclave be compleated , and acknowledg'd such by a publick Act , which is made thereof at the request of the Master of the Ceremonies : All these things being thus order'd in the morning of the said twelfth day , before they apply themselves to any thing concerning the Election , the three Cardinals , Chiefs of the several Orders , and the Cardinal Chamberlain give a Commission to some within , to take an exact Survey of all parts of the Conclave , to see that it is close and well shut up of all sides . Which if they find accordingly , after they have made their report thereof to the Company , it is form●d into an Authentick Act , the substance whereof amounts to this , That the Conclave is close and shut up , as it is requir'd it should be by the Constitutions , and accounted and reputed such by the Sacred Colledge of Cardinals . And this Ceremony is so essential , and of so absolute necessity , that there would be a nullity in the Election , which should be made without this precedent Act. And as long as there is no Declaration contrary to that of the shutting up of the Conclave , that is , till such time as it shall have been declared by the Suffrages of two Thirds of the Cardinals , that there is an overture of the said Conclave , it is always accounted and reputed duly shut up ; And the Election which might be made after the publication of the Closure , cannot be disputed as to nullity , under pretence of any overture hapning afterwards , if the Declaration of the Overture had not been made with the advice of two thirds of the Colledge of Cardinals . The Cardinals are permitted to hold their capitulary Assemblies or Congregations , to agree among themselves upon certain Articles , before they engage npon the business of the Election . These Articles are to be sign'd by all , even those which concern the privileges of the Conclavists heretofore mentioned , before or after their entrance into the Conclave , provided always that the Election be not retarded thereby . There is also a further examination made , before they fall upon any thing touching the Election , whether among the Cardinals there be any one that hath not receiv'd the order of Deacon , to the end he might not be admitted to give his voice , inasmuch as he is excluded by the Constitution of Pius IV. unless he had obtain'd permission in writing from the deceas'd Pope to do it . Nay , it hath sometimes heretofore come into debate , whether a Cardinal , on whom silence had been impos'd before the Pope's death , could give his Suffrage for the Election of another Pope ? But this question was decided by Pius V. who , by the Decretal of January 26. 1571. declar'd , that that imposition of silence was only a Ceremony introduc'd only to keep the Cardinals in a certain advertency ( before they were admitted to give their voices and Suffrages , as the Consistories and Congregations wherein they were to assist ) of that modesty and reservedness , which they were oblig'd to express in those and all other Acts , but not to deprive them of their power and principal function , which consists in the Election of a Pope . And this Constitution hath ever since been inviolably observ'd . The shutting up of the Conclave introduc'd at the Council of Lyons , by the constitution of Greg. X. 1274. having therfore bin duly acknowledg'd and verifi'd , the Cardinals ( being advertis'd by the ringing of a Bell to resort to the Chapel Paulina , which is within the compass of the Conclave , if not diverted by sickness ) on the very morning of the twelfth day , go to hear Mass , and communicate , as they are oblig'd to do , and immediately after ought to proceed to the Election . Which Election , at the present , by the Constitution of Gregory XV. confirmed by another since of Urban VIII . cannot be made , otherwise then by one of these three formes and manners following ; to wit , either by way of Inspiration , or by Compromise ; or lastly , by Scrutiny and Access ; all which it is but requisite that we expicate , and make as intelligible as may be , that it may be the more easily comprehensible , with what extraordinary circumspection and wise precautions they are guided , in an affair of so high consequence . The first means or method of choosing the Pope , which they call the way of Inspiration ; or as it is exprest by the Sacred Canons As-it-were-by-Inspiration , is , when all the Cardinals in general , and every one in particular , with a common voice , as being inspir'd by the Holy Ghost , are unanimously agreed , without any one contradicting it , and without any precedent particular treaty , and do freely concur to the acknowledging and proclaiming of such a person Pope . Concerning which manner of Election we are to observe the following Circumstances , which are necessarily requisite by the Gregorian Constitution , which is a perfect Directory , as to the ways of proceeding at Elections , and observ'd at present without any contradiction . The first circumstance is , that this kind of Election cannot be allowably made any where but in the Conclave , and that after the publication of its being duly shut up . The second is , that this Election is to be made by all in general , by every one of the Cardinals in particular , who are present in the Conclave , by a common Suffrage , and without contradiction from any one . The third circumstance is , that there must not have been any precedent Proposal , or particular Treaty , in reference to a choice to be made by this kin● of way , which ought to be clearly ●●…prest by this word Eligo , I chuse , pronounc'd with a loud and intelligible voice , or , for want of pronunciation , to be expresly set down in writing . The Roman Ceremonial gives an instance of an Election , which might be allowably made by this kind of way , which brought in hither will render the business more cle●… . It is said in the forementiond Ceremonial , that if any one of the Cardinals , after publication of the shutting of the Conclave , ( there having not been any precedent particular treaty about the person whom he would propose ) should say , for example , in a full Chapel , addressing his speech to the whole Sacred Colledge , My Lords , having always observ'd the rare and excellent Qualifications and Vertues of my Lord the Cardinal N. and having an esteem for his remarkable Integrity , it is my judgement that we cannot make choice of a worthier subject to be Pope , and thereupon I from this present give him my Suffrage , and chuse him for Pope . And that afterwards all the Cardinals , with one voice , without excepting any one , being of the same opinion , and all of them intelligibly pronouncing one after another the same word , I chuse him ; or not being able to pronounce it , setting it down in writing , that person would be canonically chosen , and acknowledg'd for a true and legitimate Pope , by that way which they call of Inspiration , or As-it-were-by-Inspiration ; which in regard it is immediately attended by Adoration , is thence commonly called the way of Adoration . The second manner of proceeding in the Election of the Pope , is the way of Compromi'se , which is , when the Cardinals , either immediately after their entrance into the Conclave , or wearied out with its long continuance , refer themselves to one or more among them , whom they empower to make provision , in the name of all , of a common Father to the Catholick Church . And this kind of Election is practis'd conformably to the Gregorian Bull , and the conditions and provisions contain'd therein , which may also be reduced to three . The first is , that all the Cardinals in general , and every one in particular , who are present in the Conclave , not one contradicting or opposing it , ought to make a Compromise in writing , whereby they invest those persons whom they take for Compromissaries with an absolute power and faculty to make provision of a Pastor for the Holy Roman Church , yet with an observance of the forme , as also the Clauses and conditions inserted and express'd in the Compromise , and to do it within the time prescrib'd thereby : the said Cardinals , promising to acknowledge and account the person , whom the Compromissaries shall have thus chosen , according to the extent of that power which had been granted them by the Compromise , the true and lawful Pope . The second circumstance is , that it is not permitted any one of the Compromissaries should give himself his own voice , otherwise his Election should be null . The third condition is , that the Compromissaries are oblig'd twice every day to assemble , in order to their conferring together , and promoting the execution of the Compromise ; in the morning immediately after the hearing of Mass , and in the Evening after the recitation of the Hymn Veni Creator Spiritus , and the Prayer of the Holy Ghost , to implore its illuminations upon them . But before they fall upon any thing of business , they are wont to make this Protestation precedent thereto , That they would not be understood to give their consent by all sorts of words or expressions which might fall from them in the heat of the Debate , if they do not expresly set it down in writing . When they have absolutely agreed upon the choice of any person , and have prpos'd him as such to the Sacred College , he it to be immediately acknowledg'd as true Pope , and Canonically elected . These two ways of Inspiration and Compromise are not now much in use ; but the way of Scrutiny , or of Scrutiny and Access joyned together , is the most ordinarily practis'd , wherein there are many Ceremonies to be observed . For the Election of a Pope by this last way , it is requisite , according to the Constitution of Alexander the Third , in the Year of our Lord MCLXXX . made at the Council of Lateran , that there should be two thirds of the voices of the Cardinals ; which hath been confirm'd by subsequent Bulls , and in our Age by those of Gregory XV. and Urban VIII . And it is further requiste , that in the two thirds of the Voices , that of the Cardianl chosen , be not included , inasmuch as there is a prohibition upon pain of nullity of Election for any one to chuse himself , or give himselfe his own voice . They are oblig'd twice every day to take the Scrutiny and the Access ; in the morning , after Mass ; and in the Evening , after the Hymn Veni Creator Spiritus , and the Prayer of the Holy Ghost which are said in the Chapel Paulina at which the Cardinals are oblig'd to be present , if not detain'd by indisposition , immediately , after the third ringing of the Bell. There is a great secrecy to be observ'd in the Scrutiny and Access , and the manner of proceeding therein may be reduc'd to three principal actions . The first is the previous or Fore-Scrutiny ; the second , that of Scrutiny and Access ; and the third , that of the Post-Scrutiny , or what follows the Scrutiny and Access assoon as they are compleated . The particular explication of these three different actions will give us a fuller comprehension of this way of Scrutiny and Access , and give us to understand what it is , by distinguishing them as they are found explicated in the Roman Ceremonial . The Fore-Scrutiny may be distinguish'd into five principal Acts : the preparation of the Billets for the Scrutiny and Access ; the taking out by lots , the names of the Scrutators and Deputies , who are to collect the Suffrages of such as are indispos'd ; that of writing them in the Billets of Access , that of folding them , and that of sealing them . The Masters of the Ceremonies are the persons who take care for the preparation of the Billets , which they cause to be printed according to the forme hereafter set down , as well for the Scrutiny as Access . They put them into two Basins upon a Table before the Altar ; those of the Scrutiny by themselves in one of the Basins , and those of the Access in the other ; in number so many as there are Cardinals . The Figure of the Billet of the Scrutiny is such , that the length exceeds the bredth . It is about a hands bredth in length , and about half as broad . The outside of the Billet comprehends three things ; in the upper part of it are written these words , Ego Cardinalis , with as much distance between the one and the other , as may be requisite for the setting down of the Cardinal's name who gives his voice , and a little lower there are two little Circles denoting the places where the Seal is to be set . In the midst of the Billet are imprinted these words , Eligo in summum Pontificem Reverendissimum D. meum , D. Cardinalem — I chuse for Supream Bishop the most Reverend Lord , my Lord Cardinal . — In the third and lowest part of the Billet are in like manner imprinted two little Circles , denoting also the places of the Seal , and all the rest is blank . The form and figure of the Billets for the Access , is in all respects like that of the Billets of the Scrutiny , save only that in the midst of them , in stead of these words [ Eligo in summum Pontificem Reverendissimum D. meum , D. Cardinalem ] these are inserted , Accedo Reverendissimo D. meo , D. Cardinali , that is to say , I give again my voice to my most Reverend Lord my Lord Cardinal . But these things will be more easily comprehended by exhibiting here the figures of the Billets . The Figure of the Out-side of the Billet of the Scrutiny . Fgo Cird . Eligo in summum Pontificem Rm. D. meum D. Cardin. The Figure of the Out-side of the Billet of Access . Ego Card. Ac●ed● Rev●rendiss . D. m●o Card. Upon the other side of the Billets , as well those of the Scrutiny , as those of the Access , there are imprinted certain Bordures , or Flourishes , one about the midst of the upper part of the Billet , upon which is written the word Nomen , and the other in like manner in the midst of the lower part , upon which is also written the word Signa . The Flourishes were invented purposely to render the Paper the more obseure , and that the names and signes of the Cardinals Electors might not be perceiv'd through it : which will also be more easily understood by an inspection of the Figure here annexed . The Figure of the other side of the Billets of the Scrutiny and Access . Nomen . Signa . The second Act of the Fore-Scrutiny is , that of drawing by lot , the names of the Scrutators and the Infirmaries , who are the Cardinals appointed to go to the Cells of such as are indispos'd ▪ and there to take their Suffrages , which is done in this manner . There are put into a purse as many little Bullets or Balls , hol'd through the middle , about the bigness of Beads , as there are Cardinals in the Conclave , with their Names written in little snips of Parchment roll'd up , and thrust through the holes in the little Bullets , which the Masters of the Ceremonies take care to provide , as they do the Billets . As they are put into the purse they are counted all one after another , in the presence of the Cardinals , and then after they have been well shaken together , the last of the Deacon-Cardinals draws three out of the purse , and they whose names are found in them are chosen for Scrutators , according to the order wherein they are drawn out of the purse . Then they draw out three others for the Infirmaries or Deputies , who are to go to such as are sick . And that done , the little Bullets are return'd into the purse . Twice a day , that is , in the morning and afternoon before the Scrutiny , there is an Election made of the said Officers . But if it happen that they draw the names of any of the Cardinals that are sick , or cannot by reason of some other impediment acquit themselves of the function of the said charges of Scrutators and Infirmaries , there are others drawn in their stead . The third Act of the Fore-Scrutiny consists in setting down what is to be written in the Billets , and in the filling of them by the Cardinals with their own names , and the name of the Cardinal to whom they give their Suffrages , and their Signets . To do this , every Cardinal , according to his rank , beginning with the Dean or most ancient , goes and takes out of the Basin wherein the Billets of the Scrutiny are standing upon the Altar one Billet , and thereupon retiring into one of the two or three little Desks or Seats prepared for that purpose , and furnished with Pen and Ink in the middest of it , or to some other part of the Chapel , so expos'd to the sight of all , that they may easily see him writing , but not discern what is written ; and taking his seat prepar'd also near the Desk , he fills up his Billet thus ; in the upper part he writes between these words [ Ego Cardinalis ] his own name ; in the midst of it he inserts the name of him to whom he gives his voice , with some difference and disguise of character as much as he can , according to the Bull of Gregory XV. that it may not be known by the writing : and in the lower part of the Billet is written some certain number in figures , according to his own phansie , with some sentence out of the holy Scripture , or somewhat of that nature . The figure of a Billet fill'd up will render what we have said more manifest to the eye . The Figure of the Out-side of the Billet of the Scrutiny . Ego Fra. Card. Barb. Eligo in summum Pontificem Rm. D. meum D. Card Ca pineum . 10. In manibus tuis sortes meae . The folding of the Billets is the fourth Act of the Fore-Scrutiny : It is no hard matter to comprehend how it is done . By the fold which is made of the Billet , in the upper part of it , the corners whereof are to be turn'd down upon the marks of the Seal , the name of the Cardinal Elector is cover'd . In like manner , by the folding which is made of the lower part of the Billet , the corners whereof are also to be laid over the marks of the Seal , the Signes are likewise cover'd . After these two foldings , they fold it so often as is requisite to reduce it to the bredth of an Inch or thereabouts . There remains yet the last Act of the Fore-Scrutiny , which consists in sealing the Billets , the form whereof is as easily conceivable , as that of the precedent folding . Every Cardinal before his entrance into the Conclave , must have furnisht himself with a Seal , unknown to the others , purposely grav'd for this occasion , containing some fancy or character , or simple-figure , the impression whereof may be easily perceiv'd . With this Seal the Cardinal makes an Impression on the back of the Billet , at the places design'd by the little Circles , on which the Masters of the Ceremonies , before the putting of the Billets into the Basins , had claqt little bits of red wax . These things thus perform'd , the Cardinals proceed to the second principal Action called the Scrutiny , which the Ceremonial hath distinguish'd into eight particular Acts. These are , the carrying of the Billets to the Altar ; The taking of the Oath ; The putting of the Billets into the Chalice prepar'd for the reception of them ; The mixture which is thereupon made thereof ; The numbring of the Billets ; The Publication of the Scrutiny ; The Filing of the Billets ; And the laving of them aside , either upon some part of the Altar , or upon the Desks of the Scrutators , or in an empty Chalice . The carrying of the Billets to the Altar , the taking of the Oath , and the putting of the Billets into the Chalice , are three acts , so consequent one to the other , that it is no hard matter to make a joynt imagination of them . And to that end , presupposing that every Cardinal hath at the Desk ( as aforesaid ) fill'd up the Billet of the Scrutiny with his own name , the name of him , to whom he gives his voice , and the ordinary signes , that he hath folded it , and seal'd it , according to the precedent explication , he takes the said Billet with the two fore-fingers of the right hand , he carries it openly up to the Altar , where the Scrutators are standing at the Desk , which had been there prepar'd for them ; and being come thither , he falls down on his knees , and makes a short prayer ; after which , rising up , with a loud and intelligible voice , he takes the Oath according to the forme , wherein it is transcrib'd in a Table upon the Altar , in these termes , Testor Christum Dominum , qui me judicaturus est , me eligere , quem , secundum Deum , judico eligi debere , et quod idem in Accessu praestabo . That is to say , I Attest Jesus Christ my Lord , who is to be my Judge , that I chuse him , whom according to God's Will I think fittest to be chosen ; and that I will do the like in the Access . Having thus taken the Oath , he lays his Billet upon the Cover of the Chalice , and with the Cover he puts it into the Chalice , and thereupon making an obeisance to the Altar , he retires to his place . This Ceremony is observ'd by all the Cardinals , who are able to come up to the Altar . For if it happen , that any one of the Cardinals then present in the Chapel is not able , by reason of infirmity , to come up to the Altar , the Junior of the Scrutators takes the Basin , wherein the Billets of the Scrutiny are , and carries it to him , out of which the indispos'd Cardinal having taken a Billet , he secretly fills it up , at his own Desk , folds it , and seals it , as is before-mentioned ; and after he hath taken the foresaid Oath in the place where he is , he delivers his said Billet to the Scrutator , who openly carries it up to the Altar , and without any Prayer or Oath lays it on the Cover , and with the Cover conveys it into the Chalice . The same thing is done towards all the indispos'd Cardinals who are in the Chapel . But as to those Cardinals , who , by reason of sickness are not able to stir out of their Cells , the Infirmary-Cardinals chosen by lot to go and receive their voices , go to the Desk of the Scrutators , and take from their hands a Box with a hole in the upper side of it , having a Lock and Key to it about a hands bredth high . This Box is publickly opened by the Scrutators , before the delivery of it to the Infirmaries , to the end that every one of the Cardinals may see it is empty , and that done they lock it up with the Key , which they lay upon the Altar , and then give the Box to the Infirmaries , who , having taken a little Basin , with as many Billets therein as there are Cardinals sick in their Cells , go to them . The indispos'd Cardinals having taken their Billets out of the Basin , secretly fill them up , fold them , and seal them , and after they have made the ordinary Oath , put them into the hole of the Box. If the Cardinal's sickness be such as that he is not able to write , he makes choice of such person as he thinks fit to fill up his Billet . But the said person so appointed to fill it up , is oblig'd to make Oath before the Infirmary-Cardinals , that he will not reveal the secret then entrusted to him : And this he is bound to do , not only upon the Obligation of the said Oath , but also upon pain of incurring excommunication ipso facto . The Suffrages of the indispos'd Cardinals being thus collected by the Infirmaries , they return to the Chapel , deliver the Box to the Scrutators , who opening it , take out the Billets , which after they have been numbred , they lay , one after another upon the Cover of the Chalices , and with the Cover convey them into the Chalice . But to the end the Scrutiny may not hold too long , and that it may be carry'd on without any interruption , ( as it is requir'd by the Balls ) the Infirmary-Cardinals , before they go to the indispos'd , may fill the Billets with their voices immediately after the Dean-Cardinal ; and then , while the others make the Scrutiny , address themselves to the sick to collect their Suffrages . The mixture of the Billets makes the fourth Act of the Scrutiny , and consists in the shaking of them well in the Chalice with its cover on ; which is performed by the chiefest of the Scrutators , who , to that end , takes the Chalice from the Altar , and holding with one hand by the foot , and having the other upon the Cover , shakes the Billets so as that it may not be discover'd which were put in first , which last . The numbring of the Billets is the fifth Act , immediately following the mixture thereof , and is performed by the Junior of the Scrutators , who takes them one after another out of the Chalice , and counts them , and puts them into another empty Chalice prepar'd for that purpose . If the number of the Billets be not equal to that of the Cardinals , they are all burnt , and without removing out of the place they renew the Scrutiny . But if the number be equal they proceed to the other subsequent Acts of the Scrutiny . The Publication , which is the sixth Act , and ought to be done by the Scrutators sitting at their Desk placed before the Altar , is thus performed . The chief Scrutator takes a Billet out of the Chalice , which he unfolds , without breaking the Seals of it , and having discover'd and seen the name of him to whom the Suffrage is given by the Billet , he delivers it to the second Scrutator , who having also seen the same name puts the Billet into the hands of the third Scrutator , who reads it with a loud and intelligible voice , so as that all the Cardinals present in the chapel may hear it , who having before them their names set down in a printed sheer of paper , wherein opposite to every name there are lines drawn to the right hand and to the left , upon which they make as many dashes as a Cardinal hath voices . Upon 〈◊〉 line on the right hand they are to mark the votes of the Scrutiny , and on that to the left those of the Access . And this Ceremony is observ'd in the publication of all the Billets from the first to the last . Here place the Catalogue . A Figure of the Printed sheet which every Cardinal hath lying before him , where upon to mark the Suffrages of the Scrutiny and Access . Accesse Day Suffrages month   Accesse Day Suffrages , 1667. — R. Fran Barberin —   — ● dono — — R. Ginetti —   — R. Barbarigo — — R. Ant. Barberin —   — R. Arragon — — R. Palotta —   — R. Boncompagno — — R. Branciacco —   — R. Litta — — R. Carpegna —   — R. Corsino — — R. Harach —   — R. Bonelli — — R. Durazzo —   — R. Picolomini — — R. Cabrielli —   — R. Caraffa — — R. Ursino —   — R. Palutio — — R. Fachinetti —   — R. Rasponi — — R. Grimaldi —   — R. De Comitibus — — R. Rosetti —   — R. Nini — — R. Ludovisio —   — R. Roberti — — R. Cybo —   — R. Spinola — — R. Sfortia —   — R. Visconti — — R. Odcscalchi —   — R. Caraccioli — — R. Raggi —   — R. Delphini — — R. ●e Retz —   — R. de Thun . — — P. Homodei —   — R. d'Est — — R. Otthobono —   — R. Donghi — — R. Imperiale —   — R. Rondanini — — R. Borrhomaeo —   — R. Maldachini — — R. Santa-Croce —   — R. de Assia — — R. Spada —   — R. Carl. Barbarino — — R. Albici —   — R. Pio — — R. Aquauiua —   — R. Gualtieri — — R. Chisi —   — R. Azzolini — — R. Ilcio —   — R. Vecchiarelli — — R. Farneze —   — R. Franconi — — R. Rospigliosi —   — R. Manchini — — R. Bonvili —   — R. Celsi — — R. Bichi —   — R. Perretti — — R. Palavicini —   — R. Vendosme — — R. Bandinelli —   — R. Moncada . — Present in the Conclaue — Absent upon sicknesse , from the Scrutiny-Palavicini . Absent from Coart-Arragon . The number is 70. If it should happen in the Publication , that the Scrutators found two Billets so folded together , to any ones thinking , as if they were brought in by one and the same person ; if in both these Billets there should be found one and the same thing , and one and the same Cardinal named , they shall be counted but for one ; but if there be a diversity of Suffrages , neither is worth any thing , yet shall not there be any defect in the Scrutiny upon thar score . Moreover , the publication being compleated , they set down in two or three sheets of paper the names of all the Cardinals who have had voices , with the number of the voices ; to the end , that when there is any occasion , they should not be oblig'd to make any new enumeration of the Suffrages , which the Cardinals might have mark'd and cross'd on the side of their names upon the lines of the printed sheet , of which we spoke before . The two last Acts of the Scrutiny , which are the filing and laying aside of the Billets , are performed by the Junior of the Scrutators , who , after he hath with a loud voice publish'd the name of the Cardinal who hath the Suffrage by a Billet , files the said Billet with a needle provided for that purpose , at the place where the word Eligo is written . And after he hath so filed all the Billets immediately after his publishing them , he tyes a knot on the thing , and then lays them aside , either on some part of the Altar , or on the Desk of the Scrutators , or in an empty Chalice . The third and last principal Action perform'd at the Election of a Pope , by way of Scrutiny is , in the Ceremonial called the Post-Scrutiny ; which , if the Election be compleated by the Scrutiny , ( which very seldom happens by reason of the different Factions in the Conclave ) comprehends three Acts or Circumstances only , to wit , the numbring of the Billets , taking a review of the Suffrages , and burning the said Billets . Bnt if the Pope be not chosen by the Scrutiny , there are seven remarkable Circumstances in the Post-Scrutiny ; to wit , the Access , the opening of the Seals and Signs , the remarks made thereof upon the printed sheet , the examination or confrontation of Suffrages , the review of the Billets , and the destroying of them by fire . The Access therefore , which is the first Act or Circumstance of the Post-Scrutiny , immediately follows the deposition or laying aside of the Billets of the Scrutiny in some part of the Altar or elsewhere , when the Election is not compleated by the Scrutiny ; otherwise , if the Pope were once chosen , there would be no place for the way of Access , inasmuch as it were of no advantage , as being introduc'd to supply the defect of the Scrutiny , whereby , as hath been observ'd , we seldom find the Election compleated , by reason of the diversity of the Factions . There are observed in the Access the same things as in the Scrutiny , as well in reference to the manner of filling the Billets , folding them , sealing them , carrying them to the Altar , and putting of them into the Chalice , as to that of numbring them , and making publicatiou of them , noting the Suffrages , filing and depositing the said Billets aside , save only that there is an observance of these circumstances following . The first is , that the Cardinals go and take their Billets in the Basin of the Billets prepar'd for the Access , which stands upon the Altar , as does that of the Billets for the Scrutiny . The second is , that if a Cardinal be unwilling to give his voice to any one , ( which he is at liberty to do ) he must remember , in the midst of the Billet , in stead of the Cardinal's name , to whom he should have given his Suffrage , to write down the word ( Nemini ) To no body . Now it is to be observ'd , that the Billet of Access is to be fill'd with the same signes ; and seal'd with the same Seals , and as the Billet of the Scrutiny , upon pain of nullity of the Suffrage of Access . The third is , that one cannot make Access , ( that is , give his voice a second time ) to the person of a Cardinal , who had not had at the least one voice by the Scrutiny ; nor yet to the same person to whom he had given his voice by the Scrutiny . The fourth is , that though a Cardinal is not permitted to nominate several persons in the Access , as he is not permitted to choose divers by the Scrutiny , upon pain of nullity of the Suffrage as well of the Access as the Scrutiny ; yet is it lawful for him , to give his voice by Access to one of many who had been nam'd in the Scrutiny , though with nullity of Suffrage , provided he had elsewhere procured of some other a Suffrage , which was not null . The fifth is , That there is no taking of the Oath anew in the Access , in regard it had been done before , for the Scrutiny and Access . The sixth and last circumstance is , that the Infirmaries are oblig'd to carry to the sick Cardinals , with the Billets of Access , one of the sheets upon which they had marked the number of the voices which every Cardinal had in the Scrutiny , publickly and duly verify'd . The second , third , and fourth Acts of the Post-Scrutiny are , the opening of the Seals and Signs of the Billets of Access , the marking of it upon the sheet , and the examination or confrontation of the Suffrages , which are practised only when the Election is compleated by the Scrutiny and Access , and thus put in execution . The chief Scrutator takes the Billets of Access filed , as they were upon the publication of them , and opens only those which contain voices in favour of the Elect , in the lower part of them which comprehends the signes ; then after he hath exactly consider'd the Seals and the said Signes , he presents the said Billets as they are filed to the second Scrutator , who also takes a view of them , and then delivers them to the third , who having made the same observation thereof , does , with a loud and intelligible voice , make publication of the Seals and Signes of the said Billets . That done , he marks down the Seals and Signes on the left side of a sheet of paper ; where these words are imprinted , and under the said words ( Sigilla et Signa Accessuum , that is to say , the Seals and Signes of the Accesses ) which remark may also be made by all the Cardinals , if they think fit so to do , upon the like sheets which they have lying before them , upon their Desks . This done , the said chief Scrutator takes the Billets of the Scrutiny from the place where they had been deposited , in order to the making of an examination or confrontation of the Suffrages which they contain , with those which are brought in by the Billets of Access . And beginning the examination at one of the ends of the string , on which the Billets are filed , he with the two other Scrutators , views the Seal of the first Billet of the Scrutiny , and then seeks it out in the sheet , upon which the Seals and Signes of the Billets of Access were marked . If he find it not there , leaving that first Billet of the Scrutiny , he proceeds to the examination of the second , taking a view again with the other Scrutators of the Seal , and then seeks it upon the same sheet , where not finding any thing like it , he quits the said Billet , to pass on to the examination of the third , and so of all the other Billets , till he meet with the Seal of some one of the Billets of the Scrutiny , mark'd on the said sheet . But having found it , he opens the said Billet at the lower part where the signes are written , to see whether the Signes of the said billet are answerable to the signes marked upon the said sheet : which if they are not , he there quits the billet , and proceeds to the examination of the next , and if he find the signes to be answerable and correspondent to those of the Access , marked upon the said sheet , he shews them to the second and third Scrutators , who all together , after they have maturely considered the correspondence there is between the seals and signs of the billets of the Scrutiny and Access , observe whether in both the billets there be a nomination of one and the same Cardinal , or of divers Cardinals ; For if the same Cardinal be named in both the billets , the Suffrage of the Access is null , in regard that ( as hath been already observ'd ) it is not lawful for any one to give his voice in both the Scrutiny and Access to one and the same person . But if there be a nomination of different persons , the Suffrage of the Access being good , then the third Scrutator does with a loud and intelligible voice publish the Seal , the Signes , and the name of the person elected by the billet of the Scrutiny , and makes a mark thereof upon his sheet under those imprinted words ( Sigilla et signa Scrutinii respondentia Accessibus , that is to say , the seals and signes of the Scrutiny answerable to those of the Accesses ) opposite , and on the side of the seals and signes of the billet of Access , whereto they are answerable , which note and mark all the Cardinals may also make upon their sheets . But these Acts , which are more hard to be explicated , then to be put in execution , are always best understood by Figures thereof . A Figure of the Printed sheet upon which they note and mark the Seals and Signes of the Access and Scrutiny , which are answerable one to the other . Seals and Signs of the Accesses . Seals and Signes of the Scrutiny answerable to those of the Access . Cardinals named in the Scrutiny . ACD 50 Deus . BRF 35 Bonitas ROI 44 Beatitudo . NSP 26 Gl●ria . BRF 35 Bonitas . RGI 44 Beatitudo Card Carpegna . Card S. Clement . Note that the Letters of the Alphabet represent the Seal of the Billets . If it happen , in this examination and confrontation of the Suffrages , that two , three , or some greater number of the billets of the Scrutiny , be found to have the same Seals and Signes with some billet of the Access , as it may come to pass , if the person who is chosen be named in one of the said billets of the Scrutiny , and another Cardinal be named in another of the said billets , then the Scrutator ( his Colleagues observing what he does ) is to open the billet of the said Scrutiny , wherin the said elected person is named , together with that of the Access , at the very place where the name of the Elector is set down , to the end a judgement may be made , according to the Gregorian Constitution , of the validity or invalidity of the Access . For if it be discover'd , that one and the same Cardinal hath given his voice to the elected in the billet of the Surutiny , and by that of the Access there will be an invalidity in the Suffrage of Access , as hath been observed before . But as to the billet of the Scrutiny , wherein he who is elected is not named , it shall not be opened , and the Scrutators shall proceed to the examination and confrontation of the other Suffrages . The fifth Act of the Post-Scrutiny is , the enumeration of the Suffrages either of the Scrutiny alone , or of the Scrutiny and Access together , which is made by the Scrutators , whether the Election ensue thereupon or not ; if it do not ensue , it is done , to the end it may be known in that very Scrutiny , or in the Scrutiny and Access together , whether the Pope be not chosen ; and if the Election do ensue , that it may appear , whether the Pope be canonically chosen or not . Now the enumeration of the Suffrages is perform'd in this mann●r . The Scrutators reduce into one summe all the Suffrages which they have obtain'd , who were named either in the Scrutiny alone , or in the Scrutiny and Access jointly ; and if they siad , that not any one of the persons named , hath got two thirds of the Suffrages of the Cardinals , there is no Election at that time . But if , on the contrary , they discover that any one of the said nominated persons hath got just the two thirds and no more of the Suffrages , they , in that case , open the billet of him who is chosen , at the part where his name stands ; which is the upper part of the billet , to see whether he hath given himself his own Suffrage , which if he hath , the Election is null'd , according to the Gregorian Constitution , by reason of the want of one Suffrage , it being not in his power to give himself his own upon pain of invalidity ; but if he hath given it to another , and that he have two thirds of the Suffrages the Election is compleated . Moreover , if it should happen , that several persons had obtain'd the two thirds of the Suffrages , or possibly some number exceeding the two thirds ; in such case , through the parity and concurrence of the Suffrages , the Election would be null ; but , if there be an inequality , he who surpasses the other in number , though it were but by one voice , is accounted and acknowledg'd for a true and canonically elected Pope . The fixth Act of the Post-Scrutiny is the review which is made , whether there be any Election or not , by the Commissaries , drawn out by lot , to the number of three Cardinals , whom the Bulls call Recognitors , who take cognizance of , and look over , as well the billets of the Scrutiny and Access , as the notes and marks of the Suffrages made by the Scrutators , to verifie and confirm what they have done , if they have acquitted themselves of their Functions , with all the sincerity and fidelity whereto they were oblig'd . The said Commissaries are drawn by lot after the same manner , as the Scrutators and Infirmaries had been ; but still , after the compleating of the Scrutiny , if the Election be made thereby ; if not , after the Scrutiny and Access , as soon as the Scrutators have finished the numbring of the Suffrages . The seventh and last Act of the Post-Scrutiny consists in the burning of all the Billets , which belongs to the Function of the Scrutators , who cast them into the fire in the presence of the whole Colledge , immediately after the review made by the said Commissionated Recognitors , whether there have been any Election , or not . All the things before-mentioned ought to be observ'd twice every day ; in the morning , after Mass ; and in the Evening after the Hymn of the Holy Ghost ; and this , till such time as the Church is provided of a Head and lawful Pastor , which custom hath been introduc'd , to prevent the long continuance of Conclaves . Those persons who pretend to make assured judgments of Elections , are many times mistaken in their Conjectures , not only upon account of the diversity and clashing of interests , but also by reason of the ordinary alterations hapning in the Colledge of Cardinals , by frequent promotions , which strangely invert the course of all proceedings in the Conclave , and destroys all the former measure which might have been taken of an Election . Let not therefore any be over-positive as to what they assert , in a matter so uncertain , and which finds so much exercise for the wits of the Citizens of Rome , whom the Air of the Countrey ordinarily entertains in a certain languishment , whence it comes that they spend the best part of their time in speculative discourse , and political divinations . They for the most part ground their reasonings on certain considerations of the time , when the Vacancy of the See happens , and then from the quiet or disturb'd posture of affairs , draw their consequences in favour of a person to be exalted into the Pontifical Chair in one season rather then another , according to the difference of the humours , and the vigour and force of the person . Some again reflecting on the length of the precedent Papacies , do commonly make their Conclusions in favour of those Cardinals who are well advanc'd in years . For the Sacred Colledge being wearied out with a long-continu'd subjection to the Government of the same person , takes resolutions many times to exercise a right which makes them considerable every where , and causes them to be courted by Crowns and Scepters , and the Princes , in that case pitching their choice upon ancient Cardinals . On the other side again , when it happens that , by reason of the great Age of Popes , the See comes to be too frequently vacant , they endeavour to exalt into the Pontifical Chair a person , who likely to reign some years , may re-establish and settle the Affairs of the Church , which might have receiv'd some prejudice by the frequency of mutations , and so prevent the troubles it would be to the Cardinals to remove themselves from the remote parts of Europe , once every year or two , to be shut up in the Conclave . Moreover , as to the persons whose pretensions are considerable to the Pontifical Chair , there is a consideration had of their engagement to the Kingdoms and Provinces , where they had their birth or extraction . Whence it is affirmed by some , that the chiefest persons among the Italians , nor the Tramontanes , ought not to be advanc'd to the Papacy , not only in order to the avoiding of partialities , but also by reason of the possession , or rather usurpation , which the Italians , from the time of Hadrian VI. are chargeable with , in having not rais'd to the Papal Dignity , but such as have been of their own Countrey , there having been from his time eighteen or nineteen Popes of the several Provinces of Italy , who have successively fill'd the Chair of St. Peter . It is by some insisted on further , that , to be a subject fit for this elevation , he have not many Relations and Friends , that he may make the greater communications of his Grandeur , and that his benefits being not wholly exhausted upon his own Relations , he may exercise greater liberalities towards many others . There are yet some among the Romans guilty of a superstition , which argues them not fully clear'd from the Augural humour of their Ancestors . These discover such an excess of weakness , as , by a kind of Onomancy , to search out of the names of the Cardinals some conjectures of their elevation ; and this out of a persuasion , that a subject , who shall not have in the name of his house the letter R. when the deceas'd Pope had not the said Letter in the name of his House , will hardly be chosen Pope ; and on the other side , that if the said deceas'd Pope had the said letter in the name of his House , the Cardinal who shall in like manner have it in his , can hardly be advanc'd to the Papacy ; by reason of an alternate succession of the names of Families , having , and not having the said letter R. which hath been observ'd to have happen'd without interruption during about fourteen Exaltations to the Papal Chair . There are yet others so weak , as not to content themselves with this kind of superstition , but they must go and pick matter of divination , out of the brazen gates of St. Peter's Church , which they consult as Oracles , by the over-curious Re-searches they make , amongst the diversity of Figures , whereof they are full , for the Armes of those Cardinals who aspire to the Papacy . And so their presages are in his favour , whose chance it is to have his Armes graven in some part thereof , and this upon no other account then that those of the last deceas'd Popes have been found there , which the People immediately after their Election have made the more remarkable by their polishing and clensing . True it is , that there are many of the Colledge of Cardinals , whose Armes may partly be found amongst the numerous multitude of Figures in the said Gates , but without any design of the Artist by whom they were cast . But quitting these vain superstitions , we affirm further , that how strong and considerable soever their reasons may be for the judgment they make of an Election , it happens that they are for the most part mistaken . This disappointment proceeds from the changes hapning in the Conclaves , where parties and Factions are made , for the exclusion or inclusion of subjects , according to the variety of humours , affections and engagements . And as it is the design of every Faction to oppose the Elevation of a subject contrary thereto , so is it the business of it to be assur'd of a third part of the voices in order to the framing of Exclusions , wherein it is no hard matter to have their desire , by reason there is not any Cardinal that aspires to the Papacy , and hath the Qualifications before requir'd , but will readily joyn with all those who would exclude a subject , who might contest with him for the Dignity . And thence it for the most part comes to pass , that they who are thought to stand fairest for the Chair , are always most easily excluded . The Factions most ordinarily fram'd in the Conclaves , are commonly reducible to two or three principal ones , all the rest joyning with the former , according to the different interests which they may have in the inclusion or exclusion of the subjects proposed . The Nephews of the deceas'd Popes are the ordinary heads of Factions , upon whom the Creatures of their Uncles have a certain dependence , and concur with them for the exaltation of those whom they are inclin'd to , and the exclusion of all others , not creatures of their deceas'd Uncles , especially when by reason of their long sitting in the Chair , they had the opportunity to make a great number of promotions . And this is done , to avoid the reproach of not having made choice of Creatures worthy to be advanc'd to so high a dignity , and of being expos'd to the inquisitions and inspections which a Pope , not being of their Creatures , might make into their administration of affairs . The Cardinals Protectors of Crowns are also Heads of Factions , to prevent the elevation of a subject , whom they suspect , or to promote to the Papacy some Cardinal well-affected to their interests . Those Sovereigns whose intentions incline most to justice and moderation , wish only a Common Father ; and yet all many times under that pretence prosecute their own particular advantages . There are also Brigues and Factions upon a National Account , as that of the Roman for instance , so as not to consent to the election of any one to be Pope , unless he be a Roman . Thus it happen'd at the Conclave upon the death of Pope Urban VIII . at which the lately deceas'd Innocent X. a Roman born was chosen . Nay , there are some Factions which carry on their designes with that subtilty and independency on the other Factions , that they make no publick profession of their declaring themselves for any in particular ; and to follow their own inspirations for the advancement of such as are propos'd to the Papacy ; and so vote for those whom they in their consciences think worthy of that Dignity . These are easily induc'd to joyn with any of the others , either for the exclusion of those whom they think unworthy of that Elevation , or to give their Suffrages with those whom they think ably qualify'd to maintain with reputation the dignity of Head of the Catholick Church . This diversity of Factions when they are of equal strength , so as the voices are equally parted , is ordinarily the cause of the long continuance of Conclaves . For being equally in a capacity of excluding the subjects propos'd of either side , and each of them promoting the elevation of those whom they are inclin'd to , the Heads of the said Factions make it their only business to hinder the Cardinals of their party , of whose voices they think themselves assur'd from ever giving their said voices in the Scrutiny , to any of the subjects propos'd whom they would exclude . And the design in this is , that the said propos'd subjects wanting still above a third part of the Suffrages cannot be chosen Popes against their consent , as it might happen by the Access , if any of the said Cardinals of the contrary party had given them their voices in the Scrutiny . And hence it comes , that there are very few instances of any Pope chosen by the way of the Scrutiny alone . But whereas none of the said Head-Factions can be fully assur'd of the voice of a Cardinal , by reason of the secret of the Scrutiny , which hinders the discovery of those who may change parties , and that whatever engagement any Cardinal may have made to the said Head Factions , either by word , oath , promise , or upon the score of gratitude , affection , or otherwise : he is dispenc'd from it by the late Bulls of Gregory XV. and Urban VIII . besides the precautions there are , that he be not suspected of having been wanting to his engagement , whereof he may avoid the blame and reproach by means of the secret of the Scrutiny , it happens many times ; that the said leading Factions are mistaken in the computation of their Suffrages , and they want voices , yet cannot discover whence that want proceeds and when they think themselves the most assur'd of an exclusion , one or two of their own Partizans having chang'd their humour or inclination , oither upon some disgust receiv'd , or greater hopes of establishment elsewhere , or other private considerations , and transferring their Suffrages to another party , some other is chosen Pope , who 't was imagin'd would never have attain'd that dignity . And whereas many among them , to prevent the elevation of such as they suspect , bestow their Suffrages , as it were , at random on some other Cardinals , whom they presume not fit to be advanc'd to the Pontifical Chair , it happens sometimes that some one is chosen Pope , who had not been thought of before ; so that what may be most securely affirm'd of these matters is , that we cannot make any certain judgment of Elections ; and that , through ways wholly opposite to those which humane policy had contriv'd , a more transcendent wisdom presiding over these great dispensations , disposes of them quite otherwise , and turns and winds the spirits of those concern'd therein correspondently to those designes which it hath from all eternity over the conduct of the Church . Assoon as any one is chosen Pope , the two principal Deacon-Cardinals conduct him from the place where they find him behind the Altar , where they vest him with the black Cassock , the Roquet , the Camail , and the red or white Calotte or Cap , according to the season , and put on his Slippers or Pantofles with the gilt Cross on them ; they then bring him before the Altar , and set him in a Chair , where all the Cardinals come to adore him , that is to say , kiss his feet , hands and cheek . Thence he is carried to St. Peter's Church , where he is seated on the high Altar , and the Cardinals render him again the same Homage : then the Canons of the said Church come up to kiss his feet : and then he is carried to the ordinary apartment of the Popes , and the Cardinals retire to their Palaces . The first thing that is broken about the Conclave is that part of the walls which shuts up the Lodg of the Benediction over the Portal of the Church ; There the principal Deacon-Cardinal goes and places the Cross , and cries out to the people Vivat N. who is made Pope , and hath assum'd the name of N. Some days after the Pope is crown'd in St. Peter's Church . To that end , the Cardinals , the Embassadors of Princes , and the principal Lords about the Court wait on him at his Apartment , whence they accompany him to the Church , and even into the Sacristy , whether he is carried in a Chair . There he is clad in his Pontifical habit , and at his coming out thence , he ascends a portable Theatre , upon which stands his Pontifical Chair , and is so carried up to the Altar , cross the Church , then ordinarily full of people assembled to see that Ceremony . Nay , in some parts of the Church , there are Scaffolds set up for the principal Lords and Ladies of eminent quality , who are desirous to be Spectators of that celebrious Action . He is preceded by the Cardinals and Embassadors , while all the people kneeling echo out their acclamations of Long live Pope N. Just at his coming out of the Sacristy , and his going up the said Theatre , is performed the Ceremony of setting fire to Flax fastned at the end of a stick , and held up as high as his person , with these words , Sancte Pater , sic transit gloria mundi ; Holy Father , thus does the glory of the world pass away , as an advertisement to him , that he suffer not his heart to be surpriz'd with vanity , at that Elevation , while he sees all the people under his feet . In the midst of the Church the same Ceremony is reiterated , and is again performed a third time , when he is come up to the Altar . Being come down from the Theatre , he says a Pontifical Mass , whereat the most eminent amongst the Embassadors or Princes , who had accompany'd him , minister to him at the washing and presenting the Towel . At which Mass there are some extraordinary prayers said , as we find them in the Ceremonial . The Mass ended , he is carried to the Lodge of Benediction , where in the Presence of all the people then assembled , in the spacious place of S. Peters , the Chief Deacon-Cardinal takes off his Mitre , and sets on his head the three Crowns , or Triple-Crown , telling him , that he is to consider himself from thenceforward as the Common Father of Kings and Princes , for the maintenance of Peace amongst them . That done , he gives the Benediction , and is afterwards carried back to his Apartment . There is yet another thing he is to do after his Coronation , which is to go and take possession of his Bishoprick , which is St. John's of Lateran . To do that , he appoints what day he thinks fit . The streets through which he is to pass are hung with Tapistry , and there are some Triumphal Arches erected , representing the most remarkable Actions of his Holiness's life . And this is the order of the Cavalcade and Procession . Four light Horsemen of the Guard go first to clear the way , then come the Carriers of the Valises and Mails belonging to the Cardinals , then the Judges and Fiscalls of the Covernour of Rome , the Gentlemen of the Retinue of the Cardinals ; Then all the Princes and Roman Lords , who ordinarily go confusedly , to avoid contesting about precedence , and have belonging to them a great number of Pages and Halberdiers sumptuously cloath'd . Then follow the ordinary Gentlemen of the Pope's House in Scarlet Robes . Then the white Gennets presented every year by the King of Spain , by way of Homage for the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily , are led one after another , having their Harness of Crimson-Velvet , with fringes of gold , and bosses of silver ; then come the white Mules , and three Litters , one of Scarlet , and the others of Crimson-Velvet both within and without , and gold fringes . Then the Pope's Trumpeters ; his Taylor carrying his Valise ; and the ten Officers of the Palace ; the Consistorial Advocates in Garments of a violet-colour , furr'd with Ermine about the neck : all the honorary Camerarii in violet Cassocks and scarlet Cloaks , four of whom carry at the end of a staffe , every one of them , a Hat of the Pope of Crimson Velvet , with fringes of gold . Then follow several Roman Gentlemen , who have been Conservators ( that is to say , Consuls ) in their Garments and Caps of black Velvet , and after them the Apostolical Prelates in black Garments . The Auditors of the Rota in their ordinary habit , the Master of the Sacred Palace , who is always a Jacobin-Frier , the Embassador of Bologna and Ferrara , the Captains of the several Quarters of Rome , richly clad , and the principal of them , whom they call their Prior , is in a Garment of Cloth of Gold , marching between the two Chancellors of the Roman people ; Then the three Conservators of Rome in Vests of Cloth of Gold , and Caps of black Velvet , and their Horse-cloathes with fringes of Gold ; On their left hand do ordinarily march the Chiefs of the houses of the Ursini's and the Col●●●…i's , or one of them , when they cannot agree about precedence ; Then come the Embassadors , and after them the Cross-Bearer , and with the Cross of his Holiness , the four Masters of the Ceremonies , with red Cassocks and violet Cloaks ; fourscore Estaffiers of the Pope's , for he is oblig'd at his coming to the Papacy to take all the most ancient Standers among the Estaffiers of the Cardinals and Embassadors of Crowns , whom they call Palfreniers , to distinguish them from the Estaffiers of persons of a lower rank , ( as in France , they who are called Lacqueys , when related to persons of of ordinary Quality , are named Valets de pied , when they belong to Royal persons and Princes : ) Then follows the Governour of Rome , and after him the Pope's Pages , when he has any , follow afoot , and bare-headed . Next them immediately is conducted the Pope himself in a close Litter , having on each side of him the two grand Overseers of the High-ways , clad in black , on Horseback , and bare-headed , and all those who march between the Pope's Cross and his Holiness , what condition or quality soever they be of , are oblig'd to be uncover'd . After his Holiness follow all the Cardinals mounted on their Mules , the Patriarchs , Arch-Bishops , Bishops and other Prelates , two and two , every one according to their Quality : and the whole Pomp is brought up and clos'd by the two Companies of the light Horsemen of his Holiness's Guard , armed cap-a-pied . Being come to St. John of Lateran's , the Pope puts off his ordinary Habit , and puts on the Mitre and Hood , and takes up his Seat in a Throne which is prepar'd for him in the entrance of the Church , where the Canons of it come and kiss his feet . Then he goes to the Church-door , which he finds shut ; They give him the Key to open it ; Te Deum is sung , after which the Pope ascends into the place of Benediction , whence he gives it to all the people assembled below . As all the Pope's Tribunals cease during the vacancy of the See , so they begin not their Functions again till after the Pope's Coronation , upon which all Affairs reassume their ordinary course . FINIS . A CATALOGUE of the Names ; Surnames and Dignities of the Cardinals at the Elections of Clement IX . May 1667. Names and Dignities . Countrys . Crtations CARDINALS Bishops .     1. FRancis Bishop of Ostium , D●a● , or the must ancient Cardinal of the sacred Colledge , Cardinal Barberin Vice-Chancellor of the Roman Church and Summiste , Arch-Priest of the Church of St. Peter . AFlorentine . Urban viii . Oct. 2. 1623. 2. Martio Bishop of Porto Cardinal Ginetti , Vicar to his H●liness . Of Velitra Urb. viij . Aug. 30. 1627. 3. Anthony Barberin B. of Palestrina Cardinal Antonio , Chamberlain of the Roman Church , Pref●ct of the Signature of Fa●our and Briefs , Arch-Priest of St. Mary Major . A Roman . Urb. viij . Aug. 30. 1627. 4. Iohn Baptist B. of Frascati , Cardinal Palotta . Dela Marche d' Ancona . Urban viij . No. 29. 1629. 5. Francis Maria B. of Sabina , Cardinal Brancaccio , B. of Viterbo . A Neapolitane . Urb. viij . No. 28. 1663. 6. Ulderic B. of Albano , Cardinal Carpegna . Of Urbin Urb. viij . No. 28. 1633. CARDINAL PRIESTS     7. Ernest Adelbert of the title of S. Praxeda , chiefest of the Priests , Cardinal of H●rrach , Archbishop of Prague . A Germane . Urb. viij . Jan 19. 1626. 8. Stephen of the title of S. Laurence in Lucina , Cardinal Durazzo . A Genoese . Urb. viij . No. 23. 1633. 9. Julius of the title of S Prisca , Cardinal Gabrielli Bishop of Ascoli . A Roman Urb. viij . Dec. 16. 1641. 10. Virg●nio , of the title of S. Mary of the Angels , Cardinal U●fino . A Roman Urb. viij . Dec. 16. 1641. 11. Caesar of the title of the Four Crowns . Cardinal Faceh netti , B. ●f Spoletum . A Bolonian . Urb. 8. July 13. 1643. 12. Hierome of the title of the Holy Trinity in Monte Pencio , Cardinal Grimaldi Arch-B . of Aix . A Genoese . Urb. viij . July 13. 1643. 13. Charles of the title of S. Silvester in Capite Card. Rosetti , B. of Faenza . Of Ferrara Urb. viij . July 13. 1643. 14. Nicholas , of the title of St. Marytrans Tiberim , Card. Ludovisio Grand Penitentiary . A Bolonian Innoc. x. Mar. 6. 1645. 15. Alderan , of the title of S. Pudentiana , Card. Cybo , B. Axinus , or Axinas . Of Masle Innoc. x. Mar. 6. 1645. 16. Frederic , of the title of S. Peter ad Vincula , Card. Sfortia . A Romane Innoc. x. Mar. 6. 1645. 17. Benedict , of the title of S. Onuphrius , Card. Odescalchi . Of Come . Innoc. x. Mar. 6. 1645. 18. Laurence , of the title of SS . Quiricia and Julitta , Card. Raggi . A Genoese . Innoc. x. Oct. 7. 1647. 19. John-Francis-Paul , de Gondy , of the title of St. Mary super Minervam , Card. de Retz . A Frenchman . Innoc. x. Feb. 19. 1652. 20. Louis of the title of S. Alexis , Card. Homodei . A Milaness . Inn. x. Feb. 19. 1652. 21. Peter , of the title of S. Mark , Card. Otthobono . A Venetian Inn. x. Feb. 19. 1652. 22. Laurence of th● title of S. Chrysogon , Cardin●l Imperiale . A Genoese . Innoc. x. Febr. 19. 1652. 23. Gilbert , of th● title of SS John and Paul , Cardi●al Borromeo . A Milaness . Innoe . x. Febr. 19. 1652. 24. Marcel , of the title of S Stephen in Monte Celio Card. Sainte Croix B. of Tivoli . A Romane . Innoc. x. Febr. 19. 1652. 25 Jo. Baptist , Of the title of S. Marcel , Cardinal Spada . Of Lucca . Innoc. x. Mar. 2. 1654. 26. Francis , of the title of S. Mary in Via , Cardinal Albici . A Florentine . Innoc. x. Mar. 2. 1654. 27. Octavius , of the title of S. Cecily , Card. Aquaviva . A Neapolitan . Innoc. x. Mar. 2. 1654. 28. Flavius , of the title of S. Mary del populo , Card. Ghisi , Arch-Priest of the Church of S. John Lateran , Library-Keeper of the Roman Church , and Legat of Avignon , Prefect of the Signature of Justice . Of Sienna Alex. vij . Apr. 9. 1657. 29. Scipio , of the title of S. Sabina , Card Ilcio . Of Sienna . Al. vij . Ap. 9. 1657. 30. Hierom , of the title of S Agnes , Card. Farneze . A Romane . Al. vij . Ap. 9. 1657. 31. Julius , of the title of S. Sixtus , Card. Rospigliosi . Of Pistoya . Al. vij . Ap. 9. 1657. 32. Hierom of the title of S. Hierom of the Illyrians , Card. Bonvisi B. of Lucc . Of Lucca . Alex. vii . Apr. 9. 1657. 33. Anthony , of the title of S. Augustine , Card. Bichi B. of Osimo . Of Sienna . Alex. vii . Apr. 9. 1657. 34. Sforza , of the Society of Jesus , of the title of S. Saviours in Lauro , Cardinal Palavicini . A Roman . Alex. vii . Apr. 9. 1657. 35. Volumnio , of the title of S. Martin , in Montibus , Card. Bandinelli . Of Sienna . Alex. vii . Apr. 9. 1658. 36. Peter , of the title of S. Calixtus , Card. Vidoni B. of Lodi . Of Cremona . Alex. vii . Apr. 5. 1660. 37. Gregory , of the title of S. Thomas in parione , Card. Barbarigo B. of Pavia . A Venetian Alex. vii . Apr. 5. 1660. 38. Paschal , of the title of S. Balbina , Card of Aragon , Arch-bishop of Toledo : A Spaniard Alex. vii . Apr. 5. 1660. 39. Hierom , of the title of SS . Peter and Marcellin , Card. Boncompagno , Arch-bishop of Bolonian A Bolonia . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 40. Alphonsus , of the title of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem , Card. Litta Arch-bishop of Milan . A Milaness . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. Al. vii . Jan. 41. Nerio , of the title of SS . A Florentine . 14. 1664. Nereus and Aquileius , Card. Corsino , Legat of Ferrara .     42. Charles , of the title of S. Anastafia , Card. Bonelli . A Roman . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 43. Caelio , of the title of S. Peter in monte Aureo , Card. Piccolomini . Of Sienna . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 44. Charles , of the title of S. Susan , Card. Caraffa , Legat of Bolonia . A Neapoitane . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 45. Palutio Palutio Albertonio , of the title of the Church of the 12 Apostles , Card. Palutio , B. of Montefiascone . A Romane . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 46. Caesar , of the title of S. John ad portam Latinam , Card. Rasponi Legat of Urbin . Of Ravenna . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 47. John Nicholas , of the title of S. Mary trans pontem , Card. de Comitibus B of Ancona . A Roman . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 48. James , of the title of S. Mary of Peace , Card. Nini . Of Sienna . Alex. vii . Jan. 14. 1664. 49. Charles , of the title of — Card. Roberti . A Roman . Al. vii . Feb. 15. 1666. 50. Julius , of the title of — Card. Spinola . A Genoese . Al. vii . Fe. 15. 1666. 51. Vitalian , of the title of — Card. Visconti . A Milanes● . Al. vii . Fe. 15. 1666. 55. Innico , of the title of — Card. Caracciola , Arch B. of Naples . A Neapolitane . Alex. vii . Feb. 19. 1666. 53. John , of the title of — Card. Delphini , Patriarch of Aquileia . AVenetian Alex. vii . Mar. 7. 1667. 54. Guibald , of the title of — Card. de Thun , Arch-B . of Salsbourg . CARDINAL Deacons . A German Alex. vii . Mar. 7. 1667. 55. Raynald , of the title of St. Nicholas in carcere Tulliano , Principal Deacon , Card. d' Est . A Modenese . Urban viii . Dec. 16. 1641. 56. John Stephen , of the title of S. Agatha , Card. Donghi , B. of Ferrara . A Genoese . Urban viii . July . 13. 1643. 57. Paulus Emilius , of the title of S. Mary in Cosmedin , Card , Rondanini B. of Assisium . A Roman . Urban viii . Jul. 16. 1643. 58. Francis , of the title of S. Mary in Via lata , Card. Maldachini . Of Viterbo Innoc. x. Oct. 7. 1647. 59. Frederic , of the title of S. Caesarius , Card. of Affia . A German . Innoc. x. Febr. 19. 1652. 60. Charles Barberin , of the title of S. Angelo , in foro piscium , Card. Carlo . A Roman . Innoc. x. Jun. 13. 1653. 61. Charles , of the title of S. Eustace , Card. Pio. Of Ferrara . In. x. Mar. 2. 1654. 62. Charles , of the title of Of Orvieto In. x. Ma. 2. 1654. S. Pancrace , Card. Gualtieri , Arch-B . of Ferme .     63. Decio , of the title of S. Adrian , Card. Azzolini . Of Ferme . Innoc. x , Mar. 2 , 1654. 64. Odoard , of the title of SS . Cosmus and Damianus , Card. Vecchiarelli , B. of Reate . of Reate . Alex. vii . Apr. 9. 1658. 65. James of the title of S. Mary in Aquino , Card. Franconi . A Genoese . Alex. vii . Ap. 9. 1658. 66. Francis Maria , of the title of SS . Vitus & Modostus , Card. Mancini . A. Roman . Alex. vii . Apr. 5. 1660 67. Angelus , of the title of S. George , Card. Celsi . A. Roman . Al. vii . Ja. 14. 1664. 68. Paul , of the title of S. Mary de Scala , Card. Sabelli Perretti , Legat of Romaniola . A. Roman . Al. vii . Ja. 14. 1664. 69. Lewis — Card. of Vendosme . A Frenchman . Alex. vii . Mar. 7. 1667. 70. Lewis — Card. of Moncada . A Sicilian . Alex. vii . Mar. 7. 1667. In all LXX . Whereof Urban VIII . created VI. Bishops , VII . Priests , and III. Deacons . Innocent X. created XIV Priests and VI. Deacons . And Alexander VII . created XXVII . Priests , and VII . Deacons . FINIS . 
A36261	----	Two short discourses against the Romanists by Henry Dodwell ... Dodwell, Henry, 1641-1711. 1676 Approx. 192 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 131 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A36261 Wing D1825 ESTC R1351 11781896 ocm 11781896 49109 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36261) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49109) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 529:10) Two short discourses against the Romanists by Henry Dodwell ... Dodwell, Henry, 1641-1711. [88], 31, 21, 120 [1] p. Printed for Benj. Tooke ..., London : 1676. Each part has special title page. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. I. An account of the fundamental principle of popery, and of the insufficiency of the proofs which they have for it -- II. An answer to six queries proposed to a gentle women of the Church of England, by an emissary of the church of Rome. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. Papacy. 2005-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-07 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-07 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Liber cui Titulus , Two Discourses against the Romanists , &c. Authore H. Dodwell , IMPRIMATUR , Geo. Hooper , R mo D n● Archiepiscopo . . Cantuar. à Sacris Domest . Junui 8. 1676. TWO SHORT DISCOURSES Against the ROMANISTS . 1. An Account of the Fundamental Principle of Popery , and of the insufficiency of the Proofs which they have for it . 2. An Answer to Six Queries proposed to a Gentlewoman of the Church of England , by an Emissary of the Church of Rome . By HENRY DODWELL M. A. and sometimes Fellow of Trinity Colledge near DVBLIN . LONDON , Printed for Benj Tooke , and are to be sold at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . 1676. AN ACCOUNT OF THE Fundamental Principle OF POPERY , As it is a Distinct Communion ; AND Of the insufficiency of the Proofs which they have for it . WITH A PREFACE concerning the Vsefulness of this Undertaking . By HENRY DODWELL . LONDON , Printed for Benjamin Tooke . 1676. A PREFACE Concerning the USEFULNESS Of the following HYPOTHESIS . § . 1. THough I cannot undertake for what is mine in the management of the following Discourse ; yet as to the design ( for which I am wholly beholden to the Goodness of my Cause , and the intrinsick reasonableness of the Evidences which prove it good ) I think I may , without Immodesty , affirm that , if it hold , it must be of universal use with them of the Roman Communion . use I § . 2. For 1. it must be of great use for the Laity and the Vulgar , who either have not the Abilities , or cannot spare the time , which would be requisite for Enquiring into the particular Disputes , to have the Controversies reduced into a narrow compass . And especially if these few things , to which they are reduced , may suffice for securing the Duty incumbent on such Persons as well as if the Enquiry had been more minute ; and when withal the Evidence , on which their Resolution depends , is suited to the capacity of that sort of persons . Now all these things are provided for by the following Hypothesis . § . 3. All the Disputes between us are reduced to this one of the Popes Supremacy over the Catholick Church diffusive . As for our Differences in Other Particulars , it is here proved , that , if we be not mistaken in This , themselves either cannot charge us with Errour , or not with any Errour of that consequence as may excuse them , either for Separating from our Communion , or for that rigorous Imposing their own Opinions which are contrary to it . § . 4. And this does indeed effectually secure the Duty of Ordinary Laicks in this whole affair . For the Obligation incumbent at least on such Persons who are not , by their particular Calling , obliged to Enquire , can only be to know so much as may secure their Christian Practice ; and that is sufficiently secured by due adhering to that Communion where they may reasonably expect the performance of those Divine Promises which are conveyed in the use of the Sacraments , and the other Ordinary Means of Grace , so that the main concernment of such Persons is this , to know where such a Communion is to be had . Now the solving of this Question appears from the Principles here laid down , sufficient to decide the whole Dispute concerning the true Communion . If it should prove true that the Pope has this Authority over the Catholick Church diffusive , it would follow that his particular Church must be the Catholick Church virtual , and so must have a Title to all those Promises made to the Catholick Church in the Scriptures ( thus much at least will follow , even according to their Hypothesis who do not pretend that these Promises reach so high as Infallibility ) and therefore that they were obliged to submit to Active Obedience , to all Lawful Impositions , and Passive even in Unlawful ones , so that in all Cases it would be Unlawful to joyn with any other Communion in opposition to it . And on the other side , if it prove false , it will plainly follow that it is unlawful , either for those who are already in that Communion to continue in it , seeing they cannot continue in it without being accessary to the Divisions of Christendom by abetting a Tyrannical Power over it ; or for others to desert their own Communion to come to the Roman , which cannot on those Principles , be done with any such pretence of Necessity as may excuse their Separation from being Schismatical . § . 5. The Evidence also into which this Dispute is ultimately resolved , must needs be such as must be suitable to the meanest capacity that is capable of acting prudently in this great affair ( and certainly every one is in Interest , as well as Duty , obliged to make use of his utmost . Prudence in a matter wherein his greatest Interests are so nearly concerned ) For the meanest Prudence that is , will require that where they cannot choose their way , there at least they should choose their Guide . And it is only the Authority of the Pope as a Principle of Unity , and of the Church adhering to him as a Guide in Controversies , of which this Hypothesis allows them a Liberty to judge , in order to their own private satisfaction . And as the matter is such , concerning which the meanest Prudence , that can deserve the name of Prudence , is obliged to judge , so the Evidence is such as every one must be capable of judging who is capable of being Prudently and Rationally a Christian. For the very Truth of Christianity it self , in reference to us in this Age , must be proved by Historical Testimonies of the Miracles by which it was attested from the beginning ; and the Canon of the Scripture must be proved by the Testimonies of those by whom the Scriptures were delivered . And it is the same Historical Testimony , whether of express Scripture , or of express Tradition , to which they are here referred for the proof of this Supremacy of the Pope : and the Subject concerning which this Testimony was to be given , could not but have had so general an influence on their Practice ( if they had acknowledged any dependence on this Supremacy ) as that it must have been as notorious to them who gave it , as those Miracles , or that Canon ; and therefore their Testimony must have been as Credible in one Case as in the other . § . 6. Besides that the Negative Argument ( which I here make use of ) is much less Questionable than the Affirmative . That is , there is much more reason to doubt of a pretended Tradition , if it be not expresly mentioned in the Primitive Authors , ( and doubting is sufficient for my purpose , to overthrow the Credit of that which pretends to be an Article of Faith ) than to believe a thing to have descended from the Apostles , because those Authors pretend it did so . For in their Affirmations they many times deliver what they think on their own Conjectural Reasonings , wherein they are as Fallible as others . But what they have not mentioned , if it be not allowed to conclude that they knew it not , and that therefore there was then no Historical Evidence for it , seeing that could not have escaped their knowledge ; yet thus much at least will follow that we cannot be satisfied that they had any such Evidence , which is enough to render it doubtful to us whether it were an Apostolical Tradition . Now that they did not mention this Supremacy , I do not desire the Ignorant to take the bare word of our Authors ; but I am content that they trust their own Judgments concerning the passages produced , as far as they are capable of judging them ; or where they find themselves unable , that there they acquiesce in the Confessions of candid , learned Men , though of our Adversaries Communion . Which is no more than what they themselves count Prudent in the like Cases , when they occurr in the management of their secular affairs . use II § . 7. Nor is it only thus Convenient , but it is almost Necessary , in dealing with our Adversaries , to begin , at least , with this Fundamental Principle . For till they be convinced of the Fallibility of their Guide , all the Reasons produced against them are only taken for Temptations and tryals of the stedfastness of their Implicite Faith. And , in affairs of this nature , they are taught to distrust their own Judgment ( nay , in matters of Faith the most Learned Clergy are taught to do so , as they are considered in their private capacity , as well as the more ignorant Laity ) and they are further taught that , in such matters , their Faith is by so much the more excellent and meritorious , by how much more it captivates their Understandings ; and that this captivating of their Understandings implies a denial of their own Judgments when different from that of their Superiors . Now upon these terms it is impossible to deal with them by particular Reasonings . For the utmost that can be expected from the clearest Reasonings , is , that their private Judgments may be convinced by them . But if , when this is done , they distrust their own Judgments , nay , think themselves obliged to deny their own Judgments in complyance with that of their Superiors , nay , take it to be the greater glory of their Faith to deny the greater and more powerful Convictions ; it will then follow that , by how much more Conscientiously they Act according to their own Principles , by so much the less capable they must be of this kind of Reasoning . It must needs be in vain to urge them with such Reasons , by which they will not be tryed , though they should indeed prove convictive , and that to their own Understandings . § . 8. Nor indeed is it rational to expect that they should be otherwise disposed , pursuant to their Principles . For all Prudent Considerers of things will confess , that one direct proof that a thing is actually True , is more considerable than many Probabilities to the contrary . Especially if the direct proof be of it self stronger than any contrary Objection ; as indeed no Objection can be so sufficient to prove any Proposition false , as the Infallibility of the Proponent is to prove it true . Which must the rather hold , considering that they take the judgment of their Judge of Controversies for an adaequately-infallible Proof ; never remembring that , though indeed the Spirit of God be Infallible , yet , the Arguments whereby they prove their Judge of Controversies so assisted by that Spirit as to partake of its Infallibility , that is , so assisted , as that their Judge of Controversies shall Infallibly follow the Infallible Guidance of the Spirit ( otherwise themselves cannot pretend that all assistance of the Spirit must infer Infallibility , unless they will grant that every good Christian is Infallible , because they cannot deny that he is so assisted ) I say , these Arguments are only Moral , and such as may , in many Cases , be exceeded by Arguments taken from the nature of the thing ; and that the Consequence must follow the weaker part ; so that still their Faith can be no more than morally certain , though their Judge of Controversies were granted to be Infallible in regard of his assistance . § . 9. Yet even so , it should be remembred on our part , that no Arguments were fit to be admitted against the sense of an infallible Judge , but such as might exceed those whereby their Judg of Controversies seems to them to be proved Infallible ; which would cut off many of those Arguments which are used in the particular Disputes . But beginning at their First Principle , it is easie to shew that they are obliged to take our Arguments into serious consideration , and to determine according as they judge Reasonable in their private Judgments . For the Judge of Controversies cannot , in reason , oblige them to captivate their Understandings to it self , till it be proved . And the Arguments here used are Antecedent to that Proof . And when upon examination of the Credentials of the Judge of Controversies , their proof of such a Judge shall be found insufficient , they will then , and not till then , have reason to trust their private Judgments in the particular Disputes . And then , and only then , the particular Disputes may be likely to obtain an equal hearing from such of them as are truly Conscientious . use III § . 10. Besides , if this Hypothesis hold true , it will be very useful both to retain several in the Reformed Communion , and to bring several others over from the Roman , who are already by their Principles disposed for the Reformation . 1. There may be several , who , in the particular Disputes , may probably incline to the Roman side , and yet have an abhorrence for the Roman rigour in those principal ones concerning Infallibility , and the Popes Supremacy . These , if they may be perswaded that they may be admitted to that Communion without professing the Belief of those Principles to which we are as yet to suppose them so very averse , may be tempted to think it lawful to joyn themselves in Communion with them . This seems plainly to have been Mr. Cressy's Case , whose entrance into that Communion was very much facilitated by the account of Infallibility given him by Dr. Veron , whereby he was perswaded that it was only a School-term , not used in the Decrees of any received Councils , no nor any way expresly defined , and that the use of it would not be exacted from him by their Church as a Condition of her Communion . For he acknowledges he had formerly believed that this main ground of the Roman Religion ( so he calls it ) namely the Infallibility of that Church was as demonstratively confutable as any absurdity in Mathematicks . And particularly he confesses that Mr. Chillingworth's Arguments against it had to him appeared unanswerable ; and that his Book alone had the principal influence on him to shut up his entrance into Catholick Unity . But it is here proved that whatsoever may be thought of the Word ( concerning which more may be said than was observed by Mr. Cressy's Friends , but that it is unnecessary to say it on this occasion ) yet the Thing must necessarily be maintained by them on the same Principles by which they have presumed to censure the Reformation , and in that very sense wherein our Arguments are so conclusive against it . It is very strange to me , and seems disagreeable , I will not say to that Candor , but that accurateness , which was observed by him in that Enquiry , that he could pretend that it was the Word Infallibility against which Mr. Chillingworth's Arguments had been so successful , or that he could satisfie himself with that pretence in a matter of that importance . Indeed , if his Arguments had been Grammatical , there might have been some colour for pretending that advantage was taken from the ambiguity of the Word to pick out the most Invidious sense among those many other more favourable ones of which it was capable ; but being Notional and taken from the nature of the Thing , they must necessarily be levelled against it in some certain signification . And it had been easie to have shewn that they do as clearly overthrow the Infallibility of Judgment in a Creature in the use of Fallible Means ( which is the sense which I have here proved the Romanists obliged to maintain ) though their Infallibility were derived from the Divine assistance ; as if it were derived from their own Nature , as that of God is , which is the sense which Mr. Cressy would make to be only concerned in these Arguments . It might easily have been also shewn that Mr. Cressy himself grants the very sense of the word here defined , and cannot deny but that it is very properly and naturally signified by it ; nay that , by his own Principles , the Churches not using it in her Canons can be no Argument that she ever intended to leave private Persons at their liberty to use it , or forbear it , as they pleased . Whence it were easie further to infer , not only that it must needs be intolerable for private persons to deny it , but also that it must be justly Suspicious as much as to wave it ( since it has been used , ) though on pretence of another sense applicable to it , but never intended by them who brought it into the Roman Church , though at first they might have forborn the introducing of it . And if it be not free to Subjects , either to deny or forbear it , what room can be left for their Indulgence so much celebrated in this particular ? Nay , what Indulgence could it be , if they might indeed be excused from the Word , as long as they are obliged to maintain the Thing ; I say obliged , by doing that which cannot possibly be defended without supposing it ? Certainly they cannot think but that Actions are as significative as Words in reference to God and their own Consciences . § . 11. So also for the other point concerning the Popes Supremacy , it is an usual Artifice whereby many others are seduced , that they are perswaded that they may take the same Liberty that the French take , in Questioning the Popes Monarchical Power . But , from the Principles here laid down , it plainly appears that the Liberty taken by them is rather connived at by the Roman Court on politick Considerations , than approved or allowed by the Roman Communion , as consistent with their Principles . The like might have been shewn concerning several other Consequential Doctrines which facilitate the seducing of Proselytes ; as that of the Distinction between the Church and Court of Rome , and the possibility of Reforming the Abuses of the Court by the Power of the Church , &c. § . 12. Now in Persons who have not been inured to those Prejudices of Education , and that great Credulity which are insensibly infused into Persons bred in that Communion ( which must be supposed to be the Case of them who are not as yet Proselyted to it ) these general Principles of Infallibility and the Popes Supremacy are like to meet with the most difficult reception . For to such who have had experience of the difficulty of things by their own tryal of them , and who are not averse to any pains that may appear requisite for the satisfaction of their Consciences ; it is so far from being likely to appear that it is an Act of Christian Vertue to avoid Evidence , or to suppress their Convictions , when different from the Sense of those few interessed Persons who are plainly possessed of the Government of that whole Communion , as that ( till their Infallibility be first proved ) it is not likely to pass for an Act of common honesty . Nay , their expecting such unreasonable Concessions from them at first , would , to such Persons , be a very just reason of suspecting them , when they should find themselves treated by them at the same rate as they might expect to be by the most professed Deceivers . For what more likely Art could any Deceiver use , than to perswade those , whom he had a mind to seduce , to trust in him without and against their own Convictions ? Nor is it likely that they who have no other inducement than the intrinsick reasonableness of its proof should be perswaded to believe it as easily as they who have been inured to it by Prejudices of their Education . Nor is there that violence offered to their Faculties in following a weak and doubtful Proof in one particular instance , as in renouncing their clearest Convictions Universally , in all matters to be defined by their Judge of Controversies . And therefore it is very possible for Persons favourable to the sense of the Romanists in many of the particular Disputes , still to be very averse to their pretences to Infallibility ; and this not ( as it is usually said by our Adversaries ) only out of a haughtiness and unwillingness to yield , but on rational and truly-Conscientious accounts . § . 13. Nor is the other Doctrine concerning the Monarchical Power of the Pope less unacceptable to Persons of another Communion before they are brought over to the Roman . I will not mention how much the consequence of believing such a Doctrine may impose upon their Liberty , because that will not by our Adversaries be thought a Conscientious Disswasive from it . Though certainly it be very allowable to stand upon their own Rights , till they be convinced out of them by a greater Evidence than would suffice for Concessions of less importance ; which is sufficient for my present design . That which I had rather insist on at present , is , the indesensibleness ▪ of the abuses of the Court of Rome , which are so gross and provoking , as that generally they are the last things to which Revolters are reconciled ; and usually , when they are so , it is only on pretence that that Church is not concerned for them . But , by this Monarchical Power of the Pope , the power of Reforming them is ascribed Only to him whose Interest it is they never be Reformed ; and so to destroy all hopes of Reformation . Which is a consideration that , if seriously thought of , would certainly startle many of those who are brought over to them on accounts truly Conscientious , being seduced to it by such false pretences . § . 14. For when it shall appear to this sort of Persons ( as I have endeavoured to make it appear by the following Hypothesis ) that their joyning in that Communion must necessarily imply their approbation of these Unacceptable Doctrines ; they must find themselves unavoidably reduced to this choice , whether they will embrace these Doctrines rather than forbear their Communion , or whether they will keep off from their Communion rather than own these Schismatical Doctrines . Nor will it be hard to judge how they would be likely to determine in such a Case . For if their aversation to these Doctrines be greater than their kindness to particular Opinions or Practices of the Roman Communion ( as I have already shewn that it is reasonable to believe that it is frequently the Case of Persons not yet Proselyted by them ) they must necessarily think themselves obliged on these terms to continue where they are . § . 15. 2. And the same things proportionably applyed may serve to shew the usefulness of this Hypothesis for gaining several moderate Persons of the Romanists themselves . They who call the Doctrine of the Popes Infallibility Archi-Heretical , and confess themselves unable , in this Principle , to defend their Church against us ; when they shall find that the Fundamental Principle of their own , as a distinct , Communion , is this confessedly indefensible Archi-Heretical Doctrine & that without this they cannot justifie either their Separation or their Impositions , they cannot think it safe in Conscience to continue any longer divided from us . § . 16. The same thing is also applicable to that other Doctrine which prevails with several very considerable Parties of the Roman Communion , That the Supreme Judge of Controversies on Earth is either the diffusive Catholick Church , or a Council that is truly Free and General , and accordingly received as such by the Catholick Church diffusive , and that that alone is the seat of Infallibility . They who are of this Judgment , if the following Hypothesis hold true , must necessarily be obliged to change their Communion on two accounts . 1. That they cannot make out their own Title to their being the Catholick Church in this sense , nor can they consequently prove that many of our Doctrines , which they condemn as Heretical , have ever been Canonically condemned by this Judge of Controversies . This will hinder them from abstaining from our Communion for them . And 2. that , on these Principles , the Doctrines of the Popes Monarchy and Infallibility must be Heretical . This will oblige them to abstain from the Communion of those who maintain them . § . 17. 1. They cannot make out their Title to their own being the Catholick Church in this sense . For evidently they are not the Catholick Church diffusive , many considerable parts whereof are not in Communion with them . And therefore all the Plea they can make to the Authority or Infallibility of the Catholick Church must be grounded on the Notion of a Catholick Church Virtual , which Notion they must needs disclaim in asserting the Power of the diffusive Catholick or its Lawful Representative over all particular Churches . These things I conceive so clear from the Doctrine here delivered , as that I cannot think my self obliged to say any more concerning them at present . Hence it will follow , that all those particular Doctrines , which have been defined against us only by the Western Councils , without the Suffrages of the Eastern Bishops , or the reception even of all the Western Churches themselves , must fail of that pretence to Infallibility which is here even from their own Principles proved necessary to justifie their Separation from us on that account . And when these are deducted , there will remain but few instances of Doctrines disputed between us , if any , which themselves can pretend to have been defined by the united Suffrages of all Eastern and Western Bishops , and unanimously received in the particular Dioceses . Nor can they , on these terms , give any account why they condemn and exclude from their interest in the common Judicatory of Christendom as many , and as great , and every way as considerable , Churches as themselves . § . 18. 2. But if such Western Councils , as are in this point defended by our Adversaries of this Faction , must indeed be admitted for the Supreme visible Judicatories , and consequently as intitled to that Infallibility which is by them ascribed to this Supreme Judicatory ; I cannot conceive how they can avoid thinking themselves obliged in Conscience to separate from the Communion of them who ascribe this Infallibility to the Pope and his Conclave . For there is nothing that can be said to justifie their Separation from us , but will as strongly prove them obliged to separate from their own Brethren of that Perswasion . For these Councils have taken upon them to decide the Controversie concerning the Supremacy , by declaring this Power to be in the Church diffusive , and themselves to be Lawful Representatives of that Church ; and consequently that all Ecclesiastical Power , the Papacy it self being also expresly mentioned , was subject to them . For can they think that Propositions , neither Necessary , as to their matter , nor Evident , as to their Proof , can oblige Subjects to their Belief under pain of incurring the Censure of Heresy , only on account of their being defined by their Supreme Judge of Controversies ? And is there any thing that themselves can pretend to have been more expresly defined by that Judge , than this is ? If they will think to evade this Argument , by pretending that this Doctrine of the Power of their Judge of Controversies is not so properly de fide it self , as a Principle antecedent to the belief of all Particulars that are so ; yet this can derogate nothing from their obligation to separate from the Communion of Dissenters concerning it . For can they think themselves obliged to Separate for the denyal of one particular defined by that Authority ? And is there not incomparably more reason they should do so for the denyal of the Authority it self ? Is not the Authority it self more Fundamental than the particulars can be which , on these Principles , derive their whole Credibility from it ? And must it not be much more heinous to destroy the Credit of all possible Particulars , which , on these Principles , is included in the Judge of Controversies , than to refuse an actual Assent to any one Particular ? And as it hence appears , that the matter of these Differences among themselves is more momentous , and more obliging to a Separation , than themselves can pretend those to be wherein they differ from us ; so I may add farther , that the Separation , which ought in Conscience to follow hereupon , must be equally irreconcileable . For will it not come to the same Event , whether we utterly disown a visible Judge of Controversies , or whether we indeed own one , but own such a one as that our Adversaries cannot think themselves obliged to stand to his decision ? In both Cases there is equally acknowledged a Liberty of Appeal from all Power that is acknowledged by the Adversary . And that Power which must decide Controversies against an Adversary who does not think himself obliged ( as much as in Conscience ) to submit to such a Decision , must do it either by force or Arbitration , which are Remedies as allowable by our Principles , as by those of our Adversaries . Nay , in this Case they cannot plead even that pretence of Canonical Punctuality , at least so long to forbear separating from the Communion even of acknowledged Hereticks , till their Cause were declared to be Heresy by their competent Judge . For they who believe these Councils to have been the Supreme Judicatories , must consequently conceive themselves obliged to believe that their Superiority over the Pope has been defined by a Canonical Authority ; and they who do so , can have nothing left to excuse them for forbearing an actual Separation . And as it thus appears that they must hold themselves obliged to abstain from the Communion of those Persons who professedly and expresly own this Doctrine of the Popes Monarchy : So when they shall find that this Monarchy is indeed the Fundamental Principle of the whole Roman Communion , as distinct from others ; they must , by the same Principles , think themselves obliged to abstain from the Communion of that whole Church , not only of those who do expresly defend that Monarchy , but also of others , though in terms denying it , as long as they keep to that Communion which cannot be kept without consequentially defending it . It is in vain to think to weaken the Authority of the Decision of those Councils , because it was in a matter concerning their own Interest . For besides that this will give Us a plain advantage against any Authority whereby they can pretend that we are Canonically censured ; They themselves are sensible , on other occasions , that this is inseparably the Right of the Supreme Judicatory , to Judge even in matters of its own Interest ; seeing there lies no Appeal from it , even in such Cases , to any other Judicatory that might Judge more impartially concerning them . And they who think the Supreme Judicatory Infallible , must think themselves also obliged , not only to a Canonical Acquiescence for Peace's sake , but also to an Internal Assent and Approbation of the Justice of such a Decree , even out of Conscience . This I conceive at least sufficient to prove , in this Case of persons not proselyted , as well as in the former of persons already of that Communion , that they who do more firmly adhere to this Doctrine of the Superiority of the Catholick Church diffusive , must think themselves obliged to separate from their communion when they are convinced of the inconsistency of this Doctrine with it . The only difference is that this firmer adherence to this Doctrine may more ordinarily and easily be expected from Persons not yet Proselyted , than from those who are prejudiced in favour of the contrary by their Education in that Communion . These are those Dividing Principles intimated in the following Answer to the Queries proposed to the Gentlewoman , though I was unwilling on that occasion to enlarge further concerning them . use IV § . 19. A fourth Use of this Hypothesis is for the direction of Peacemakers , to let them see what it is that renders our reconciliation impossible ; and which , if it be not first accommodated , must render all their endeavours in particular Questions unsuccessful ; and therefore against which they ought more earnestly to strive by how much they are more zealous for Catholick Peace . The way hitherto attempted has been to endeavour to reconcile our particular differences . This has been , either by clearing their respective Churches from all those things for which they have not expresly declared , and of which express Professions are not exacted from Persons to be reconciled unto them , by how great Authority soever of their particular Communicants they have been countenanced or maintained . This way has been taken on their side by Mr. Veron , &c. and on ours by Bishop Montague . Or where the Churches have declared themselves , there by allowing the greatest Latitude of Exposition , and putting the most favourable Sense on their Decrees of which they are capable . Thus Grotius has dealt with the Council of Trent , and S. Clara with our English Articles . The design of all the endeavours of this kind has been to reconcile the Churches without any yielding on either side . I confess I think the number of Controversies may be exceedingly diminished by this way of proceeding , which must needs be very acceptable to any , who is more a Lover of the Catholick Church's Peace than of Disputation . Many of the Tenets on both sides , that are very invidiously represented by Adversaries , will , on a closer examination , appear to be either mistakes of the Writers meanings , or Opinions of particular Writers , or senses of the Church's Decrees which were never designed by the Church that made them ; and consequently unnecessary to be assented to in order to a reconciliation . But when all is done , they will fall very short of reconciling the different Communions . For though all their particular Decrees , even concerning Faith , were made tolerable by these means , ( 1 ) yet that were not sufficient to prove their Communion Lawful ; and ( 2 ) yet there can be no hopes of reconciling all particular Decrees by these means , but some will still remain which will make their Communion intolerable to them of the other side . § . 20. 1. Though all their particular Decrees of Faith might , by these means , be made tolerable ; yet that were not sufficient to prove their Communion lawful . For neither is there any security that that sense of their Decrees , which might be taken for tolerable , would in Practice prove such as would be admitted by Governours ; so as that they on the other side might , on their owning of that sense , be received to their Communion . No , though it were countenanced by Doctors of never so eminent note , nay , by the Ecclesiasticks who should receive them . For still their Church ought to be admitted to be the most Authentick Expositer of her own meaning . And I do not doubt but several of their Proselytes , who should go over to them on account of many of these moderate Explications , would find themselves mistaken in many things as soon as their Church had any obligation to explain her self concerning them . And though the Church might not think it worth her interposition to do it upon the reconciliation of every particular Proselyte , yet She must certainly think her self obliged to it in order to the reconciliation of the whole Communions . Then many of these palliations would certainly be found so repugnant to her design ▪ and so destitute of any plausible appearance , as though She had been willing to yield in earnest in instances wherein She might not seem to do so ( and that is the utmost condescension that can in reason be expected from a Church which pretends to be Infallible , at least while She pretends to be so ) yet they would not afford them even so , as much as a Salvo for their reputation . Nay , though all her present Decrees of Faith had appeared tolerable , and appeared so in that very sense wherein She really understood them ; yet even this would not suffice for a solid reconciliation of Communion , as long as the same Authority , by which these other Decrees had been defined , is still owned to be Infallible . For still the next General Council ( in the sense wherein they give that Title to such as are not truly Occidental ) may define new Articles never yet defined , or at least declare such Propositions to be so , which , as yet while they are not defined , may very innocently be disbelieved . And then , as they , who even now believe what has been defined hitherto , not for the intrinsick Probability of the things defined ; but for the Authori●y whereby they are defined , must find themselves obliged , by the same Principles , to receive such new Definitions of the same Authority ; So we , who even now disbelieve them , on account of the unsatisfactoriness of their intrinsick Proofs , and for the contrary Proofs produced against them , and who do not believe the Authority of their Proponent a sufficient Argument to countervail these intrinsick confutations , must still continue to disbelieve them , even when they shall be so defined ; which will then oblige us again to divide as great a distance as ever . Nor is this to be looked on as a Case unlikely to happen , considering that there are already many very suspicious Doctrines so universally received , as that their Learned men confidently tell us that some of them are ferè de fide , and doubt of others whether they be not already altogether so . Where it is observable that the grounds of their judging so , are , either the expressness of those Decrees of their Church which are already made concerning them , or the Universality of their reception , or the stress which is laid upon them , which , in all likelyhood , would prevail with such a General Council , if it had been assembled , to give their Suffrages for them . § . 21. 2. But though a reconciliation of the Particulars hitherto defined might have been more available for a solid Peace , than it hence appears likely that it would be , yet even this is not Practicable by all the means of Reconciliation that have as yet been thought of . Some things have been defined in both Communions with such a design upon Dissenters , as that no mollifying Arts of Interpretation can prevail with any unprejudiced Person to believe that the Senses really intended by them are reconcileable . Nor indeed have the Romanists any reason to expect that we should agree with them in all the Particulars defined by them , whilst we do not agree with them in ackowledging the Credibility of their Judge of Controversies . For , Antecedently to their being defined , they confess many of them so obscure as that they may pardonably be disbelieved and opposed . And how can any wise man expect that all Men should be of one mind in so many instances of such a nature ? And yet even one unlawful Condition of Communion is alone sufficient to make their Communion unlawful , and the Churches irreconcileable . § 22. Now that there are somethings for which their Church her self is unavoidably concerned wherein we have all the reason , that can be desired , to expect that She should yield to us in order to the accommodation of our differences , I ▪ think I might confidently Appeal to as many Learned Men , though of our Adversaries Communion , as have had as well the Courage to speak their thoughts , as the Candor to follow their own Convictions . The Testimonies of many of them , to this purpose , are already so well known , as that I believe it will not be expected that I should exceed my present designed brevity by producing them . This therefore being supposed , it will plainly follow that no solid Peace can be expected with those of that Communion without some Concessions on their side ; and therefore that which inevitably hardens them against all Concessions must consequently ruine all hopes of a lasting Reconciliation . Now this is done by their Doctrine of Infallibility , and their own Title to it . This is it that makes them presume to define such things as themselves confess to be inevident Antecedently to their own defining them . This makes it impossible for them ( as long as they pretend to it ) to submit those things as much as to a review , in this Age of Knowledge , which were at first defined in Ages of very great Ignorance . This hinders them from yielding to the clearest Convictions to the contrary , or from acknowledging them even where they cannot chuse but yield to them . This keeps them from reforming any of those Errors , of which we have reason to believe themselves so sensible ( since the great modern improvements of Ecclesiastical Learning ) as that they would not have introduced them , if they had not found them already admitted , and thought themselves obliged not to desert them , nor to believe any Evidence sufficient to prove them blame-worthy , when they had once found them so admitted . And therefore it will concern all hearty well-wishers to Catholick Peace , to lay out their Zeal and Industry principally to discredit this one Doctrine which is so extremely pernicious to it . § . 23. And in order hereunto I have endeavoured to make it appear , that the challenge of Infallibility to their whole Communion is truly grounded on a Principle disclaimed by considerable numbers of their Communicants ; that is , the Popes absolute and unaccountable Monarchy over the Catholick Church . Whence it will follow , that , though Infallibility did indeed belong to the Supreme Representative of the Catholick Church diffusive , yet they can lay no claim to it who deny his Papal Monarchy . And therefore they who believe these Promises of Infallibility to have been originally made only to the Catholick Church diffusive , and withal deny this absolute Monarchy of the Pope , cannot lay any better claim to this Infallibility than any other part of the Catholick Church diffusive that is as great and as considerable as themselves . But themselves confess Churches no less ample for extent ( and indeed more considerable for the multitude of Apostolical Sees ) than their own , to be so far from being Infallible , as that they believe them actually mistaken , even in matters of Faith , and that for several Centuries together before the Reformation . And therefore all the Authority which they can challenge on these Principles is only a Canonical one , such as is due to particular Provincial or National or Patriarchal districts , which are , on all sides , acknowledged to be Fallible . Which will not only concern the Council of Trent , but also all other Councils that are only Occidental . § . 24. Now this Concession alone , that they are Fallible , would , at least , be sufficient to shew that they could not think it unlawful to review their own Decrees , and either to correct or repeal them , as they should Judge it reasonable upon that review . And though indeed it is not for the Interest of the Publick that Governours should be too easie in rescinding their own Acts , and especially at the motion of such an challenge it as a Duty from them to rescind them , and when it cannot be done without an acknowledgment of their having been formerly mistaken ; yet it is withal as little for that Interest , that they should wholly devest themselves of the Power of actually Practising it , when it shall appear necessary by the exigences of the Communities for which they are intrusted . And , if , in any Case , this may be allowed to be Expedient , there can be no reason to doubt but that it is so here . The thing is of that importance , as that upon it depends the Reconciliation of the Divided Parties of Christendome , which are neither likely to be subdued by the Power of any one , nor possible to be reconciled without Concessions on some , if not on all , sides , by Churches , as well as by private Persons , and it cannot appear on which side the Concession is fit to be made , unless all submit to a tryal , and resolve , upon tryal , to yield to what they shall judge reasonable . Besides , there is a particular Reason why the Church should reserve an open Ear for all things that can be urged for her information in matters of Faith. Not only in regard that the things are such as do not derive their Lawfulness or Unlawfulness from her Authority , but are what they are , either True or False , Antecedently to it ; so that her Authority , as it cannot change the Nature of the things in themselves , so neither can it alter their obligation in reference to the Consciences of those who are otherwise perswaded : Nor that She must be Responsible to God , how little soever She be so to her Subjects , if She betray her trust in the Faith once delivered to her ; and thereupon drive out of her Communion Persons , who ought to have been encouraged to continue it , and break off from the Communion of other Churches with whom She ought to have maintained a correspondence : But also because her whole Authority depends on it . For if She be Erroneous in Fundamentals , especially if her Error be by way of Defect in them , She is uncapable of being a Christian Church , and consequently uncapable of Ecclesiastical Authority . So that , as She tenders her whole Authority in other things , She is obliged to use all diligence to secure her self from Error in these , and it must be her best Policy to do so . Nay , the greatest Human Authorities that are , and who are most Critical in insisting on these Punctualities of Policy in maintaining what they have once determined , yet think it no disparagement to them to condescend to a review , and to change their Judgments , upon better Information . And since the retriving of that sort of Learning , which is requisite for clearing Apostolical Tradition , which came in with the Reformation of Religion , the Church of Rome her self is much better informed , and better qualified for Judging , than She was in those obscurer Ages wherein She first defined them . § . 25. Supposing therefore that She were thus disposed to come to a review , it plainly follows further , that the whole force of her new Decrees upon this review , must be resolved into the merit of the Cause . For when her Judgment has once been acknowledged Fallible , there can then remain no further pretence of any greater Certainty in her Conclusions , than in the Premises from whence they were deduced by her . And from hence it would be very reasonable to expect 1. that She would not upon this new review define what She should believe insufficiently proved Antecedently to her Definition . This being applyed to particulars , would cut off very many of her newly introduced Articles which her most eminent Champions confess inevident Antecedently to her defining them . And we might expect the number of Articles , which would be reduced upon this way of Tryal , the more considerable , if 2. all those counterfeit Miracles and Revelations , and all those counterfeit Authors and Authorities were waved , which at the defining of these Articles were generally believed genuine , but are since as generally acknowledged to have been Forgeries . All those Doctrines which , upon such Testimonies as these , were taken for Apostolical , must lose their Credit of being so as soon as these Testimonies shall be convicted of incompetency for assuring us what was Apostolical . Especally 3. if none but the earliest Writers be trusted , as indeed none else are competent , for conveying Apostolical Tradition to us . And 4. if they were wary in this kind to impose no Doctrines as Conditions of their Communion , but such as might appear even to themselves very Necessary and very Evident : If the defalcations were made which we have reason to believe would be made , even by themselves , upon the Suppositions now mentioned , I do not see any reason to despair of so much Liberty to be allowed by them as would suffice to reconcile our Communions . And this I believe will be an information very useful , and very acceptable to all hearty desires of the Peace of Christendom , that is indeed , to all truly-Christian Spirits . use V § . 26. A fifth Use of this Hypothesis is , that it will serve for a Scheme of Principles to justifie the Reformation , for which some of our modern Adversaries have been so very importunate . Nor do I pretend hereby to supersede the Endeavours of that admirable Person who has already undertaken them . His Principles do excellently well shew that , as to the Resolution of our Faith in those Particulars which are truly of an Apostolical Original , and wherein we do agree with the Romanists themselves , we can sufficiently prove them derived from the Apostles by competent Testimonies of the several Ages through which they must have passed , without being any ways beholden to an Infallible Judge of Controversies . Nay that such an Infallible Judge is indeed a Means improper for such an End ; as requiring many such things for its proof , to us , who must be supposed to live ▪ at a distance from the time of its Original Institution , as are every way , at least , as liable to Dispute as the Controversies to be determined by it . So that hence it appears that we may be Christians , nay and Catholicks too , that is , that we may believe as many Articles as at first were imposed as necessary to be believed , without the least obligation of being Romanists , that is , of believing all their superinduced Novel Doctrines . And this is of excellent use against them in the whole Dispute concerning the Resolution of Faith , where they pretend that the Books of the Scriptures themselves , and the Sense of those Books , and consequently all the Articles which are proved from those Senses , cannot be proved Credible to Us without the Authority of their Judge of Controversies ; and therefore that as we follow this Authority in these things , so we ought to follow it in all other things equally recommended by it , which must therefore be equally Credible with them . This Consequence will indeed hold with them concerning whom the Supposition is true ; and therefore it cannot be strange that the Romanists , who profess to believe our common Articles on the Credit of this Authority , should look on those whom they call Hereticks as choosers in Religion , and as self condemned , in refusing to believe other things as credible , and credible on the same Principles with those they do believe , they still supposing that they , whom they call Hereticks , believe the common Articles on the same Principles on which themselves believe them . But from the Principles of that excellent Person it plainly appears , that the Supposi●ion is not true concerning Us ; and that as we profess we do not , so there is nothing that can in Reason oblige us to believe even our common Articles on the Authority of their , or any other pretended Infallible Judge of Controversies . § . 27. But the Principles here advanced do not so much concern the Articles wherein we are agreed , as those wherein we differ , and therefore will more immediately reach the Popish Communion as Popish , and the Protestant as properly so called , that is , as protesting against their Errors , and against the Uncanonical courses taken by them for Imposing their Errors ; and for the suppressing of all opposition to the contrary . Here it is first proved that , it being our part only to Assert our own Liberty from their Additional Articles , they are obliged to prove , not we to disprove , their Impositions . Then , because the first Principles of their Impositions are not agreed on by themselves , but expresly denied by several Persons in their Communion , therefore I have proceeded to enquire after them , by knowing what it is that they are obliged by necessary consequence to maintain on account of their being of that Communion ; so that by finding these we have all their particular Doctrines reduced to their first Principles . And the discovery of the weakness of the proofs producible for these ( upon the former Supposition that they are obliged to prove them ) is as clear a Discovery of the Justice of the Reformation , from the first Principles as the nature of the thing will bear . use VI § . 28. A sixth and last Usefulness of this Hypothesis above others is , that it is capable of a more easie proof , and a proof more likely to prevail ad homines . For the several Parties among our Adversaries will not only grant us each of the Premises , but undertake to prove them for us ; and an indifferent Person will not be beholden to either of them for the Conclusion . That he cannot be true to the Principles of their Communion ( or , ( to use their language ) that he can be no sound thorough Catholick ) who does not hold Infallibility , and that confined to that part of the Church which is in their Communion on account of their being virtually Catholick , the Jesuites , and other high Papalins will affirm , and it is that for which they contend . To them therefore I shall refer all those of that Communion , who shall doubt of the cogency of the proofs here produced , for further satisfaction . I could heartily wish that the odium of this reference might make them decline the Service ; and should take it for a highly commendable condescension , if such as they , who have devoted themselves to the Service of the Catholick Church , could be perswaded to declare their dislike of Principles so pernicious to Catholick Peace . But I fear it is a favour too great to be expected from them . If any therefore doubt of the other Premiss , viz. the indefensibleness of this challenge to Infallibility , and of this Notion of a Catholick Church virtual , on which that challenge must be grounded , he may be pleased to consult those of their Writers who defend the Supremacy of General Councils , or rather of the Catholick Church diffusive . So that this way of proceeding will be most sutable for all sorts of Adversaries . If they read it with a desire of satisfaction , they will find that more easie when they shall consider that it proceeds only on that which themselves do partly grant true already , so that there will only one Premiss remain concerning which they can desire further satisfaction . If they read it with a design of confutation , they will also find that more difficult when they shall remember that they cannot undertake it without engaging a very considerable Party among themselves in the defence of these Fundamental Principles of their whole Communion . § . 28. Many great and considerable improvements might have been also made of this difference of their Authors in matters of so great importance to their common Interests , which may hereafter be more fully enlarged on as themselves shall administer a further occasion for it . This will shew how little reason they have to boast of their Unity when it thus appears that they are so little agreed in these Principles of their Unity . So that , as it has already appeared that their difference herein must in reason oblige them to separate in their Communion , if they act conformably to their Principles , so nothing but a provocation like that which was given to Luther and Henry the Eighth , can be wanting to them who deny this Monarchy of the Pope , to make them do as they did , viz. actually to divide their Communion as their Principles already oblige them . This will also let them see how little advantage their Laity is like to have above ours in judging of the Controversies which divide our Communions . They would have them take the Judge of Controversies's word for the Particulars . That may be when they have found him . But when there are different Pretenders ( as there are here , the Pope , the Council , and the Church diffusive ) how shall they judge who has the justest Claim ? Must they judge of the reasons , at least of Credibility ? That is it that we would have them do , and for which we are blamed as putting them upon a task too difficult for them , or encouraging them to entertain too good an Opinion of their own abilities . Must they take the Pope's word in the Case ? But he is yet only a Party ; and , till the Motives of Credibility be tryed , can have no advantage above others his Competitors . And then , why may not They be trusted also ? If they be all trusted , their Pretensions being so inconsistent , the Laick , who trusts them , must still be lest as irresolute as ever . Must they therefore follow the judgment of their most Credible Divines concerning it ? But that will again be as hard a task as the former , to be able , in so great apparent Equality , to distinguish who are the most Credible ; especially abstracting from the merit of the Cause . And what advantage the favourers of the Papacy have in numbers , that the others have in disinteressedness , which will go very far in recommending the Credibility of an Authority in such a Case as this is . Besides the greatest Authority of Divines will not by themselves be allowed for any more than a probable , and therefore a very fallible , inducement . But how much more so , when there are other Divines as eminent as themselves of another Judgment ? And even Infallibility it self , if it be received on a Fallible recommendation , will still amount to no higher than a Fallible Proof ; which even themselves cannot judge sufficient for their purpose in such a Case as this is . If both Pretenders and Divines be trusted on both sides as far as their Pretensions are not inconsistent with each other , this will effectually serve my purpose , and convince the Laick , who trusts them , of the insecurity of their whole Communion . For he must thus be obliged to grant both the Premisses of the Argument by which I have here proved it unsecure . The Major is this , Infallibility , as appropriated to the Roman Communion by their Title to their being virtually Catholick , that is , by their adhering to the Papacy as a Principle of Catholick Unity in the sense above explained , is the Fundamental Principle of that whole Communion as distinct from others : This he must believe on the Authority of the Popes themselves who have declared for it , and of the Jesuites , and the rest of the high Papalins . The Minor this : But this Authority of the Papacy ( on which the Title of that whole Communion to Infallibility is grounded ) is false and improbable . This he must also for the same reason believe on the Authority of all those who defend the Supremacy of General Councils , or of the diffusive Catholick Church . So that in this way of judging by Authorities ( which is agreeable to the Genius and Principles and Arguments of that Church against us in other like Cases ) the Laity , at least , must be obliged to distrust their whole Communion , as Fundamentally grounded on an unwarrantable Principle . But of these and other like matters , perhaps a larger account may be given on future occasions . A positive ACCOUNT OF THE Fundamental Controversie On which Depend all other Disputes , betwixt the Romanists and the other Communions of Christendom , with a short discovery of the little evidence they have on the Roman side in this Controversie . BY the Fundamental Controversie , I mean that on which the particular Controversies do depend , and wherein what is maintained by the Ch. of Rome , does so nearly concern her that the whole subsistence as a distinct Communion , must adaequately depend on the Truth or Falshood of it . And her Assertion herein is that Fundamental Principle , the confutation of which is alone sufficient for convicting her of the guilt of that Separation of Communion , which has been caused by her unwarrantable Impositions in the particular Disputes , and for excusing all others who have permitted themselves to be excluded from her Communion rather than they would profess the belief of Errors , which was required as a Condition of their Communion . So that the Confutation of this Fundamental Principle does virtually and consequentially contain a resolution of all other particular Controversies debated between us . For finding out this Fundamental Principle , I suppose , 1. That the first Formal Separation ( I will not yet say Schism , for that implies a fault in it , which is to appear from what follows ) was made by the Romanists , at least as to us in England , with whom they communicated in the same Publick Offices , till they separated themselves upon the prohibition of (a) Pius V. 2. That this Formal Separation without sufficient positive grounds for it ( though there were no sufficient convictive grounds to the contrary ) is the Sin of Formal Schism ; which is as properly incurred , if the Separation be unnecessary , as if it be unreasonable if it be without , as if it be against reason . 3. This being supposed , for our Justification , who were on ] y passive in the Separation , it is not requisite that we confute their pretences , but it is abundantly sufficient that the proofs produced by them are not directly conclusive to their purpose . 4. This purely-negative way of proceeding , that they want sufficient ground to justifie their Practice , being alone sufficient for our purgation , the proof that the grounds of their separating from us were sufficient ( which is their positive Assertion ) will be incumbent on our Adversaries , and we cannot be obliged to disprove them . 5. This obligation to Prove is incumbent on them , not only as they are the first Separaters ( which may only concern us of the English Communion ) but also as the Imposers of their own Sentiments on others as Conditions of Catholick Communion . Which will also relate to forreign Protestants , who were driven from their Communion , being not suffered to continue in it but on such Conditions . 6. Our Adversaries being thus obliged to give a Positive account of their own proceedings ; they have no way to justifie themselves but by vindicating that on which themselves lay the stress of their Separation ( so that , if they fail here , no other proof will be sufficient for proving the necessity of it ) which was noted to be meant by the Fundamental Principle . Here therefore two things will be necessary to be shewn ; 1. what this is on which they lay this stress ; 2. that it is no way justifiable . For the First , it is clear 1. That the particular Propositions debated betwixt us are not by themselves thought necessary , to our Salvation , necessitate medii , so as that our Ignorance or disbelief of them should deprive us of some necessary Truth , without which we cannot be saved . For they themselves excuse such as did disbelieve them , as we do , before the definition of their Church . 2. That , even supposing we were erroneous in things not thus necessary , yet this were not sufficient to justifie their Separation or Imposition on intrinsick accounts ; that is , an Error of so small importance , as to the value of the thing , could not in that regard , of its intrinsick value , excuse either their Separation from us because we hold it , or their so rigorous Imposition of their own sentiments on us concerning it . 3. That as there is no Intrinsick Necessity of the Truth of the Propositions for our Salvation , so neither 1. is there that Extrinsick Evidence of their being revealed by the Apostles that must necessarily argue , in him that should deny them , an Irreverence and Obstinacy against the Divine Veracity , on which their Credibility depends . This also appears from their excusing the Errors of the Antients , who if they had had such Evidence in their times , could not have been inculpably Erroneous . Which they take up from what S. Augustine had said to that purpose , in his Disputes with the Donatists concerning the Case of St. Cyprian , whom he therefore makes more excusable in the same Error of Rebaptizing Hereticks than the Donatists , because he lived before , but they after , the Nicene decision of that whole Dispute . Nor 2. do themselves pretend that any Error , which may not be presumed obstinately persisted in , is sufficient to justifie a Separation from the Communion of Persons so Erroneous . 4. Hence it follows that , seeing neither the Intrinsick Necessity of the Propositions themselves , nor their Extrinsick Evidence Antecedently to the definition of the Church , are , on their own Principles , sufficient to justifie the Severity of their proceedings against us : The only thing they have more to alledge for it must be our Disobedience in disbelieving those Propositions notwithstanding the Authority which their Church has given them by her Definition . 5. That the Obedience required to these Propositions is not only not to make Parties and Divisions in the Church against them ( such as our Church is generally thought to require to the xxxix . Articles ) but also Positively to believe them , not only as Truths , but also as matters of Faith. 6. That this Positive Belief of their Church's Definitions exteriorly professed in joyning in their Offices , and in abstaining from the Communion even of Peaceable Dissenters , and censuring them as Hereticks , cannot veraciously , nor consequently without Sin , be performed without an Internal Assent . 7. That this Internal Assent cannot safely be given without a satisfactory conviction of the Truth of the Propositions so assented to . 8. And therefore , that such an Assent may be given to Propositions defined by their Church , only on account of her Authority , it is requisite that her Authority be such a Medium as may assure us of the Truth of those Propositions . 9. This Assurance ( if it be nor , according to the Doctrine of their greatest Pretenders to Reason , Mathematical , yet ) must , at least for matters of Faith ( and such these Definitions are by themselves esteemed ) be Moral , that is , such as may exclude all Probability , if not all Possibility , of Doubting , whether they be True. 10. That Authority , which , upon its own account , may be an Argument to convince us of the Truth of her Definitions , must not be such as must depend on the use of Means : both 1. because that will leave a Liberty for such as are competent Judges of them to have recourse from such Authority to the Means themselves on which such her Credibility will depend , which the Romanists will by no means permit : And 2. because the Means are by themselves acknowledged frequently Fallible , and the Infallibility only affixed to the Conclusions . 11. That Authority which may assure us of the Truth of its Definitions , independently on the Means , must needs be Infallible in its Judgment . Which though some few late Authors have endeavoured to avoid , yet the Generality of them have found themselves in pursuance of the former Principles , obliged to assert it . 12. This Infallibility of Judgment , surpassing the use of Ordinary Means , must needs be Supernatural and Extraordinary ; and therefore as to the light by which it judges , it must be assisted by new Revelations , though it be conversant about no newly-Revealed Objects . 13. This Infallibility is by them challenged to themselves by virtue of those Promises of the Spirit in the Scriptures , which themselves confess to belong only to the Catholick Ch. not to any one particular Denomination of Christians . 14. That therefore their Title to this Infallibility must , according to their own Principles , be resolved into those Proofs whereby they make out their Title of being the Catholick Church . 15. They themselves do not , nor cannot , pretend to be the Catholick Ch. diffusive ; that is , that all the Regular , legal , original Successors to the Apostles in all Apostolical Sees ( most of which they cannot deny to have been in the Oriental parts ( have ever submitted to their Authority , or are united to them in external visible Communion . Nay , they have condemned a much greater number of Apostolical Sees than they have among themselves . 16. That therefore the Notion of Catholick , to which they may with any colour pretend , must be so limited as that it may agree to a Party of Christians in opposition to others . 17. That though it may indeed be true , admitting an Appeal to the Primitive records , that a particular Church may hold all that which was originally taught by the Catholick Church diffusive , without any novel abusive Impositions that may oblige any Conscientious Persons to keep off from her Communion , and so by accident may deserve the name of Catholick , as that name distinguishes from other Christian Societies of Hereticks and Schismaticks . Yet speaking of such an Authority as they own in the Roman Church , which may prescribe against such Appeals , so that its own only sense is to be presumed to be the Sense of the Catholick Church , without particular convincing Evidences of the concurrence of all in the Primitive Ages with them , this plainly requires that this Notion of Catholick be certainly fixed , and fixed to a particular Judicatory , and this Antecedently to a tryal by the Primitive Records . For this prescribing against an Appeal so rational as to the nature of the thing , must plainly imply an obliging Jurisdiction , Antecedently to , and therefore Independently on , that tryal . And Jurisdiction can signifie nothing unless the Judicatory to whom it belongs , be also notorious , and notorious also Antecedently to the same tryal . So that in this way of proceeding it must necessarily be supposed that one certain part of the Catholick Church can never cease to be Catholick , nor to have a Jurisdiction over the Catholick Church diffusive . 18. These things cannot be ascertained to a particular Church , so as to prescribe against the now-mentioned way of trying it , without maintaining the Notion of a Catholick Church Virtual . That is , we cannot be assured that a particular Church must necessarily be Catholick , Antecedently to the tryal of its Catholicism by a recourse to the Primitive Records , but by being first assured that that particular Church shall never fail of being Catholick it self , and that all other particular Churches must approve of their Catholicism by their conformity to that which can never be otherwise . So that on these terms the knowledge of that one Church , and what is maintained by her , will be virtually a knowledge of the Catholick Church diffusive , and what ought to be maintained by them . Which things put altogether , do plainly make up that which our Adversaries mean when they speak of a Catholick Church virtual . 19. This Notion of a Catholick Church virtual , which may agree to one part of the Catholick Church diffusive in contradistinction to all others , must imply such a Principle of Unity to which all the rest are obliged , though that one part only do actually adhere to it . 20. This Principle of Unity must not only be a Principle of Order , but of Influence . For it is only by virtue of this Influence of this one Church over all others that we can conclude that all others are obliged to be like it ; and it is only on this obligation of all other Churches to be like her that her Title to the name of the Catholick Church Virtual is adaequately grounded . 21. This Principle of Unity must be in the Governours of such a particular Church . For our Adversaries will not have the Promises of the Spirit made to the People , but to their Governours . So that the People can have no further Right in them , but on condition of adhering to their Governours , who therefore must be the first Principle of Unity . 22. This Principle of Unity must not depend on the Authority of the Church diffusive . Otherwise that same Authority of the Church diffusive might recall it , in which Case the adhering to it would not prove a certain Note of Catholicism . 23. To apply therefore all this to the Romanists , their whole pretence of being the Catholick Church is adaequately grounded in that Notion of a Catholick Church virtual , whereby they confine it to that Multitude of Christians who are united under a visible Monarchical Head as a Principle of their Unity , to which , Jure Divino , all are bound to be obedient . 24. This Monarchical Head to which they pretend a nearer interest than others , is the Papacy . The Summary . Seeing therefore that nothing else can excuse their new Impositions but the a Authority by which they are Imposed : And Seeing that no Authority can be sufficient for their purpose to oblige their Subjects b internally to believe what is neither c Necessary as to its matter , nor d Evident as to its proof , Antecedently to the Definition of such an Authority , but one that must be e Infallible : Seeing ▪ that they who do not in terms pretend the Popes Infallibility necessary ( and they who do so , already own what I would prove that all must own according to their Principles ) can make no Plea to Infallibility , but from those f Promises of the Spirit which themselves confess to have been primarily made to the Catholick Church ; and therefore though an Infallibility , even in Judgment , were granted to belong to the Catholick Church , yet that can signifie nothing to our Adversaries purpose till they can prove g themselves to be that Catholick Church to which alone those Promises confessedly belong : Seeing evidently they are not the h Catholick Church diffusive , and can therefore only pretend to the Title of their being the Catholick Church i virtual : Seeing this Notion of the Catholick Church Virtual must necessarily imply such a k Principle of Unity to which all the Catholick Church diffusive is obliged to adhere , as to a certain Standard of their Catholicism ; and this Principle of Unity , to which they can lay claim above other Christian Societies , is only the l Papacy ; and the Papacy , as a Principle of Unity , must be a Principle , not of Order m only , but of Influence ; and that independently n on the Judgment of the Catholick Church diffusive : All these things being considered together , It will plainly follow , that , if this influential independent power of the Papacy cannot be proved , all their pretences to Infallibility , or even to any Authority for deciding these Controversies between us , must fall to the ground ; and consequently all their particular Decisions depending on them will neither be valid in Law , nor obliging in Conscience , which will leave their Separation and Impositions destitute of any pretence that may excuse them from being Schismatical . This is therefore the Fundamental Principle on which all their Authority in defining all other particular Doctrines must originally depend : And to shew that this Principle is insufficiently proved , will alone be enough to invalidate all their other Definitions . Secondly , Therefore to shew the insufficiency of their proof of it . This Proof must either be ( α ) from Tradition . And for this it is observable that , I. This Notion of the Catholick Church Virtual , if it had been True , must have been originally delivered by the unanimous consent of the Catholick Church diffusive . We cannot judge otherwise unless we suppose a great defect , either of the Apostles , in not teaching , or of the Church , in not preserving the memorial of such a Fundamental Principle of their Unity . II. This Topick , of Tradition delivered down by the Catholick Church diffusive , is the only proper one for the Church who pretends to this Authority to prove it by . And till it be proved , and proved to the judgment of particular Subjects , there is no reason that She should expect that they should think themselves obliged in Conscience to submit to her Authority . For Authority can be no rational Motive to them to distrust their own Judgments , till it self be first proved and acknowledged . And therefore if it do not appear , and appear to us from this Topick , we can have no reason to believe it . III. This Notion of the Catholick Church Virtual does not appear to have been ever delivered as the sense of the Catholick Church diffusive : 1. Not of that Catholick Church diffusive which was extant in the beginning of the Reformation . For then 1. The Greeks , and most of the Eastern Christians professedly oppose it . 2. Many of the Western Christians themselves , especially of the French and Germans , did not believe it . 3. The Western Church it self Representative , in four , by them reputed General , Councils of Pisa , Constance , Siena , and Basile , did not own the Popes Supremacy as a Principle of Catholick Unity , but expresly by their Canons declared themselves to be his Superiors , and treated him as being wholly subject to their Authority . This was not long before the Reformation , and what they did had not then been repealed by any Authority comparable to theirs . 2. Not of the Catholick diffusive Church in antienter times . 1. Not of the Greeks ever since their Schism , as the Latines call it , under Photius . 2. Before that time , even whilst they were united with the Latines , the Popes Supremacy was disowned by them in that famous 28. Canon of Chalcedon , which equalled the Bishop of Constantinople with him of Rome , and owned only an Ecclesiastical Right in both of them for the dignity of their Cities ( which , as I have already * warned , will not suffice for our Adversaries purpose ) that I may not now mention the Canon of Constantinople so expounded by the Fathers of Chalcedon in place , and maintained by the Greek Emperors . It was also disowned by the Council of Antioch against Julius ; Disowned by the African Fathers , by whom the only Plea the Popes had from the Council of Nice was found to be a forgery . 3. Not of the Catholick diffusive Church in those Primitive times , while the Christians lived under Heathen Emperours : For , 1. The Romanists themselves are unwilling to be tryed by them , unless we will allow them to quote from the Decretal Epistles , &c. which Learned Men among themselves do confess to be suspicious , or manifest Forgeries . 2. Aeneas Sylvius , who was afterwards Pope Pius II. acknowledged that before the Council of Nice little respect was had to the Bishop of Rome above others . 3. It appears by the freedom wherewith Pope Stephen was resisted by St. Cyprian , and Pope Victor by the Asiatick Bishops , and by St. Irenaeus . And 4. By the Canon of Carthage under St. Cyprian , which declared that no Bishop was subject to another , but that every one was Supreme in his own charge under God ; not now to mention other passages in him to the same 5. By the weakness of the Testimonies alledged to this purpose , the Presidency in the Region of the Romans in Ignatius , the powerful Principality in St. Irenaeus , the Pontificatus Maximus Ironically derided by Tertullian , and the one Bishop and one See in St. Cyprian , &c. ( β ) For the Scriptures , themselves do not seem very confident of them without the Expositions of the Fathers . AN ANSWER TO Six Queries Proposed to a Gentlewoman of the Church of ENGLAND , by an Emissary of the Church of ROME ; fitted to a Gentlewomans capacity . By HENRY DODWELL M. A. and sometimes Fellow of Trinity Colledge near DVBLIN . LONDON , Printed for Benj. Tooke , and are to be sold at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . 1676. THE CONTENTS . Q. 1. Whether any one going from the Church of England , and dying a Roman Catholick can be saved ? page 1. Q. 2. Whether they be Idolaters , or No ? 39 Q. 3. Where was the Church of England before Luther's time ? 48 Q. 4. Why all the Reformed Churches are not United in One ? 81 Q. 5. Why the Church of England doth not hold up to Confession , Fasting-days , Holy Oyl , which we our Selves commend ? 94 Q. 6. Why was Reformation done by Act of Parliament ? 110 ERRATA . P. 34 l. 13 before vet add may . p. 42. l 13. after office add of . p. 58. l. 10. even for when . p. 92 , l. 2. shews . p. 115. l. 8. for its r. his . A PREFACE . IT is of no further concernment to acquaint the Publick with the occasion of penning these Papers , than as the occasion might have an influence on the design ; and as it may be very useful to inform the Reader of the design , that he may the better know what to expect in the performance . He may therefore be pleased to understand that the following Queries were tendred to a Gentlewoman of the Communion of the Church of England by a Romanist , who had a design of seducing her ; and that they were answered by another hand , but on such Principles , or in such a way of management , as that it did not give her the desired satisfaction . This gave occasion to some that were concerned for her to shew the Paper to some others in order to the inviting them to undertake it in a way that might be likely to prove more successful . By this means of communication it came at length to my hands from a Person who first desired my Opinion concerning it , and then with some earnestness importuned me to commit my thoughts to writing . Pursuant therefore to this occasion , my design was in the first place to shew from sound Principles , that the Church of England is able to defend her Reformation from the Errors of the Romanists , and to clear her self , as far as She is charged with that Breach of Communion which followed thereupon , without giving any advantage to the Non-Conformists to justifie either their first Separation from Vs , or their Eternal Subdivisions from one a-another . Nor was I willing to engage a Person in the Gentlewomans condition , in any Controversies that might be spared without Injury to the merit of the Cause ; or to debate even such as could not so be spared , by such Arguments as might exceed her opportunities of Enquiring , or her capacity of Judging , so as to oblige her to depend on the conduct of others more Inquisitive and Judicious . But I have either waved Authorities where I could debate the Case by Arguments less liable to Dispute , and better suited to the understanding of a Gentlewoman ; or where I have been necessitated to insist on them , I have endeavoured to make out their Credibility by such Presumptions as are easie to be understood , and familiar in parallel Cases , and generally granted as most Prudent , whenever unskilful Persons find themselves obliged to acquiesce in the conduct of Persons more skilful and Judicious than themselves . And I have purposely avoided all citations of Authors , even where necessary , but such as were to be had , even in English , and therefore might be consulted by the Gentlewoman her self . I confess those other Reasonings fit for Scholars , as they are more subtle , so they are withal more solid and conclusive . But withal I consider , 1. that those things wherein Scholars have the advantage of unlearned Persons , are principally such wherein Reading is absolutely necessary for their Historical conveyance to us . It is certainly impossible for any to know what Doctrines were maintained in the Apostles times ( and consequently what Doctrines are true , where they are supposed capable of no other Evidence of their being true , but because they were so maintained ) without insight into the several Histories & Authors of the intermediate Ages through which they are to be deduced . But for other things whose evidence of their being true , does not depend on such a conveyance , the Reason of the thing is a sufficient Evidence ; and of this every equally rational Person , how little soever he be conversant in Authors , is an equally competent Judge . And of this kind are many of the things here mentioned , on which the stress of the Cause depends . The prudent Reader will easily discern which they are , without my instancing . And 2. even in those things which depend on Positive Revelation , and wherein the only means of our Assurance of them is Historical Tradition ; though it be indeed true that Persons of little Reading cannot so competently assure themselves of the writings and opinions of former Ages , without the assistance of others more conversant in those Studies : yet since it is not the way of Prudent rational Persons , therefore to conclude a thing to have been revealed by the Apostles , because such Authors tell us that it was so ; much less because such Authors maintained it , as their own Opinion ; but first to assure themselves of such things on which the Credibility of such Authors in such matters may be made clear to us , and then of those Expressions from whence they conclude such Authors to have given Testimony to such a thing as an Apostolical Tradition : it is plain that the judgment of these things depends wholly on the reason of the things themselves . And therefore where Learned Men are agreed , as to their accounts of the Authors and their Expressions ; and where the only remaining Dispute is , whether such undoubted Works of such Authors be competent for the conveyance of a Tradition , and whether such Expressions , considered in all their circumstances , come home to the Controversies at present debated ; these are things whereof common Prudence and a cultivated natural Judgment may as well qualifie Men to pass a Censure as the greatest Reading imaginable . And this seems to me the best way in affairs of this nature , to wave such things as were disputed among Learned men concerning their Historical Informations , and only to found my reasonings on their unanimous Concessions . And most of the Controversies betwixt Us and the Romanists are of that nature as to be capable of this way of management . Now this way of not intermedling in the Disputes of Learned men , but only proceeding on their unquestioned concessions is ( as most solid and satisfactory to the most accurate Learned men themselves , so ) most prudent and easie for those who are unlearned . And 3. even as to those other things wherein I have indeed proceeded on popular Presumptions , yet considering that these are the only reasons which God has fitted to the capacities of the greatest part of Mankind , and that God is in his Goodness concerned to give them reasons sufficient for their direction , and that the nature of the things themselves is of importance to his Government , and that it is therefore requisite that their direction be such as may not only excuse their mistakes , but secure them of the Truth itself ; I say , these things being considered , there will be reason to believe that however fallible such general Presumptions may be in their own nature , yet that God in his Goodness has so ordered the matter in affairs of this nature , as that those who are guided by these Presumptions may by the use of them be secured of the Truth it self in these particulars . As for the Method observed in this Discourse , it is such as I conceived most clear and comprehensive in few words , and yet withal most accurate and satisfactory to a doubting Person . For any one may be much more secure of a Consequence when he is first secured of all its Principles , and he can much better judge of them when he has an intire prospect of them in the natural order wherein they lye , and wherein they are necessary for the deduction of such a Consequence . Yet I have neither deduced my Principles too remotely , but as near as I could find them clear and indisputable ; nor have insisted on the proof of those that were clear , any further than I conceived it necessary to do so from the actual Disputes concerning the Consequence . And I have been careful rather to prove than to confute ; which I conceived to be a course , as less Invidious to Adversaries ( who should find themselves no further concerned than as the consequences of positive Truths might make them concern'd ) so also more satisfactory to a Person in the Gentlewomans condition . And in the whole I am so little conscious of any design of displeasing any to whom Truth it self might not prove displeasing , as that if any Adversary shall think it worth his time to Answer what I have said , I am not my self affraid of provocation from any thing which he can say in following my Precedent . AN ANSWER TO Six Queries , &c. Q. 1 . Whether any one going from the Church of England , and dying a Roman Catholick can be saved . I. IF by the words [ can be saved ] be meant a possibility in regard of the means , we then deny it . For we hold that such Errors are maintained in that Communion as are in their own nature destructive of Salvation . Such are 1. The Doctrines even of their * Church which oblige them to do mischief ( as those concerning the Popes Supremacy over Princes in Temporals , and concerning their Duty of prosecuting Hereticks ) The † loosness of their Casuistical Divinity , countenanced by such Authorities of Casuists as must needs influence such Persons as act conformably to the Principles of that Communion ; and their generally allowing a greater Liberty to such persons as are desirous to reconcile their Vices with their hopes of Eternity , by their licentious applications of those two Distinctions of Precepts and Counsels , and of Mortal and Venial Sins , whereby they make most Duties Counsels , and most Sins only Venial . Which danger is the more considerable to an Ignorant Person , who for want of skill of her own , must in Prudence , and by the Principles of that Communion , be obliged to trust such un-secure Guides . 2. Not to mention the ill influence of several of their Doctrines on the Lives of such as own them ; the very imposing them as matters of Faith , the Excommunicating and Anathematizing all that deny them , the condemning Dissenters as guilty of Heresy and Schism ( at least what they call Material ) the inserting several of their controverted Doctrines into their Liturgies , so that they who cannot believe them , cannot veraciously joyn with them in their Devotions , are Innovations from the liberty allowed in the Primitive Church , wherein many ( whom all own for excellent Persons and good Catholicks ) never owned , nay some of them doubted of , or contradied such Conditions of Communion ; in sum , their unreasonable grounds of dividing Catholick Communion , and their Uncharitableness to Dissenters , are Errors dangerous to the Salvation of the Person owning and abetting them . For all will own , even the Romanists themselves , that the Crime of breaking Catholick Communion , where it is justly imputed , is destructive of Salvation . 3. Several Abuses of that Church ( I say of the Church , not only of particular Persons in it ) are so gross as that several of the most eminent and candid men of their own Communion have owned them for such : such as Prayer in an unknown Tongue , denying the Chalice to the Laity , Fabulous Saints and Stories still continued in the best approved Ecclesiastical Offices , Martyrs canonized for bad Causes conducing to the greatness of the Roman See , as Beckes for Example . Yet by the Principles of that Communion , pretending to Infallibility , it is impossible that any Abuse ( in defence of which their Church is engaged , as She is here ) should ever be reformed , because it is impossible that a Church , so pretending to be Infallible , should ever grant any such thing to be an Abuse . And many more Abuses are by the moderate Persons of their Communion owned in the Court of Rome , which yet by the power allowed to the Court over their Church , by the general consent of the Church it self , cannot possibly be reformed . Seeing therefore that the Church of Rome does thus oppose all possible Reformation of Abuses of this nature ; and seeing that , whilst these Abuses are not reformed , many of them may justifie a Separation , and most of them may do it when all hopes of Reformation are professedly opposed ; Catholick Peace on such terms as may , not only lawfully , but commendably , be yielded , will be impossible . And the abetting of such a Party as makes Catholick Peace on just terms impossible , must needs be an Error destructive of Salvation . This is a mischief unavoidably consequent to mistakes in a Society pretending to be Infallible . As these Errors are thus of their own nature destructive of Salvation , so going over to that Communion from another , does naturally involve the Person doing so in the actual guilt of the Errors themselves : 1. Because Communicating ( according to all ) does involve the Persons Communicating in the guilt of such Errors , at least , as are imposed as conditions of the Communion , as these are in the Church of Rome . This needs not to be proved against the Romanists who insist on it against Us as much as We do against them . 2. This must especially hold in such as revolt from our Church to theirs : both because such an embracing of their Communion is more an Argument of choice and designed preference in such as leave others to come to it , than in such as are born in it , and consequently must signifie a more express approbation of the terms of it ; and because more explicite recantations of our Doctrines are required even from Laick Revolters , than from such as are born in it . 3. Because the Resignation of Judgment is expected more intire from Women and Laicks than from skilful Persons ( who may in some Cases be allowed the liberty of their own Judgments even by the Principles of that Communion ) so that Persons in the Gentlewomans condition , may by this means come to be Responsible not only for the dangerous Doctrines of their whole Church , but also for the Personal Errors of their Priests and particular Confessors : both as they are ( by the Principles of that Communion ) allowed to be the Authentical Proponents of the Doctrines of their Church to unlearned Persons ( who are not themselves qualified for Judging concerning them ) as their Church is of the Doctrines of Christ to the Learned ; and as the same Rules of Prudence oblige them as strongly to trust their particular Priests for Opinions , as they do their Church for Doctrines of Faith , where they are still presumed as uncapable of Judging themselves . II. If by this possibility of Salvation mentioned in the Question , be meant only [ a possibility of the Event ] notwithstanding the dangerousness of the condition of Persons of that Communion , upon account of their being of it ; then the Resolution will depend on this : How far Errors of their own nature damnative may not prove actually destructive to the Salvation of the particular Erroneous Person , on account of the Ignorance and Unvoluntariness with which the Person comes to be engaged in such Errors ? For on these accounts it may be conceived that the Errors may either not be imputed to her at all , or be imputed in so low a degree as to become pardonable by the general Stipulations and promises of the Gospel for the pardoning of Sins of Inadvertency and humane frailty , which are supposed expiable by a general Care of fulfilling the conditions of the Evangelical Covenant , together with a general implicite Repentance of Sins unknown as well as known . Now of these two waies whereby an Error damnative of its own Nature may be hindred from proving actually damnative in the Event to the Erroneous Person , it is only an Invincible Ignorance ( that is , such as can be remedied by no means that are in the power of the Person who is supposed Erroneous ) that can hinder all Imputation of her Error to her ; and only such a degree of Vincible Ignorance can suffice for extenuating the Imputation so far as to render it pardonable in the way now mentioned , that is very hardly avoidable by the Person , considering the frailty to which her condition in this Life is obnoxious . So that for judging concerning the Condition of Revolters ( which is the Gentlewomans case ) the Enquiry will be , what degree of Ignorance they are capable of that may make their Errors Involuntary ? that is , How far such as they are may be capable of being Ignorant of their Duty to adhere to ours as the true Communion ? And for discerning this these following Particulars would be fit to be considered . 1. That we are all agreed ( Romanists as well as Protestants ) that all sorts of Persons ( Ignorant as well as Learned ) are obliged to adhere to the true Communion ( whatever that is ) in contra-distinction to others , at least , under pain of losing the Ordinary means of Salvation , and consequently that comfortable satisfaction of the security of their own condition , which they who enjoy the Ordinary means of Salvation must needs be more capable of than they who are necessitated to repose their whole confidence in Gods Extraordinary Mercies . 2. That all Persons being thus obliged by God to embrace the true Communion , the Inducements to it must be supposed sufficient for the conviction of all , and consequently suited to the capacities of all who are thus concerned to receive Conviction . 3. Therefore the Reasons being thus supposed sufficient for the conviction of all , there can be no pretence of Invincible Ignorance for any but such as are Ignorant of those Reasons , which cannot be supposed to be the case of Revolters . Hence it follows , at least , that if Revolters act rationally , that is , Enquire what it is they leave , and why , and accordingly follow their Convictions as they ought , before their Change ; they cannot be supposed capable of Invincible Ignorance . So that the only imaginable pretence for rendring their Error Invincible , must be the supposed Invincibleness of those Prejudices which may hinder a well-meaning Person , acting conscientiously , from acting rationally . Which muft be either 1. Opinions conceived obligatory in Conscience , hindring the Persons embracing them from Enquiry , or following their own Convictions ; of which kind many instances may be produced which are favoured by the Casuists of the Roman Church : Or , 2. Precipitation in passing Sentence on a partial Evidence , resolving on some particular advantage of one Cause without considering its disadvantages , or the advantages of the contrary Cause , which might possibly over-weigh it if impartially considered : Or , 3. An undiscernible favour to one Cause more than another , whereby we wish it rather true in regard of its greater complyance with some particular Interest or Affection which may be thought Innocent , at least , if not commendable ; which may the more likely prejudice a well-meaning Conscientious Person , because it may indeed be Prudent in some Cases , and it is not easie for a Person acted by it to discern when it is not . But it is hard to conceive how any of these mistakes can be Invincible in Revolters . Not the 1. for 1. There can be no reason to take up such Opinions so gratuitously , which are so Prejudicial to all Reasoning in general . 2. There can be no reason to take them for granted as first Principles , without Enquiry , ( by which means very absurd Propositions may be taken up by very rational Persons ) where it is known that many skilful , and ( as far as can be judged ) Conscientious Persons do , not only question , but , deny them . 3. Revolters from us cannot as much as pretend any Prejudices of Education to excuse such mistakes , seeing that among Us they find them utterly discountenanced . And as they have thus neither Reason , nor ( among Us ) Authority that may induce them to the belief of those Doctrines : So neither 4. Can the Authority of our Adversaries be any probable inducement to perswade Revolters to the belief of these irrational Doctrines : 1. Because the Romanists themselves are sensible of the absurdity of these Doctrines , and their unserviceableness to their own Interests when they have to deal with Persons whom they desire to seduce ; so that they are not likely to recommend such Doctrines to such Persons , as Credible , on account of their own Authority . For if they should offer to perswade such as they esteem Hereticks of the unlawfulness of intermedling in Religious Disputes , or following their own Convictions in them , it would be the means to make it impossible to Proselyte such to their own Party . 2. If they should be so imprudent as to perswade them of the Truth of these Doctrines so prejudicial to their own interests in these Circumstances ; yet the Person tempted would need no other Argument to confute them than their attempts to Proselyte her at the same time when they should teach her that it were unlawful to hearken to any Reasons , or to venture her own Judgment concerning them , if contrary to what at present she believed to be true . 3. Because if she must not trust her own Judgment , but rely on Authority , it would be most Just , as well as most Prudent , to trust the Authority of her own Party whom She has experienced , than her Adversaries whom She has not ; and therefore it could not be reasonable to trust Adversaries contradicting the eminent Guides of her own Party . 4. Because , at least , the Authority of Adversaries cannot be presumed in Reason so great , with a Person not yet of their Communion , as to oblige her to believe , on their account , what She her self thinks Irrational : Nay , rather whilst it is questioned how far their Authority is to be trusted ( as it ought , in reason , to be considered before a change ) and whilst the private Judgment of the Person is trusted ( as none else can be ) in this debate ; what in her own judgment seems unreasonable would rather render the Authority suspected if it should recommend it , than be it self believed for the Authority . Especially considering 5. that to such a one as is not yet perswaded of the Credibility of their Authority , this would afford a very prudent Argument for suspicion of their Integrity , when they should urge her to the belief of such things whose Truth they would not allow her liberty to examine by her own private Judgment . Not the 2. for 1. It is hard to conceive a Person educated in the true Church so ignorant of the advantages of her own way , as to be Invincibly perswaded by those of the contrary , which upon a compleat comparison are ( by the Supposals laid down in the beginning of this Discourse ) so very disproportionable to them , and which may appear so by the Judgment of all who are concerned to judge concerning them . 2. The fallacy of trusting such partial Representations is so easily discovered by the most ordinary Experience and Prudence in human affairs , and so universally acknowledged in all other ordinary occurrences , as that it can hardly impose on any who proceeds with that Caution which all acknowledge requisite in changes of great and dangerous consequence , as all confess those of Religion to be . 3. Though a less advantage on one side above the other might suffice , where the Person were not pre-engaged in either ; yet all confess the disturbance of a change , and the danger of venturing on an unexperienced way , so considerable , as that they are not to be attempted on barely Equal terms ; which is a further warning for the Gentlewoman to be wary , who is tempted to change from the Principles of her Education . 4. Supposing the Person were so Ignorant as not to discern the advantages of her own Communion above any other by her own observation , yet in that Case , it is on all sides held Prudent to hear on both sides what can be said by them who are skilful : which if She understand , and be able to judge of by her self , She must then ( by the Supposals now mentioned ) see the advantage of her own side ; but if She does not , and so be necessitated , even in the choice of her Communion , to rely on the conduct of a Guide , it must in that Case be much more Prudent to trust a Guide whom She has experienced , than one whom She has not . Not the 3. for 1. That Favour which is wholly derived from the inclination of the Affections must needs be due to that side wherein the Person is already engaged : both in Justice , as all generous Persons conceive themselves obliged in all Cases capable of favour , to be favourable to their old Friends rather than others ; and in Prudence , because by this means the disturbance of a change is best prevented . 2. If any Favour may be upon reasonable and well-meaning accounts extended to one Cause above others : Either because the tryal of its Truth is easier , or because its Truth ( if it may be proved ) may be conceived subservient to better purposes ; as Mr. Cressy confesses himself favourable to the Arguments produced for a Judge of Controversies , because the decision of that Controversie alone would prevent the trouble of Enquiring into the rest : yet even so ( if this Favour be taken up and managed as it ought to be by a vertuous well-meaning Person ) it will not render the mistake of a change Invincible . For , 1. This Favour ( as far as it is justifiable by reason ) is to be had for the Religion wherein the Person had been educated , and of which She is actually possessed , upon the same rational accounts whereby that other Favour is conceived justifiable , and in as high a degree of obligation ; both as we are better able to judge of what we know already than we can be presumed to be of a strange Religion ; and as we can be more confident in the practice of a Religion we have alwaies maintained , than we can in that which must suppose us convicted of having been formerly greatly mistaken . 2. This Favour , as far as it may ybe conceived Prudent and Rational , can only take place there where all other things are supposed Equal , which cannot be supposed in the true way . 3. This Favour ought not to hinder the Person from an Enquiry into the contrary Cause , unless the Evidence produced be very certainly convictive , which also cannot be supposed in the way we are speaking of . 4. This way of Favourable Presumption being the only way by which the generality of the Vulgar are capable to Judge , and there being in the true way inducements for all sorts of People ; therefore it must be said that if this way be managed impartially , that is , if all the Presumptions on both sides be considered , this must bring them to the Truth . Hence it follows , by the Principles of all Parties , that the Error of a Revolter can hardly be presumed Invincible , and consequently not wholly Excusable . So that for Judging concerning the Salvability of particular Persons , it only remains to be enquired further , Whether they be capable of such a degree of Vincible Ignorance as may be expiable by a General Repentance , and the performance of all other Conditions of the Gospel in an Erroneous Communion ? And the Resolution of this depends on these Enquiries : 1. Whether the Erroneous Communion ( the Roman for Example ) embrace the Doctrine of Repentance so intirely , according to the Conditions required of it in the Gospel , as that the Repentance performed in it may be presumed such as God will accept ? 2. What degree of Vincible Ignorance is expiable by a General Repentance ? For it is certain that all is not . 3. Whether a Revolter from our Communion be capable of that degree of Vincible Ignorance which is so expiable ? The exact Discussion of these things is too large to be insisted on at present , and therefore I shall only make application to the design of the Question . I shall therefore shew that what Possibility of Salvation soever we may allow to Persons of the Roman Communion , yet it is no prudent ground to encourage one who is not already of it , to revolt to it . To this purpose I desire it may be considered , 1. That all the grounds we pretend to have for our Charity , are rather Negative than Positive : rather our unsatisfiedness with those Arguments which pretend to prove them actually damned , than any Positive Convictions that any of them are actually saved . 2. That our Charitable Presumptions are principally grounded on things impossible to be known by Us , such as are the uncovenanted Mercies of God , and the possibility of Sincerity , and even particular Explicite Repentance of the Error in the Person ; so that it is very easie for Us to be mistaken in our Charity , and we professedly chuse it as a mistake ( if it should prove one ) more pardonable than Censoriousness . 3. That the Case , concerning which we Judge Charitably , is so very rare and extraordinary , as that no particular Erroneous Person can be very confident that it is her own : Nay , when we say , that their Errors are of their own Nature destructive of Salvation , and that God has not interposed any General Ordinary means for preventing their proving actually damnative in the Event , it will thence follow that there are very just fears concerning the generality of their Communion , and consequently many odds to one of the miscarriage of each particular Person , which the Gentlewoman may do well to think of seriously . 4. That the degree of Penitence which shall be accepted by God in a particular Case , upon account of his uncovenanted Mercy , is very hard , if not impossible , to be known by the Person concerned ; so that even they who shall enjoy the benefit of it in the other World , yet want the comfort of it in this ; and therefore can ground no confidence in any Practice undertaken on that Supposition . 5. That this Security is very much more hazardous , and more difficult to be Judged of , in Case of Vincible , than of Invincible Ignorance , which has been proved to be generally the condition of Persons concerned in this Enquiry . 6. That it is certainly more difficult in the Case of Revolters , than of such who have had their Education in the Roman Communion . These things I conceive sufficient to shew that our acknowledgment in this affair can afford no security for a Revolt , to a Person who seriously believes Us , and is desirous to be Guided by Us. But if we be considered as Adversaries , and consequently our Authority be considered only as cogent against our Selves , especially when taken in conjunction with other things , as they usually argue the Security of a change from our Singularity in Asserting the Salvability of our own Communion , and our Agreement even with the Romanists in owning the Salvability of theirs ; whence they conclude it safer for an Ignorant Person to venture her Practice in that way , in the safety whereof we are all agreed , than in that wherein we are singular : In Answer hereunto I shall , at present , only propose these things to the Gentlewomans Consideration : 1. That the unreasonableness of this Argument has been sufficiently shown by others ; particularly She may consult Bishop Taylor 's Letter , and the Dean of Canterbury's Sermon , which are in English , and are short and easie to be understood by her . 2. That the Supposition it self is false here . For they of the Roman Communion do as fully own the Possibility of the Salvation of particular Persons in our Communion , as we do in theirs , both as to the Principles whence it is deduced , ( touching Invincible Ignorance ) which are granted as well by them as by Us , and even in express Confessions , when they are pleased to speak their minds freely ; of which I must needs say , they are in Policy more cautious , for fear of giving Us any encouragement to continue in our own Communion . If She doubt of this , She may , if She please , consult of our English Authors ( for in dealing with her I would not willingly quote any others ) Mr. Richworth Dialog . 1. § . 7. pag. 38. Ed. Paris . 1648. Mr. Cressy Exomolog . Sect. 2. Ch. 50. § . 11. pag. 396. Knot in Charity Maintained , Part I. Chap. 1. § . 3 , 4. compared with Mr. Chillingworths Answ. ib. § . 3 , 4. 3. That this Candor of ours , when compared with their reservedness in speaking their minds in this Case , is an Argument of our Ingenuity and fair dealing more than theirs , which is a considerable Argument of trust to an Ignorant Person , who finds her self obliged to trust the Authority of one of Us. Q. 2. Whether they be Idolaters , or No ? I Must confess that I think the true Notion of Idolatry more difficult than is commonly conceived , and to my Understanding not yet sufficiently explained . Nor am I willing on this occasion to engage on that Dispute , both because it would be too tedious , and because I think most of the mistakes already entertained concerning it to have been occasioned by its having been stated in Disputes with a design on some particular Adversaries . Not intending therefore to determine positively , Whether the practices required by their Church as Conditions of her Communion be necessarily Idolatrous ? I shall only , at present , recommend these things to a Person in the Gentlewomans Condition , whom I suppose not so capable of examining the particular merit of the Cause , and therefore it will be the most Prudent course for such a one to Judge by general Presumptions . 1. That their Notions concerning the Saints are exactly the same with those of the later Heathens of the Primitive times concerning their Daemons then worshipped ; who yet were as certainly guilty of Idolatry ( if the concurrent sense of Primitive Christianity may be believed ) as those accused of it in the Old Testament , concerning whose sense we want those Records which might so fully inform us . For it might have easily been shewn , that those Daemons were confessed to be of an inferior Order , and not to require that supreme degree of Worship proper to the Supreme Being ; nay , that they thought them deputed by the Supreme Being it self to convey his influences to Us , and our Prayers to Him. 2. That if the Heathens ( notwithstanding that their Devotions were designed for good Daemons ) were yet deluded by Evil ones , who were by God permitted to interpose in their stead , because they paid that Relative respect to Persons whom he had not declared it his pleasure to have so worshipped , and before Images where they had no security from any promise of God , that none but good Daemons should presentiate themselves ; How can the Romanists be secure that they are not the same way deluded , seeing they have as little Security from God's Word ( which is the only competent means from whence they can in this Case have Security ) that it is his pleasure that they should be publickly Invocated , and that he has given them the Office conveying his Blessings to Us , and our Prayers to Him , and that he will permit none but good Spirits to presentiate themselves at their Images ? 3. That if Miracles pretended to be done at such Invocations be urged as Arguments that God is pleased with them , this was pretended by the Heathens too . And it may be , if it were impartially Enquired into , there would not be greater and better attested Miracles for Invocation of Saints among the Romanists , than for the Invocation of Daemons among the Pagans . 4. That the same Arguments used by the Scriptures and Primitive Christians against the Heathen Idolatries , are applyed by the Protestants to the Image-worship among the Papists now ; and the same Answers given by the Papists now , were then also insisted on by the Pagans . 5. That as these are very shrew'd Suspicions of the dangerousness of this Worship , so this danger is ventured on without the least necessity ; there being undeniable Security from the Primitive Records and Revelations of Christianity , that God is pleased to accept such Prayers as are addressed to him through the Intercession of Christ alone , so that there can be no necessity of having also recourse unto the Saints . 6. That Image-worship is not countenanced by as much as any Venerable Authority of truly Primitive Christianity , and that the Second Nicaene Council that introduced it , was put to very disingenuous Shifts of counterfeit Authorities for it . 7. That whatever may be thought of the Worship designed by the Roman Church , yet even Mr. Thorndike himself ( with whose Authority our Adversaries principally urge us in this Dispute ) does not deny that Idolatry is practiced by the Ignoranter Persons of that Communion , which the Gentlewoman may justly fear , lest it should prove her own Case . 8. That the Roman Church her self cannot be altogether excused from the Idolatry of her Ignorant Communicants , seeing she puts unnecessary Scandals in Ignorant Persons way , and is guilty of encouraging their Ignorance and Carelessness of Judging in matters of Religion . 9. That the Practice of that Communion is genera●ly worse and grosser than their Principles ( as the Gentlewoman may inform her self of , in that impartial account which is given of them by Sir Edwyn Sandys in his Speculum Europae ) which yet is observed and countenanced by their most Eminent Guides ; so that such as She cannot secure themselves from the danger of it . 10. That the Romish Church is by so much the more culpable in this Particular , because She has not been content only to countenance and encourage a Practice in so great danger of proving Idolatrous , so needless in it self , so destitute of all Authority , either of Scripture or the Primitive Catholick Church ( which yet does so extremely stand in need of Authority ; ) but She has also imposed it as a Condition of her own Communion ( which She calls Catholick ) so that they who are willing to Believe and Practice all that was Believed and Practised in the Primitive Church , must now be Anathematized and condemned for Hereticks for refusing , to Believe or Practice any more , or to condemn those as Hereticks who do refuse it . Q. 3. Where was the Church of England before Luthers time . THE design of asking this Question is certainly to make our Confession of Novelty ( in such Cases wherein our Adversaries presume our Novelty so notorious as that we our Selves cannot deny it ) an Argument against Us ; yet they themselves are concerned in some Cases to deny its cogency . For even they cannot deny that the deprivation of the Laity of the use of the Cup ( for Example ) has been lately introduced into their Church by a publick Law. If therefore it may appear that our Church is Antient as to all intents and purposes wherein Antiquity may be available , but that the Church of Rome is not so ; and that in the sense wherein the Church of England has begun since Luther , there is no reason to expect that She should have been Antienter , and that the Justice of her Cause does not require it ; and that the Antiquity upon these Suppositions confessedly allowed to the Church of Rome is no Argument for the Justice of her Cause : these things , I think , will contain a fully satisfactory Answer to the Gentlewomans Question . I shall not at present engage on an accurate Discussion of these Heads : but shall only suggest such short Observations as may let her see how unreasonable our Adversaries confidence is in this Argument , wherein they do so usually triumph . Therefore 1. Antiquity is indeed necessary to be pleaded for Doctrines , such especially as are pretended to belong to the Catholick Faith , and which are urged as Conditions of Communion . This is the Case wherein it is urged by Tertullian and Vincentius Lirinensis in their very rational Discourses on this Argument . And for this , I think , we may challenge the Church of Rome her self to instance in one positive Doctrine imposed by us which She her self thinks not Ancient . I am sure the Controversie is so stated commonly , that we are blamed , not for Believing any thing antient or necessary which is not , but , for not believing some things which She believes to be so . And if She her self believe all our Positives , and withal believes that nothing is so to be believed but what is Antient ; it will clearly follow that She cannot , in consistency with her own interests , deny the Antiquity of our Positive Doctrines . But for the other Doctrines superadded by them , and denied by us , which are indeed the true occasion of the present Divisions of Communion , we charge them with Innovation , and are very confident that they will never be able to prove them , to the satisfaction of any Impartial Person , either from clear Scripture , or from genuine Antiquity of the first and purest Ages , which are the way wherein we are willing to undertake the proof of our positive Doctrines , Nay , their greatest Champions decline the tryal , and complain of the defectiveness and obscurity of the Primitive Christian Writers , which they would not have reason to do if they thought them clear on their side . These things therefore being thus supposed , That no Doctrines ought to be imposed but what are Ancient ; That ours are so by our Adversaries own Confession , and that our Adversaries Doctrines are not so ; and that in Judging this , the private Judgments of particular Persons are to be trusted , as the measures of their own private Practice ( as it is plain that those Discourses of Tertullian and Vincentius Lirinensis are principally designed for the satisfaction of particular Persons , which had been impertinent if the Churches Judgment had been thought Credible in her own Case , as a Judge of Controversies ; besides that even now this Argument from Antiquity is made use of for convincing such as are supposed unsatisfied with her Authority , and therefore to whom that Authority can be no Argument ) which Liberty of private Judgment is then especially most fit to be indulged when the distance is so remote as it is now , when no Church has now those Advantages for conveying down Apostolical Tradition in a Historical way as She had then : These things , I say , being thus supposed , it will follow that we are wrongfully Excommunicated , and therefore that we have no reason to fear that their Censures should be confirmed by God. And though I confess every Error in the Cause of the Churches Censures will not excuse the Censured Person for continuing out of her Communion , when the Communion may be recovered by any Submission , how inconvenient and harsh soever , if it be not sinful ; yet that is the very Case here , that we are not only wrongfully Excommunicated , but the terms proposed for our restitution to Communion would be directly sinful , as has been shewn before . Whence it will follow that we are excusable , not only in suffering our Selves to be cast out of their Communion , but also in continuing out of it . But because this is not our whole Case , who do not only abstein from their Communion , but set up a Communion of our own , and maintain an Ecclesiastical Body Politick distinct from theirs ; our defence herein will depend on the Justice of the Ecclesiastical power of those Persons who govern our Ecclesiastical Assemblies . And therefore 2. All our concernment for Antiquity here will be , that our Bishops derived their power from such as derived theirs with a power of communicating it in a continual Succession from the Apostles . And this we do acknowledge true concerning the Popish Bishops themselves , and do derive the validity of our Orders from the Antiquity of theirs without any more prejudice to our Cause than the Primitive Catholicks did suffer by acknowledging the validity of Baptism administred by Hereticks . For the Succession of their Pastors is very reconcilable with a supposed Innovation in their Doctrines ( and certainly themselves cannot deny that it is so , whilst they charge the Orientals with Heresie , whom yet they cannot deny to have alwaies maintained as uninterrupted a Succession of Bishops as themselves ) especially considering that the Innovations we charge them with , of adding false and new Articles of Faith ; not of denying the old ones , do not in the least interrupt or invalidate their Succession . This therefore being supposed , that the first Bishops of our English Reformation received their power from such as had derived theirs by an uninterrupted succession from the Apostles ; it will follow that they were valid Bishops , and if so , had the power of keeping Church-Assemblies , and exercising Jurisdiction in them , both for the Government of their present Charges , and communicating their power to succeeding Generations . For nothing of this is pretended to exceed the power of a valid Bishop . The charge of Heresy it self cannot hinder the validity of their Orders either received or communicated ; though it may indeed , in the Judgment of them who believe them so , render them obnoxious to Canonical Incapacities of executing them , and to Legal Degradations , not from the Character , but from the actual Jurisdiction properly belonging to their Office. But to such Canonical Incapacities and Degradations , they will not deny even validly-Ordeined Persons themselves to be obnoxious , and therefore cannot make that an Argument against the validity of our Orders . And yet when this Charge of Heresy against our Bishops is not here to be Judged by the pretences of our Adversaries , but by the merit of the Cause ; and therefore is not to be taken f●r granted till it be proved . That therefore which is indeed new in the Church of England , is , That though her Positive Doctrines and Orders be Ancient , yet the Profession of her Negatives ; and the open Assertion of her Liberty from the Encroachments of the Roman Court , and all her other Practices grounded on these Principles , were not avowed by her Ecclesiastical Governors for several Centuries before the Reformation . And in Answer hereunto I shall insist on the heads already intimated . Therefore 1. There was no reason to expect that her opposition to these Errors should have been Ancienter , though we should suppose the Errors themselves to have been so . For there was no reason to expect that Errors should have been discovered for some Ages before the Reformation , when there was so great a want of that kind of Grammatical and Historical Learning which is only fit to qualifie a Person to Judge of Ecclesiastical Tradition ; at least , they were not likely to have been discovered by such a number as had been requisite to maintain an open opposition . And if the Errors had been discovered , yet it was not easie to expect success in holding out against the Court of Rome , which was then so very powerful , and there was no reason to expect such attempts from Prudent Persons where there was no probability of success . And there was yet least reason of all to expect this opposition from Bishops then , when no Bishops were made without the Popes consent , which he was not likely to give to such as were likely to oppose him ; when , after they were made , they were obliged to be true to Him by express Oaths , as well as by their Interests of peaceable continuance , or hopes of future preferment ; when , at least , it was impossible to resist their Fellow-Bishops , the generality of whom were , in all likelyhood , swayed by these Prejudices ; when they had seen mighty Princes themselves worsted in those Contests , and the extreme Severity of that Court against Dissenters ; when , lastly , differing from the Church of Rome in any thing was counted Heresy , and Heresy was prosecuted with the extremest Infamy ( which must needs weaken the Authority of those Opposers with others ) as well as other Penalties of the Canon-Law . Nor 2. Does the Justice of our Cause require a greater Antiquity for our Negatives : For , 1. Our Negatives are not pretended to be of perpetual obligation , but only for preventing the malignity of the contrary Affirmative Articles to which they are opposed . And therefore there is no reason to expect Formal Negatives opposed to Additional Articles from the beginning , before the Additional Articles themselves were thought of ; nor to expect a Reformation of Abuses before there were Abuses to be Reformed , seeing that in course of Nature these Negatives presuppose the contrary Affirmatives , as a pretence of Reformation must also presuppose Abuses . And therefore the pretence of the greater Antiquity of our Adversaries Errors and Abuses is so far from prejudicing the reputation of our Negatives and Reformation , as that it is indeed the best Argument of their Justice and Seasonableness . For such Negatives as these , and such a Reformation , must needs have been unwarrantable , if there had not been before Errors fit to be denyed , and Abuses fit to be reformed . Nor 2. Is it any Prejudice to the Justice of our Cause , that these Errors were not opposed with formal Negatives as soon as they appeared . For such Errors as these were usually first received as the Opinions of private Persons before they were countenanced by Authority , and whilst they proceeded no further , there was not that mischief in them , nor consequently that obligation to oppose them , as when at length they came to be so countenanced . For the Errors of Private Persons , whilst they are no more , are not conceived so to oblige us to be of their mind , as that our silence should in any Prudence be expounded as an Argument of our consent ; and consequently cannot be such a provocation to us to oppose them openly in our own Defence . Nor 3. Is it necessary to expect that there should have been an open opposition of them , even as soon as countenanced by Authority . For if even in the reproof of the miscarriages of private Persons , Christianity obliges us to proceed with all possible candor and modesty ; we are certainly much rather obliged to proceed so in dealing with Persons of Authority . We should give them time to reflect , and we should bear with any Personal inconveniences that are not directly sinful ; rather than occasion those disturbances which are usually to be expected from a publick opposition of them . Nor is this forbearance more agreable to reason , than to the sentiments of those Ages who were generally possessed with an excessive veneration for Authority , especially Ecclesiastical ; so that there is reason to believe that they would bear with such Errors as long as the Abuses were tolerable , however otherwise inconvenient . 4. Therefore that which makes these Errors intolerable to private Persons in dealing with Authority ( for of such I speak ) is the imposing and urging them as Conditions of Communion . And this might have been shewn to have been late , not before their Errors were defined and imposed in their Councils . And therefore it was but lately that any publick opposition was to be expected , even from them who were in their Consciences perswaded that our Adversaries Doctrines were Erroneous . And 5. When they were thus imposed , yet even then private Persons were concerned , in Conscience as well as Prudence , to forbear an open opposition , when there were no hopes of doing good , nay too probable fears of prejudicing their Cause by it for the future : when upon their opposition , they must have expected to have been condemned ; when being condemned , they were to be cast out of Communion ; when being Excommunicated for such a Cause , others would have been deterred by their Example , and their credit must have been impaired by the Infamy incurred by the Canon-Law then in force , and their very condemnation would for the future mightily prejudice Mens minds against the like attempts , when none could revive the like true Doctrine without the dis-repute of being supposed to revive an anciently-condemned Heresy ; and when there were no hopes of being able to preserve themselves in opposite Assemblies without Bishops to Head them , without whom they could not maintain a Succession of Priests , nor consequently of Sacraments , and the like employments and advantages of Ecclesiastical Assemblies ; and when no Bishops were likely to countenance such a design , whilst they were held in such captivity to the Court of Rome by Oaths as well as their other Worldly Interests , and when no Persons of a free ingenuous temper were likely to attain the honour of Episcopacy . These Reasons , with a very easie Application , may suffice to shew that in an ordinary way there was no reason to expect the Reformation sooner than it was . And that there was no necessity sufficient to oblige God to interpose to raise Men up to it Extraordinarily , will appear if it be considered 6. That it is not every necessity of the Church that can oblige God to use such Extraordinary means , but only such a necessity as must have destroyed a Church from the Earth , that is , such a Society of Men wherein Salvation might be attained by the ordinary Prescriptions of the Gospel . Now the prevalency of these Errors does not oblige us to acknowledge that such a Church as this must have failed even in those Ages wherein these Errors are supposed to have prevailed for some Centuries before the Reformation : For 1. Though the Occidental Church had failed , yet Christ might have had such a Church among the several Communions of the Orientals . And I know no greater inconvenience , in this regard , in admitting the faileur of the Occidental church , than what our Adversaries themselves are obnoxious to , in admitting the like defection in the Oriental . 2. The prevailing of these Errors does not oblige us to deny an ordinary possibility of Salvation according to the Prescriptions of the Gospel , even in the Church of Rome it self in those Centuries before the Reformation : For 1. We do not deny all Necessaries to Salvation , even according to the ordinary Prescriptions of the Gospel , to have been taught even then in the Church of Rome . The Errors we charge them with , are not of Defect , but Adding to the Original Articles of Faith. And therefore 2. If it may appear that the sin of Adding to the Faith was not ( to such as were no farther accessary to it than by continuing in the Communion of such as were really guilty of it ) so imputable ordinarily as to hinder the Salvation of such as were not otherwise wanting to themselves in their own Endeavours ; or at least not in such a degree as to oblige God to interpose in an Extraordinary way for its Ordinary prevention : this will be sufficient to shew that ( supposing those Errors so dangerous as we do indeed suppose them , yet ) God was not obliged to raise up , and maintain a Communion in opposition to them for preventing the failing of such a Church as I have spoken of , even in these Western Parts . And that this was so , may appear from these Considerations : 1. That that skill in Ecclesiastical Learning , by which our first Reformers were enabled to discover these Errors , was generally wanting in the Ages before the Reformation , which might make their mistakes then much more pardonable than now . 2. That the great mischief of these Errors is , not so much the believing more for matters of Faith than really was so , as the mischievous Consequence of doing so , the Divisions of the Church necessarily following hereupon , the condemning of good Catholicks for Hereticks and Schismaticks , and excluding them from Communion , and hereby making the peace of Christendome impossible on any just and tolerable terms , and Abuses impossible to be Reformed . Which was not so imputable in those Ages when there was no visible Communion to be condemned by joyning with that of Rome ; for as for the even unjust Excommunication of particular Persons , Providence is not so concerned as to interpose Extraordinarily for their prevention . This I say on Supposition that the Waldenses and Albigenses , &c. were such as our Adversaries represent them . If they were ootherwise , then among them there was a Succession , for so long , of Churches holding our Doctrines before Luther . 3. The Prudential Reasons now given might then generally excuse private Persons , and all such as were not accessary to the guilt of introducing those Errors ( who were much the greater Part , and it is only for the greater Part that Providence is necessarily concerned ) from the guilt of not publickly Reforming them . Yet even they are not so Excusable now , when the power of the Pope is so much decryed , and there are so many Churches and Church-Governours , under whose Protection they may put themselves , and with whose Communion they may joyn , in opposition to them . 3. The Antiquity allowed to their Errors on this Supposition is not sufficient to Justifie their Cause . For , 1. This Antiquity is not Primitive , but only of some later Ignorant Ages . And the Unreasonableness of presuming Doctrines to have been Primitive only , because they were actually found embraced by the Church in later Ages , and of Prescribing on that account against a new Examination of them by immediate recourse to the Originals , might have been shewn from the Fathers as well as from the Protestants . 2. The Antiquity of those Notions of theirs , whereby they confine the Catholick Church to that part of it in the Roman Communion ( which might have been proved Fundamental to all their other Doctrines , as they are made Articles of Faith and Conditions of Communion ) is contradicted by the Oriental Churches generally , who are as ancient , and of as Unquestionable a Succession , as the Church of Rome her self , and as ancient in teaching the contrary . 3. The utmost Antiquity which we allow for their unwarrantable Doctrines is not so great as must be acknowledged ( by all that will Judge candidly ) for several , which on all sides are acknowledged to be Heretical , I do not only mean those of the Arians , but also of those great Bodies of the Oriental Historians and Eu●ychians , continuing to this day divided from the Roman Church ; especially if they be really guilty of those Heresies which are charged on them , and they must by Romanists be held guilty of some , for Justifying their own Practice of condemning them . 4. Some of their present Decrees ( particularly those concerning the admission of the Apocryphal Books into the Canon , and receiving Unwritten Traditions with Equal Reverence with the Written Word of God ) I doubt are not more anciently imposed , as Conditions of Catholick Communion , than the Council of Trent it self , which was since Luther . And both of these are very considerable , and especially the later is very Fundamental to many of their other Decrees . Q. 4. Why all the Reformed Churches are not Vnited in One ? I Presume the design of this Question is not so much a Curiosity to be Informed , either of the Politick Reasons which in the Course of Second Causes might have an Influence on those Divisions which were occasioned by the Reformation ; or of those that might move God to permit Second Causes to act according to their Natural Inclination , without the Interposition of any Extraordinary restraint : but only to lay hold on that Advantage from our acknowledged Divisions , which they may seem to afford to the Prejudice of our common Cause . I shall therefore at present on●y propose such things to the Gentlewomans Consideration , as may let her understand the weakness of this Argument ( how Popular soever ) when they conclude us either mistaken our Selves , or , at least , unfit to Guide others in the General Reformation ; because we are not all agreed in all the Particulars . To this purpose it will be at present sufficient to insist on two things : 1. That there is no reason why the Romanists should upbraid Us with this Argument , and that it is their Interest , as well as ours , to Answer it : 2. That the Argument it self is of no force as it is used by them against us . 1. There is no Reason why the Romanists should upbraid Us with this Argument , and they , as well as we , are obliged to Answer it . For , 1. This very Argument was by the Primitive Heathens made use of against Christianity in General , as it is now against Us ; and our Adversaries would do well to consider , whether the same Answers pleadable by themselves now in behalf of those Christians , and actually pleaded by the Apologists then , be not as pleadable for Us now . Nay , this multitude of Sects in Christianity is even now the great Argument of Irreligious Persons against the Truth of Religion ; and I cannot believe that any Piously disposed Person among them , can be pleased to allow the Argument to be of any force in either Case , rather than want an Argument against Us. Yet I believe they will never be able to shew any Disparity . 2. If they speak , not of Dividing Principles , but of actual Divisions , they , as well as we , have such among themselves . They have Divisions betwixt the Irish Remonstrants and Anti-Remonstrants , Molinists and Jansenists , as well as Thomists and Scotists , and Jesuites , some of which Parties are Divided as well in Communion as in Opinions . If they say that these Divisions are not the faults of their Opinions , but the particular perversity of Persons , who will not stick to those Principles which might keep them United , when their Interest inclines them otherwise ; the same will be pretended by every Dividing Party . If they think it Injurious that their whole Communion should be charged with the misdemeanors of Persons condemned by it ; We all of Us plead the same , for there is no Party that does not condemn all others in those things wherein they Divide from themselves . 3. If they think our Differences concerning the Particulars we would have Reformed , an Argument that the whole design of a Reformation is in it self Suspicious and Uncertain ; let them consider what themselves do or can say , when they are , in the like way of Arguing , urged by Us with the several Opinions concerning the Seat of Infallibility ; whence our Authors conclude the Uncertainty of the thing it self . It might easily have been shewn , upon this and the like Occasions , how they do , and are obliged to , acknowledge the Unreasonableness of this way of Arguing . But the designed Brevity of my present Employment only permits me to point at the Heads of what might be said , not to enlarge on the Particulars . 4. It might have been shewn that these Differences among them concerning the Judge of Controversies , tend Naturally , and by due Rational Consequence , to the dissolution of their Communion , a Charge which we think cannot be proved against that which we believe the Right Communion . 2. Therefore , to shew directly the weakness of this Argument , Let it be considered 1. That whatever Differences they upbraid us with , yet they can never prove that they follow by any Natural and Rational Consequence from the General Principles of the Reformation , though possibly they may indeed have been occasioned by that Liberty of Spirit which was absolutely requisite for undertaking a design of such a Nature ; as it must on all sides be acknowledged possible that things really good may notwithstanding prove occasions of Evil. And how very Unjust and Unreasonable it is to charge Personal Faults upon Designs ( that is in this Case the faults of Reformers upon the Reformation ) all , even the Romanists themselves , will acknowledge , in Cases wherein they are dis-interessed . 2. That , this being Supposed , all that they can conclude from these Divisions of the Reformers , is only , that no one Communion of the Reformers has that advantage over the rest as that , Antecedently to all Enquiry into the merit of the Cause , its Word is fit to be trusted as a Guide in Controversies , to assure any of its own Truth , and of the Error of all differing from it . This , if the Gentlewoman will observe , She will find that their Arguments from this and the like Topicks , only aim at . For because they challenge such a Priviledge themselves , they fancy Us to do so to ; and that our design is not to overthrow a Judge of Controversies , but only to translate that Title from the Pope to Luther , or some others of our eminent Reformers , which is far from our design . But this difference in Opinion does not in the least prove , but that , upon a particular Enquiry into the merit of the Cause , one Party may be found to have the advantage of the other , which is all that we pretend to . 3. That this difference of the several Parties of the Reformation in other things , is rather a very strong Presumption ( for an Ignorant Person who must conduct her self by Presumptions ) that there is great reason for those things wherein they are all agreed , and indeed is a greater Argument for the Credibility of the Reformation in general , than for that of the Roman Communion . For to a dis-interessed Person the Agreement of those is a more valuable Argument for the Truth of what they say , who seem most of all acted by the merit of the things , and least of all influenced by the Opinions and Authorities of a few ; and there can hardly be conceived a more considerable Argument of their freedom in Judgment , than their actual difference in other things . What therefore the Protestants are agreed in , seems more likely to be the real sense of all that are so agreed upon an Impartial Enquiry ; whereas the Romanists are generally Influenced by a few of the Court of Rome , to whom the rest do generally conceive themselves obliged in Conscience to conform . And this advantage of the differences of Protestants for recommending their Credibility in other things , above that of their Adversaries , to the Trust of an Ignorant Person , will appear the more remarkable , if it be considered 4. That they are not only agreed in general in the fitness of a Reformation , but also in most of the Particulars to be Reformed . Indeed if they were only agreed in general , that it were fit a Reformation should be , but agreed in no Particulars ; it might seem too probable a Suspicion , that it was not Truth , but Faction , and the disturbance of the Publick , that was their common design . But that is far from being the Case here . 5. The Divisions of the Protestants in Doctrine are not so irreconcileable as they may seem . The Harmony of Confessions shew them agreed in the Principal . As for the others , it is plain that our Church of England does not think them worth contending for , whilst She admits the several Parties into her Communion ; and if other Protestants think otherwise , yet She is not Responsible for them , because She is not of their mind . The most pernicious Principles of all , which most Naturally tend to Division , and which make the differences resulting from them most impossible to be reconciled , are the differences concerning Church Government ; and in that our Church has Innovated nothing that should cause any breach , even from the Roman , much less from any other part of the Catholick Church . And most of their other Differences are no longer Irreconcileable than the Persons are likely to continue averse to Reconciliation ; but these Differences about Church-Government are so derived from the nature of the Things , as that they may Cause Division among Persons otherwise well-meaning , and of a Peaceable Disposition . 6. This Argument from the Divisions of Protestants , is principally proper for such as are not actually engaged in any particular Communion of them , and even to them ought to have no more force than that of a Prudent Presumption , till the Person so Presuming might have leasure to examine Particulars . But that seems not to be the Gentlewomans Case whom I suppose to have been hitherto educated in the Church of England , and to have had sufficient opportunities of Informing her self concerning us . For such a one it would sure be sufficient that our Church is no way guilty of these Divisions , whatsoever may be the Case of other Protestants . Q. 5. Why the Church of England doth not hold up to Confession , Fasting-days , Holy Oyl , which we our Selves commend ? IT is a mistake that the Questionist does suppose Us to commend Holy Oyl . However we think all the Instances here mentioned lawful and indifferent , and so to be as obnoxious to the Prudence of particular Church-Governors , as other things of that nature are by all acknowledged to be ; and we shall conceive our Selves secure of the Gentlewomans Communion , if She will not alter till our Adversaries prove them necessary Antecedently to Church Authority , which is more than they will as much as pretend to , at least , concerning some of them . These things therefore being thus supposed , I shall propose two things to the Gentlewomans Consideration : 1. That supposing We were to blame in omitting them , yet this were no ground for Her to leave our Communion : 2. That as far as they are not imposed by our Church , there was reason for their not imposing them . 1. Supposing that we were indeed to blame in omitting these Ecclesiastical Observances , yet this would be no sufficient ground to excuse the Gentlewoman for leaving our Communion . For 1. No Indifferent thing , how imprudent or inexpedient soever ( and that is the highest Charge that the Churches mistake in a matter of this nature , is chargeable withal , as long as the Object is supposed of its own nature Indifferent ) as long as it is not sinful ( and certainly it can be no Sin to submit for Peace's sake to an imprudent Constitution ) can excuse a departure from a Communion that is in other regards allowable . 2. Whatever a Separation on this account might be in others , yet it is less excusable in Subjects , who are no way Responsible for as much as the Imprudences of such Constitutions , and who are certainly bound to bear with all tolerable frailties of their lawful Governours , and who are not indeed so well qualified for Judging concerning them , as neither being so well skilled in Politicks generally , nor being made acquainted with the secret Reasons of such Constitutions , which might make that , which without them might seem strange , appear highly commendable when considered with them 3. The Gentlewomans Sex , and possibly her particular Condition , may not have those Advantages which many others ( though Subjects also ) have for Judging concerning them . These Arguments are so agreeable to the Principles of our Adversaries themselves , as that they frequently make use of them for retaining Persons in their own Communion . Which the Gentlewoman may be pleased to take notice of , if any of her Tempters should Question them here , where they are disserviceable to their Interests . But farther 4. Abuses in Governours acknowledging themselves Fallible ( though they be supposed indeed to be Abuses ) are much more tolerable than in those who do not ; seeing there may be hopes that Governours , acknowledging themselves Fallible , my in time be better informed , and may then themselves reform what is amiss , without the compulsion of their Subjects ; which can never be expected from such as pretend to be Infallible . 5. If Abuses of this Nature be conceived a sufficient Reason for leaving a Communion wherein we are already , much more are they sufficient for hindring our access to another , wherein as yet we are not . So that this same Reason , if it should make her desert the Communion of the Church of England , would also hinder her joyning in that of Rome , in which the most Judicious and Candid Persons of that Communion will acknowledge Abuses of the like nature . 2. As far as these Omissions are countenanced by our Church , there is reason for it . I say [ as far as they are countenanced by our Church ] and therefore the reason I shall give for such Omissions shall be as they are considered under that Notion . 1. Therefore , for Fasting Days , I think they are imposed with the same design of Religion in our Church as in that of Rome ( for that account of Jejunium Cecilianum , which is given by some , is not taken for the true sense of our Church by her most genuine Sons ) and that our Church is conceived to have as much Authority to oblige her Subjects in Impositions of that Nature , so that I cannot look on this disuse prevailing in Practice as countenanced by our Church . If the Gentlewoman be so zealously concerned for them , I am sure She may Practice them in our Communion , as well as in that of Rome , as several others do . 2. Confession , even to a Priest , in order to his Advice and Absolution , our Church , I think , owns as much as that of Rome ; though we do not make it a Sacrament , nor make it absolutely necessary , in an ordinary way , for the remission of every particular Sin , that it be particularly confessed : That the Practice of it is at present discontinued , our Church , I think , is not the Cause . That She has not interposed her Authority to continue it , might have been excused : 1. Because the thing is only of Ecclesiastical Right . For the ancientest obligation to confess Sins , though scandalous in their own nature , yet not become notorious ( though that differed much from the Confession which is now used in the Roman Church ) was first introduced after the Persecution by Decius , and that in opposition to the Novatians , as Socrates affirms ; and this was also afterwards taken awav by Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople , who ordered every one to be left to his own Conscience in that matter , for which other Bishops were so far from censuring him , that they followed him in it almost in all places , as the same Historian tells us , and that omission was vehemently pleaded for by St. Chrysostome , and obtained for no small time in the Greek Church , whatsoever it did in other places . Whence it follows that She has power , in discretion , to determine concerning its actual practice what She thinks fit . 2. Farther , this being supposed , that it was in our Churches power not to Impose it , that She did act prudently in not Imposing it , but rather recommending it to the Liberty of private Devotions , will appear , if it be considered that , if She had imposed it , She must necessarily have excluded all such fr●● her Communion as had not been satisfied with it ; and it had not been Prudent to have excluded Persons from her Communion for Indifferent things avoidable by her , when She was complaining of the like Tyranny In the Church of Rome , especially considering that it was also likely that the number was great of those who were so dissatisfied with it . However , if the Gentlewoman be desirous to Practice it for her own Edification , I believe She may be furnished with Persons fitted for it in the Church of England . 3. As for the use of Holy Oyl in any of the pretended Sacraments , we do not so far condemn it , as to refuse Communion with other Churches that use it ; nay , we our Selves retain it as a decent Ceremony of Consecration in the Coronations of our Princes . Only we again conceive it 1. A matter indifferent in it self , and not Essential to those Offices , because of the differences in the Church concerning it . 2. This being supposed , our Church does no way conceive it Prudent to continue it : both because it was the design of the Reformation to reduce the Sacraments to their Primitive Simplicity , that so Persons might ComCommunicate in them on the same free terms as then ; and because the Errors of those who made them Essential to the Mysteries , were of great Consequence , and very fit to be so discountenanced by a discontinuance of the Practice it self . If by the Holy Oyl here mentioned , be meant particularly their Sacrament of Extreme Unction , ● . Our Adversaries cannot prove a Sacramental Unction for the first Centuries . A Miraculous one they may , but seeing themselves confess the ordinary Use of the Miracle to have ceased , there is no necessary reason obliging our Church to continue the external Ceremony . This is at least sufficient to shew that it is in the Churches power to continue it , or not . Which being supposed , I add , 2. That even in regard of the benefit expected by it , whether of Bodily recovery , or remission of sins , or Spiritual strength against the Agony of Death , the Gentlewoman , nor any other Subject of our Church , can suffer no loss by our Church's discontinuance of it . For all these things are as certainly attainable by the means continued in our Church from Unquestionable Apostolical Tradition ( as the Prayers and Absolution of the Priest and the blessed Sacrament ) as they could by the Unction it self ; so that I cannot perceive how a devout Person need to be concerned for the want of it , on the terms now mentioned . Especially considering 3. That in the way it is Administred among them , to Persons past hopes of recovery , and usually past sense of their own condition , it cannot be conceived in any rational way , capable of Edifying the Devotion of the Person concerned , and no other way is suitable to the Dispensation of the Gospel . And supposing it no Sacrament , there is no reason imaginable why the Prayers of the Assistants for such a Person may not be as acceptable to God , without the observation of this external Ceremony , as with it . And as upon these concessions its Continuance must needs appear unnecessary , so 4. It would be inexpedient to countenance the Errors consequent to the Opinion of its being a Sacrament , which are of so weighty a concernment , by continuance of a Custom which may so easily be spared . These things may suffice at present for satisfying the Gentlewoman of her little concernment for it , without engageing on the Dispute concerning its lawfulness . Now this Fundamental Principle of our Churches Proceedings in these and the like Particulars , concerning the power of the Church for Innovating from Ancient Customes , not only by Adding new ones , but Abrogating old ones , might have been proved not only from the Principles , but from several Practices of the Roman Church her self . Q. 6. Why was Reformation done by Act of Parliament ? REformation may be considered two wayes : Either 1. As preached and imposed under pain of Spiritual Censures , and of Exclusion from the Communion of the Church , and a deprivation of all the Priviledges consequent to that Communion . And this is certainly the Right of the Church , and was accordingly practiced by the Church in our English Reformation : 2. As Enacted as a Law of the Land , and consequently as urged the same way as other Laws are , under temporal Penalties and external Coercion , and encouraged by temporal Advantages . And this is undoubtedly the Right of the Secular power . And this was all in which the Secular power did concern it self in the Reformation . What I can further foresee in favour of our Adversaries is , that 1. The Secular Power ought in Conscience to be herein advised by the Ecclesiasticks : and 2. That though external obedience may be paid to the mistaken Decrees of the Secular power following the mistaken part of the Ecclesiasticks , yet the Obligation ( in Conscience and Right ) of such Decrees must be derived from the Justice of the Churches proceedings in advising the Magistrate ▪ so that no Act of the Magistrate can make amends for any Essential defect in the proceedings of the Church . But the only Effect of the Magistrates concurrence in that Case is , that what is already performed without Heresy or Schism in the Church , may be by that means settled in such a particular Commonwealth without Schism or Sedition in the State. And therefore seeing they suppose that at the Reformation the greater number of the Bishops then being , were overawed and deprived of the Liberty of their Votes by the Secular Magistrate , and it is the nature of all Societies to be swayed by the greater Part ; therefore they may think it unreasonable to ascribe the Reformation to the Church of England , but only to a Schismatical part of it ; so that the Magistrate having attempted this Reformation without warrant from the Church , they think they do well to call our Reformation it self Parliamentary . To this therefore I Reply , 1. That the use we make of this Topick of the Magistrates concurrence , is indeed no other than to clear our Reformation from being Seditious , which is ordinarily charged on Us by our Adversaries , and much more ordinarily on the forreign Protestants . 2. That for clearing the very proceedings of the Magistracy from being Heretical or Schismatical , to the Conscience of the Magistracy it self , it is sufficient that the Magistracy gave its Assistance and Protection to no other Church , but such as , at least , according to the genuine Dictate of their Conscience , was neither Heretical nor Schismatical . But this Justification of the private Conscience of the Magistracy is , I confess , a thing we are at present not so necessarily concerned for ; and therefore 3. We grant farther , that for satisfying our own Consciences of the Justice of these proceedings of the Magistracy , it is requisitethat we be satisfied that they were Advised by that part of the Clergy , whose Advice we conceive they ought to have followed . So that if this may appear in the Case we are speaking of , this , and this alone , will be a sufficient Vindication of the Magistrates proceedings to the Consciences of its Subjects . 4. Therefore the Determination of the Justice of the Advice followed by the Magistrate , may be resolved two wayes : Either from the merit of the Cause ; or from the Legal Authority and Right the Persons may be presumed to have to be consulted on such occasions . As for the former , it is in the present Case the principal Dispute , Whether the Reformation undertaken by the Magistrate , was right or not ? and therefore very unfit to be relyed on as a Presumption to prove the Magistrates proceedings Irregular . The later therefore only is proper to be insisted on here . And it consists of two charges : That by the Laws of the Land the Magistrate ought to have been advised by the Bishops then possessed of the several Sees ; and That in advising with the Clergy , whoever they were , he ought to have allowed them the Liberty of speaking their minds , and to have been swayed by the greater part . These things are conce●ved so necessary , as that the Magistrate not observing them , may be presumed to act as no way influenced by the Clergy . Which is the Reason why they call our Reformation , wherein they suppose them not observed , Parliamentary . 1. Therefore as to the Legal Right of the Popish Clergy to advise the Secular Magistrate , two things may be Replyed : 1. That this Legal Right may be forfeited by the Persons by their Personal misdemeanors , and of this forfeiture the Secular Magistrate himself is the proper Judge ; and that this was exactly the Popish Bishops Case at that time . 2. That the consideration of this Legal Right is of no use for satisfying the Consciences of their Subjects , which yet is the only use that is seasonable for this occasion . 2. As for the Canonical freedom to be allowed them in advising , and the obligation of the Magistrate to follow the advice of the greater part : These Canonical Rights can only satisfie the Consciences of their own Communion , but cannot be pretended necessary to be observed , where there are different Communions . For 1. The Romanists themselves never allow that freedom to Persons out of their Communion , as was plain in the Council of Trent , and still appears on all occasions . 2. Especially in particular National Churches , as ours was , they themselves will not deny that the greater part may prove Heretical , and therefore likely to prevail by Plurality of Votes ; in which Case themselves would notwithstanding think it unequal for the Magistrate to be swayed by them . 3. This has alwaies been the Practice of the Church , and the Catholick Emperors , never to allow any Canonical Right to the Assemblies and Censures of Hereticks , as Athanasius was restored first by Maximinus Bishop of Triers , then by Pope Julius , after that by Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem , and at last by the Emperour Jovinian , without any Canonical revocation of the Synods that had condemned him . Many Instances of the like Nature might be given . 4. The Popish Clergy had given the first Precedent of this Liberty themselves , in refusing to admit of the Canonical Appeal of the Protestants from the Pope to a free General Council . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A36261-e540 Exom . ( Second Edition ) Sect. 1. Ch. 19. §. 4. p. 74. Sect. 2. Ch. 21. §. 3. p. 188. Append. Ch. 5. §. 2. p. 516. See Verons Lat. Answ. to Q. Gener. 8. p. 561. at the end of the Exom . Exom . Sect. 1. Chap. 16. §. 3. p. 58. Sect. 2. Ch. 21. §. 4. p. 190. Sect. 2. Ch. 3. p. 90. White 's Tab. Suffrag . As the Florentine Council , &c. As of Constance , &c. Answ. to Q. 4. pag. 86. Dr. Stillingfleet . Notes for div A36261-e10470 Suppositions . (a) (a) Feb. 25. 1569. Propositions . a a Prop. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. b b Prop. 6. c c Prop. 1 , 2. d d Prop. 3. e e Prop. 7.8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. f f Prop. 13. g g Prop. 14. h h Prop. 15. i i Prop. 16.17 , 18. k k Prop. 19. l l Prop. 21 , 23 , 24 m m Prop. 20. n n Prop. 22. * * Prop. 22. Ep. 188. ad Mart. Mayer . Ep. 72. ad Stephfratr . Notes for div A36261-e16190 * * Vid Consid. of Pres. Concern . † † For the Jesuites , see the Provine . Let● . and the Moral Theolog. of the Jesuites ; and for the rest of that Communion , the Jesuites defence of themselves by way of recremination against others . Vid. II. 1 , 2. Exomolog . Sect. 2. Ch. 16. §. 2. P. 162. Ed. 2. On 1 Cor. III. 15. Vid. Q. I. §. I. 
A31419	----	A dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of Rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the See of Constantinople / by William Cave ... Cave, William, 1637-1713. 1683 Approx. 344 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 201 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31419 Wing C1595 ESTC R19344 12605651 ocm 12605651 64253 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31419) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64253) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 347:9) A dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of Rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the See of Constantinople / by William Cave ... Cave, William, 1637-1713. [47], 334, [8] p. Printed for R. Chiswel ..., London : 1683. Errata on p. [47]. Advertisements: [8] p. at end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Papacy. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISSERTATION Concerning the Government of the Ancient Church , BY BISHOPS , METROPOLITANS , and PATRIARCHS . More particularly , Concerning the ancient Power and Jurisdiction of the Bishops of Rome , and the Encroachments of that upon other Sees , especially the See of Constantinople . By WILLIAM CAVE , D. D. One of His Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary . Omne genus ad Originem suam censeatur , necesse est . Tert. de praescript . c. 20. p. 208. LONDON , Printed for R. Chiswel , at the Rose and Crown in S. Paul's Church-yard , MDCLXXXIII . TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD HENRY Lord Bishop of LONDON , One of the Lords of His Majesties most Honourable PRIVY-COUNCIL . My Lord , IN compliance with the good old Rule of S. Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Do nothing without leave from the Bishop , I have taken the confidence to lay these Papers at Your Lordships feet ; being well content , they should receive from You a sentence of Life or Death ; either to come abroad into open light , or be condemn'd to be thrown aside , if you shall judge them useless and unprofitable . For I am not so fond of my own Undertakings , as to flatter my self , that any thing that I can do , will work much upon the obstinate humour of a perverse and contentious Age. My Lord , The Church of England is usually assaulted by two sorts of Adversaries . The one declar'd Enemies to the Episcopal Government , or if at any time in a good humour they allow the name , they deny the thing making the Bishop of the Primitive times no more in effect than a meer Parish-Priest . The other are great pretenders to Antiquity , and strongly enough assert the Episcopal Order , but withall would obtrude upon us a Supreme and Universal Bishop , to whom all others are to be subject and accountable , and he we may be sure is the Bishop of Rome . As for the first of these , I have not directly enter'd the Lists with them , though what is here said concerning the Ancient Church-Government might be enough to satisfie Men modest and unprejudic'd ; and more I did not think fit to add . They have been so often baffled upon that Argument , that nothing but a resolv'd obstinacy could make them keep a post , so utterly indefensable . But the Men of that way seem generally too over-weaning and opiniative , and I have no hopes of doing good upon that Man , that 's wiser in his own Conceit , than seven Men that can render a Reason . Indeed the nature of my design led me more immediately to encounter with the other Party , whose cause ( so far as it relates to the Subject under debate ) I have examin'd , and brought to be tried by the Standard of Antiquity , the truest Rule to proceed by in this matter ; and this managed without any needless Exasperations . For I never could think it a reasonable method of Conviction to rail at Popery , or to load the Bishop of Rome with ill Names , and spiteful Characters . The best way sure in such cases is to appeal to the judgment of the Ancients , and to enquire what power and authority was allow'd him in the wiser and better Ages of Christianity . Which I hope I have done with all truth and fairness in the following Discourse . My Lord , Your Lordships known Zeal for the Protestant Cause , and ( what next the goodness of the Divine Providence is the strongest Bulwark and Defence of it ) the honour and interest of the Church of ENGLAND , might give you a just Title to this Discourse , though there were no other inducement to it . But we that are the Clergy of Your Diocess , think our selves oblig'd to take all occasions of letting the World know , how much we rejoyce under the happy Influences of Your Care and Conduct ; how much we are beholden to that great Example of Pastoral Industry and Diligence , you daily set before us ; that we have to deal with a temper so incomparably sweet and obliging , and that not only in private Converses , but in all public Cases that concern the Church under your Charge , you are pleased so freely and familiarly to consult and advise with us . 'T is this ( to mention no more ) that creates in us so just a regard and veneration for Your Lordship . And I verily believe , since the Primitive Times there never was a more mutual Endearment and Correspondence . Never Bishop , that treated his Clergy with a more Paternal kindness and Condiscention ; never Clergy that paid a greater Reverence , and a more chearful Obedience to their Bishop . That this Concord and Agreement may not only continue , but encrease , and the happy effects of it visibly spread over your whole Diocess , and especially this great CITY , is the earnest Prayer of , MY LORD , Your Lordships faithful and sincerely devoted Servant , WILLIAM CAVE . TO THE READER . AMong the several Virtues , wherewith the Religion of our Lord does at once refine and adorn Humane Nature , there are none conduce more , both to the peace of the World , and the quiet of private and particular persons , than Humility and Contentment ; the laying aside the vain and fond opinion of our selves , a lowliness of Mind to esteem others better than our selves , in honour preferring one another ; an easiness and satisfaction under that place and portion , which the Wisdom of the Divine Providence has thought fit to allot us , and a generous Contempt of those little and sordid Arts , by which Men hunt after Power and Greatness , and impatiently affect Dominion and superiority over others . A noble and divine temper of Mind , which our Lord has effectually recommended both by his Doctrine , and the example of his Life . He has taught us , that we should not , after the proud and hypocritical manner of the Pharisees , do our works to be seen of Men , make broad our Phylacteries , and enlarge the borders of our Garments , love the uppermost Rooms at Feasts , and the chief Seats in the Synagogue , and greetings in the Markets ; that we should not affect proud Titles , and the honour of a Name , to be call'd of Men , Rabbi , Rabbi , for that one is our Master , even Christ , and all we are Brethren , ( not that our Lord here absolutely forbids all Honour and Precedence , no more than he does all Mastership and Superiority in what follows , but only an inordinate desire , a vicious and irregular inclination toward these things , and an undue and tyrannical exercise of them ) that we should call no man our Father upon Earth , that is , in the same sence , and with the same respect , wherewith we do God , for that one is our Father , which is in Heaven , neither that we be called Masters , for that one is our Master , even Christ : For that whosoever should exalt himself , shall be abased , and he that should humble himself , shall be exalted . And then for his own practice , how openly did he protest against seeking his own glory , or receiving honour from Men ? how studiously did he stifle the fame of his own Miracles , and whatever might raise him in the esteem and value of the World. When an Appeal was made to him to judge a Cause , he rebuk'd the motion with a who made me a Judge , and a Ruler over you ? When the Jews were resolv'd to have made him King , he fled from the very shadow of a Crown . When there was a strife amongst his own Apostles , which of them should be accounted the greatest , like the Kings of the Gentiles which exercis'd Lordship and Authority over their Subjects , he ended the Controversy with a short decision , but ye shall not be so . This Charge S. Peter particularly applies to the Bishops and Rulers of the Church , that they should not be Lords over God's Heritage ; that the younger should submit themselves to the elder ; yea , all of them be subject one to another , and be cloathed with Humility : for that God resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . Had the excellent Rules here laid down by S. Peter , been observ'd by those who pretend to be his Successors , the Christian World had been free from those infinite disturbances and distractions , which the pride and ambition of the Roman Bishops have brought upon it . For certainly among all the corruptions and innovations of that Church , nothing is more palpable and notorious , than an intolerable usurpation over the Rights of their Brethren ; nothing more wild and extravagant , than the challenging a Supremacy over the Christian Church , as affix'd to the See of Rome , expresly contrary not only to the Scripture , the great Canon of our Faith , but to the Laws of all ancient Councils , and the practice of the Church ; which however it allow'd a primary honour and respect to the Roman Prelate , yet still set him out , as it did to all other Bishops , the particular extent of his Jurisdiction . This is that which I have endeavoured to evince in the following Discourse , wherein I have trac'd the Papal Authority to those proper bounds and limits , within which it was confin'd of old . And upon that occasion have briefly survey'd the frame and constitution of the ancient Church , and that Policy and Government , whereby it was manag'd in its purer and better times . That which gave birth to the whole Discourse , was this : I had elsewhere in relating the Acts of the second general Council , represented the third Canon of that Council , which decreed , that the Bishop of Constantinople , upon the account of its being New Rome , or the Imperial City , should have the priviledge of honour next to the Bishop of Rome . A Canon which they of Rome could never pardon , as which limits the power of the Roman Prelate , and declares the foundation upon which it stands . For the illustration of this Canon , I intended im that place to have added a digression concerning the ancient Power and Precedence of the Bishops of Rome ; but upon second thoughts , referr'd it to an Appendix at the end of the Book . But that Book swelling into too great a bulk , and this Discourse being grown beyond the proportion that was at first design'd , I was over-perswaded by some Friends to venture it abroad alone . A thing which had I intended from the beginning , it had come forth , at least in some parts , more perfect than it is , and with some advantages which now it is forc'd to go without . I have wholly wav'd all Debates concerning the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , and the Controversies that depend upon it , ( enough has been said upon that Argument ) and have chiefly insisted upon those branches of the Ecclesiastic Government , which have been less canvassed amongst us . For the same reason I have more lightly touch'd upon the Pope's Universal Supremacy , 't was his Metropolitical and Patriarchal Power I principally design'd to enquire into . I know Volumes have been written De primatu Papae , de Ecclesiis Suburbicariis , &c. and therefore I have reduc'd what concerns those matters into as narrow a compass as I could , and have said no more than what is necessary to clear the Argument , and express my own sense about it . If what is here said shall administer any light to this part of Church-antiquity , I shall be very glad ; if not , I am content it should follow the fate of many much better Books to be thrown aside . 'T was never design'd to instruct the Learned , but only to form a short Scheme of the true state of things , for the benefit of those , who have not been much conversant in the Antiquities of the Church ; at least to give some aid and direction to the younger sort , who first apply themselves to the study of those ancient Times . And if it may but attain this end , I shall think my Time and Pains have been well bestow'd . THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. The State of the Church-Government , and Power of the Roman Bishops 'till the Council of Nice . An Equality among the Apostles as Church Governours appointed by Christ . Peter's pretended Supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . If any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the Roman Bishops . Early appearances of the Pride and Usurpation of the Bishops of that Church . Special advantages of that See to set up for Tyranny and Usurpation . The foundation of that Church by two great Apostles , Peter and Paul. Rome the Seat of the Empire . The honour and advantages of that Church thereby . The Catholick Faith long time preserv'd entire in the Church of Rome . It s large Revenues affording liberal Hospitality . It s sending forth Emissaries to plant Christianity in other Countries , and thereby claiming superiority over them . The pride of that Church severely censur'd by S. Basil . A general Scheme of the subordination in the Government of the Primitive Church , by Bishops , Archbishops , and Patriarchs , and the Conformity herein to the Civil State. Episcopal Government , how it spread it self at first ? Metropolitans introduc'd , and why ? A brief account of the ancient way of Ecclesiastical Administration out of Cyprian and others , by the Bishop and his Clergy , by Provincial Synods . What things usually manag'd there . Foreign Churches how mutually transacting with one another . The Bishops of Rome had no more authority in this Period , than the Bishops of other greater Sees . Pope Melchiades appointed Commissioner by Constantine . Donatus appeals from his Judgment . His sentence brought under Examinations in the Synod of Arles . Page 1 CHAP. II. The Government of the Church , and Power of the Bishops of Rome , as 't is represented in the Canons of the Nicene Council . The sixth Canon of the Synod of Nice set down , with the occasion of it . Seven Observations drawn from that Canon . I. That the larger bounds of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction were the Roman Provinces . A. Province , what . Whether the Countries in Italy so called . II. That the chief Church-Governour in every Province was the Metropolitan . The prudence and convenience of that way of Government . Patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the Nicene Canon . III. That the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical power . This own'd by some of the greatest Champions of Rome . IV. That the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch , were ever of the greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . The eminency of Sees according to the greatness of the Cities wherein they were planted . This gave precedency to the Church of Rome . The three Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch ascribed to S. Peter . Blasphemous things spoken of the Pope upon that account . Primacy allow'd to the See of Rome . No Supremacy belonging to it . The Christian Church then knew of no such supereininent Power . V. That the Rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any Divine Constitution , but by custom and the practice of the Church . This plainly shew'd to be the sence of this and other following Councils . VI. That the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime Rights and Priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own Jurisdiction . The fourth , sixth , and seventh Canons of this Council noted to that purpose . The same shew'd to be the determination of other Synods . What other Rights belong'd to Metropolitans . VII . That this way of Ecclesiastick Administration was not any late novel Institution , but founded upon ancient custom and practice . What this Antiquity implies . The original of Metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . Several instances of this way of Government noted in the second and third Centuries . The word Metropolitan not met with 'till the Council of Nice . But the thing long before . The sum of the Observations upon this Canon . Page 46 CHAP. III. The extent of the Bishop of Rome's Jurisdiction , considered as a Metropolitan . A search into the proper bounds of the Roman Bishop . His Power fourfold , Episcopal , Metropolitical , Patriarchal , Apostolical . The first not controverted ; the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the Reformed , and Greek Church . L. Allatius's jeer of his Country-men . His Metropolitical Jurisdiction considered , as concurrent with that of the Provost of Rome . That how great , and how far extending . The Suburbicary Regions , what . Sicily no part of the Urbicary Regions . The usual conformity between the extent of the Civil and Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction in those times . The power of the Roman Metropolitan confin'd within an hundred Miles of Rome . Rufinus his Exposition of the Suburbicary Churches . Greatly quarrell'd at by the Romish Writers . His authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . His Book approv'd by Pope Gelasius and others . No probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the Canon , or the extent of the Roman Metropolitanship , or the Suburbicary Churches . His Explication confirm'd by most ancient Interpreters of this Canon . The Bishops of Rome and Italy distinct . The Bishop of Milan rank'd with him of Rome . The objection of the Bishop of Rome's being confin'd to so narrow a compass , consider'd and answer'd . The Majores Dioeceses in the Epistle of the Synod of Arles , what . The bounds of the Roman Bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient Notitia Episcopatuum . The fraud in the first publication of that Notitia . Morinus noted . The greatness of Rome equivalent to a large extent . Page 98 CHAP. IV. An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in the Christian Church . An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in general . None before the Council of Nice . What that Council contributed to them . Civil Dioceses , when , and by whom introduc'd . These gave start to Primary Metropolitans . Dioceses , when first brought into the Church . The title of Patriarch borrow'd from the Jews . Who their Patriarchs , and whence descended . Exarchs , what . The word Patriarch , when first us'd by Church-writers in a strict and proper sence . The Patriarchs among the Montanists , who . A short Survey of the four great Patriarchates . The extent of the Patriarchate of Alexandria . The Dioecesis Aegyptiaca , what . The Patriarchal Jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the Augustal Prefect . Little gain'd to this Patriarchate more than a title of honour . The Patriarchate of Antioch commensurate to the Eastern Diocess . The contest about Cyprus , how determin'd . Palestine for some time under Antioch . The Patriarchship of Constantinople . By what degrees it arose . What privilege conferr'd upon it by the second general Council . The Bishops of it hence forwards exercising a kind of Patriarchal power over the Churches of the neighbouring Provinces . The Power granted to that See by the Council of Chalcedon . Its ninth , seventeenth , and eight and twentieth Canons considered to that purpose . Jurisdiction over the three Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica , and Thrace . This setled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . This Power own'd by the Synod to have been exercised of a long time before . This Grant urg'd against the universal Supremacy of the See of Rome . The extent of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient Notitiae . The Patriarchate of Jerusalem . The honour confirm'd to this Church by the Nicene Council . It s subjection to the See of Caesarea . When first attempting a Metropolitical Power . The contest between this Bishop , and the Bishop of Antioch , how determin'd in the Council of Chalcedon . When first styl'd Patriarch . The extent of this Patriarchate . Page 137 CHAP. V. The bounds of the Roman Patriarchate . A return to the Roman Patriarchate . The limits hereof not expresly set down by the Ancients . Unjustly pretended to reach over the whole West . This granted by them of the Greek Church , and why . The Pope's Patriarchal Power disown'd by the Churches of Milan , Aquileia , and Ravenna . The independency and opposition of those Churches to the Roman See , severally evinc'd by particular cases and instances . The Power of Metropolitans in France kept up independant from Rome . The truth of this confess'd and clear'd by De Marca . Other instances of preserving their Rights against the pretensions of Rome , Hincmar of Rhemes , and the Synod of Metz. Two other National Churches instanc'd in , the African , and the Britannick Churches . The famous case of Appeals in the Church of Africk . A clear account of that matter . Their publick rejecting the power which the Pope challeng'd over those Churches . The Letters of the Council of Carthage to Pope Boniface and Caelestine to that purpose . Several useful and proper Corollaries deduc'd from this story , for the evincing the vain pretensions of the Papal Power over those Churches . The boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . The state of the Britannick Church . The progress of Religion and Church-Government here 'till the times of Pope Gregory . The Church govern'd here by an Archbishop and Bishop at Austin's arrival . Their Customs wholly different from , and independant upon Rome . Their absolute refusal to own the authority of Austin or the Pope . The slaughter of the Bangor-Monks suspiciously charg'd upon Austin . The Pope's proper Patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the Jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbicus . What Provinces under his Government . The Roman Synod consisting of the Bishops of those Provinces . A twofold Patriarchate of the Pope trifling and precarious . The Bishops of Rome daily amplifying their Jurisdiction . The means whereby they did this briefly intimated . Page 198 CHAP. VI. The Encroachments of the See of Rome upon other Sees , especially the See of Constantinople . The Roman Bishops breaking the bounds of all Laws and Canons . Their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . Instances of Julius , Damasus , Innocent , Zosimus , to this purpose . The briskness and activity of Pope Leo. His many Letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . His jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the See of Constantinople . The attempts and actings of his Legates in the Council of Chalcedon . Their mighty opposition against the passing the XXVIII . Canon of that Synod . The fraud of Paschasinus in citing the sixth Canon of Nice . Their protestation against the power granted to the Bishop of Constantinople . Pope Leo's zeal and rage against these Synodal Proceedings . Faelix his Excommunicating Acacius of Constantinople . The pretended occasion of that Sentence . The same spleen continued and carried on by Pope Gelasius . A reconciliation procur'd by the Emperour Justin between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople . Pope John's insulting over Epiphanius in his own Church at Constantinople . John the Second's ranting Letter to Justinian . The Bishop of Constantinople assumes the title of Oecumenical Patriarch . This in what sence ( probably ) meant . The passionate resentment of Pope Pelagius hereat . The same zeal shew'd by his Successor Gregory the Great . His Letters written upon that occasion . The hard words he every where bestows upon that title . His mistake about the offer of that title to the Pope in the Chalcedon Council . The true state of that case . This title frequently given to the Constantinopolitan Bishops in the Council under Mennas , before John assumed it . Baronius's poor evasion of that matter . Gregory still continues to thunder out Anathema's against this Title . All this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . Phocas his Usupation of the Empire . The monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. Pope Gregory's scandalously flattering Caresses to him and his Empress . Boniface the Third makes suit to Phocas , and procures the title of Oecumenical to be affixt to the See of Rome . The Pope's daily enlargement of their Power and Tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . The whole concluded with the Canons or DICTATES of Pope Hildebrand . Page 267 ERRATA . PAge 5. line 8. read whosoever . p. 52. l. 21. r. Administration . p. 73. marg . r. iii. p. 75. l. 12. r. - head . p. 110. l. 19. r. Crustuminum . p. 133. l. 15. r. larger . p. 136. l. 3. r. desire . p. 152. l. 12. after who , add are . p. 173. l. 4. r. this . p. 187. l. 22. r. them . p. 300. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 304. l. 13. r. Isidore . A DISSERTATION Concerning the GOVERNMENT OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH , BY Bishops , Metroplitans , and Patriarchs , &c. CHAP. I. The State of the Church-Government , and Power of the Roman Bishops till the Council of Nice . An Equality among the Apostles as Church Governours appointed by Christ . Peters pretended Supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . If any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the Roman Bishops . Early appearances of the Pride and Usurpation of the Bishops of that Church . Special advantages of that See to set up for Tyranny and Usurpation . The foundation of that Church by two great Apostles , Peter and Paul. Rome the Seat of the Empire . The honour and advantages of that Church thereby . The Catholick Faith long time preserv'd intire in the Church of Rome . It s large Revenues affording liberal Hospitality . It s sending forth Emissaries to plant Christianity in other Countries ▪ and thereby claiming superiority over them . The pride of that Church severely censur'd by St. Basil . A general Scheme of the subordination in the Government of the Primitive Church , by Bishops , Arch-bishops and Patriarchs , and the Conformity herein to the Civil State. Episcopal Government how it spreads it self at first ? Metropolitans introduc'd and why . A brief account of the ancient way of Ecclesiastical Administration out of Cyprian and others , by the Bishop and his Clergy , by Provincial Synods . What things usually manag'd there . Foreign Churches how mutually transacting with one another . The Bishops of Rome had no more authority in this Period than the Bishops of other greater Sees . Pope Melchiades appointed Commissioner by Constantine . Donatus appeals from his Judgment . His sentence brought under Examinations in the Synod of Arles . I. ORDER and Government are so essentially necessary to the peace and welfare of Mankind , that no Society whether civil or sacred can subsist without it : Where there is none to command , there will be none to obey , and where every one is left to do what he please , there must be confusion and every evil work . No sooner therefore had our Blessed Saviour laid the foundation of the Christian Church , but he chose twelve , whom he named Apostles , to whose care and conduct he committed the administration of it . These he invested with equal powers , upon these he deriv'd the same mission , which he himself had receiv'd from God , As my father sent me , so send I you . All had the same authority to Preach , Plant , and propagate the Church , to feed and rule the flock of Christ , to go teach and baptize all Nations ; the same Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven committed to one as well as another , that whatsoever sins they should remit , they should be remitted , and whosoever sins they retain , they should be retained : The same Holy Spirit breathed upon all with a receive ye the Holy Ghost . Notwithstanding all which , it is confidently pretended on the behalf of S. Peter , that a paramount authority was conferr'd upon him , and that not only above , but over the rest , that he was constituted by our Lord , Prince and Head of the Colledge ; the other Apostles were indeed Shepherds of the Flock , but were themselves Christs Sheep , and St. Peter appointed Pastor over them ; with a great deal more , boldly asserted at a venture , and attempted to be made good by such warrant from Scripture , as any thing , but the necessity of maintaining a desperate cause would be ashamed to produce . And as no such charter can be produc'd , sign'd by our Saviour , so neither do we find S. Peter challenging , much less exercising any such superiority . He submitted to the Orders of the Apostolical Colledge , and rendered himself accountable to them for his actions , styles himself no more than their Fellow-Presbyter , and cautions against Lording over God's Heritage . How openly did S. Paul assert , that he came not a whit behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very chiefest Apostles ? and that the Gospel of the Uncircumcision was committed unto him , as well as that of the Circumcision was to Peter . James and John are said to be Pillars as well as he ; nay , the whole twelve Apostles are equally styl'd the twelve foundations of the new Jerusalem , that descended out of Heaven , and it was indifferently promised to all , that they should sit upon twelve Thrones , judging the twelve Tribes of Israel . Nay , when a strife arose amongst them , which of them should be greatest in his Kingdom , our Lord on purpose to silence all such ambitious attempts for the future , plainly told them , that though the Kings of the Gentiles exercised Dominion over their Subjects , and they that are great exercised authority upon them : Yet ye shall not be so ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your Minister , and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your Servant . II. AND yet after all should it be granted , that our Lord gave S. Peter some kind of superiour power over the rest , yet what is this to the Bishops of Rome ? unless it could be prov'd , that those priviledges were to be Haereditary , and were not to determine and expire with S. Peter's person . Bellarmine * pleads , that it is founded in a Right of Succession , and this Right settled jure divino , and by our Lords own Institution , who expresly commanded S. Peter to fix the Apostolical Seat at Rome . The proofs he brings to make good this command are a passage out of an Apocryphal Epistle of Pope Marcellus , long since discarded together with the rest , as the most notorious cheat and imposture that ever was put upon the Christian Church ; and at best an uncertain story of our Lords appearing to Peter , and that too nothing to his purpose . And therefore not daring to trust to them , he fairly quits * the jus divinum , and confesses that the Pontifical Succession has no foundation in Scripture : However , that 't is not improbable , and that 't is a thing piously to be believed ; that is , perhaps it may be so , and perhaps not , we may do well to believe it , but there 's no certain ground for it . An admirable foundation to build so important a claim upon , and for the sake whereof they have now for many ages created so much trouble and disturbance to the Christian World. And besides , there 's a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this case lies at the bottom , it being generally taken for granted , that S. Peter was in a proper sence Bishop of Rome , which yet I believe can never be made good . That he constituted that Church , and laid down his life there for the Confirmation of it , I easily grant , but this makes him not properly Bishop of it , and consequently the Popes cannot properly be his Successours . Dye he might there , but how comes this to entitle the Bishops of Rome to the Succession ? If so , then ( as a Learned Man * of the Greek Church long since urged in this case ) because our Lord died at Jerusalem , therefore the Bishop of Jerusalem , as possessing the Seat of our great High-Priest , may claim an Universal superiority , and challenge to be as much greater than the Bishop of Rome , as Christ is than Peter . Once more , let it be suppos'd that this Supremacy was entail'd not only upon S. Peter , but upon his Successors , how comes it to pass that it was not lodg'd in the See of Antioch , where they grant S. Peter resided as Bishop several years before he went to Rome , and which therefore in all reason ought to challenge a Primary title ? An Objection which Bellarmin with all the subtilties of his Wit and Learning is not able to claw off . So many insuperable barrs are there lying in the way to this soveraign and unaccountable authority of their Church . III. BUT what Power soever the Bishops of Rome may pretend to derive from S. Peter , sure I am they thus far inherit too much of his spirit and temper , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I mean , that rash and busie fervour and eagerness , so frequently noted in him by the Ancients : Forward like him to speak , run , and interpose at every turn ; and forward like him too to smite with the Sword , when meeting with the least opposition . No sooner were the heats of the fifth persecution somewhat cooled , and the Church entred a little upon more calm and prosperous days , but we find Pope Victor , An. 196. picking a quarrel with some of the Eastern Churches about the time of Celebrating Easter , and though they justified themselves to the Christian World by Apostolical practice , and a constant uninterrupted observation ever since , yet because refusing to comply with the custome of the Church of Rome , he hastily threw them under Excommunication , to the great disturbance and amazement of the Christian World , for which he was severely rebuked by the wise and good men of that time , especially the mild and peaceable Irenaeus . It was not much above half an Age after this , when the practice of Baptizing a new those who had been Baptized by Hereticks begun mightily to prevail in some parts of the East , but especially in the African Churches . Stephen , who was then Bishop of Rome , storm'd hereat , and in a great rage publickly declared , that he would hold no Communion with them ; and when , according to the custome whereby Churches mutually acted in those days , they sent some Bishops to give him an account of their opinion and practice , he proudly refused * either to see them , or speak with them ; and not content to deprive them of the Peace and Communion of the Church , he denied them the common offices of humanity and charity , forbidding the Christians at Rome so much as to entertain them . To Cyprian he gave very hard words , calling him false Christ , false Apostle , deceitful Worker ; and no better did he treat Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia , and the Churches of Iconium . But Cyprian ( though a man otherwise of great gentleness and moderation ) plainly told him , * that this was nothing but the effect of a proud , impertinent , imprudent , self-contradicting humour , that it proceeded from blindness and perverseness , from obstinacy and presumption , and directly tended to the Patronage and encouragement of error and Heresie . Firmilian charg'd * him with inhumanity , audaciousness and insolence , with doing very unjust and unwarrantable things ; that they at Rome , however vainly pretending Apostolical authority , did not themselves exactly observe primitive tradition , that he could not but disdain Stephens open and manifest folly , who while he boasted so much of the eminency of his Episcopal place , and contended that he had the Succession of Peter , upon whom the foundations of the Church were laid , did yet hereby introduce several other rocks , and build new Churches upon them . And when not long after the controversie came to be canvass'd in a Synod of Eighty seven African Bishops , whom Cyprian had assembled at Carthage for that purpose , in the speech that he made at the opening of the Council , Cyprian tax'd the Pride and ambition of the Bishop of Rome , telling * them that they should all freely speak their minds , without judging , or Excommunicating any that were of another opinion , that none of them took upon himself to make himself Bishop of Bishops , or by a tyrannical threatning to force his Colleagues into a necessity of compliance : since every Bishop , according to the power and liberty granted to him , had his proper rule and jurisdiction , and could no more be judg'd by another , than he himself could judge others ; that in these matters they were to expect the Judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ , who alone had power both of appointing Governours over his Church , and of calling them to an account for their administration . IV. BY these instances ( and many more no doubt , which the History of those times would have set before us , had the Churches Records come safe to us ) it appears , how early the Bishops of Rome set out to usurp a Dominion over the Church , and though they generally met with opposition , yet they still went on , and vigorously improv'd all advantages , with what success , the Christian world has now for many ages found to their cost . And certainly never any stood fairer to start and carry on such a design . For , First , Their Church was not only Apostolical , but had been founded by two of the most eminent Apostles , Peter and Paul , which gave a mighty reputation to it in after Ages ; the Christian world bearing an extraordinary reverence to those great names , which the Bishops of that See knew how to improve to their own advantage . For this reason Irenaeus * calls the Church of Rome the greatest and most eminent Church , and most Universally known , as being founded by the two most glorious Apostles Peter and Paul ; and S. Augustine * says , that in it there always flourished the principality of the Apostolick Chair ; and Origen took a journey * on purpose to Rome , to gratify his curiosity with the sight of so ancient and renowned a Church . And upon this account must be discharged very many of those great things , which several of the Fathers speak so liberally concerning the Church of Rome ; who thought they could never express a veneration big enough towards S. Peter , and consequently towards the place which he had honoured with his Doctrine and Residence , and watred with his Blood : which however spoken by them out of a devout intent , prov'd the first rounds of that Ladder , by which the Roman Bishops mounted up to a Supremacy above the rest . It happening in a few Ages that nothing was talkt of at Rome , but of the Prince of the Apostles , and the authority of the Apostolick See , 'till almost every thing there became Apostolical , and was covered with S. Peters name . Secondly , Their Church was planted in the Imperial City , a place that seem'd born for Empire and Soveraignty , that had long since Conquered , and at that time Governed the greatest part of the World ; a City that was the Center of all Nations , and the Seat of Majesty and Magnificence , where all great affairs were transacted , and all the Scenes of glory and greatness represented in a little compass . Which could not but reflect a more than ordinary lustre upon those Bishops that sat at the upper end of the world , and make them appear considerably bigger , more conspicuous and useful than the rest of their Brethren , and by reason of the general confluence of all Nations to Rome , enable them in a little time to draw the cognizance of Ecclesiastick Causes from all parts thither . 'T was this conveniency of Situation gave them opportunity to insinuate themselves into the favour of the Emperors , and by their power to enlarge their own Borders , yea , and to succour and relieve their Clients and Dependants , which made many to court their protection and assistance , though often with the loss of their own freedom and liberty . This was especially done after the Emperours became Christians , the Roman Church being by them enrich'd with vast honours and priviledges , accounting that the greatness of that Church would not a little contribute to the splendour and magnificence of the Empire . And though the Imperial Seat was quickly translated to another place , yet besides that the Emperours a long time retain'd their affection for Rome , what the Pope lost in one sence , he gain'd in another , making use of the Emperours absence to enhance his own Power and Revenue , 'till he was able not only to Lord it over his brethren , but over Princes themselves . Thirdly , The Roman Church continued for several Ages the Seat of true Apostolick Doctrine , maintaining that character that S Paul had given them , that their Faith was spoken of throughout the whole world , it being here preserv'd pure and uncorrupt , while a great part of the Christian world besides was over run with Error and Heresie , and torn in pieces by Schisms and Factions . This made Rome in those days ( while it remain'd sound and Orthodox ) in a manner the Standard of Catholick Communion , most other Churches veering in point of Communion , as they found the Wind blow from that Quarter , and saw how the business far'd at Rome . Accordingly Theodosius in the beginning of his Reign resolving to reform the Doctrine of the Church , then miserably degenerated in the Eastern parts , commanded , * that that Faith only should take place , that was profess'd by Pope Damasus , and Peter of Alexandria , that Faith and Religion which S. Peter had delivered to the Church of Rome , and which had all along 'till that time flourisht there . This made way for Appeals , every party being desirous to gain the good will of that Church , and to have its Bishop pronounce for their cause , 'till from an honourary arbitration it came to be claim'd as a right and due . And persons ( especially those who were persecuted in their own Countries for their adherence to the Catholick Faith ) were the more encourag'd to repair hither , because here they were kindly treated , and hospitably entertain'd ; a piece of charity which the Bishops of that Church by reason of their ample possessions and large endowments , were very capable to afford . For besides their standing Rents and Revenues , their gains by collections and oblations was so great , that by them alone in the time of Pope Damasus , they were enabled to live in a state and grandeur like that of Temporal Princes , if we may believe the account given by Ammianus Marcellinus ; * and the story is known of Praetextatus ( a zealous Gentile ) design'd to be Consul , who reflecting upon the plenty of that See , was wont pleasanly to tell * Pope Damasus , make me but Bishop of Rome , and I will immediately become a Christian . 'T is certain that Church could never want plentiful Incomes flowing in upon it ; and as charitable it was in those days , as it was wealthy , and was not only very kind to strangers when they came thither , but was wont to transmit very liberal distributions of its charity to forreign Churches , to relieve the necessities of the Brethren that were under Persecution , and were condemned to the Mines , as Dionysius Bishop of Corinth tells us in his Letter * to Soter Bishop of Rome , written about the Year CLXXIV . and that this had been the custome of that Church from the very Infancy of Christianity . Fourthly , The Church of Rome by the advantage of the Imperial City was capable of propagating the Christian Doctrine into several parts of the West , to send out Disciples , receive Dispatches , transmit Directions , and supply all Emergencies that might arise . Accordingly upon this foundation the Popes built and advanc't a claim to Superiority and Dominion . Thus Damasus writing * to the Bishops of Africk , tells them , that in all doubtful cases they ought to have recourse to him as to the head , and thence to take their determination , from whence they had received their institution and instruction in the Christian Faith. And Pope Innocent tells * Decentius Bishop of Eugubium , that all the Churches in those parts ought to take their measures from Rome , and nothing to be valid , but what 's received from thence ; it being evident , that no Churches had been planted in Italy , France , Spain , Africk , Sicily , and the interjacent Islands by any , but such as had been Ordain'd by S. Peter , or his Successors . And this is the Plea we are so often urg'd with , whereby the Roman See challenges jurisdiction over England , its commissionating Augustine the Monk to convert the Saxons , and settle Religion in these parts . But were there no more to be offered in answer to it , this were enough , that Christianity had for several ages been planted here , before ever Austin set his foot on English ground : as perhaps we may have occasion to shew afterwards . In short , though it became Churches thus planted , to bear a very grateful respect to that Mother Church , that was the instrument to convey to them the Christian faith ; yet did it lay them under no obligation to subjection and servitude : however the Church of Rome has handled the matter to its own advantage , and from the lenity and tenderness of a Parent , had degenerated into the pride and cruelty of a Stepmother ; and not content to exercise authority over its own Colonies , began to advance its banners over all the rest ; proudly proclaiming it self the Mother and Mistres of all Churches . I observe no more , then that pride seems to be a vice more peculiar to Rome , than other places : 't was this put the old Romans upon subduing the world ; and by this the Emperors tyrannized over it for some ages , and when Rome shifted its Lords , it did not change its Task-masters ; the ambition which the Emperors laid down , the Popes took up , and prosecuted it by far worse arts and methods , than ever the Romans did of old . S. Basil more than once complains * of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pride of the West , and how little help was to be expected from them that neither understood the truth , nor would be content to learn it ; that he was resolved to write to the Pope , to let him know that it did not become him to insult over and add to the miseries of the afflicted , nor to think pride to be honourable ; a thing alone sufficient to render a man odious in the sight of God : and elsewhere he expresses * a very passionate resentment , that he hated the pride of that Church . V. FURNISHED with these advantages , the Roman Prelates set up for themselves , and gave not over , till they had by right and wrong spread such an Ecclesiastic Empire over the world , as would admit neither superior nor equal . In order to the discovery whereof , it will be necessary to enquire what was of old the proper jurisdiction of the Bishops of Rome , before they removed those antient Land-marks which the Fathers had set . We have elsewhere * observ'd , ( what has been remarkt by many , and indeed is evident to any one vers'd in Church-antiquity ) that in the primitive times , the external Polity of the Church was conform'd as near as might be to the Mode that obtain'd in the civil State. Now the whole Roman Empire consisted of thirteen Dioceses , ( for so they began to style those large Divisions about the time of Constantine , ) whereof seven in the Eastern parts , Egypt , the Orient , or East properly so call'd , Asiana , Pontica , Thrace , Macedonia and Dacia ; and six in the West , Italy , Afric , Illyricum , France , Spain , and Britain ; besides the Roman Praefecture , extending to the Provinces round about the City , which had anciently been a peculiar government , equal , yea superior in dignity to any Diocess ; whereof hereafter . In each of these Diocesses were several Provinces , ( 118 in all ) the chief City whereof in every Province , was the Metropolis , that had a kind of jurisdiction over all the rest ; both title and dignity being peculiarly settled by imperial constitution . Now the civil and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , were concurrent after this manner ; in every City there was a civil Judge , who presided over it , and the Towns about it ; and to him answered the Bishop of that City : in every Province a Proconsul or President resided at the Metropolis , govern'd that whole division , received appeals , and determined all important cases brought before him from the inferior Cities . Correspondent to him was the Metropolitan , or ( as they after call'd him ) the Archbishop , whose See was in the same City , who superintended the several Churches , and ordained the several Bishops within his Province . And then in every Diocess , there was a Vicarius or Lieutenant , who kept his residence in the principal City , thence dispatcht the Imperial Edicts , and there heard and decided those causes , that were not finally determin'd by inferiour Courts . And concurrent with him in Ecclesiastical matters was the Primate , or ( as some of them were more eminently stiled ) the Patriarch , who presided over the several Metropolitans within that Diocess , appointed the conventions of his Clergy , Umpir'd the differences that arose between the several Bishops , and gave the last determination to all Appeals brought before him . And thus by an orderly Subordination of Deacons and Presbyters to their Bishops , of Bishops to their immediate Metropolitans , of Metropolitans to their respective Primates or Patriarchs , and by a mutual correspondence between the several Primates of every Diocess , the affairs of the Christian Church were carried on with great decorum and regularity . VI. THIS excellent Platform was not fram'd and set up all at once . In the more early Ages Christianity being generally first Preacht and planted in the greater Cities , and the Ecclesiastical Government settled there , thence spread it self into the neighbouring Country , and persons were thence dispatcht to Preach and attend the Ministeries of Religion in those rural Plantations , who yet were in all things steer'd and directed by the Bishop and his Ecclesiastick Senate residing in the City . As Churches multiplied , and Christianity extended it self into wider circles , it was found necessary to fix a particular Bishop almost in every City , to whom was committed the care and superintendency over all the Clergy and people there , and in all the Towns and Villages belonging to the jurisdiction of that place . But because controversies began to arise between the several Bishops ( and sometimes between them and the inferiour Clergy ) which could not easily be determin'd , where every ones authority was independant , it was necessary that some one should preside over all the other Bishops of that Province , as the Proconsul did in the civil state , who might convene Synodical Assemblies , adjust the differences , and manage the Ordinations of the Provincial Bishops . And for this none could be so fit as he that resided in the Metropolis of the Province ( thence call'd Metropolitan ) partly because the Countries for the most part round about had originally derived their Christianity from thence , and 't was but fit they should pay a peculiar respect to the Mother-church , partly because most persons had occasion to resort thither for the dispatch of business , and might with the same opportunity conveniently transact both their civil and Ecclesiastick matters , and partly because 't was but reasonable , that the Bishop of so eminent a place should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have an honourable presidency over the rest , as the Council of Antioch particularly provides * in this case ; Ordaining accordingly , that tho every Bishop might Ordain Presbyters and Deacons , and manage the affairs of his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or particular Diocess ( as we now call it ) yet that all the Bishops of the Province should acknowledge the Metropolitan , and attempt nothing of moment without his knowledge and consent ; which they there enact , not as any Novel constitution , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they tell us , according to a most ancient Rule and Canon , that had been in force from the times of their fore-fathers . To the Metropolitan then upon every extraordinary occasion the Provincial Bishops addressed themselves , to him also other Metropolitans , such especially as lay nearest to him , were wont to send Letters of Communion , to testify their consent with him in the faith ( a confession whereof every new Metropolitan us'd to send abroad upon his advancement to his See ) and mutually to consult each others advice in all important cases . VII . THIS 't is plain from the Writings of S. Cyprian and others , was the way of Administration during those first and most early Ages of Christianity : Private causes every Bishop judg'd of within his particular jurisdiction , where taking to him the assistance of his Clergy , his Presbyters and Deacons , they did Communi Consilio ponderare , * weigh things by common advice and deliberation ; where the case was of greater importance , or more general concernment , it was referr'd to a provincial Synod , wherein the chief Bishop of the Province presided , and directed all affairs . Here the Ordination of Bishops was usually perform'd , or where a Synod could not conveniently be had , by as many Bishops as could be got together , the rest * who were absent by writing under their hands testifying their consent , and the whole either actually manag'd by , or at least done by the allowance and confirmation of the chief Bishop . Here also criminal Bishops were depos'd , and the same way of general suffrage observ'd : Thus when Cornelius and his Synod at Rome * had condemn'd and cast out Novatian for his Schismatical Usurpation of that See , the Bishops that were not present at the Council , did by their Letters ratify and subscribe that Decree . VIII . IN reference to the affairs of Churches abroad , they acted by a kind of mutual consociation , they communicated councils , interpos'd in differences , oppos'd the same common enemies , and upon all occasions afforded ready help and assistance to one another , that dilectio communis , that Cyprian so often speaks of , * the common bond of love and charity obliging them to advise together , that so by joynt consultations things might be carried on to the best advantage of Ecclesiastick Administration . For they look'd upon themselves , he tells us , * as members of the same Body of the Church , though stretcht out into many several Provinces , and that therefore they were bound to have care one of another , and to watch over the welfare of the whole Body . Upon a Persons Election to any of the greater Sees , they were wont to send their congratulatory Letters , to give him joy of that place , to signify their concurrence with his advancement to a share of the Government of the Church , and their communion with him in the Faith. Thus Cyprian by Letters * approv'd Cornelius his Election to the See of Rome , which he did , he tells us according to divine tradition and Ecclesiastick institution ; nay he sent to all the Bishops of his Province , requiring them by their Letters to do the like . And when Marcian Bishop of Arles was depos'd for his siding with Novatian , Cyprian wrote * to Pope Stephen to send him word who succeeded in that Bishopprick , that so he might know to whom to direct his communicatory Letters . When any person was duly Excommunicated in on Church , he could not be admitted to Communion in another . Thus when Felicissimus , who had been Excommunicated by Cyprian and the African Synod , fled to Rome , * and came thither guarded with a potent faction , he found the doors shut against him , whereof Cornelius advis'd Cyprian by Letters , which the good man commends as replenisht with Brotherly Love , Ecclesiastick Discipline , and Episcopal censure . And when the Legats of Novatian ( who had procur'd himself to be irregularly Ordain'd Bishop of Rome , for which he was Synodically condemn'd ) came into Africk , Cyprian rejected them , * and utterly refus'd to receive them to Communion . In short , no sooner did any extraordinary emergency arise , but notice was presently given of it to other Churches , and advice return'd what was fit to be done in those matters , and all possible assistance afforded towards the dispatching of them . In all which transactions the Bishop of Rome was no otherwise considered than ( as all others were ) as a Bishop of the Catholick Church , nor was his Sentence any more regarded than that of other Bishops . Donatus à casis nigris accus'd * Cecilian Bishop of Carthage to Constantine the Great . The Emperour referr'd the case to Pope Melchiades , and three French Bishops , together with whom Assembled fifteen Bishops of Italy , who gave judgment against Donatus . Wherein as the Pope acted as the Emperours Delegate , and had no more power than the rest of his Collegues , so the sturdy African slighted his judgment , and appeal'd from it . Constantine hereupon referrs the business to a Synod at Arles in France , Ann. CCCXIV . where the former sentence is again brought under examination , and this thought no injury or dishonour to the Bishop of Rome , nay , his Legates in that Council subscribed only in the fifth place , * as the subscriptions publisht by Sirmoud out of an Ancient Copy , stand at this day . In short , 't is ingenuously confess'd by Pope Pius the second , * then Cardinal , that before the time of the Nicene Council very little regard was had to the Church of Rome . By all which we see how the Government of the Church in those days was carried on ; Bishops superintended the affairs of the Church in every City and its adjacent Territory , over them were Metropolitans and Provincial Synods , and with foreign Churches they transacted by a mutual agreement and confederation for the good of the whole , but without any coercive power over one another . CHAP. II. The Government of the Church , and Power of the Bishops of Rome , as 't is represented in the Canons of the Nicene Council . The Sixt Canon of the Synod of Nice set down , with the occasion of it . Seven Observations drawn from that Canon . I. That the larger bounds of Ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the Roman Provinces . A Province what . Whither the Countries in Italy so called . II. That the chief Church-Governour in every Province was the Metropolitan . The prudence and convenience of that way of Government . Patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the Nicene Canon . III. That the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical power . This own'd by some of the greatest Champions of Rome . IV. That the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch were ever of the greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . The eminency of Sees according to the greatness of the Cities wherein they were planted . This gave precedency to the Church of Rome . The three Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch ascrib'd to S. Peter . Blasphemous things spoken of the Pope upon that account . Primacy allow'd to the See of Rome . No Supremacy belonging to it . The Christian Church then knew of no such supereminent power . V. That the rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custome and the practice of the Church . This plainly shew'd to be the sence of this , and other following Councils . VI. That the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . The fourth , sixth and seventh Canons of this Council noted to that purpose . The same shew'd to be the determination of other Synods . What other rights belong'd to Metropolitans . VII . That this way of Ecclesiastick Administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custome and practice . What this antiquity implies . The original of Metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . Several instances of this way of Government noted in the second and third Centuries . The word Metropolitan not met with till the Council of Nice . But the thing long before . The Sum of the Observations upon this Canon . IN this condition stood things at that time when the great Council Assembled at Nice , An. CCCXXV . where what had hitherto been transacted only by custome and mutual consent , became then a Law of the Church . For Alexander the venerable Bishop of Alexandria having complain'd to the Synod , that the Metropolitical Rights of that See had been invaded by the irregular and ambitious attempts of Meletius , the Schismatical Bishop of Lycopolis in Thebais , who during the late persecution had amongst other crimes taken upon him to Ordain Bishops , and to confer inferiour orders where-ever he came , the Synod did not only depose Meletius , and in a manner null his Ordinations , but pass'd among others this following Canon . LEt ancient customs still take place ; those that are in Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , that the Bishop of Alexandria have power over all these ; because such also is the custome of the Bishop of Rome . And accordingly in Antioch , and in other Provinces , let the priviledges be preserved to the Churches . This also is altogether evident , that if any man be made a Bishop without the consent of the Metropolitan , this great Synod Decrees such a one to be no Bishop . And if two or three , out of a contentious humour , shall oppose the common election duly and regularly made according to the Canon of the Church , let the majority of voices in this case prevail . In this Canon , which has been the subject of infinite debate and controversie , there are several things very observable to our purpose , which every impartial unprejudicate Reader will see do naturally flow from it . First , That the larger bounds of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction at that time were concurrent with the Roman Provinces . Secondly , That the chief Church Governour within every Province was the Metropolitan . Thirdly , That the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical power . Fourthly , That the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch were ever of greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . Fifthly , That the rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any Divine constitution , but flow'd only from Custome and the Practice of the Church . Sixthly , That the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime Rights and Priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own Jurisdiction . Seventhly , That this way of Ecclesiastick Admiration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . All which Observations I shall briefly explain and make good . 1. THAT the larger bounds of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction were the Roman Provinces . Every City , besides what was within its Walls , and immediate Suburbs , had usually some adjacent Territory , whither its Government did extend , as Strabo * notes of Nemausus or Nismes , a City of the Gallia Narbonensis , that it had under it twenty four Villages , all well peopled and inhabited , and so commonly in other places ; and these were the Towns and Villages ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are call'd in the ninth Canon of Antioch ) that were under the superintendency and jurisdiction of the City-Bishop . But a Province was a Collection of many Cities , with all the Tracts and Territories belonging to them ; and was greater or less according to the custome of places , or as the will of Princes had set them out . Augustus ( as Strabo who lived about that time informs * us ) when he resolv'd to commit some parts of the Empire to the immediate care of the Senate , and to reserve the rest to himself , divided each moiety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into several Provinces , and caus'd a Rationarium or Book to be made of it ( this he did out of the Commentaries * of Balbus , whom he had appointed to measure the several parts of the Empire : ) Some account of these Provinces Strabo there gives us , but a more full and particular account is given by Dion Cassius . * How these Provinces stood divided in the following Ages , especially from the times of Constantine , is distinctly and accurately set down in the Notitia Imperii , compos'd under the reign of the younger Theodosius . I observe no more then that if at Augustus his settlement ( which is taken notice of , and objected by some * ) the Countries in Italy were not styl'd Provinces , but Regions , ( he divided it says Pliny * into eleven Regions ; whence Italy and the Provinces , and jus Italicum , and jus Provinciale are frequently distinguisht ) yet this distinction held not long , nor universally , the words being promiscuously us'd , as is evident from the Scriptores Rei agrariae ( some whereof if their Titles bely them not , liv'd not long after Augustus his age ) where we find more than once , the Territory of the Province of Picenum , as well as the Region of Picenum , the Province of Apulia and Calabria * , of Valeria ‖ , of Tuscia * , and the like . And for after ages , especially from the times of Constantine , no man can doubt of it , that has but once lookt either into the Justinian , or Theodosian Code . II. THAT the chief Church-Governour within every Province was the Metropolitan , that is , the Bishop that resided in the Metropolis , or Mother-City of the Province . For as the preventing Schism and disorder had necessitated Provincial Bishops ( who being all equal had no power one over the other ) to chuse one common President to umpire and determine differences , and manage those affairs which could not be done by every single Bishop , so reason and conveniency , the example of the civil Government , and the greatness of the place , pleaded for the Bishop of the Metropolis to be the person , who hence deriv'd the title of Metropolitan . And this Salmasius * himself , how ill a friend soever to the whole Episcopal Order , cannot but confess was wisely contriv'd , and that had but Metropolitans contain'd themselves within their proper bounds , there could not have heen a more useful and laudable Institution . His business was upon all important occasions synodically to summon together the Bishops of his Province , and therein to enquire into their miscarriages and misdemeanors , to judg of the contentions that arose between them , to ordain persons to vacant Bishopricks , or at least to ratify their Ordination , and to direct all transactions that were of greater and more general concernment . Therefore the Fathers of Antioch take care , that forasmuch as all that have any business to dispatch , are forc'd to go to the Metropolis , therefore the Bishops in every Province should own , honour and give precedence to the Bishop that presided in the Metropolis , and attempt nothing of moment without his concurrence , and this according to a more ancient Canon derived to them from their Fore-fathers . By the Ancient Canon here spoken of cannot be meant this of Nice , which was but sixteen years before it , and therefore without doubt referrs to the XXXIV . Canon of the Apostles , which almost in the same words commands the Bishops in every Nation to own him who is first or chief amongst them , and to esteem him as Head , and to do nothing of moment without his consent , which truly expresses the ancient practice of the Church ; these Apostolick Canons being nothing else but a collection of Rules and Customes agreed upon in the first ages of Christianity . For ( that I may note this by the way ) 't is vain to think , that a thing then first began to be , when we find it first mention'd or enjoyn'd by a Synodal Decree ; the Canons in such cases being very oft expressive of a more ancient practice , which they then take notice of , or enforce , only because some extraordinary accidents at that time may have given particular occasion for it . As here at Nice , in the case of the Rights of Metropolitans , which the Canon mentions and resettles , only because Meletius's usurpation had brought it into question . It had been long before an ancient custome , and having lately received some little shock , the Church no sooner had an opportunity of meeting together in a general Council , but it establisht these Metropolitical priviledges by its Oecumenical Authority . There are , I know , and they too men of no mean name and note , both heretofore and of later times , who tell us , that this Nicene Canon is to be understood not of Metropolitans , but Patriarchs : But where does the Council say , or so much as hint any such thing , the Synod both here and in all other places constantly calls them Metropolitans , and makes the bounds of their jurisdiction to be Provinces , not Diocesses . And indeed the word Diocese , as relating to this extent of Ecclesiastick Government , was not in use till above an intire age after . Nay perhaps at this time it was scarce in use for the larger division of Countries in the civil state : For it was but about this time that Constantine new modell'd the Government , and brought in Dioceses as comprehending several Provinces under them . So that either here must be Patriarchs without Dioceses , or if the Canon be meant ( as some explain it ) of Metropolitani Metropolitanorum , of some prime and principal Metropolitans , that presided over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces within their jurisdiction , then 't is plain the Synod must intend such whereever it mentions Metropolitans , for it all along speaks of them as of the same . In the fourth Canon it provides , that in every Province a Bishop Ordain'd shall be confirm'd by the Metropolitan ; which is necessarily to be restrain'd to proper provincial Metropolitans . In this sixth Canon it speaks more particularly , and because the Metropolitick rights had been invaded in Egypt , Ordains that the Bishop of Alexandria , no less than he of Rome , and that he of Antioch , and the Churches in all other Provinces should still enjoy their ancient priviledges . Where we see it speaks of them all without any difference in this respect as provincial Churches . And thus the ancient Version of this Canon ( whereof more hereafter ) understood it , when it rendred it thus , in caeteris provinciis privilegia propria reserventur Metropolitanis Ecclesiis , that at Antioch , and in the other Provinces , the Metropolitan Churches should have their own priviledges . And to put the case out of doubt what the Council meant , the Canon adds in the close , that no Bishop should be made without the consent of the Metropolitan . Nothing therefore can be more absurd , than to say , that Patriarchs are meant in the former part of the Canon , and Metropolitans only in the latter , when as the Canon it self makes no difference . And indeed were that the meaning , the grave and wise Fathers of that Council took an effectual course that posterity should never understand their mind . If we look into the following Canon , that secures the rights of the Metropolitan Church of Caesarea in Palestine , and though it grants the next place of honour to the Bishop of Jerusalem , yet still it subjects him to his own Metropolitan . And I suppose it will puzzle any man to give a wise reason , why the Church of Jerusalem ( for which the Christian World ever had so great and so just a veneration ) should be subject to that of Caesarea , but only that Caesarea was the Metropolis of that Province , and so had been ever since the time of Vespasian , and accordingly Josephus says * 't was the greatest City in the Country , and Tacitus * calls it the head of Judaea . So miserably does Alexander Aristinus blunder in his Exposition of this Canon , when by virtue of it he makes the Bishop of Jerusalem to become a Patriarch , and yet withal to be subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea , or , which is all one , that the Metropolitan of Caesarea should not hereby lose his ancient power and dignity . As if any Patriarch , and much more one of the five greater , could be subject to a private Metropolitan , or a Metropolitan could have his ancient rights reserv'd to him , when at the same time a considerable part of them are taken from him . But Patriarchs were not then heard , or so much as dreamt of in the Church ; nothing being truer than what Balsamon has observ'd * in this case , that anciently all the Metropolitans of Provinces were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolute and independent , and Ordain'd by none but their own Provincial Bishops . III. THAT the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical Power . This is so evidently the sence of the Canon , that few , who have otherwise Will good enough , have yet the hardiness to oppose it . The Sun it self is not clearer at Noon-day , than that hereby the Council design'd , that the Bishop of Alexandria should have the same power within his Province , that the Bishop of Rome had in his . Let the Bishop of Alexandria ( says the Canon ) have all his ancient and accustomed powers and priviledges in Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since , or forasmuch as the Bishop of Rome has the like Custome , that is , ( as a learned and zealous Champion * for the Popes Supremacy does yet with great ingenuity expound it ) that he and none but he should exercise Jurisdiction within his own bounds ; as the Alexandrian Bishop has prescrib'd limits to his Diocess , so also has he of Rome : And as he of Rome manages the affairs of his own Diocess without the interposal or medling of any other person , so we Will that he of Alexandria shall have the same power , and that none shall obstruct him in the exercise of it . The Canon then makes a double comparison between these two Metropolitans , the one respecting the extent of their Jurisdiction , that one was confin'd and limited as well as the other ; the other the fulness of their power , which they might exercise within their respective limits , and that none might presume to invade or hinder it , but by the same Right by which the Roman Prelate Govern'd his Churches , by the same might he of Alexandria the Churches subject to him . One of the Greek Scholiasts * Summs up the Canon into these words . Let the Bishop of Alexandria have power over Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis : And the Roman Bishop over those places that are subject to Rome . Harmenopulus * expresses it in somewhat more general terms : Let the ancient customes of Arch-Bishops still prevail , and every one have power over his own Province . I enquire not now what were the peculiar bounds , within which the Power of the Bishops of Rome was terminated . 'T is enough at present , that whether larger or narrower , limits he had , which he might not regularly pass , and that the Church of Rome was in those days accounted a particular Church , and as much a Member of the Church Universal , as Alexandria , Antioch , or that of any other Province . IV. THAT the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch , were ever of greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . Hence they are here particularly named , while others are dismist with an Et caetera , and Rome as the most eminent , made the Exemplar according to which the Rights of Alexandria were to be recovered and resettled . 'T were impertinent to shew that respect was always paid to places proportionable to their Temporal power and greatness ; S. Cyprian * long since told us , that the reason why Rome had the precedency of Carthage , was pro magnitudine sua , because 't was the greater City . And 't were as endless as 't is needless to prove , that the places mention'd in this Canon were Capital Cities of the Empire : Rome was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Athanasius styles * it ) the Metropolis , or chief City of the Roman World , it had for several Ages been the Governing City , and was still the Seat of Empire , the greatness whereof the Geographical Poet * has no less briefly than Elegantly thus summ'd up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rome triumphs in th' Imperial Seat , and is Wealth 's Store-house , and the World's Metropolis . Alexandria besides the vastness of the place , numerousness of its inhabitants , the riches and plenty of its Traffick , was the Seat of the Imperial Vice-roy , call'd the Augustal Prefect : Indeed it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * the second City under the Sun , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristides * styles it , the greatest next to Rome ; and thence by ancient Writers * emphatically call'd THE CITY . Antioch was frequently the Court of Emperors , constantly the residence of their Lieutenants , the most ancient , rich and populous City of the East , commonly styl'd Antioch the Great : Now the greatness of these places added a proportionable reputation to their several Bishops , it being but reasonable that they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the Fathers at Antioch speak * ) precede others in honour , who presided in the most eminent and honourable Cities . And because Rome was confessedly the greatest and noblest City of the Empire , hence the Church there had an honourary precedency before all others , and the Bishops of it in all publick meetings and consultations had the first place allowed them , and upon all occasions a mighty deference and respect paid to them , and their favour was courted , and Addresses made to them from all parts . And in this sence 't is plain the ancients understood the honour due to the Roman Bishop . When the Council of Constantinople decrees , * that the Bishop of that City shall have the next place to him of Rome , for that Constantinople was new Rome , it sufficiently shews upon what foundation the precedency of the Roman Prelate stood . And that of Chalcedon * much more expresly , that the cause why the Fathers gave priviledges to the See of old Rome was , because that was the Imperial City . And in pursuance of these Canons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Emperour Justinian enacts , * that the Bishop of old Rome should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first of all Bishops . I know there are , ‖ who place the Eminency of these three great Sees upon another bottom , and tell us it was , because they were all founded by S. Peter , two of them by himself , and that of Alexandria by the Ministry of S. Mark his peculiar Disciple , sent thither by his immediate direction and authority : And the assertion further improv'd , that these three Cities being severally the chief Cities of the three then known parts of the World , Europe , Asia and Africa , thence it follows that the Government of these three great Churches , and in them of the whole Christian World is lodg'd in S. Peters Successour , and 't is added * ( with greater boldness shall I say , or blasphemy ? ) that S. Peter herein exprest a lively representation both of the Unity of the Godheads , and of the Holy Trinity , and that as 't is but one and the same Episcopal Office that is in a Bishop , a Metropolitan , and a Patriarch , so a Trinity of Patriarchs meets in the Unity of the Pope ; so that in the See of the Prince of the Apostles , there is an Unity in Trinity , and a Trinity in Unity . But where Men can suffer their wits want only to sport at this rate ( though 't is gravely brought in by way of Argument , by some otherwise learned enough ) 't is no wonder , that nothing should be stuck at , true or false , that may serve their cause . But I spare any farther censure of this Authour , finding by his life * ( publisht since the Writing of these Papers ) that he repented afterwards of so hasty and inconsiderate an undertaking , and oft intended to have brought that work under a review and castigation . And indeed any Man may at first sight discern 't was the issue of a Juvenile heat , and wanted the corrections of calmer and maturer thoughts . But perhaps it might prove no such easie task to make it out that S. Peter founded those three Sees , and if he did , that any such authority as is claim'd , is thence deriv'd to the See of Rome . Antioch and Alexandria did always maintain their Jurisdiction Independent , though the Popes frequently inculcated their being originally Instituted by S. Peter , as a kind of obligation to Rome , and that which reflected the greatest honour upon those Churches . And the Fathers we see found their preheminence upon the Glory and Majesty of their Cities , and none more expresly than that of Rome , the Bishop whereof was therefore honoured , caress'd and add rest unto , because Bishop of Rome . And had he contented himself with that place and deference which the Fathers gave him , and not broken down Inclosures , and trampled over the Heads of his Brethren , we should neither have envied , nor denied it . And though perhaps it might admit some dispute , whether Rome having for so many Ages lost the honor of being the Imperial City , the Privileges conferr'd upon that Church , upon that account , ought not in reason to abate proportionably ; yet we are willing to grant , what genuine Antiquity did allow , that the Bishop of that place containing himself within Primitive Rules and Orders , should be esteemed the most honourable among all Christian Bishops , that he should be first , but not Lord , much less Tyrant over his Brethren . The Priviledges assign'd him by the ancient Canons , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says a late learned Patriarch of Alexandria * ) Priviledges of honour , not conveyances of a Tyrannical power to make or abrogate Laws as he pleases . And therefore suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Primacy of the Church of Rome ( mention'd in the beginning of this sixt Nicene Canon , as 't is quoted by Paschasinus the Popes Legate in the Council of Chalcedon ) were granted , yet who knows not that there is a Primacy of Order as well as Power ; a Primacy amongst equals ; and such 't is plain was that which the ancient Councils did assign him , not an Universal , Monarchical , uncontroulable Power and Supremacy over the whole Christian Church , which would have fundamentally destroy'd the very design of this Nicene Canon , which makes the Bishops of Alexandria , Antioch , the other Provinces , independent , and as supream within their own limits , as the Pope is in his . Is there no difference between Precedency and Supremacy , between Dignity and Dominion ? Let the Roman Church be the Head of all Churches ( as 't is sometimes styl'd by the Ancients , and frequently challeng'd by the Popes ) 't is so only in an honourary sence , and in that respect other Churches , especially that of * Constantinople , have the same title given to them . Where then shall we find the Soveraign , Arbitrary , and unbounded Power of the Bishop of Rome ? and where , but in the pride , ambition and Usurpation of that See ? certain I am it has not the least footing in this or any other ancient Council . Nor can it be suppos'd , that had the Fathers of this venerable Synod known of any such supereminent Power of the Roman Bishop , as is now pretended to ( and know it they must , if there had been any , meeting from all parts of the World ) we cannot suppose , I say , they would have given the Bishops of Alexandria , Antioch , &c. equal Power within their respective Provinces , without inserting into the Canon a Salvo to the Supreme Rights and Prerogatives of the See of Rome , especially when we find them in the very next Canon , giving the Bishop of Jerusalem an honourable Session , but still with a Proviso to preserve the Rights of the Metropolitan of that Province . V. THAT the Rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any Divine Constitution , but flow'd only from Custome and the practice of the Church . This is here laid down as one of the main foundations upon which the whole Body of the Canon is built , the Right here convey'd not being Divine Institutions , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient Customs , introduc'd by time and use and a wise contrivance . Which is not only the case of Metropolitans in general , but is particularly applied to him of Rome , it being ( says the Canon ) the custome for the Bishop of Rome to have such Metropolitick Power . Had these good Fathers known of any peculiar Commission given by Christ to Peter , and in him to the Bishop of Rome , to be his Supream and Universal Bishop upon Earth , to Govern his Church by a despotical unaccountable power , or that our Lord had but so much as authorized and appointed him to be Superiour to all the Bishops within the Roman Province , it had been hard , not to say unjust and unreasonable in them to conceal it , and an irreparable injury to that Church , to derive its authority from any meaner original . An injury , which we cannot conceive but that the Popes Legates , who were then in Council , must have immediately entred their Protest against . But the Christian World was as yet unacquainted with such Notions , and the Popes then either did not claim any such power , or to be sure durst not challenge it in that Assembly , where they knew it must be shamefully baffled and rejected . What Power soever our Lord or his Apostles convey'd to Bishops , this is certain , that all Bishops as such stand upon a common level , and that Superiority and Subordination among them is meerly from humane positive Institution , borrowed from the Forms in the civil state , and with great reason brought in to comply with the conveniencies and necessities of the Church . And to this the Fathers usually refer it . Thus we see they here determined the case of Metropolitans . And in the following Canon the Bishop of Jerusalem's taking place next to his Metropolitan before all the other Bishops of that Province , is ascrib'd to custome , and ancient tradition . In the Council of Ephesus the Bishop of Antioch was complain'd of for invading the Rights of the Metropolitan of Cyprus , in deciding whereof the Fathers affirm , * it would be sufficient prejudice to his cause , if he had not ancient custome on his side : And having determin'd the case against him , decree , That every Province should enjoy those original Rights pure and inviolable , which had been deriv'd to them by long continuance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as the power of ancient custome had prevail'd . And when some years after by reason of the Incursions of the barbarous people , the Metropolitan of Cyprus was forc't to remove to Nova Justinianopolis in the Hellespont , the Fathers of the sixt Council in Trullo confirm'd * his rights to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to ancient custome : For the Holy Fathers ( say they ) have determin'd , that Customs should be preserv'd in every Church . VI. THAT the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime Rights and Priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own Jurisdiction . No Man in those days was bound to go beyond his own Metropolis , much less did they know of any obligation to seek to Rome either for Consecration , or Confirmation . And for this the Laws of the Church are as express and peremptory as words could make them . Our great Council had made Provision herein by their fourth Canon , that a Bishop should be Ordain'd by all the Bishops in the Province : But because pers haps business , or distance , might render that inconvenient , and sometimes impossible , they decree that it should be done by three , the rest testifying their consent in writing ; and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the validity of what was done , should be from the Confirmation of the Metropolitan in every Province . And because the case of Meletius was then before them , and had rais'd a mighty noise and clamour , they again establish this matter in the close of the sixth Canon by way of recapitulation , that whoever should be made Bishop without the consent of his Metropolitan , his Ordination should be null and void , and that if any doubt and dispute arose in this case , the majority of Votes should carry it : Accordingly in their Synodical Epistle * to the Church of Alexandria they tell them , they had taken care about the Election of their Bishops , and that it must be with the Concurrence and Confirmation of the Bishop of Alexandria . This Constitution we find unanimously ratified by almost all following Councils ; by that of Antioch a most expresly , by that of Laodicea b , by that of Sardica c , by the Second d and Fourth e Councils of Carthage , by the general Council of Chalcedon f , who take notice of the neglect of some Metropolitans in delaying the Ordinations of their Provincial Bishop ; and in the particular controversie between Anastasius of Nice , and Eunomius of Nicomedia g , they all with one voice ratify the Nicene Canon . In all which Canons , and infinite more that might be mention'd , there is not the least intimation given of any Prerogative peculiar to the Bishop of Rome , or that he has any power to take this Right out of the hands of the respective Metropolitans . Nor is Ordination the only Priviledge which the Synod of Nice vests in Metropolitans , for though they more particularly insist upon this , because Meletius had given such fresh occasion by violating the Metropolitan Rights of Alexandria , yet in the beginning of the sixt Canon they establish their Priviledges in general , that they should have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the ancient Powers and Priviledges that belong'd to their Churches in every Province . What these were , practice and the subsequent Canons of the Church do inform us ; to take care that vacant Sees were well supplied , to call Provincial Synods , to disperse Canons there agreed on for the common good , to end controversies between their Bishops , to admonish the unruly , to censure and suspend the irreregular , to give communicatory Letters to their Provincial Bishops that were to go into foreign parts , and such like . In short , the Synod of Antioch ( than which perhaps none ever made wiser and better Rules for the Government and Discipline of the Church ) order * the Bishops of every Province not only to honour their Metropolitan , but to do nothing of moment without his consent . Lastly , I observe hence , That this way of Ecclesiastick Administration was not any late Novel Institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . 'T was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says the Canon most expresly . How far this Antiquity does extend , it is not easie precisely to determine . Salmasius * himself grants it for an hundred years before the Synod of Nice : And we would not have thankt him for a larger concession , had the state of things before that Council been as clearly transmitted to us , as they were afterwards . Indeed the Records and Writings of those early Ages are generally lost , and the defending Christianity from the assaults of Heathens on the one side , and Hereticks on the other , take up the far greatest part of those few that remain . So that little light is afforded us to discover the Originals of particular Churches , and to trace out the gradual advances of Polity and Church-Discipline . Whether the Apostles themselves fixt a Superiour Bishop in every Metropolis of the civil State , as some will have it ; or whether the Apostles only form'd the Scheme and draught , but left it to following Ages to erect and set it up , as de Marca * thinks , I leave it to the Reader , who is curious about these matters , to weigh their arguments , and then pass his Sentence . To me it seems probable that it actually commenc'd not long after the Apostolick Age , when Sects and Schisms began to break in apace , and when the Apostles who were the supream Governours and Moderators being remov'd off the Stage , and controversies multiplying between particular Bishops , it was found necessary to pitch upon one in every Province , to whom the Umpirage of cases might be referr'd , and by whom all common and publick affairs might be directed . In the declining part of the second Century we find Philip styl'd * not only Bishop of the Diocess of Gortyna , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but also of all the rest of the Churches or Dioceses ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in Crete , among which Pinytus is reckon'd Bishop of the Parochia of Gnossus . Towards the latter end of the same Century we find several Provincial Synods conven'd for determining the Paschal controversie * : Pope Victor presided in that at Rome ; in that of Palestine , Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea , and Narcissus of Jerusalem ; where Narcissus is joyn'd with Theophilus , because the Bishop of Jerusalem had ever the place of honour next to his Metropolitan of Caesarea , and this ( say our Nicene Fathers ) from custome and ancient tradition . Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , at the request of Victor summon'd a Synod of the Bishops of Asia ( i. e. of the Lydian or Proconsular Asia , whereof Ephesus was the Metropolis ) wherein he was president , who all subscrib'd his opinion , as he tells us in his Letter to Pope Victor . In France there was a convention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Bishops of the several Gallick Dioceses , wherein Irenaeus Bishop of the Metropolis of Lyons was chief Moderator . Bacchylus also Bishop of Corinth ( that was a Metropolis too ) held a Synod of the Bishops of Achaia ( if S. Jerome * understand Eusebius aright ) and in their name wrote an Epistle about this matter . This the Author of the Ancient Synodicon * calls a Provincial Synod , and expresly styles Bacchylus Arch-bishop of Corinth . How oft does S. Cyprian * mention his Province , and his Fellow-Bishops in it , to whom he communicated affairs of the Church , and commanded ( Mandavimus is his own word ) their help and assistance : and this Province no mean one neither , as extending over Africk properly so call'd , Numidia , and the two Mauritania's . Nor can I see any reason with Salmasius * to understand it of the civil Province , especially when the best reason he gives , is , that the Power of Primates or Metropolitans was not yet in force , which is a plain and shameful begging of the Question . Indeed if he means it only of the Title , by which they were call'd , I grant that the word Metropolitan is very rarely , if perhaps at all , to be found in any Authentick Writer before the time of the Nicene Council : They were in those days styl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first Bishops , and the Heads of Provinces , ( as is plain from the XXXIV . Apostolick Canon ) i. e they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief Bishops that resided in the several Metropoles , as Zonaras truly expounds that Canon . But whatever becomes of the Title , the thing it self is plain to all that are not byass'd by prejudice and partiality , that there was a Superiour Bishop in every Province , resident at the Metropolis , who partly by himself , partly by the assistance of his Provincial Bishops meeting in Council , usually manag'd all the more important Church-affairs within that Province . The Sum in short of this great Nicene Canon amounts to this That the greater limits of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction were concurrent with the Provinces of the Roman Empire , that the prime Governours within those bounds were the Metropolitans , and though some were more honourable than others , by reason of the eminency of their Episcopal Stations , yet that every Metropolitan had a free and independent power of Ordination , and steering the main affairs of the Church within that Province ; that the Bishop of Rome had the same , and no more within the Roman Province ; a Power not granted by any immediate commission , or Divine authority , but introduc't for conveniency , and setled by custome and long continuance . CHAP. III. The extent of the Bishop of Romes Jurisdiction , considered as a Metropolitan . A Search into the proper bounds of the Roman Bishop . His Power Four-fold , Episcopal , Metropolitical , Patriarchal , Apostolical . The First not controverted . The last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the Reformed , and Greek Church . L. Allatius's Jeer of his Country-men . His Metropolitical Jurisdiction considered as concurrent with that of the Provost of Rome . That how great , and how far extending . The Suburbicary Regions what . Sicily no part of the Urbicary Regions . The usual conformity between the extent of the Civil and Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction in those times . The Power of the Roman Metropolitan confin'd within an Hundred Miles of Rome . Rufinus his Exposition of the Suburbicary Churches . Greatly quarrell'd at by the Romish Writers . His authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . His Book approv'd by Pope Gelasius and others . No probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the Canon , or the extent of the Roman Metropolitanship , or the Suburbicary Churches . His Explication confirm'd by most ancient Interpreters of this Canon . The Bishops of Rome and Italy distinct . The Bishop of Milan ranckt with him of Rome . The objection of the Bishop of Romes being confin'd to so narrow a compass , considered and answered . The Majores Dioeceses in the Epistle of the Synod of Arles what . The bounds of the Roman Bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient Notitia Episcopatuum . The fraud in the first publication of that Notitia . Morinus noted . The greatness of Rome equivalent to a large extent . I. THUS far then we have gain'd ; that the Bishop of Rome as well as the rest was bounded within his Metropolitical Province ; the Council supposing this as the ground of its constitution , that the Bishop of Alexandria should have jurisdiction over all within his Province , as the Bishop of Rome had in his . 'T is true , the Council does not assign the proper limits of the Roman Metropolitanship , as it does that of Alexandria , there being a more particular reason why it should specify the latter , that being the Subject under debate , and the main , if not only occasion of the Canon ; we must therefore search it out some other way . And here we are told * of a Three-fold power vested in the Pope ; Episcopal , Patriarchal , and Apostolical ; or as others * distinguish a little more accurately , he may be considered under a Four-fold capacity , as a Bishop , as a Metropolitan , as a Patriarch , and lastly as Pope , or as he is the Vicar of Christ , and Head of the Universal Church . In which capacity he is not only more honourable than all other Bishops and Patriarchs , but has full authority over them , to consecrate , confirm , or depose them , yea when he pleases , to suppress old , and to erect new Episcopal Sees . Hereby ( they tell us ) he is constituted Judge over all Churches in the World , and may at pleasure visit , govern , and give Laws to them . For the First of these , as he is a private Bishop , we have no controversie with him : And for the last , his Supreme and Apostolical power over the whole Christian Church ; 't is so wild and extravagant a claim , so groundless and precarious , so utter a stranger to Scripture and Primitive Antiquity , that it 's needless to take pains in the refuting of it . Nay , the Popes themselves how desirous soever to amplify their own Power , have not yet dar'd to challenge it where they knew it would be disputed or denied . In the discourse that past between Constantius and Pope Liberius about the condemnation of Athanasius , the Emperour askt him , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what great part of the World are you , that you only should take his part ? and that ( as he urges a little before ) when the whole World had past Sentence upon him . The proper answer to which ( had Liberius known of any such power ) had been this . I only am intrusted by Christ with Supream Authority over the whole Church , and I having acquitted him , 't is no matter though the whole World besides has condemn'd him . And so no doubt he would have answered , had he been aware of any such Prerogative affixt to his See. But Popes had not then set this claim on foot , nor 't is like dreamt of it , nor if they had , was the World as yet dispos'd to receive it . Something we said to this before , when we considered the Bishop of Rome as standing uppermost among the Metropolitans mention'd in the Nicene Canon . To add more , were a vain , and impertinent loss of time ; especially after so much as has been said upon this Argument , both by the Writers of the Greek Church , ( Alexius Aristinus , Zonar as , Balsamon , Matthaeus Blastares , Pet. Antiochenus , Macarius Ancyranus , Demetrius Chomatenus , Barlaam , Nilus Thessalonicensis , Nicetus Seidus , Nilus Doxopatrius , Geo. Coressius , Gabriel Philadelphensis , Maximus Margunius , Meletius Alexandrinus , &c. whom Leo Allatius * in a scornful insultation over the deplorable state of his own Country is pleas'd to style Graecanica ingenia , the Witts of Greece ) and by them of the Reform'd Religion , and by some too of their own Church , by whom all pleas and pretences to this power have been so often and so shamefully baffled , that a man would wonder if at this time of the day they should be again rallied , and brought into open Field . It remains then that we consider him in his Metropolitical , and Patriarchal capacity . II. AND first we shall enquire what were the bounds of his Metropolitical Power . And the best measures we can take in this matter , will be to enquire into the extent of the civil Jurisdiction of the Provost of Rome , with which that that of the Roman Prelate must run parallel , no man can doubt , that considers the course of things in those times , when in this respect the Church and the State went so fairly hand in hand . A thing not only affirm'd by Protestants , but granted by the most Learned and zealous Writers of the Church of Rome . Let us therefore consider first how the case stood in the civil State. The Prefect of Rome was an Officer of great Antiquity , instituted in the very infancy of that state , while govern'd by Kings , but being only of a pro tempore-use , was never made fixt and ordinary till Augustus , who being much engag'd in foraign Wars , appointed a Magistrate , who might in the interim supply his room , manage his affairs , and administer Justice at home . His publick appearances were very pompous and stately , and he had several great Officers under him , as may be seen in the Notitia Imperii . The greatest persons in the City were not exempt from his power , for calling five persons of the Senatorian Order to his assistance , he might try and pass Sentence upon the Head of a Senator himself . His Government extended not only to Rome , but to an hundred miles round about it , where the limits of his jurisdiction ceas'd , as is expresly said in a Rescript a of the Emperour Severus . Ditioni suae non solum Roma commissa ( quamvis in illa contineantur universa ) verum etiam intra Centesimum Miliarium potestatem te protendere , antiqua jura voluerunt , as his Patent runs in b Cassiodore . Within this compass were several Countries , which partly from their lying round about , partly from their subjection to , and dependance upon the praefecture of Rome , were usually styl'd Urbicariae c and Suburbicariae d , and Suburbanae Regiones e , sometimes also Regiones solitae f , the Countries within which the Governour of Rome was wont to exercise his solemn jurisdiction , and Vicinae Regiones g , Countries that lie next to the City . And these I doubt not are those Four Regions mention'd in a Law h of Constantine M. directed to Orfitus Praefect of the City . III. THIS circumference Salmasius conceives * ( though herein stiffly oppos'd by his Learned Antagonist ) to be the Romana regio , mention'd in an old Inscription at Nola , and by the Historian ( as he corrects * him out of an ancient Manuscript ) in the Life of Probus , where 't is oppos'd to Verona , Benacum , and other Regions of Italy ; and that this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Region of the Romans , spoken of by Ignatius in the front of his Epistle to that Church . What these Four Regions were , mention'd in the Law of Constantine , is not agreed by those that have searcht furthest into this matter . Gothofred * makes them to have been Tuscia Suburbicaria ( another part of it being call'd Annonaria ) Picenum Suburbicarium ( to distinguish it from the Annonarium ) and of these there is no doubt : The other Two he makes to be Latium Vetus , and Latium Novum , lying South of Rome , and extending as far as Sinuessa upon the River Safo , which divided beween Latium and Campania . Salmasius * will have the Latium Vetus and Novum to have been but one and the same , and which was afterwards call'd Campania Latina , and to fill up the number , substitutes the Province of Valeria , so call'd from the Valerian way , that lay through it . Another French Lawyer , * who takes upon him in less than half a sheet of Paper ( which he publisht on purpose ) to state the controversie , will have five of the Eleven Regions ( into which Pliny tells us Augustus the Emperour divided Italy ) to belong to this , viz. the First , Fourth , Fifth , Sixth and Seventh , as those that lay next the City , and were bounded with the Rivers Tifernus and Silarus on the East , and Marca and Constantinum on the West . But herein he offers no other evidence than his own conjecture . Sirmondus * ( and others after him ) extends the number of the Suburbicary Countries to Ten , which he makes the same with the Ten Provinces , that were under the Vicarius Urbicus , and to have thence taken their denomination . But there are two things amongst many others that lye strongly in prejudice of that opinion , and with me turn the Scales . First , That some of these Ten Provinces , especially the Three Islands of Sicily , Sardinia and Corsica lay too remote to come under the notion of Suburbicary Regions : For Urbicarium , and Suburbicarium , Suburbanum , and Suburbicum all importing the same thing ( as the Learned Jerom Aleander * readily grants ) must necessarily imply their lying within some tolerable neighbourhood to the City . Secondly , That Sicily , one of the Ten Provinces belonging to the Vicarius Urbicus , is most expresly distinguish'd * from the Urbicary Regions , and as equally as 't is from Italy , strictly so call'd , that is , the Seven Provinces that constituted the Italick Diocess . A case so clear , that Sirmond * though he endeavours to say something to it , yet 't is so thin and trifling , that it rather shews he had a good mind to answer it , than that his answer would ever hold water . Others * are willing to suggest , as if in that Law of Constantius , Illyricum ought to be read instead of Sicily : but this is thrown in only as a conjecture , and that too against all reason , Illyricum belonging at that time to another jurisdiction . For by the famous distribution * which Constantine the Great made of the Parts and Offices of the Empire , Illyricum was under a Praetorian Prefect of its own , and so I suppose continued all the time of Constantius ( in the latter part of whose Reign this Law was made ) though afterwards a great part of it was laid to the command of the Praetorian Prefect of Italy . But Morinus * like a young and daring Champion that was resolv'd to do the work , is for quite dashing it out of the Body of the Law , as a word contrary to the usage of that time . All which shuffling Artifices are a shrew'd sign it was a bad cause they had to manage . In short , though men of Learning may by tricks and subtilty intangle and perplex an argument ( as they have done in this controversie ) yet two things are plain beyond all just exception . First , that the Jurisdiction of the City-Praefect reacht an Hundred miles about Rome . Secondly , that the Urbicary and Suburbicary Regions lay chiefly , and in all likelyhood , intirely within that compass , and deriv'd that title from their vicinity to the City , and their immediate dependance upon the Government of its Provost . And I cannot but a little wonder that Sirmond , who more than once grants * the Praefect of Rome to have had jurisdiction within an Hundred miles , should yet as often deny * , that he had any Provinces under his Government , as if there had been no Provinces within that compass , when they are expresly call'd the Suburbanae Provinciae in the Theodosian Code * , and the ordinary Judges in those parts commanded to return all greater causes to the Tribunal of the City-Praefect , and this in contradistinction to the course of other Provinces , which were to be accountable to the Praetorian Praefect . IV. HAVING thus found out the Jurisdiction of the Roman Praefect , it should one would think be no hard matter to discover that of the Bishop of Rome , there being so known a correspondence between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Government of those days . And though this did not always , nor Universally take place ( and how should it , when time , and the Will of Princes made such alterations in the bounds of places and Provinces ? ) yet did it generally obtain . A thing introduc'd at first for greater conveniency , founded upon long custome , and settled by several Laws and Canons of the Church , insomuch that if a change or alteration had been , or should hereafter be made by imperial authority in any City , that then the Order of Episcopal Sees should follow the civil and Political forms , as is expresly provided by two general Councils , the one of Chalcedon * , the other of Constantinople * . Nor can any reason be given , why the Bishop of Alexandria should exercise a Pastoral Authority over Three such large Provinces , as Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , but only because they were under the civil Government of the Praefectus Augustalis , the Imperial Vice-roy , who kept his residence in that City . The Jurisdiction then of the Bishop of Rome being of equal circumference with that of the Roman Provost , must extend to all the City-Provinces , that lay within an Hundred miles round about it . Accordingly we find that when great disturbances were made in the Church of Rome by the Manichees , and other Hereticks and Schismaticks , Valentinian the Third writes * to Faustus Praefect of Rome to expel them all out of the City ; but especially to proceed against those who separated themselves from the Communion of the venerable Pope , and whose Schism did infect the people ; commanding him , that if upon warning given they should not within Twenty days reconcile themselves , he should banish them One hundred miles out of the City ; that so they might be punisht with their self-chosen solitude and separation . The Emperour thinking it but just , that they who had voluntarily rejected , should be themselves cast out of the bounds of his Jurisdiction , that they who had perverted many in the Capital City , should not be left within any part of his Diocess to infect the people . And this was done in compliance with the course observ'd in civil cases , where notorious malefactours were so us'd . Thus Symmachus * the Gentile was for his insolence banish'd an Hundred miles out of Rome . And some Ages before that , Severus having cashiered the Souldiers that murdered the Emperour Pertinax , banisht * them , and charg'd them at the peril of their Heads not to come within an Hundred miles of Rome , that is , within the limits of the City-Praefecture . And more plainly yet , in the case of Ursicinus , who had rais'd infinite stirs at Rome about the choice of Pope Damasus , and had set up himself as Competitor in that Election , for which he had been banish'd into France , Valentinian the Elder afterwards ( as appears by his Rescript * directed to Ampelius the City-Provost ) gave him and his companions leave to return into Italy , provided they came not to Rome , nor any place within the Suburbicary Regions , that is , within the Jurisdiction of the Roman Bishop . But Rufinus has put the case beyond all question , who in his short paraphrase ( for for a translation we may be sure he never intended it ) of the Sixt Nicene Canon , tells * us , that according to ancient custome , as he of Alexandria had in Egypt , so the Bishop of Rome had the care and charge of the Suburbicary Churches . The Champions of the Roman Church finding themselves sorely pinch'd with this authority , have no other way to relieve themselves but to throw it quite off their Necks , and to fall foul upon Rufinus , loading him with all the hard Names and Characters of reproach , charging him with malice , falshood , ignorance , want of learning , and indeed what not . But the World is not now to be taught that Rufinus was a Man of parts and learning , witness the reputation which his Works had of old , and still have to this day . Pope Gelasius with his Synod of seventy Bishops allow'd * them ( the case only of free-will excepted : ) And among the rest his Ecclesiastical History , wherein this very Nicene Canon is extant , and gives him too the title of a Religious Man into the bargain . So that Rufinus his Exposition has the Popes own approbation on its side . And surely if ever his judgment be infallible , it is , when he has his Council about him to advise and assist him . And though perhaps that Gelasian Synod , if searcht into , may not be of that authentick credit , as to lay any considerable stress upon it , yet however it stands good against them , that own its authority , and thereby approve its determination . And though it had not given this testimony to Rufinus , yet there wants not other evidence that the thing was so . Accordingly Hincmar of Rhemes , speaking of this very Book of Rufinus whence this passage is taken , assures us * , it was one of those that were receiv'd in the Catalogue of the Apostolick See. Nay , his Ecclesiastical History obtain'd such credit , that it was wont solemnly to be appeal'd * to by Fathers and Councils in some of the most weighty and important cases of the Church . V. NOR is there any shadow of probability , that he should be mistaken either in the sence of the Nicene Canon , or in the Province of the Bishop of Rome . He was himself an Italian , born not above Twenty years after the Synod of Nice , Baptiz'd , and perhaps born at Aquileia , a famous City of Friuli , ( honoured heretofore with the residence of Augustus and some other Emperours , and made afterwards a Metropolis , and the Seat of the Praetorian Prefect ) and himself a Presbyter of that Church : He had been frequently conversant at Rome , had travell'd over most parts of the Christian World , and had convers'd with persons of the greatest note and eminency in every place . In all which respects he could no more mistake the jurisdiction of the See of Rome , than we can suppose , that a Prebend of York born and bred in the Church of England , should be ignorant how far the Province of Canterbury does extend . Nor can there be the least reason to imagine , either that by Suburbicary Churches Rufinus should mean any other , than what lay within those Provinces , that were universally known by that title , or that he should dare so openly , and in the face of the World to shut up the Bishop of Rome within those Suburbicary Regions , had not his power at the time of the Nicene Council ( whose Canon he must in all reason be suppos'd to explain as things stood at the time of that Synod ) been notoriously known to have been confin'd within those limits . But what need we take pains to vindicate the credit of our witness ? he stands not alone in this matter , his testimony being sufficiently justified by concurrent evidence . The ancient Version of the Nicene Canons ( publish'd by Sirmond * out of the Records of the Vatican , and another exactly agreeing with it by Mons. Justell , from a very ancient Manuscript ) the Author whereof was perhaps not much later than Rufinus , renders it by Suburbicaria loca , the Suburbicary places ; the three Arabick Versions , the Alexandrian , that of the Melchites , and the Paraphrase of Joseph the Egyptian , all express it to the same effect , that he should have power over his Countries and Provinces , and what ever lay next to him : Alex. Aristenus , and Sim. Logotheta , two Greek Canonists , and a third ancient Epitomizer of the Canons , mention'd by Leo Allatius * , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the places and Provinces that lay under Rome , i. e. the Suburbicary Countries . Nor will it a little contribute to the further clearing of this matter , to observe , that as the civil Government of the Roman Provost is distinguish'd from that of Italy in the Writings of those times , so is this of the Roman Prelate : and this distinction very ancient . When Paul of Samosata Bishop of Antioch refus'd to give Domnus possession of that Church , an appeal was made to the Emperour Aurelian , who referr'd the Decision of the case to the Bishops of Italy and of Rome , as Eusebius * tells us : and in the title of the Letter written by the Sardican Synod to the Church of Alexandria , 't is said , * that the Bishops Assembled from Rome and Italy , i. e. Italy taken in its strict and peculiar notion , as 't is there distingusht from Campania , Calabria , &c. Thence Milan as being Head of the Italick Dioces , is in an Ecclesiastick sence call'd * the Metropolis of Italy , and Dionysius Bishop of that Church styl'd * Bishop of the Metropolis of Italy , and Sulpitius Severus speaking of Priscilian and his company coming into Italy , says * they address'd themselves to Damasus Bishop of Rome , and Ambrose of Milan , as Bishops that had the greatest authority in those days . And in this respect in the civil sence Berterius * truly makes Rome to be the Metropolis of the Suburbicary Regions , as Milan was of the rest of Italy . VI. BUT it seems no small prejudice to the great men of that Church , that so venerable a person as the Bishop of Rome should be pent up within such narrow limits , much inferiour to many others , especially him of Alexandria or Antioch . But besides that the Eastern Dioceses ( as some think ) were generally larger than those of the West , the Ecclesiastick Provinces ( as we noted before ) were restrain'd to the form of the civil constitution , and were more or fewer , as it happened in the political Distribution : Wherein if the Roman Bishop had not so large an extent as some others , yet was it made up in the number , and frequency of Episcopal Sees , beyond what was in all those times in other places of the like extent . And therefore when the Synod at Arles in their Letter * to Pope Sylvester , say that he did majores Dioeceses tenere ( a passage frequently quoted by the Writers of the Roman Church ) possess greater Dioceses ; besides , that the place as Salmasius * observes is very corrupt , and affords no currant sence , 't is plain that the word Diocess there cannot be understood of Patriarchal Dioceses ( Constantine not having yet made the division of the Empire , nor Dioceses come up in a civil , much less in an Ecclesiastical sence ) and must therefore be meant of single Bishopricks , in the modern use of the word , and which was not unusual in those days , as is evident from the Code of the African Church , and the conference between the Catholicks and Donatists at Carthage , where nothing is more common and obvious than this usage of the word Diocess , for a single Episcopal See ; the places * are too numerous to be reckon'd up . And thus also . Pope Leo uses * the word in the case of Restitutus an African Bishop . VII . AND indeed that the bounds of the Church of Rome for several Ages after the Nicene Council were much narrower than some others , appears from an old Greek Notitia Episcopatuum , wherein the five Patriarchates are distinctly reckon'd up , with all the Provinces and Bishopricks contain'd under them . Where under him of Rome , are set down no more than six Provinces ( whereof the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Province of Urbicary Rome is the first ) containing not above One hundred and eight Episcopal Sees . A number far inferiour to the rest , especially the Patriarch of Constantinople , who had subject to him XXXiii Provinces , and in them CCCLXXXiX Bishopricks , besides some others then newly added to him . This Notitia had been heretofore publisht by Carolus a S. Paulo in his Geographia Sacra , but when he came to that part of it that concerns the Diocess of Rome , he quite leaps over it , pretending the Manuscript Copy to be imperfect , and that the words were so corrupted , that scarce any one remain'd entire ; leaving somewhat more than a bare suspicion , that he himself , or some before him had purposely rac'd the Manuscript , least the nakedness of the Country , the thinness and smallness of the Roman Diocess in comparison of others , should be discovered . But to their great confusion it has been lately publish'd * intire and perfect out of the Oxford Library , where the account that we have given is plain and notorious . All which considered , with how little reason and pretence to truth does Morinus * appeal to the Ecclesiastick Notitia's , even such as were made long after the times of Constantine , to prove the amplitude of the Roman Province , as to the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome . But to return , there can be no reason to expect , that the Ecclesiastick limits in those days should be longer than those of the State , which were the standard and measure , by which the others were ordinarily regulated . Nor is the greatness of any Jurisdiction so much to be measured by the largeness of its extent , as by the honor and authority of the place , where 't is exercised ; as that of the Lord Mayor of London , though reaching no further than the Liberties of the City , ( which take not in half the Suburbs ) is yet a more honourable authority , than that of a Sheriff of the largest County in England . In this regard the Bishop of Rome had though a shorter cut , a better and more noble Jurisdiction , than any other Prelate in the World besides ; Rome being the Seat of Majesty and Power , the residence of the Emperours , the highest Court of Justice , the place to which all parts paid either homage , or at least respect and veneration , honoured with the Title of ROME THE GREAT , the Provost whereof was reckoned next * in honour to the Emperour , and upon all occasions went equal in dignity to the Praetorian Prefect , who yet commanded ten times as many Provinces : He had the precedence a of all the great Officers of Rome , and to him belong'd Civilium rerum summa , b the management of all civil affairs . Hence the Title given to Sylvester , is that of Bishop of the Imperial City c and the Council of Chalcedon tells us , that the Fathers therefore gave a Prerogative to the See of Rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that was the Governing and Imperial City ; and Constantius the Emperour though he had already condemn'd and depos'd Athanasius , did yet to put the better colour upon it , desires to have it ratified by the authority enjoy'd by the Bishops of the eternal City , as the Heathen Historian * has remark'd . And thus much may serve for the Metropolitical bounds of the Roman Prelate . CHAP. IV. An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in the Christian Church . An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in general . None before the Council of Nice . What that Council contributed to them . Civil Dioceses when , and by whom introduc'd . These gave start to Primary Metropolitans . Dioceses , when first brought into the Church . The title of Patriarch borrowed from the Jews . Who their Patriarchs , and whence descended . Exarchs what . The word Patriarch when first us'd by Church-writers in a strict and proper sence . The Patriarchs among the Montanists , who . A short Survey of the four great Patriarchates . The extent of the Patriarchate of Alexandria . The Dioecesis Aegyptiaca , what . The Patriarchal Jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the Augustal Prefect . Little gain'd to this Patriarchate more than a title of honour . The Patriarchate of Antioch commensurate to the Eastern Diocess . The contest about Cyprus how determin'd ? Palestine for some time under Antioch . The Patriarchship of Constantinople . By what degrees it rose . What priviledge conferr'd upon it by the second general Council . The Bishops henceforwards exercising a kind of Patriarchal power over the Churches of the neighbouring Provinces . The Power granted to that See by the Council of Chalcedon . It 's ninth , seventeenth and eight and twentyeth Canons considered to that purpose . Jurisdiction over the three Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica , and Thrace . This settled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . This Power own'd by the Synod to have been exercised of a long time before . This grant urg'd against the universal Supremacy of the See of Rome . The extent of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient Notitiae . The Patriarchate of Jerusalem . The honour confirm'd to this Church by the Nicene Council . It s subjection to the See of Caesarea . When first attempting a Metropolitical Power . The contest between this Bishop , and the Bishop of Antioch How determin'd in the Council of Chalcedon . When first styl'd Patriarch . The extent of this Patriarchate . I. PROCEED we in the second place to consider him as a Patriarch , the highest Degree of Ecclesiastick Government which the Church ever owned . And in order to the better clearing the whole matter , it will be of some advantage , and perhaps not unpleasant to the Reader , to enquire briefly into the rise and original of Patriarchs in general , and then survey each particular Patriarchate . The rise of Patriarchs is but obscurely delivered in the Records of the Church , the thing not being particularly and by name taken notice of , 'till like a River that has run a great way , and gathered many tributary rivulets , it had swell'd it self into a considerable stream . That there were none at the time of the Nicene Council we shew'd before , the chief Church-Governours then being the Metropolitans , some of which soon after set up for more room , and began to enlarge the bounds of their Jurisdiction . And two things there were greatly contributed to that attempt . First , The mighty reputation which the Synod of Nice had given to Metropolitans , and especially to the particular Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch . This inspir'd them with an ambitious affectation of extending their Superiority and Jurisdiction , and prepar'd the way among their Brethren , for the easier reception of it . Socrates observ'd , * that long before his time ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must reach as far as the Council of Nice at least ) the Bishop of Rome ( as he also of Alexandria ) had gone beyond the bounds of his place , and had aspir'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a Power and Dominion over his Brethren . A remark so very clear and plain ( especially as to the Bishop of Rome ) that nothing is more obvious in the whole History of the Church . The Synod of Nice was beholden by all with a just regard and veneration , and its Decrees receiv'd as Oracles from Heaven , and the Christian World finding what particular care it had taken of those three great Sees , were the more ready to submit and strike Sail to their Usurpations . Hence the following Popes , but especially Leo the First , do upon all occasions magnifie the Nicene Canons , and amplify their meaning beyond what was at first intended by them . Secondly , The late division of the Empire , and the alteration of it from that form , whereinto it had been cast , first by Augustus , and afterwards by the Emperour Hadrian , new modell'd by Constantine the Great much about the time of the Nicene Council , gave a singular advantage and opportunity to promote and further this design . II. FOR Constantine introduc't four Praetorian Praefectures , each Praefecture containing several Dioceses ( XIII . in all ) and each Diocess comprehending several Provinces , the Vicar or civil Lieutenant residing in the Metropolis of every Diocess , and presiding over all the Provinces within that division . And how easie was it , the World being so prepar'd and dispos'd , and the Church so readily embraceing the forms of the civil state , for the chief Metropolitan of every Diocess to set up for himself . The dignity of the City where he resided , and the resort of people thither for the dispatch of business made him at first be esteem'd and honored as the First Bishop of the Diocess , and this in a little time brought on the priviledge of Ordaining the Metropolitans of the several Provinces , and to be intrusted with almost the same powers over Metropolitans , which they had over Provincial Bishops . And no doubt it made persons more willing to comply with such a Model , that haveing frequent occasion of repairing to the Metropolis , ( as is intimated in the ninth Canon of Antioch ) they might with the greater conveniency dispatch their civil and Ecclesiastical affairs both at once . It serv'd not a little to help on this business , that the second general Council gave the Bishop of Constantinople the next place of honour to him of Rome upon the account of its being the Imperial City ; which gave no small encouragement to the Bishops of all Diocesan Metropoles to attempt the extending their Superiority equal to that of the Imperial Governour that kept his residence in that City . But that which puts the case past dispute is ▪ that that Council took in the form of civil Dioceses into the Church , at least , approv'd what was already taken in : for so they provide * that Bishops should not go beyond the Diocess to meddle in Churches that were without their bounds . Socrates * giving an account of this Canon , says expresly , that the Fathers of the Synod having made division of the Provinces , constituted Patriarchs . And though perhaps by Patriarchs Socrates means no more than those Pro tempore Commissioners who were within such and such places appointed to judge who should be received to Catholick Communion ( as we have elsewhere * observ'd ) yet very plain it is , that the Council there intends Diocess properly , and in an Ecclesiastick sence , and therefore opposes it to Province , ordaining that Bishops should not ordinarily go out of the Diocess to celebrate Ordinations , or any other Church-offices ; and that the Canon concerning Dioceses being observ'd , the Synod in every Province should manage the affairs of it according to the Nicene constitution . And in the sixt Canon they speak yet more expresly , that if any take upon him to accuse a Bishop , he shall first exhibit and prosecute his charge before the Provincial Synod ; and in case they cannot end it , that then the accusers shall apply themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the greater Synod of the Bishops of that Diocess , who shall be assembled for that purpose . And if any slighting the Bishops of the Diocess , shall sue to the Emperour , or the secular Tribunals , or to a general Council , he shall not in any wise be admitted to exhibit an accusation , but be rejected as a Violator of the Canons , and a disturber of Ecclesiastick Order . And to name no more in a case so evident , Pope Innocent * in a Letter written about the year CCCCVIII . says of the Church of Antioch , that its authority reacht not over a single Province , but over a Diocess ; though withal he falsly makes it to have been so settled by the Synod of Nice . Nay long before all this we meet with Ecclesiastick Dioceses in this sence . For by a Law * of the Emperour Gratian bearing date May the XVII . Ann. CCCLXXVI . it is provided , that the same customs that were in use in civil Judicatures , should obtain in Church matters , and the final decision and determination of Ecclesiastick causes should be made in their proper places , and by the Synod of every Diocess . And this course the Emperour insinuates , as that which was not then first introduc't . III. FROM all this it appears that according to the Political constitution , Diocesan or , as 't was after call'd Patriarchal , Jurisdiction was brought into the Church , and that accordingly the Bishops of some of those Cities , who had hitherto been but Metropolitans , advanc't into the Title and Dignity of Primates ( which was the word that generally obtain'd in the Western parts , the word Patriarch being late , and little us'd in the Western Church ) extending their superintendency commensurate to the Jurisdiction of the Vicar of the Diocess . And because some of these Metropoles were Cities of far greater eminency and account than others , as Rome , Alexandria , &c therefore the Bishops of them were ( in the East especially ) honoured with the Title of Patriarchs , differing at first from other Primates not so much in power , as in dignity and honour , they were diversorum nominum , sed ejusdem officii , as Gratian * notes . That this Title of Patriarch was borrowed from the Jews , there can be no doubt . Upon the final destruction of their Church and State , they were dispers'd into several Countries , especially in the Eastern parts , where not being capable of continuing their Levitical Polity , exactly according to the Mosaick Institution , they constituted some persons to exercise the chief authority among that people , who kept their residence in some of the greater Cities , as at Babylon , Alexandria , Tiberias , and afterwards probably at Jerusalem . The persons thus made choice of , are thought to have been of the Tribe of Judah , and more particularly to have descended from the Line of David . Epiphanius * seems to make them ( at least them of Tiberias ) to have been the Posterity of Gamaliel , the great Councellour spoken of in the Acts. But Theodorit * has a more peculiar fancy , that they were the descendants of Herod the Great , who was by his Fathers side an Ascalonite , by his Mothers an ●dumaean . But however descended , they were entrusted with the chief Power and Government over the Jews within their particular Jurisdictions . These are they who so often calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Heads of the Exiles , and otherwhiles Princes , and frequently Patriarchs ( though besides these Supream , it seems probable from some of the Imperial Laws , that they had an inferiour sort of Patriarchs , who were but just Superiour to their Presbyters , or Elders ) of these Jewish Patriarchs there is frequent mention both in Jewish a , and Christian b writers , and especially in the Theodosian c Code : Whence also 't is evident that this Office and Title ceas'd , or rather was abolisht by the Imperial Authority not long before the year d CCCCXXIX . in the time of the younger Theodosius . But though it be plain whence this Title was deriv'd , yet when it first sprung up in the Christian Church , it is hard to say . In the Canons * of the Chalcedon Council he is call'd Exarch of the Diocess , and any Bishop or Clergy-man that has a controversie with his own Metropolitan , is allow'd to appeal to him ( the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifferently notes any chief Person in place or power , and the sence or it is to be determin'd according to the circumstances of the case : Thus the Canons mention both Exarch * of the Province , and Exarch of the Diocess , the First denoting a Metropolitan , the Second a Patriarch ) But in the Acts * of that Council we are told of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most holy Patriarchs of every Diocess ; and in the several Libels * exhibited against Dioscurus , Pope Leo is intitled Patriarch of Great Rome . And that this Title was not then newly taken up we are assured from the Letters * of Theodosius and his Empress Placidia , about calling the third general Council , holden at Ephesus Ann. CCCCXXXI . in both which Leo is styl'd the most Reverend Patriarch . This is the first time that I remember to have met with a Patriarch strictly so call'd , unless we will understand the passage of Socrates I mention'd concerning Patriarchs in a proper sence . IV. INDEED the Montanists or Cataphrygians , who started up under the Reign of the Emperour Antoninus , had their Patriarchs . They had three Orders * of Church-Officers , Patriarchs , Cenones and Bishops . But besides that they were an odd and absurd Sect , whom the Catholick Church alwas disown'd , 't is not easie to guess what they meant by Patriarchs , whom they plainly make distinct from Bishops . They were it seems their prime Ecclesiastick Governours , the chief whereof resided probably at Pepuza in Phrygia , which they Fantastically call'd * Jerusalem , affirming it to be the New Jerusalem , that came down out of Heaven , and this 't is like in imitation of the Jewish High-Priest ; for from the Judaical constitution they borrowed many of their Devices , and perhaps might borrow the very name as well as thing from them , the prime Church-Officer among the Jews after the Destruction of the Temple , and the Abrogation of that Polity , being styl'd Patriarch , as we noted before . But it may be doubted , whether the Montanists had those three Orders from the beginning of their Sect , it being taken notice of by none Elder than S. Jerome , nor that I know of , mention'd by any other ancient Writer after him . However 't is certain , that in the common use of the word , it occurrs not till the time of Pope Leo , and the Ephesine and Chalcedon Councils . After that the Title became fixt , and nothing more common than the word Patriarch , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patriarchal Sees in the writings of the Church . What and how many these particular Sees were , we are told by the sixt Council in Trullo * , where they are particularly enumerated , and their order and precedency adjusted in this manner , Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , Antioch , Jerusalem . From hence then we descend to survey these particular Patriarchates ; not designing to meddle with Secondary and later Patriarchates , such as that of Aquileia , Grado , Russia , the Patriarchs of the Maronites , Jacobites , Armenians , the Catholick or Patriarch of Bagdad or Mauzel and the like . Our business now is with the five ancient , and eminent Patriarchships , and though first in order , we shall reserve that of Rome to be treated of in the last place , intending to discourse more fully concerning it . V. WE begin with the Patriarch of Alexandria ( for I shall take them in order , as I conceive they grew up in time ) who seems to have gain'd little by his new Patriarchship besides the honour of the Title , whether we consider him in point of precedency , in point of power , or in the extent of his Jurisdiction ; nay in some respects he was a loser rather than a gainer by it . In point of precedency , he was before the second Metropolitan in the whole Christian World , whereas now he was thrust down into the third place . In point of power he was before this change sole Metropolitan of those parts , and the Ordination of his suffragan Bishops intirely belong'd to him , or depended upon his consent and confirmation , which now according to the constitution of Church-Policy must be devolv'd upon the several Metropolitans under him : Nor was he much advanc't in the extent of his Jurisdiction . 'T is true the Dioecesis Aegyptiaca consisted of six large Provinces , all under the Government of the Augustal Praefect , who constantly resided at Alexandria ( and consequently in Spirituals belong'd to the Patriarch of that place : ) These in the Notitia Imperii * we find thus reckon'd up ; Libya Superior , Libya Inferior , Thebais , Aegyptus , Arcadia , Augustanica . Whereas in the Nicene Canon the Alexandrian Metropolitanship is said to extend but over three , Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis . But when it is considered , that Thebais , Arcadia and Augustanica , were of old parts of , and lay hid under the more general name of Egypt , and that Pentapolis was the same with the Upper Libya , the account will be much the same . We find in the Council of Nice * that the Bishop of Alexandria was appointed to give an account of those Synodal transactions to the Churches throughout all Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , and the neighbouring Countries as far as the Provinces of India . Where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or whole Egypt ( in opposition to the other two which were but single Provinces ) takes in Egypt strictly so call'd , Thebais , Arcadia and Augustanica ; and by the neighboring Regions that lay as far as India , are doubtless meant the Frontier Countries that bordered upon the Roman Provinces , and were perhaps confederate with the Empire , and wherein 't is like the Bishops of Alexandria had propagated Christianity ( as we know Athanasius did in India ) whose Churches therefore own'd a dependance upon the See of Alexandria . And in this respect I grant the Bishop had somewhat a larger Jurisdiction than the Augustal Praefect , tho otherwise they were the same . Upon the erection of this See into a Patriarchate , several Metropolitans start up : Ten of the Metropolitans of his Diocess , the Emperour Theodosius * commanded Dioscorus to bring along with him to the Council of Ephesus . How many more he had is not certain . Nilus Doxopatrius in his Notitia * says there were thirteen ; the old Greek Notitia we mention'd before a reckons ten Provinces , and in them ninety nine Bishopricks , which surely argues that a miserable desolation had laid waste those Countries , and reduc't the number of Episcopal Sees . Seeing before the time of the Nicene Council there met in Synod near an Hundred * Bishops out of Egypt and Libya , whom Alexander had summon'd to the condemnation of Arius . And that so many there were , Athanasius expresly * tells us more than once . And how greatly Bishopricks were multiplied afterwards , the Reader who is vers'd in these matters needs not be told . VI. THE See of Antioch always took place next that of Alexandria , being ever accounted the prime City of the East . Like the rest it arose by degrees into a Patriarchate , First getting an honourary , then an authoritative Superiority over that Diocess . During the Session of the Second general Council , the Bishops not only of that Province , but of the Eastern Diocess met together to Ordain Flavianus Bishop of Antioch , whose Act herein was ratified by the Vote of that Council , as the remaining part of the Synod , meeting again the next year , tell * Pope Damasus in their Letter to him . About this time , or rather sometime before , I guess the Bishop of Antioch had set up for a Patriarchal power , and had begun to enlarge his Jurisdiction from a Province to a Diocess . Now the Eastern Diocess * under the care of the Comes Orientis contain'd fifteen Provinces , the Three Palestine's , Phoenice , Syria , Cyprus , Phoenice Libani , Euphratensis , Syria Salutaris , Osrhoëna , Mesopotamia , Cilicia Secunda , Isauria and Arabia ; Cyprus indeed stood out , and would not submit to the See of Antioch , and though the Bishop stickled hard to bring them under , yet the Cyprian Bishops stoutly maintain'd their ancient rights . The case was canvass'd and debated at large in the Council of Ephesus * , and upon hearing the whole matter , the Council adjudg'd it for the Cyprian Churches , that they should still enjoy their ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their liberties independent upon the See of Antioch , and pass'd a particular Canon in favour of them . And so they continued for many Ages : And therefore in the old Notitia * Cyprus is not plac'd under any of the Patriarchates , but is noted to be a Province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having Jurisdiction within it self . But the rest of the Provinces for any thing that appears , submitted , and the Bishop of Jerusalem with his Metropolitan of Caesarea , were both for some time under the See of Antioch . And this renders S. Jerom's meaning plain enough in that known passage * , when he tells John Bishop of Jerusalem , who in the controversie between him and Epiphanius had appeal'd to Theophilus of Alexandria , that if he would have appeal'd , it should have been either to him of Caesarea , who was his Metropolitan , or to the Bishop of Antioch as Metropolitan of the whole East , that is , of the Eastern Diocess . But when he says , this course was settled by the Synod of Nice , 't is plain 't was his mistake . And indeed his own Ni fallor shews he was not very confident and peremptory in the case . The account of this Patriarchate , as delivered by * Nilus Doxopatrius ( with whom in the main concurr many other ancient Notitiae * ) stands thus . Immediately subject to the Patriarch were VIII . Metropolitans , who had no suffragan Bishops under them , and VIII . or as others reckon , XII . Arch-Bishopricks : Besides which he had XIII . Metropolitick Sees ; Tyre containing under it XIII . Bishopricks ; Tarsus VI ; Edessa XI . or as others X ; Apamea VII ; Hierapolis XI , the Latine Notitiae reckon but VIII ; Bostra XIX , or XX ; Azarbus IX . Seleucia in Isauria XXIV ; Damascus XI ; Amida VIII , or as the Latins VII ; Sergiopolis V , but by some one less ; Daras X , the Latin Notitiae call it Theodosiopolis , and allow but VII . Episcopal Sees ; and lastly Emesa containing VI. This was the state of that once venerable Patriarchate . VII . THE next that succeeds is the Patriarchate of Constantinople , which though starting later in time , soon got beyond the other two . The Bishop of Byzantium or Constantinople had for several Ages been only a private Bishop , Subject to the Metropolitan of Heraclea , which anciently had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Procopius * tells us ) the Primacy of all the Cities of that Country ; in acknowledgment of which subjection the Bishops of Heraclea had ever the priviledge to Ordain the Patriarch of Constantinople . But no sooner was that City made the Seat of the Empire , but great things were spoken of it , 't was styl'd the Governing City , the Metropolis of the whole World a , a great City ( says Nazianzen b in one of his Sermons to the people of that place ) and the very next to Rome , nay not at all yielding the Primacy to it , it being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first and chiefest City of the Empire . And now the Bishop of Constantinople began to appear considerable in the World , and both Church and State conspir'd to render him great and powerful . The Fathers of the second general Council holden in that City , considering that Constantinople was new Rome , conferr'd * upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledge of honour and respect next to the Bishop of Rome . This at one lift set him over the Heads of the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch . Accordingly in the preceding Canon of that Council , and in a Law * of Theodosius conforme thereto concerning the bounds of Dioceses , and Catholick Communion , he is set before both the Bishops of those Sees ; and if the subscriptions to this Synod be of any credit , we find Nectarius subscribing first to the Decrees of the Council . And when the Acts of the clancular Synod at Ephesus were read in the Chalcedon Council * , and it was found that the Bishop of Constantinople was therein put in the fifth place , the Bishops presently rais'd a clamour , why had he not his proper place , why was he thrust down into the fifth place ; whereupon Paschasinus the Popes Legate declar'd that he held Anatolius of Constantinople in the first place : which Diogenes of Cyzicum affirm'd was according to the constitutions of the Fathers . But to return to what we were upon . Though this Canon of Constantinople gave the Bishop no direct power , yet it gave him so mighty a value and reputation , that he wanted not opportunities enough to carve for himself . He was soon courted on all hands , his mediation requested , and his interposal desired for the ending differences , and where Provincial Bishops could not agree about the Election of their Metropolitans , the case was very often referr'd to him , and he perform'd the Ordination . This in time begat a right , at least a claim , over the Churches in those Countries that lay next him , especially the Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica and Thrace , in which 't is plain he exercised a Patriarchal power . Thus to omit other instances , S. Chrysostom Synodically heard the cause of Antoninus Bishop of Ephesus ( the Metropolis of the Asian Diocess ) and afterwards went himself in person thither , where he conven'd a Synod of LXX . Bishops of those parts , heard the cause over again , gave judgment upon it , and ordain'd a Metropolitan in that City . He likewise depos'd Gerontius Bishop of Nicomedia , which lay in the Diocess of Pontica , and some others , and fill'd up their Sees ; whereof we have elsewhere given an account at large . And this very instance we find produc'd and pleaded in the Chalcedon Synod * to prove the rights of the Constantinopolitan See over those Churches . I know the validity of these good mans proceedings in this matter is disputed by some , and was of old put among the Articles exhibited against him to the Synod at the Oke . But no doubt can be made , but Chrysostom thought he had sufficient authority and right to do it , and would not have attempted it , had it not been warranted by the practise of his predecessors . In the mean time I cannot but smile at the grave fancy of a Learned Man * , who without the least shadow of any other warrant than his own conjecture , will have Chrysostom to have acted herein as the Popes Legate , and to have done all this by vertue of his absolute and supreme authority . So quick-sighted and acute are men to discern what never was , and so willing to believe , what 't is their interest should be true . VIII . BUT to proceed with our Patriarch of Constantinople , he held on much at this rate till the general Council at Chalcedon holden there Ann. CCCCLI . when what he had hitherto holden by custome , Canonical authority made his right . By their ninth Canon they provide , that if any Bishop or Clergy-man have a controversie with his own Metropolitan , it shall be at his liberty to appeal either to the Exarch , that is , Primate of the Diocess , or to the See of Constantinople , where his cause shall be heard . A Canon that invested him with a vast power , putting him into a capacity of receiving and determing final appeals from all those parts . The same they again ratify by their seventeenth Canon , and by their twenty-eight make a more particular provision for him . First , they profess in general altogether to follow the Decrees of the Holy Fathers , then they recognize the third Canon of the second general Council ( which was then read before them ) and Decree the same Priviledges , and upon the same account , as that had done to the Church of Constantinople . Forasmuch ( say they ) as the reason why the Fathers conferr'd such Priviledges upon the See of Old Rome , was , that it was the Imperial City . And upon the same consideration the Bishops of that second general Council gave equal Priviledges to the See of New Rome ; rightly judging ( as the Canon goes on ) that the City which was honoured with the Empire , and the Senate , and enjoy'd equal Priviledges with old Imperial Rome , should also in Ecclesiastical matters have the same honour with it , only coming after it in the second place . And because the Bishop of Constantinople had hitherto had no certain Diocess , nor any place wherein to exercise Jurisdiction , but what he held precariously , and as it were by courtesie , in the latter part of the Canon they fix his bounds , giving him power over the three Dioceses of Pontica , Asiana and Thrace , that the Metropolitans of all those places , and all the Bishops of the Barbarous Countries belonging to those Dioceses , should be bound to come , and receive their Ordination from the Bishop of Constantinople . And now he lookt like Bishop of the Imperial City , being invested with so ample and extensive a Jurisdiction . For the three Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica and Thrace were great and large . The First * containing eight Provinces ( viz. Pamphylia , Lydia , Caria , Lycia , Lycaonia , Pisidia , Phrygia Pacatiand , and Phrygia Salutaris , both which were anciently comprehended under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or greater Phrygia , as it stood oppos'd to the lesser , that lay upon the Hellespont : ) the Second * eleven ( Bithynia , Galalatia , Paphlagonia , Honorias , Galatia Salutaris , Cappadocia Prima , Cappadocia Secunda , Hellenopontus , Pontus Polemoniacus , Armenia Prima , Armenia Secunda : ) the third * six ( Europa , Thracia , Haemimontus , Rhodopa , Maesia Secunda , Scythia . ) The Popes Legates were infinitely enrag'd at this Canon , and the Powers and Priviledges hereby given to the See of Constantinople , and us'd all possible arts to overthrow it , but all in vain , it pass'd clearly , and was subscrib'd by all the Bishops then present in the Synod , amounting to a very great number , whose subscriptions are still extant * in the Acts of the Council . After a full discussion of the whole matter , that no pretence of force or fraud might be objected , as many of the Bishops of Asiana and Pontica as were then in the Synod were desir'd to declare whether they had freely submitted to this constitution . Who accordingly stood up , and one after another did most solemnly protest that they had voluntarily and unconstrainedly assented to , and subscrib'd the Canon , and that nothing was more acceptable to them . And many of them expresly declar'd they did it for this reason , because not only themselves , but their Predecessors had been Ordain'd by the Bishops of Constantinople , and that the See of Constantinople had these rights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Canons and precedent customs . So that it 's more than probable that the Bishop of Constantinople had exercised this power within those Dioceses almost ever since the time of , and by virtue of the third Canon of the second general Council . And 't is observable what Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum , a City of the greater Phrygia , tells the Synod upon this occasion , that he had been at Rome , and there in the presence of the Clergy of Constantinople that were with him had read the Canon ( I suppose he means that of the second general Council ) to the Pope , who approv'd and received it , ( which I the rather take notice of because not only modern Writers , but Gregory the Great * so confidently affirms , that the Church of Rome neither had Copies , nor did admit the Acts and Canons of that Council . ) And whereas Eusebius of Ancyra scrupled to subscribe , yet he confest , that he himself had been Ordain'd by the Bishop of Constantinople , that he had ever declin'd Ordaining Provincial Bishops , and had done it only by direction of the Bishop of Constantinople . And after Thalassius of Caesarea in Cappadocia told the Synod , that they were of Arch-bishop Anatolius his side , and did decree the same thing . The Judges hereupon having weighed all that had past , declar'd , that in the first place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that precedency and singular honour should according to the Canons be paid to the Arch-bishop of Old Rome ; and that withal the Arch-bishop of the Imperial City of Constantinople , being New Rome , ought to enjoy the same Priviledges of honour , and to have besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of himself , and by his own authority to Ordain the Metropolitans within the Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica and Thrace ; the Election being first duly made within every Province , and that then it shall be at the choice of the Arch-bishop of Constantinople , whether the Metropolitan Elect shall come to him for his Consecration , or whether by his permission it shall be done at home by the Provincial Bishops ; and that this shall no ways prejudice the Rights of Metropolitans and Provincial Bishops in Ordaining private and particular Bishops , wherein the Arch-bishop of Constantinople shall not interpose . Whereupon all with one voice cried out , 't was a righteous Sentence , that they were all of that mind , that this just judgment pleas'd them all , that the things that had been establisht should take place , and that every thing had been done decently and in order . In conclusion , they wrote a Synodical Letter * to Pope Leo , acquainting him with what had past , and upon what grounds they had done it , and desiring his concurrence in it . And we may observe they tell him , that in settling this power upon the See of Constantinople , they did but confirm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the custome which that Church had of a long time obtained over those three Dioceses . Which puts it past all peradventure what we noted before , that from the very time of the second general Council , the Constantinopolitan Bishops had exercised a kind of Patriarchal Jurisdiction over those Churches , though never till now settled by Canon . IX . AND now let the Reader impartially reflect upon the whole affair , and when he has considered what this wise and great Council expresly affirm , that the Priviledges which the Fathers gave to the See of Rome were meerly upon the account of its being the Imperial City , and that for the very same reason they gave equal Priviledges to the See of Constantinople , only reserving a honourary precedence to him of Rome ; let him tell me , whether it can be suppos'd , they could or would have said and done this , had they known , or but so much as dream't of any supream authority , which Christ had immediately given the Bishops of Rome over the whole Church of God. Nor was this the only Council that thus honoured the Constantinopolitan See ; somewhat more than two Ages after met the sixt general Council in the Trullus , or great Arch'd-hall or Secretarium of the Pallace , who confirm'd * what both the former Councils , that of Constantinople , and the other of Chalcedon , had done in this matter , and assigned each Patriarch his proper place . X. WHAT additions , or alterations after Ages made in the See of Constantinople , the Reader may perceive somewhat by perusing the following accounts . In the Greek Notitia publisht * not long since out of the Bodleian Library , compos'd in the Reign of the Emperour Leo the Wise , about the year DCCCXCI . this Patriarchate had under it XXXIII . Metropolitans , who had under them CCCLXXV . Episcopal Sees , besides XLI . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independent Arch-bishopricks , subject to no Metropolitan . Leunclavius * presents us with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disposition of the Churches of this Patriarchate made by this same Emperour , wherein are set down LXXXI . Metropolitans , containing under them DLXXIV . Suffragan Sees , and XXXIX . Arch-bishopricks . But surely this list is either greatly interpolated , or must be of a later date than it pretends to , being so different from the other both in the number , and the names of places , and not very consistent with it self . For whereas it reckons up LXXXI . yet when it comes to set down each Metropolitan with his particular Suffragans , it gives but an account of LVII . of the number . But however this be , within an Age or two after , partly by the addition of new Provinces , partly by erecting new Metropoles , it was enlarg'd For in the Notitia , or discourse concerning the five Patriarchal Sees written by Nilus Doxopatrius the Archimandrite , Ann. MXLIII . the account stands thus . * Metropolitans LXV . under the Bishopricks DCXL. Arch-bishopricks without Suffragans , and immediately subject to the Patriarch XXXIV . Ann. MCCLXXXIII . Andronicus Palaeologus entred upon the Empire : He publisht an order * according to which the Metropolitans were to take place , wherein they are reckon'd up to the number of an Hundred and nine . And in another , agreed upon by the Emperour and the Patriarch , put out by Leunclavius * , but without any date either of time or persons , are mention'd LXXX . Metropolitical Sees , Archiepiscopal XXXIX . And thus much for the Patriarchship of Constantinople . XI . THE fourth that remains is the Patriarchate of Jerusalem , the last in time , and least in circuit . For several Ages the Bishop of Jerusalem was no more than a private Prelate , subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea . For so the Notitia publisht by William Archbishop of Tyre informs * us , that according to ancient tradition , and Records of good authority in those parts , the Church of Jerusalem had no Bishop under it , nor enjoy'd any , or very little prerogative till the Reign of Justinian , and the times of the fifth general Council ; though always out of reverence to the place , custom and ancient tradition ( as the Fathers of Nice inform * us ) had allow'd him a peculiar honour , and therefore those Fathers decree him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the consequence of honour , that is , that he should have respect and precedence before all the Bishops of that Province next to his own Metropolitan . And indeed whatever they of the Church of Rome may talk of the merit of S. Peter , as the foundation of the supereminent authority of that Church , surely if any Church might have pleaded merit , one might have thought it should have been that of Jerusalem , which for so many Ages had been the Metropolis of the Jewish Nation , the Seat of their Kings , adorn'd with a most magnificent Temple , and all the Solemnities of Divine Worship ; the place where our Blessed Saviour spent the greatest part of his publick Ministry , where he Preacht so many Sermons , wrought so many Miracles , where he suffered , died , and rose again , and whence he ascended into Heaven , where the Apostolical Colledge was kept for some years , and all affairs of the Church transacted there ; where S. James the Brother of our Lord was made ( and that say some of the ancients by our Lords own hands ) the first Christian Bishop of that See ; the place where the first Church was planted , and from whence Christianity was propagated into all other parts of the World. This was the true Mother Church , and if merit might have challeng'd Primacy and Power , it had more to say for it self , than all other Churches in the World besides . But Caesarea happening to be the Metropolis of that Province , and the Seat of the Roman Governour , carried away the Superiority , and so Jerusalem though it had an honourary respect , continued a private See , subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea , as he for some time was to the Patriarch of Antioch . But after that the Empire was become Christian , and that Constantine the Great , and his Mother Helena , and some following Emperours began to reflect some peculiar favours upon that place , and had grac'd it with stately and magnificent buildings , and other marks of honour ; and after that the Devotion of Christians began to pay an extraordinary respect to the places of our Lords Crucifixion , Sepulchre , and Resurrection , the Bishops of that Church lookt upon themselves as hardly dealt with to be coop'd up within so narrow a compass , and to be subjected to another jurisdiction , and therefore resolv'd to throw off the yoke , and to get what power they could into their own hands . The first that graspt at the Metrpolitick Rights was S. Cyrill , who disputed the case with Acacius Bishop of Caesarea , for which Acacius depos'd him , and persecuted him both in the Synod at Seleucia , and in that which followed at Constantinople about the latter end of Constantius his Reign . What immediately followed in this controversie , is uncertain , the History of the Church being silent in that matter . In the Council of Ephesus , Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem laid claim to the Metropolitical Jurisdiction of that Province , and sought to have it confirm'd by a Decree of that Synod . But Cyrill of Alexandria President of the Council , oppos'd and hindred it . After this a high contest arose between him and Maximus Bishop of Antioch , who challeng'd Jerusalem and Palestine as within his Diocess . The case was brought before the Chalcedon Council * , where it was debated , and at last by compromise between the two contending parties brought to this issue , that the Bishop of Antioch should retain the two Phoenicia's and Arabia ( which it seems were also in dispute ) and the See of Jerusalem should have the three Palaestine Provinces for the bounds of his Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction . This was assented to , and ratified by the Decree of the Council . And now the Bishop of Jerusalem had his peculiar Diocess , though of no very great extent , allotted him , and the tables were turn'd , and Caesarea it self subjected to him , and the fifth and last place among the Patriarchs assign'd to him ; as appears from the constitution of the sixth general Council . And because Jerusalem lay in the borders both of the Antiochain , and Alexandrian Patriarchates , therefore to make up its jurisdiction , we are told * that something was taken out of each , the Metropolitick Sees of Rabba and Berytus , from him of Alexandria , as Caesarea and Scythopolis from him of Antioch . And that as a badge of his ancient subjection , the Metropolitan of Caesarea still had the honour * to Ordain the Patriarch of Jerusalem , as upon the fame account he of Heraclea had to Consecrate the Patriarch of Constantinople . And in this Patriarchal capacity we find the Bishop of Jerusalem subscribing in all Councils , and upon occasions summoning the Bishops of his Patriarchate . Thus Ann. DXVIII . we find John Bishop of Jerusalem with his Synod of the Bishops of the three Palaestines sending a Letter * to John Patriarch of Constantinople . And when the Council at Constantinople under Mennas had condemn'd Anthimus , Severus , and the rest of the Acephali Ann. DXXXVI . Peter Patriarch of Jerusalem ( as he is all along call'd in the Acts * of his Council ) summon'd a Patriarchal Synod of all the Bishops of the three Palaestine Provinces , who confirm'd what had been done in the Council at Constantinople . And thenceforwards the Patriarchate of Jerusalem runs smooth and currant through the History of the Church . As to what Bishops and Metropolitans he had under him , the old Notitiae * give us this account . The Patriarch himself had immediately under him XXV . Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nilus Doxopatrius * calls them , Independent Bishopricks , because subject to no other Metropolitan ; besides which he had four Metropolitans : The Metropolitan of Caesarea , who had twenty Bishops under him ; he of Scythopolis or Basan , who had nine ; Rabba Moabitis , or as Doxopatrius has it , Petra , who had twelve , and Berytus , who had XXXV . which by the Authors we have cited are particularly reckon'd up . CHAP. V. The bounds of the Roman Patriarchate . A return to the Roman Patriarchate . The limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . Unjustly pretended to reach over the whole West . This granted by them of the Greek Church , and why . The Popes Patriarchal Power disown'd by the Churches of Milan , Aquileia and Ravenna . The independency and opposition of those Churches to the Roman See , severally evinc't by particular cases and instances . The Power of Metropolitans in France kept up independant from Rome . The truth of this consess'd and clear'd by De Marca . Other instances of preserving their Rights against the pretensions of Rome ; Hincmar of Rhemes , and the Synod of Metz. Two other National Churches instanc't in : the African , and the Britannick Churches . The famous case of Appeals in the Church of Africk . A clear account of that matter . Their publick rejecting the power which the Pope challeng'd over those Churches . The Letters of the Council of Carthage to Pope Boniface , and Caelestine to that purpose . Several useful and proper Corollaries deduc't from this story for the evincing the vain pretensions of the Papal Power over those Churches . The boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . The state of the Britannick Church . The Progress of Religion and Church-Government here 'till the times of Pope Gregory . The Church Govern'd by an Arch-bishop and Bishop at Austin's arrival . Their customs wholly different from , and independant upon Rome . Their absolute refusal to own the authority of Austin or the Pope . The slaughter of the Bangor-Monks suspiciously charg'd upon Austin . The Popes proper Patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the Jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbicus . What Provinces under his Government . The Roman Synod consisting of the Bishops of those Provinces . A two-fold Patriarchate of the Pope trifling and precarious . The Bishops of Rome daily amplyfying their Jurisdiction . The means whereby they did this briefly intimated . I. HAVING thus dispatcht the other Patriarchs , we return to him of Rome , ever allow'd to be the first , and most honourable of the number . What his Patriarchal bounds were , the Records of the Church have not so particularly set out , as they have done the rest . And here the Champions of that Church when they find themselves prest upon , and that rhe Popes Universal and Apostolical Power is a Post not to be defended , presently retreat to his Patriarchate , which with great confidence they extend over the whole Western World , being content with half , when they cannot have all . And to this prodigious Latitude some * of them stretch the Suburbicary Churches , ( as if the whole Western Empire had been nothing but the Suburbs of Rome ) and in this sence they tell us Rufinus meant the Canon of Nice , and this upon no wiser reason than ( what is as trifling and precarious as the other ) that the whole West was the Special Diocess of the Bishop of Rome . But this looks rather like Fancy and Romance , than that grave and sober arguing that becomes those great Names that use it . Omitting therefore this extravagant notion of Suburbicary Churches , come we to the thing it self . And herein it must be granted , they have the later Greeks , Zonaras , Balsamon , Barlaam , Nilus , &c. on their side , who very liberally give him all the Western Provinces , and that too by vertue of the sixth Canon of Nice . A concession which they make not so much out of any kindness to the Church of Rome , as partly out of a design to magnifie the power and greatness of their own Patriarch of Constantinople , who was to share equal priviledges with him of Rome ; partly because they were willing to keep the Pope within any bounds , whose restless ambition they saw carrying all before it , and therefore car'd not to throw him the West for his portion , for which they had no care or concernment what became of it , being mainly intent upon preserving their Jurisdiction at home . And here I cannot but by the way remark the indiscreet and injudicious Zeal of a very Learned man * , who confidently asserts , that in the expedition of the Franks for the recovery of the Holy Land , God by a peculiar providence let the Eastern Parts be subdued by the Western Armies ; that so those famous Patriarchal Sees might learn to strike Sail to the See of Rome , and own the greatness and dignity of that Church . Besides , 't is to be considered , that in this concession the Greeks took their measures of things from the state of the Church as it was in their time , when the Pope had in a manner intirely subdued the Western Provinces to the See of Rome . But in the better and more early Ages the case was otherwise . And indeed that the Popes Patriarchal Jurisdiction was far enough from extending over the whole West , there can be no better evidence , than that there was scarce any Western Church in those days , that did not upon occasion oppose the power , and remonstrate against the Usurpations of the See of Rome . In Italy we need go no further than to those Churches that lay next it , I mean the great Churches of Milan , Aquileia , and Ravenna . II. HOW great Milan was , and of how great reputation the Bishop of it , so that he stood upon a level with him of Rome , we briefly noted before ; it being next Rome , the largest , richest , most plentiful , and populous City of the West , as Procopius * tells us . S. Ambrose his Election and Ordination to that See was made purely by the Provincial Bishops , and at the command of the Emperour , without the least notice taken of the Roman Bishop . A case so clear , that De Marca * fairly gives up the cause , and confesses that in those times and for some Ages after , the Pope had nothing to do in the Ordination of the Metropolitan of Milan : Nay , that this was the case of all Metropolitans out of the Popes Jurisdiction in Italy , where the Bishops of every Province constantly Ordain'd their own Metropolitans without any authority ; or so much as consent had from the Bishop of Rome . But then not being able to shift off the evidence of truth , and yet willing withall to serve his cause , he does in order to that design , distinguish the Roman Patriarchate into ordinary , over a great part of Italy , and extraordinary , over the whole West . A distinction wholly precarious , and which is worse , false . And indeed what kind of Patriarchate that must be , that could consist without right of Ordaining Metropolitans , the first and most inseparable branch of Patriarchal Power , would have become a person of his , I say not ingenuity , but wisdom and learning to have considered . As for Milan , the Metropolitick Rights of that Church , he confesses , continued independant at least till the year DLV. And indeed 't is plain from the Epistle * of Pope Pelagius ; who confesses that the Bishops of Milan did not use to come to Rome , but they and the Bishops of Aquileia Ordain'd each other : and when he was not able to reduce them by other means , he endeavour'd to bring them in by the help of the secular Arm , as appears from his Letter * to Narses the Emperours Lieutenant to that purpose . And afterwards upon a difference that hapened , Milan withdrew it self from the Communion of the Church of Rome for Two hundred years * together . And though with others it was brought at last under the common yoke , yet upon every little occasion it reasserted its original liberty . Thus when Ann. MLIX . great disturbances arose in that Church * , Pope Nicolaus the Second sent Peter Damian as his Legate to interpose . This made it worse , the common out-cry presently was , That the Ambrosian Church ought not be subject to the Laws of Rome , and that the Pope had no power of Judging , or ordering matters in that See ; that it would be a great indignity , if that Church which under their Ancestors had been always free , should now to their extream reproach ( which God forbid ) become subject to another Church . The clamour increas'd , and the people grew into an higher ferment , the Bells are rung , the Episcopal Pallace beset , the Legate threatned with Death , who getting into the Pulpit , and having in a short speech set forth the Pope's and S. Peter's power , and wheedled the people with some popular insinuations , reduc'd things to a better order . III. THE Church of Aquileia was much at the same pass with that of Milan , the Bishops whereof mutually Ordain'd one another , without so much as asking the Pope leave . And though Pelagius * would insinuate , that this was done only to save the trouble and charge of a journy to Rome , yet De Marca * honestly confesses the true reason was , that Milan being the Head of the Italick Diocess , the Ordaining the Metropolitan of Aquileia belong'd to him as Primate ; and the Ordaining the Primate of Milan belong'd to him of Aquileia , as being the first Metropolitan of the Diocess of Italy . Upon this account , and that of the tria capitula , this Church held no correspondence with that of Rome for above an Hundred years , and when Gregory the Great having got the Emperour on his side , attempted by force and armed violence to bring them to answer their stubbornness at Rome , the Bishop of Aquileia with his Provincial Synod met , and wrote an humble remonstrance * to the Emperour Mauricius , wherein they set forth the true state of their case , and the unjust and violent proceedings of the Pope , and plainly tell him that they had at the time of their Ordination given caution in writing to their Metropolitan , which they never had , nor would violate , and that unless his Majesty was pleas'd to remove this compulsion , their Successours would not be suffered to come to Aquileia for Ordination , but would be forc't to fly to the Arch-bishops of France , as being next at hand , and receive it there . The Emperour was satisfied with their Addresses , and wrote * to the Pope ( Baronius calls them imperious Letters , written more Tyrannico , like a Tyrant ) commanding him to surcease the Prosecution , and to create those Bishops no farther trouble , 'till the affairs of Italy were quieted , and things might more calmly be enquired into . Baronius is strangely angry at this Letter , even to the heighth of rudeness and passion , especially towards so good an Emperour , that he should take upon him arroganti fastu , with so much pride and arrogancy not to beseech , but to command the Pope , which he again says was done not like an Emperour , but a Tyrant . But the Istrian and Ligurian Bishops , little regarded how it thundred at Rome . Nay , to make the ballance hang more even , they had some time since advanc't their Metropolitan to the title and honour of a Patriarch , which Baronius * himself grants was done while Paulinus was Metropolitan of Aquileia about the year DLXX. An honour a long time resident at Aquileia , then translated to Grado , and at last fixt at Venice . Though withal Aquileia having recovered its broken fortunes , resum'd the style and dignity of a Patriarch , an honour which it retains to this day . IV. LET us next view the Church of Ravenna , and see whether that was any more conformable to Rome than the rest . Ravenna had for some time , especially from the days of Honorius , been the Seat of the Roman Emperours ; and in the declining times of the Empire , the Exarchs of Italy , who govern'd in chief under the Emperour , constantly resided there , while Rome was under the command of a petty Duke : Swell'd with so much honour and advantage , the Bishops of Ravenna for some Ages disputed place with them of Rome , the Exarchs taking all occasions to curb and repress the Pope . Ann. DCXLIX . Maurus , sometimes Steward of that Church * , entred upon the Archiepiscopal See of Ravenna . A man as my Author grants , wise , and of a shrew'd sharp Wit. He without taking any notice of Rome , was Consecrated by three Bishops of his own Province , Ordain'd his own Provincial Bishops , and was so far from seeking any Confirmation from the Pope , that he received his Pall from the Emperour . This gave infinite distaste to Pope Martin , and 't is like to his Successour Eugenius , who sat but one year . But Pope Vitalian who succeeded , would not so put it up , but summons Maurus to appear , and answer his contempt at Rome , but he slighted the Summons , for which the Pope Excommunicated him , and he in requital did the like to the Pope , nay upon his Death-bed oblig'd his Clergy never to submit themselves to the Bishop of Rome . Reparatus his Successour trod in the same steps , and procur'd the Emperours Rescript to free that Church from any subjection to the Roman See. Ann. DCCVIII . * Felix of Ravenna was content to receive his Ordination at the hands of the Pope , but when he came thither , an Oath of Allegiance and Fidelity was required of him to the See of Rome . This he utterly denied , a confession of his Faith he offered , but homage he would not pay , nor engage to send money to Rome . Nor more he did , but home he goes , where his people gave him little thanks for what he had done , and both agreed to defend their liberty ; but it cost the old man dear , and them too for that attempt . For Justinian Rhinotmetes the Emperour ( who favoured the Pope ) being made acquainted with what was done at Ravenna ; a Fleet is sent under the command of Theodorus Patricius , the City besieg'd , and taken , several of prime quality lost their lives and fortunes , and the poor Arch-bishop had his eyes put out , and was banisht into Pontus , where he remain'd , 'till the severity of Discipline had taught him better manners . The same courage in asserting the priviledges of their Church against the Papal encroachments was afterwards shewn by John , and Guibert Successors in that See , as were it necessary , might be particularly related . But the case is too evident to be denied , and the argument thence too strong to be evaded , how little those times understood of any Patriarchal Jurisdiction which the Pope had over all Italy , much less over the whole West . V. IF we look into France , we shall find them careful to secure the Rights of Metropolitans , and the priviledges of Provincial Bishops , without being oblig'd to fetch them from Rome . The second Council of Arles Ann. CCCCLII . decree * , that no Bishop shall be Ordain'd without his own Metropolitan , and three of the Provincial Bishops , the rest testifying their consent by Letter . The second of Orleans holden Ann. DXXXIII . renew * the ancient form and manner of Ordaining Metropolitans , that it shall be done by the Bishops of the Province , which shews how little they depended upon any foreign power in this matter . But it 's needless to insist upon this point , which the Learned De Marca * has so fully cleared and vindicated , as a fundamental part of the liberties of the Gallican Church , and has deduc't it through the several Ages and Dynasties of their Kings . I shall only remark , that when Hincmar Arch-bishop of Remes had depos'd Rothald Bishop of Suessons for great misdemeanours , Rothald appeal'd to Rome , and Pope Nicolaus espous'd his cause , wrote sharply to Hincmar , and cited him to appear , and answer what he had done at Rome . But Hincmar would not stir , but publisht a large Apologetick * to the Pope , wherein he justifies his Act , and though he gives good words , and great deference to the See Apostolick , yet stoutly contends , that he ought to be content with a general care and inspection , and not interrupt the ordinary Rights of Metropolitans , and that 't was infinitely reasonable , that the criminal should be referr'd to the judgment of his own Province . Two years before this , viz. Ann. DCCCLXIII . a French Synod met at Metz * about the Marriage of King Lotharius , wherein they determin'd contrary to the liking of the Papal Legates . However they sent Letters with the reasons of their proceedings by Guntharius Arch-bishop of Colen , and Theatgaud of Triers to Pope Nicolaus . The Pope upon their arrival call'd a Synod , wherein he Excommunicated the Synod of Metz , and depos'd the two Arch-bishops that were sent with the Letters , and publisht * a manifesto of what he had done . To this the Bishops return'd an answer , wherein having represented the personal affronts , and ill usage they had met with from him , they tell him Chap. IV. that as for his froward , unjust , and unreasonable sentence , contrary to all Canons , they did not own it , yea as being illegal and unwarrantable , they together with the rest of their Brethren slighted and despised it , and utterly renounc'd Communion with him , contenting themselves with the Communion and fellowship of the whole Church , over which he had so proudly exalted himself , and from which through his pride and contempt he had separated himself . And whereas he had styl'd them his Clerks , they bid him take notice they were none of his Clerks , but persons , whom , if his pride would have suffer'd him , he ought to have own'd and treated as his Brethren and fellow Bishops , with much more there spoken with a just , but smart resentment . And now can any man believe , the Pope should have met with such treatment upon all occasions , and that from the wisest , gravest , most learned , and eminent persons in their several Ages , had his title to the Jurisdiction of the West been so clear and unquestionable , as some men seem to represent it . The same might be shew'd in other Countries , and he must be a great stranger to Church-History , that can be at a loss for instances of this nature . I shall therefore instance only in two more ( and with them dispatch this argument ) the African and the Britanick Churches . VI. I chuse to instance in the Churches of Africk , because so confidently challeng'd by them of Rome at every turn , and because they were under the civil Jurisdiction of the Praetorian Praefect of Italy . And here omitting infinite arguments that offer themselves , I shall insist only upon the famous case of Appeals , commenc'd under Pope Zosimus , Ann. CCCCXVIII . and not ended 'till some years after , which will furnish us with a plain and uncontroulable evidence , how little authority more than what was honourary , the See of Rome in those days had over those Churches . The case , as briefly as it can well be summ'd up , stands thus , * Apiarius a Presbyter of Sicca in Africk had been depos'd by his Diocesan Urbanus for very notorious and scandalous offences , and the sentence ratified by a Provincial Council . Hopeless of any relief at home , over he flies to Rome , tells his tale to Pope Zosimus , who restores him to Communion , espouses his cause , and sends him back with Faustinus an Italian Bishop , and two Roman Presbyters into Africk , to see him resettled in his former place . When they arriv'd in Africk , they found a Council of African Bishops to the number of CCXVII . sitting at Carthage , to whom they delivered their message partly by word of mouth , partly by writing . But the writing being demanded , a memorial was produc't containing instructions from Pope Zosimus what they should insist upon ; it consisted of four Heads . First , concerning the Appeals of Bishops to the See of Rome . Secondly , against the busie resorting of Bishops to Court. Thirdly , concerning the handling the causes of Presbyters and Deacons by the neighbouring Bishops , where they were unjustly Excommunicated by their own . Fourthly , concerning the Excommunicating Bishop Urban ( who had depos'd Apiarius ) or at least his appearing at Rome , unless he corrected what he had done amiss . But the main thing insisted on was that of Appeals , and the Popes sending Legates thither to hear causes , and this too challeng'd by Zosimus in his memorial by vertue of a Canon of the Council of Nice , giving leave to Bishops accus'd or condemn'd to appeal to Rome , and power to the Pope to hear and determine those Appeals , either immediately by himself , or by Commishoners which he should send to that purpose . The African Fathers were infinitely surpriz'd to hear such a power claim'd , and more to hear it claim'd as due by a Canon of Nice . They had search'd into the Canons of that Council , which they found to be but twenty , and not one of that number to this purpose . While these things were debating , Zosimus dies , and Boniface succeeds , and the case is again canvast , and the result of the consultation was , that for the present things should rest upon that bottom , whereon the Popes memorial had plac't them , 'till they could send to the three great Churches of Constantinople , Antioch and Alexandria for authentick Copies of the Nicene Canons , to adjust and decide this matter . They wrote likewise to Pope Boniface by his Legates ( who then return'd ) acquainting him with the state of the case , and what was done in it , and withal tell him , that if it were as those pretended Canons claim'd , the issue would be intolerable to them : But they hop'd it would be found otherwise , no such thing appearing in their Copies of that Council . However they had sent to the Eastern Churches for such as were most authentick , and intreated him also to do the like . VII . SOME years pass'd in this matter , at length the Messengers that had been sent into the East return'd , and brought Letters * from Cyril of Alexandria , and Atticus of Constantinople , importing that they had sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most true and exact Copies of the authentick Synod of Nice , preserv'd in the Archives of their Churches , Copies of which they had also sent to Pope Boniface . Hereupon a full Council of African Bishops is conven'd , to which Pope Caelestine ( for Boniface was lately dead ) dispatcht Faustinus as his Legate . And now the case of Apiarius is again brought under examination , and found worse than it was before , the farther they rak'd into it , the more foul and offensive did it appear to them , 'till the conviction of his conscience , though sore against his Will , forc'd him to confess all , and save them the trouble of any farther Scrutiny . And now this cause being over , and the pretence of Appeals overthrown by the authentick Copies of the Canons of Nice , nothing remain'd but to write to Caelestine , which they did in a quick and smart strain , Wherein they first give him an account of the case of Apiarius , and how troublesome and injurious his Legate Faustinus had been to the whole Synod , in asserting the priviledges of the Church of Rome , and by vertue thereof challenging that Apiarius should be readmitted to communion , because his Holiness ( believing his Appeal , which yet could not be made good ) had restor'd him to communion , a thing which he ought in no wise to have done . Next they proceed earnestly to beseech him , that henceforth he would not so easily give ear to those that came from hence , nor admit any to communion , whom they had excommunicated , which he might easily perceive was prohibited by the Council of Nice , which if it has taken so much care about the Inferiour Clergy , how much more did it intend it in the case of Bishops , that where any are suspended from communion within their own Province , his Holiness should not rashly and unduly readmit them , that he should , as became him , reject the unwarrantable repairing of Presbyters and others of the Inferiour Clergy , there being no Canon of any Council that has depriv'd the African Church of this Right , and that the Decrees of Nice have most plainly committed both the Inferiour Clergy , and the Bishops themselves to their own Metropolitans ; having most wisely and justly provided , that all affairs shall be determin'd in the very places where they arise , and that the Grace of the Holy Spirit will not be wanting to every Province , whereby equity may be prudently discern'd , and constantly maintain'd by the Ministers of Christ , especially since every man has liberty , if he be offended with the determination of his Judges , to appeal to a Provincial , or if need be , to a general Council : Unless perhaps any one can think , that God should enable single persons to examin the Justice of a cause , and deny it to a vast number of Bishops Assembled in Council . Or , how shall a Judgment then made beyond Sea be valid , whereto the persons that are necessary to give in evidence , either through the infirmity of their Sex , or Age , and many other impediments that will intervene , cannot be brought ? For that any Commissioners should be sent hither by your Holiness , we do not find Ordain'd by the Fathers in any Synod . For as to what you long since sent us by Faustinus as part of the Nicene Council , in the true and authentick Copies of that Council ( which we received from Cyril of Alexandria , and Atticus of Constantinople , and which we sent to your Predecessour Boniface ) we could find no such matter . In conclusion , they advise him , that he should not upon the request of any man , send any of his Clerks thither to execute his sentence , nor grant such leave to any , lest they should seem to introduce the smoaky pride of the World into the Church of Christ , which holds forth the light of simplicity , and the brightness of humility to all them that are desirous to see God : That as to Faustinus , they are confident , that Brotherly love continuing through the goodness and moderation of his Holiness , Africa shall no longer be troubled with him . Such was their Letter to the Pope , a Letter not fuller fraught with true matters of fact , than fortified with clearness and strength of reason . VIII . FROM this naked and unartificial representation of the case , its plain ; First , That whatever power the ●●shop of Rome claim'd in Africk , was even by his own tacit confession , founded upon the Canons of the Church . Zosimus did not pretend a Commission from Christ , or a Delegation from S. Peter , but only a Canon of Nice to justify his proceedings . Secondly , That the Canons of the Church give the Bishop of Rome no power over foreign Churches , either to receive their excommunicated Members , to hear and decide their causes , or to restore them to communion , or to send Legates and Commissioners with authority to determine the cause at home ; for this , say the African Fathers , nullâ invenimus patrum Synodo constitutum . Thirdly , That Zosimus was guilty of a notorious forgery and imposture in falsifying the Nicene Canons , pretending a Canon of Sardica to be a Canon of Nice , and as such endeavouring to impose it , and his own power by it upon the African Churches . Can it be suppos'd , that Zosimus should be ignorant what and how many the Nicene Canons were ? the Popes Legates were present , and as we are often told , presided in that Synod , brought the Decrees home with them ( as all other great Churches did ) where they were no doubt carefully preserv'd among the Records of that Church , and the frequent occasions of those times , made them be daily lookt into . Was not the Pope , think we , able to distinguish between Nice and Sardica , between an Oecumenical Council , and a Synod only of Western Bishops , call'd in another Emperours Reign above Twenty years after . No , no , it was not a sin of ignorance , but the Pope knew well enough which Council would best serve his turn , that the World had a just and a mighty veneration for that of Nice , and that his design would be easily swallowed , if he could gild it over with the reputation and authority of that Synod . It was obvious to except against Sardica , that it was but a particular Council , and that the Canon it made for Appeals to Rome was only a Provisionary Decree , when the injur'd person was not like to meet with Justice at home , but the whole Mass of Bishops was corrupted , and set against him , as was the case of Athanasius and two or three more in respect of the Arians , who were the occasion , and for whose sakes that Canon was made . But that of Nice was universal , and unexceptionable , and which he hoped would pass without controul . But the African Bishops according to the humour of that Nation were of too honest and blunt a temper to be cajol'd by the arts of Rome . They requir'd to have the matter brought to the test , and to be Judg'd by the Original Canons , and so the fraud was discovered , and brought to light in the eye of the World. Fourthly , That the Church of Africk , and accordingly every National Church , has an inhaerent power of determining all causes that arise within it self : That this Right is founded both upon most evident reason , ( nothing being fitter than that controversies should be ended in the places where they began , where there are all advantages of bringing matters to a more speedy and equal trial ) and upon the wisdom and justice of the Divine providence , which would not let his assistance be wanting in one place more than another , and especially there where doing right to truth did more immediately make it necessary ; and that 't was as probable two or three hundred should sift out truth as a single person . That the Nicene Synod had made this the Right of the African no less than other Churches , and they did not understand how they had forfeited it , or that any Council had taken it from them . Fifthly , That it was not lawful for any person , accused or proceeded against in Africk , to appeal to Transmarine Churches , no not to the See of Rome . This they tell Coelestine most expresly , and call them improba refugia , wicked and unwarrantable refuges . Against this they had particularly provided in the Council at Milevis * not long before this contest arose , that if any Clergyman had a controversie with his Bishop , the neighbouring Bishops should hear and determine it . But if there were any occasion of appealing , they should appeal no further than to an African Council , or to the Primates of those Provinces . And that if any should resolve to appeal to any Transmarine Judgment , no man in Africk should admit them to communion . The Canon 't is true expresses only the Appeals of Presbyters , Deacons , and the Inferiour Clergy ; but as the Fathers in their Letters to Caelestine argue strongly , if this care be taken about the Inferiour Clergy , how much more ought it to be observ'd by Bishops . Sixthly , That the power which the Bishop of Rome sought to establish over other Churches , evidently made way to bring pride , and tyranny , and a secular ambition into the Church of God , and that if this course were follow'd , it would let in force , and domination , and a scornful trampling over the Heads of our Brethren , and perhaps the calling in the secular arm to remove the opposition it would meet with ; Principles and Practices infinitely contrary to the mild and humble Spirit of the Gospel . And now let the Reader Judge what power the Pope had over the African Churches , so solemnly denied , so stiffly oppos'd , not by two or three , but by two or three hundred Bishops , twice met in Council upon this occasion , and their judgment herein not precipitated , but past upon most mature and deliberate debate and consultation , and after that the cause had been depending for five or six years together . The truth is , so great a shock is this to the Papal power , that the Advocates of that Church know not which way to decline it . At last stands up one , * who not being able to unty , resolv'd to cut the knot , directly charging both the Acts of the Council , and the Epistles to Boniface and Caelestine , without any warrant from Antiquity , to be forg'd and supposititious . But the best of it is , the Writers in this Cause that came after him , had not the hardiness to venture in his bottom . Nor have any of the many Publishers of the Councils since that time stigmatiz'd them with the least suspicion of being spurious , nor taken any notice of the trifling exceptions he makes against them . IX . FROM Africk let us Sail into Britain , and see how things stood in our own Country , the first Nation of the whole Western World that received the Christian Faith ; it being planted here ( as Gildas , an Authour of untainted credit , and no inconsiderable antiquity , informs us , and he speaks it too with great assurance ) * Tempore summo Tiberii Caesaris , in the latter time of Tiberius his Reign , which admit to have been the very last year of his Life ( he died March the XVI . Ann. Chr. XXXVII . ) it was five or six years before 't is pretended S. Peter ever came at , or founded any Church at Rome . Christianity though struggling with great difficulties , and but lukewarmly entertain'd by some , yet as Gildas assures us , made shift to keep up its head in the following Ages , as is evident from some passes in Origen , Tertullian , and others , and from the known story of King Lucius ( Leuer Maur as the Britains call him , the great Brightness ) the first Christian King. But this we have particularly noted elsewhere * . Religion being settled , that Church Government grew up here as in other Countries , by Bishops and then Metropolitans , or Superiour Bishops , there can be no just cause to doubt . At the Council of Arles Ann. CCCXIV . we find three British Bishops among others subscribing the Decrees of that Synod , Eborius of York , Restitutus of London ( the same perhaps that subscrib'd the determination made by the Sardican Synod ) Adelfius de civitate Coloniae Londinensium , with Sacerdos a Priest , and Arminius a Deacon . After the Empire had submitted to Christianity , we cannot question but that Religion prospered greatly in this Island , and that Constantine who made it his business to advance it in all places , would much more give it the highest encouragement in that place , to which he owed both his first breath and Empire . What progress it made afterwards , I may not stand nicely to enquire ; 't is certain it flourish'd here under the Roman Government 'till the Declension of the Empire , when that guard and protection being withdrawn , the Country became a prey to the neighbour - Picts and Scots , as not long after to the Saxons , a War-like but Pagan Nation , whom the Britains had call'd in to their Assistance , who drove the remainder of the Britains , and with them Religion into the Mountains , where yet it throve under the greatest hardships . Things continued thus , when Ann. DXCVI. Pope Gregory the Great sent Austine the Monk to convert these Saxons , who after his first expedition being at Arles consecrated Arch-bishop of Canterbury , applied himself more closely to this errand than he had done before . He found Paganisme covering the greatest parts of the Island , but withal a considerable Church among the Britains ; seven Bishops * they had as Bede informs us ; A number says Bale * , conform'd to the seven Churches of Asia ; their Sees were Hereford , Tavensis or Landaff , Lhan-Padern-Vaur , Bangor , Elviensis or S. Asaph , Worcester and Morganensis , suppos'd by many to be Glamorgan , but that being the same with Landaff , R. Hoveden * reckons Chester in the room of it , or as Bishop Usher * thinks not improbable , it might be Caer-Guby or Holy-head in the Isle of Anglesey . These seven were under the superintendency of a Metropolitan , whose Archiepiscopal See had been formerly at Caer-leon upon Uske ( the famous River Isca ) in Monmouthshire , but some years before Austins arival had been translated to Menevia or S. Davids ( so call'd from the Bishop that translated it ) in Pembrook-shire , though for some time after retaining the Title of Arch-bishop of Caer-Leon . And to him were the Welsh Bishops subject , and by him Ordain'd , as he by them , until the time of King Henry the First . Besides these Episcopal Sees , the Britains had Colledges or Seminaries , and in them vast numbers of Christian Monks , who dwelt especially at Bangor under the care and superintendency of Abbot Dinooth . But that which spoil'd all was , that this Church had Rites and Usages * vastly different from them of Rome , both in the Observation of Easter , the Administration of Baptism , and many other Customes . A most infallible Argument , that the Britannick Church had no dependance upon , had held no communication with the Church of Rome . Their celebration of Easter after the manner of the ancient Asiatick Churches , clearly shewing that they had originally deriv'd their Religion from those Eastern parts . To reduce therefore this Church into subjection to Rome , was a great part of Austins work . In order whereunto by the help of King Ethelbert , he procur'd a conference with them at a place upon the Borders of Worcester-shire , call'd from this occasion Augustins Oke . Austin us'd all his arts to prevail upon them , perswaded , intreated , threatned , but in vain . After a long disputation they declar'd they preferr'd their own ancient Traditions and Customs , from which they might not depart without leave and liberty from their own Church . Nay , if the British fragment produc'd by one of our great Antiquaries * be of any credit , Abbot . Dinoth plainly told him with a Be it known to you , and without doubt , That they ow'd no more to the Pope of Rome , than to every godly Christian , vzi. the obedience of Love and Brotherly assistance , other than this he knew none due to him , whom they call'd Pope , and who claim'd to be own'd and styl'd Father of Fathers ; that for themselves they were under the Government of the Bishop of Caer-Leon upon Uske , who under God was to oversee and guide them ▪ Austin saw 't was to no purpose at present to treat further , and so reserv'd himself for another conference . A second therefore and a more general meeting is propounded and agreed to , whereto came the seven British Bishops , and many other persons of Learning , especially of the College of Bangor . Austin as before press'd them to a compliance with the Roman and Apostolick Church . But they , offended with his proud and contemptuous treatment of them , never so much as rising out of his Chair , at their coming to salute him , told him plainly , they would do nothing of what he demanded , nor would they own him for Archbishop ; prudently arguing among themselves , If he would not now vouchsafe so much as to rise up to us , how much more when we have submitted to him , will he despise and scorn us . Austin finding no good was to be done upon them , parted from them with this passionate farewel , That since they would not have peace with their Brethren , they should have war from their Enemies , and for as much as they refus'd to preach the way of life to the English , they should be punisht with death by their hands . And his word it seems was made good : For soon after Ethelfrid King of Northumberland , at the instigation ( as is said ) of Ethelbert King of Kent , march'd with a powerful Army to Caer-Leon , and made great havock and destruction , and among the rest slew Twelve hundred of the innocent Monks of Bangor , who were come along with their Army , by fasting and prayer to intercede with Heaven for its prosperous success . That Austin was the first spring of this fatal Tragedy , moving Ethelbert , as he did Ethelfrid , there are not only strong suspicions , but the thing is expresly affirm'd by several Historians of no inconsiderable credit and antiquity . 'T is true Bede says this happened not till after Austins Death . But besides the inconsistency in point of Chronology , 't is suspicious that passage was foisted into Bede , it being wanting in the ancient Saxon Translation of King Alfred , done within CL. years after Bedes Death . Nay , though we should grant the slaughter to have happened after the death of Austin , yet who knows not but he might easily lay the design with Ethelbert , though himself liv'd not to see the Execution . And the proud and haughty spirit of the man gives but too much encouragement to the suspicion . What became of the British Churches after this , I am not concern'd to relate . 'T is enough to my purpose , that from the very originals of this Church it was independant upon Rome , and that for Six hundred years together ; nor could be brought to strike Sail , 'till Fire and Sword ( the most powerful Arguments of the Papal cause ) had converted , that is , in effect ruin'd and destroy'd it . X. FROM the whole of what has been said , laid together , the impartial Reader will easily make this conclusion , how vain and frivolous the pretences are to the Popes Patriarchal Authority over the whole West , when there 's scarce any one Western Church that did not in those times stoutly appear against the incroachments of Rome . But you 'll say , where then shall we find the Roman Patriarchate ? certainly within much narrower limits . And here nothing can offer it self with so much rational probability , as that his Patriarchal Jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the Vicarius Urbicus , or the Lieutenant of Rome , as his Metropolitical was with that of the Praefectus Urbis , or City-Provost . Now the Vicarius Urbicus had ten Provinces * under his Government , four Consular , viz. Campania , Tuscia , and Umbria , Picenum Suburbicarium ( the Suburbicary as well as other Provinces being in some cases * , especially that of Tribute , under the Inspection of the Praetorian Praefect , and his Lieutenant ) Sicilia ; Two Correctorial , Apulia with Calabria , and Lucania Brutiorum ; Four Praesidial , Samnium , Sardinia , Corsica , and Valeria . This was the Urbicary Diocess , distinct from the Italick Diocess , the Metropolis whereof was Milan . Within these bounds the Bishops of Rome , especially after the times of the Nicene Council took upon them to exercise Jurisdiction , to call Synods , Ordain Metropolitans , and dispatch other Church-afairs . Hence they had their usual Synod , which was a kind of Council in ordinary to the Bishop of Rome , and met upon all important occasions . Such was the Synod of Pope Damasus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the Bishops that Assembled with him at Rome , mention'd by Athanasius * , as conven'd about his Cause . Such that of the Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in those parts , spoken of by Pope Julius * , as concurring with him in his Letter to the Eastern Bishops . The old Roman notitia ( produc'd by Baronius * out of the Records of the Vatican , but of an Age much later than the times we write of ) tells us this Synod consisted of LXX . Bishops . And much about that number , we find them in the Acts of Councils , as in the Synod under Pope Gelasius a , and in that under Symmachus b . Thus we find Pope Leo c requiring the Bishops of Sicily to send three of their number every year upon Michaelmus-day to meet the Roman Synod , fraterno concilio soc●andi . And the Synod of Sardica * sending their Decrees to Pope Julius , desire him to communicate them to the Bishops in Sicily , Sardinia and Italy , ( i. e. that part of Italy that lay within the Urbicary Diocess ) that none of them might receive communicatory Letters from any that had been depos'd in that Council . And this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude of Bishops wherewith Pope Leo was encompast , and whom by vertue of the power and preheminence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his own proper place and Jurisdidiction he had conven'd out of many Cities in Italy , as the Empress Galla Placidia speaks in her Letter * to Theodosius . Not but that sometimes here ( as in other places ) ▪ we find foreign Bishops convening in Synods , with those under the Jurisdiction of the Roman Bishop , especially upon some extraordinary emergencies : But then this was only in a Brotherly way , and at the invitation of the chief Bishop of those parts , and not that they were under his charge and government . He had no direct and immediate influence over any but those who lay within the bounds , over which the civil Governours who resided at Rome , extended their authority , and who no doubt fell in the willinglier with his Jurisdiction , for the conveniency of their being aided and assisted by the Church of Rome . By all which we see , that no sooner were Dioceses divided and settled by the civil constitution , but the Roman Bishop began to extend his Jurisdiction commensurate to the Urbicary Diocess , within which his Metropolitical was at last swallowed up . This the Learned Arch-bishop of Paris * readily grants , and thinks is intimated in the ancient Version of the Nicene Canon , which we mention'd before , where the Bishop of Rome is said to have Principality over the Suburbicary places , and all the Province ; the first denoting the Government of the Provost , the latter that of the Vicarius , or Lieutenant of Rome , and consequently the one represents the Popes Metropolitical , the other his Patriarchal Jurisdiction . 'T is true he often tells us of a two-fold Patriarchate the Pope had , ordinary , and extraordinary , the one reaching to the Urbicary Diocess , the other over the whole West . But with how little reason and pretence of truth we noted before . We grant the Pope had always great honour given him by all , and more by the Western Churches , but authoritative power he had not but over his own special Diocess , nor does S. Basil's styling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief of the Western Bishops , imply any more than dignity and precedence ; or the Empires being divided into East and West , and in allusion thereto the Churches being sometimes distinguish'd into Eastern and Western make any more for his Western Patriarchate , than it did for the Bishop of Constantinoples being Patriarch over the whole East . Arguments which I should be asham'd to mention , but that they are produc'd by such great Names , and are indeed the best they have in this matter . I grant that according to the ambitious humour of that Church they were always attempting to enlarge their Borders , and to propagate their power beyond its just limits : and partly by recommending persons to be Bishops in foreign Churches , and thence proceeding to impose them , partly by interposing in Ordinations , and exacting an Oath of Obedience to the See of Rome from the persons Consecrated , partly by challenging the immediate decision of Episcopal Causes , and a power to confirme , translate , excommunicate , depose , or restore all delinquent Bishops , partly by drawing Appeals to Rome , and taking the determination of matters from the cognizance of their proper Judges , and arrogating the sole priviledge of judging and condemning Heresies , partly by claiming to preside in all Councils , and if disoblig'd , withholding their assent to the Decrees of Synods , partly by sending their Legates into foreign Countries to hear and decide cases , and take up controversies , by taking off , and engaging brisk and active Bishops by honourary Imployments , by sending Commissions to the Bishops of the greater Sees , and lodging certain powers in their hands to act as their Vicars within their several Provinces , that so they might seem to derive their authority from the Roman See , as they did at Thessalonica , Corinth , Justiniana Prima , Arles , &c. partly by giving all imaginable encouragement to persons , whether of the Clergy or Laity to send to Rome for the resolution of difficult and important cases , and partly by dispatching Missionaries to convert Pagan Countries ; by these and infinite other the like Arts and Methods , they grew in time though not 'till some Ages , to challenge and exercise a power over all the Churches of the West . But from the beginning it was not so . The summ then of all that has been discours'd hitherto is this ; that as 't was the Dignity of the City of Rome gave the Bishops of that place preheminence above all other Primates or Patriarchs , so 't was the division of the Empire made by Constantine , exalted his power from that of a Metropolitan to a Patriarch , and enlarged it to an equal extent with the Diocess of the Lieutenant of Rome ; within which Bounds they pretty well contain'd themselves 'till their pride and ambition began more openly to break out , and to disturb the peace and order of the Church . CHAP. VI. The Encroachments of the See of Rome upon other Sees , especially the See of Constantinople . The Roman Bishops breaking the bounds of all Laws and Canons . Their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . Instances of Julius , Damasus , Innocent , Zosimus to this purpose . The briskness and activity of Pope Leo. His many Letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . His jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the See of Constantinople . The attempts and actings of his Legates in the Council of Chalcedon . Their mighty opposition against the passing the XXVIII . Canon of that Synod . The fraud of Paschasinus in citing the sixth Canon of Nice . Their protestation against the power granted to the Bishop of Constantinople . Pope Leo's zeal and rage against these Synodal proceedings . Faelix his Excommunicating Acacius of Constantinople . The pretended occasion of that Sentence . The same spleen continued and carried on by Pope Gelasius . A reconciliation procur'd by the Emperour Justin between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople . Pope John's insulting over Epiphanius in his own Church at Constantinople . John the Seconds raving Letter to Justinian . The Bishop of Constantinople assumes the Title of Oecumenical Patriarch . This in what sence ( probably ) meant . The passionate resentment of Pope Pelagius hereat . The same zeal shew'd by his Successour Gregory the Great . His Letters written upon that occasion . The hard words he every where bestows upon that Title . His mistake about the offer of that Title to the Pope in the Chalcedon Council . The true state of that case . This Title frequently given to the Constantinopolitan Bishops in the Council under Menans , before John assum'd it . Baronius's poor evasion of that matter . Gregory still continues to thunder out Anathema's against this Title . All this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the Title . Phocas his Usurpation of the Empire . The monstrous villany and wickedness of that Man. Pope Gregory's scandalously flattering Caresses to him and his Empress . Boniface the Third makes suit to Phocas , and procures the Title of Oecumenical to be affixt to the See of Rome . The Popes daily enlargement of their Power and Tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . The whole concluded with the Canons or DICTATES of Pope Hildebrand . I. THOUGH Custome and the Canons of the Church had set out the Bishop of Rome his proper Portion in the Ecclesiastick Government , yet how hard is it for covetousness and ambition to keep within any bounds ? A spirit of pride still fermented in that See , that made them restless , 'till they had thrown down all enclosures , and that their Sheaf alone ( as it was in Joseph's Vision ) arose and stood upright , and the Sheaves of their Brethren stood round about , and did obeysance to it . In the discovery whereof we shall only remark the more general attempts they made concerning it . And first nothing made more way to their Usurpt Dominion , than the magnifying their own power , and the priviledges of their Church upon all occasions . II. TO begin no earlier than Pope Julius ; in his Letters to the Bishops of Antioch , to make them more willing to submit their Cause to be tried at Rome , he had it seems highly extoll'd the greatness of that Church , and the dignity and authority of his See , as appears by the summ of their answer * , and his rejoynder to their Letter . Not long after Pope Damasus writing also to the Eastern Bishops , commends * them that they had yielded due reverence to the Apostolick See : And though this was spoken with modesty enough ( aw'd hereinto perhaps by the Synod at Rome , in whose Name he wrote ) yet in his Epistle * to them of Numidia , and in general to all Catholick Bishops ( if that Epistle be genuine ) he speaks out , telling them that according to ancient institutions , they did well in all doubtful cases to have recourse to him as to the head , and that this was founded upon Custome and Ecclesiastick Canons ; concluding his long Epistle thus , All which Decretals , and the constitutions of all my Predecessors , which have been publish'd concerning Ecclesiastical Orders and Canonical Discipline , we command to be observ'd by you , and all Bishops and Priests , so that whoever shall offend against them , shall not be received to pardon , the Cause properly respecting us , who ought to steer the Government of the Church . This was most Pontifically spoken , and boldly ventured at , especially if we consider how little the African Bishops regarded the authority of the Roman Church , when the case of Appeals arose a few years after , as we have already seen at large . Siricius came next to Damasus , and he in his Letter * to Himerius of Taragon in Spain , magnifies the Roman Church as the Head of that Body , and bids him convey those Rules he had sent to all the Bishops in that and the neighbour Countries , it not being fit that any Bishop should be ignorant of the constitutions of the Apostolick See. Innocent the First , more than once and again styles * the Church of Rome the Fountain and Head of all Churches , and this built upon ancient Canons ; and yet perhaps meant no more , than that it was the principal and most eminent Church of the Christian World : An honour , which upon several accounts intimated before , Antiquity freely bestow'd upon it . Zosunus in a Letter to the Council of Carthage ( produc'd by Baronius * out of a Vatican Copy ) makes a mighty flourish with the unlimited power of S. Peter , that he had the care not only of the Roman , but of all Churches , ratified by the Rules of the Church , and the tradition of the Fathers , that both by Divine and Humane Laws this Power descended upon the Bishop of that See , whose sentence none might presume to reverse . III. LEO the Great entred that See about the year CCCCXL. A Man of somewhat a brisker and more active temper , than those that had been before him , and one that studied by all imaginable methods to enlarge his Jurisdiction , and being a Man of Parts and Eloquence , did amplify and insinuate his power with more advantage . He tells * the Mauritanian Bishops , That he would dispence with the Election of those Bishops , who had been immediately taken out of the Laity , so they had no other irregularity to attend them , not intending to prejudice the commands of the Apostolick See , and the Decrees of his Predecessours ; and that what he pass'd by at present , should not hereafter go without its censure and punishment , if any one should dare to attempt , what he had thus absolutely forbidden . And elsewhere * that Bishops and Metropolitans were therefore constituted , that by them the care of the Universal Church might be brought to the one See of S. Peter , and that there might be no disagreement between the Head and the Members . And in a Sermon upon the Martyrdom of Peter and Paul , in a profound admiration he breaks out * into this Rhetorical Address . These ( says he ) are the Men that have advanced thee to this honour , that thou art become a holy Nation , a peculiar People , a Royal and Priestly City , that being by the Holy See of S. Peter made Head of the World , thou mightest govern farther by means of a Divine Religion , than by worldly power . For although enlarg'd by many victories , thou hast extended the Bounds of thy Empire both by Sea and Land , yet is it far less which thou hast conquer'd by force of Arms , than that which thou hast gain'd by the peace of the Church . IV. BUT Leo was a Man not only for speaking , but for action . He saw the Emperours and the Eastern Bishops were resolv'd to advance the See of Constantinople , that it might bear some proportion to the Imperial Court , and that the Synod of Constantinople had already adjudg'd it the place of honour next to Rome ; that therefore it concern'd him to bestir himself to stifle all attempts that way , well knowing that the glory of that would eclipse his lustre , and cramp those designs of superiority and dominion , which the Bishops of Rome were continually driving on over the Church of Christ . A general Council was now call'd to meet at Chalcedon , Ann. CCCCLI . wherein were present no less than Six hundred and thirty Bishops : Hither Pope Leo sent his Legates , furnished with peremptory instructions ( which they afterwards read openly in the Synod ) to keep a quick eye upon all motions that way , and with all possible resolution to suppress them . At the opening of the Council , the Legates cunningly slipt in a clause , telling * the Fathers , that they had such and such things in command from the most Blessed and Apostolical Bishop of the City of Rome , which was the Head of all Churches : Which either was not heeded by that Synod , or pass'd by in the sence before declar'd , as allowing it an honourary preheminence above the rest . In the fifth Session of that Council * the Papal Legates mov'd that the Epistle of Leo about the condemnation of Nestorius might be inserted into the very definition of the Council against that Heresie . Craftily foreseeing what a mighty reputation it would give the Pope in the eye of the World , and to what vast advantage it might be stretch'd afterwards . But the Council stiffly oppos'd the motion , and said , they freely own'd the Letter and were ready to subscribe it , but would not make it part of the definition . The Legates were angry , demanded the Letter back again , and threatned to be gone , and to have a Synod at Rome . And when the Emperour intimated some such thing , the Bishops cried out , they were for the definition as it was , and they that did not like it , nor would subscribe it , might if they please get them gone to Rome . After this , all things went on smoothly 'till they came to frame the Canons , among which one was * , that the Bishop of Constantinople should enjoy equal Priviledges with the Bishop of Rome ; and then the Legates could hold no longer , plainly telling them , that this was a violation of the constitution of the great Synod of Nice , and that their Commission oblig'd them by all ways to preserve the Papal dignity , and to reject the designs of any , who relying upon the greatness of their Cities , should attempt any thing to the contrary . To prove that this was contrary to the Nicene Decrees , they produc'd the Sixth and Seventh Canons of that Council , beginning thus as Paschasinus repeated them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. The Church of Rome ever had the Primacy . Let Egypt therefore have this priviledge , that the Bishop of Alexandria have power , &c. where instead of the first words of that Canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let ancient Customs still take place , the Legate shuffled in this sentence as more to his purpose , the Church of Rome ever had the Primacy . And admitting here that this was only the Title to that Canon in the Roman Copy , yet 't is somewhat more than suspicious , that Paschasinus intended it should be understood as part of the Canon it self . Which if so , there could not be a bolder piece of forgery and imposture . But the Fathers were not to be so impos'd upon . Aetius Arch-deacon of Constantinople produc'd a Copy from among the Records of that Church , which he delivered to Constantine the Secretary , who read it according to the genuine words of the Canon , without any such addition , Let ancient Customs still take place , &c. and in confirmation of that were next read the second and third Canons of the second general Council at Constantinople . And because the Legate had objected that the Canon had been procur'd by fraud , the Judges requir'd the Bishops concern'd to declare their minds , who all readily declar'd the contrary . The case having been thus fully debated , and nothing material being alledg'd against it , the Canon pass'd by the unanimous suffrage of the Fathers , the Roman Legates only entring their protestation , and resolving to acquaint the Pope with what was done , that so he might judge both of the injury done to his own See , and the violence offered to the Canons . V. NO sooner did the news of what had pass'd in the Synod arrive at Rome , but Pope Leo storm'd to purpose , wrote * to Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople , charging him with pride and ambition , with invasion of the Rights of others , with irreverence towards the Nicene Canons , contrary to which he had exalted himself above the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch . He dispatch'd * Letters also to the Emperour Marcianus , to his Lady the Empress Pulcheria , and to Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem , and the rest of the Fathers of the Synod , all to the same effect , complaining of the pride of Anatolius , and the irregular proceedings of the Council , that the priviledges of Churches were destroy'd , the bounds of Metropolitans invaded , many depressed to make way for one , venerable Decrees made void , and ancient Orders trodden in the dirt . That whatever Rules were made contrary to the Canons of Nice were null , that the care and inspection of these things was committed to him , a duty which he could not neglect without being guilty of unfaithfulness to his trust , that therefore by the authority of S. Peter he repeal'd and made void what ever any Council had agreed upon , repugnant to the Nicene Canons , yea , though done by many more in number than were in that venerable Synod , declaring that no regard or reverence was to be paid to their constitutions . In all which though nothing appear above ground but a mighty zeal for the honour of the Nicene Canons , yet 't is plain enough 't was his own ambition , his envy and emulation that lay at the bottom . And indeed , neither Leo , nor any of the Bishops of that See could ever pardon the Chalcedon Synod , not only for making the Bishop of Constantinople equal to him of Rome , but for placing the Primacy of the Roman Church , not in any Divine Right , but only in Romes having been the Seat of the Empire . VI. HENCEFORWARD they beheld the Bishops of that place with an evil Eye , as competitors with them in the Government of the Church , and the likeliest persons to give check to their extravagant designs , and therefore laid hold upon all occasions to weaken their interest , and to vent their spleen against their persons . And it was not long after , that a fit occasion presented it self . John the Tabennosiot * had by gifts and bribes ( enabled thereto by being Steward and Treasurer of that Church ) procur'd himself to be made Bishop of Alexandria , expresly contrary to his Oath lately made to the Emperour Zeno , that he would never attempt that See. For which he caus'd him to be expell'd , and Peter Mongus , who had been heretofore consecrated to that place to be restor'd . Peter was a Patron of the Eutychian Heresie , but which at first he craftily dissembled , insinuating himself into the favour and friendship of Acacius Bishop of Constantinople , who constantly held Communion with him . But was so far from siding with him in any Heretical Sentiments , that no sooner did he hear * that Peter had publickly Anathematiz'd the Chalcedon Council , but he dispatch'd Messengers to Alexandria to know the truth of things , before whose Eys Peter cast a mist , having form'd a judicial Process about that matter , and brought in persons to depose that he had done no such thing . Nay , he himself wrote * to Acacius , assuring him , that the charge was false , and that he had , and did confirm and embrace the Council of Chalcedon ; though all this was pretence and elaborate hypocrisie . John driven out from Alexandria , flies to Rome , giving out himself to be a Martyr for the Cause of Pope Leo , and the Faith of the Chalcedon Synod . Welcome he was to Pope Simplicius , who wrote to the Emperour in his behalf ; but dying not long after his arrival , his Successour Faelix readily espous'd the quarrel , and after some preparatory messages and citations ( wherein he required of the Emperour Zeno , that Acacius might be sent to Rome , there to answer what John of Alexandria laid to his charge ) taking advantage of two Synods at Rome , held one soon after the other , twice excommunicated and depos'd Acacius , for communicating with him of Alexandria . Letter after Letter he wrote both to the Emperour , and the Clergy and People of Constantinople , that the Sentence against Acacius might be own'd and put into execution , who yet continued in his See 'till his death , without any great regard to the Sentence from Rome , which he so far slighted * , that to be even with him , he struck the Popes name out of the Diptychs , to shew the World he renounc'd all communion with him . This so much the more enrag'd his enemies at Rome , who all his life long pelted him with continual clamours and threatnings . Nay , Faelix and his Successours persecuted his very memory , denouncing censures against any that should mention his name with respect and honour . And I cannot but observe that in the Edict * that was pass'd against him at Rome , mention is made of nothing but contumacy against the Popes Admonitions , the ill usage and imprisonment of his Legates , and the affront therein offered to his person , and in the Excommunicatory Letter sent to Acacius himself , though favouring of Hereticks was the great and indeed only thing pretended abroad , yet the very first thing wherewith he charges him , is contempt of the Nicene Council , and invading the Rights of other mens Provinces . It seems though he was loth to speak out , it was the Decree of the late Synod of Chalcedon still stuck in his stomach , by which the Constantinopolitan Patriarch had been advanc'd to so much power in the East , and made equal to him of Rome . And indeed Gelasius , who came after Faelix , says * plainly , that the Apostolick See never approv'd that part of the Chalcedon Canons , that it had given no power to treat about it , and by its Legates had protested against it , and thence most infallibly inferrs , that therefore it was of no authority or value ; and accordingly Peter of Alexandria , which was the second See ( i. e. according to the constitution of the Nicene Canon ) could not be duly absolv'd by any other power then that of the first See , i. e. his own ; accounting that of Constantinople ( as he elsewhere * asserts ) not to be reckon'd so much as among Metropolitan Sees : And as he argues in his Epistle * to the Emperour Anastasius , if Christians be oblig'd in general to submit to their Regular Bishops , how much more should submission be made to the Bishop of that See , to whom both God and the subsequent piety of the Church have always given the preheminence above all Bishops ; and so he goes on , according to the custome of the men , to speak big words of the authority and priviledges of the Apostolick See. VII . SEVERAL years this breach that had been made remain'd , 'till Justin , a Man of very mean Originals , having by no good arts gain'd the Empire , thought it his interest to oblige and unite all parties . And first he begins to court the Pope , to whome he wrote * , giving him an account of his advancement to the Empire , and begging his prayers to God to confirm and establish it . This Hormisda in his answer calls a paying the first fruits of his Empire due to S. Peter . Hereupon reconciliation is offered , and John Bishop of Constantinople writes to him to that purpose , which he at length consents to upon this condition , that the name of Acacius might be stricken out of the Diptychs ; which at last is done , and that of the Pope again put in , and so a Peace is piec'd up , and the Catholick Faith profess'd on both sides , according to the Decrees of the four general Councils . And though Epiphanius , who succeeded John in the See of Constantinople , maintain'd the same correspondence , yet when ever it came to any important instance , the Pope could not forget his proud domineering temper over the Bishops of that Church . Which sufficiently appear'd about this very time , when John the first , Hermisda's Successour , being by Theodorick King of the Goths sent Embassadour to Constantinople , with this message to the Emperour Justin , either that he should restore to the Arians their Churches in the East , or expect that the Catholicks in Italy should have the same measures , he departed from Rome with weeping eyes and a sad heart , being grieved not more to be made the bearer of a message , so contrary to his judgment , than to be put upon an imployment that seemed a diminution to the Papal dignity ; he being ( as Marcellinus * observes ) the only Pope that had ever been commanded out of the City upon any such Errand . However arriving at the Imperial City , he resolved to keep up his Port , entred with great state , and being invited * to sit upon a Seat even with that of Epiphanius Bishop of that Church , he refus'd , telling them he would maintain the Prerogative of the Apostolick See , not giving over , 'till a more eminent Throne was purposely plac'd for him above that of the Bishop of Constantinople . As if it had not been enough to reproach and vilify him at a distance , unless contrary to all Laws and Canons , and to the Rules of modesty , civility and reason , he also trampled upon him in his own Church . Nay , Anastasius * adds , that the Emperour in honour to God came before him , and prostrated himself upon the ground to adore and worship him . Pope John the second , about ten years after writing * to Justinian ( though there want not very learned men , who question the credit of that Epistle ) talks stylo Romano , just after the rate of his Predecessours ; he tells the Emperour , 't was his singular honour and commendation , that he preserv'd a reverence for the Roman See , that he submitted all things to it , and reduc'd them to the unity of it , a Right justified by S. Peter's authority , conveyed to him by that authentick deed of gift , Feed my sheep ; that both the Canons of the Fathers , and the Edicts of Princes , and his Majesties own professions declar'd it to be truly the head of all Churches . Where yet ( as in infinite other expressions of that nature in the Pontifical Epistles ) he warily keeps himself within general terms , capable of a gentler or a brisker interpretation , as it stood with their interest to improve . VIII . WEARIED out with continual provocations , oppositions and affronts from Rome , the Patriarchs of Constantinople began to think upon some way , by which they might be better enabled to bear up against them . To this end , John who from his extraordinary abstinence was Sir-nam'd Nesteutes or the Faster , being then Bishop of that See in a Synod conven'd there Ann. DLXXXIX . about the Cause of Gregory Bishop of Antioch , procur'd the Title of Oecumenical or Universal Bishop to be conferr'd upon him ; with respect probably , to that Cities being the head Seat of the Empire , which was usually styl'd Orbis Romanus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Universe , or whole World , and it could not be therefore thought extravagant , if the Bishop of it did assume a proportionable Title of honour , nothing appearing that hereby he laid claim to any extraordinary Jurisdiction . Nor indeed is it reasonable to conceive , that the Eastern Patriarchs ( who as Evagrius , who was advocate for Gregory in that Synod , tells us * ) were all either by themselves or their Legates present in this Council , together with very many Metropolitans , should at one cast throw up their own power and authority , and give John an absolute Empire and Dominion over them ; and therefore can be suppos'd to grant no more , than that he being the Imperial Patriarch should alone enjoy that honorable Title above the rest . Besides that every Bishop as such , is in a sence intrusted with the care and sollicitude of the Universal Church , and though for conveniency limited to a particular charge , may yet act for the good of the whole . Upon this ground it was , that in the ancient Church , so long as Order and Regular Discipline was observ'd , Bishops were wont upon occasion not only to communicate their Councils , but to exercise their power and functions beyond the bounds of their particular Diocess , and we frequently find Titles and Characters given to particular Bishops ( especially those of Patriarchal Sees ) equivalent to that of Universal Bishop : I cannot but mention that passage of Theodorit , who speaking of Nestorius his being made Bishop of Constantinople , says * , that he was intrusted with the Presidency of the Catholick Church of the Orthodox there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was nothing less then that of the whole World. A passage which perhaps might the more incourage and invite John at this time to assume the Title . IX . BUT in what sence soever intended , it sounded high ▪ but especially made a loud noise at Rome , where they were strangely surpris'd to find themselves outshot in their own Bow ; for though they had all along driven on the design with might and main , yet they had hitherto abstain'd from the Title . Pelagius , who at this time sat in that Chair , was extreamly netled at it , and immediately dispatch'd Letters * to John and the Bishops of his Synod , wherein he rants against this pride and folly , talks high of the invalidity of all Conciliary Acts without his consent and approbation , charges them , though summon'd by their Patriarch , not to appear at any Synod , without authority first had from the Apostolick See , threatens John with excommunication , if he did not presently recant his error , and lay aside his unjustly usurpt Title of Universal Bishop ; affirming that none of the Patriarchs might use that Profane Title , and that if any one of them were styl'd Oecumenical , the Title of Patriarch would be taken from the rest , a piece of insolence which ought to be far from all true Christians ; with a great deal more to the same effect . I know the last publishers of the Councils make this Epistle to be spurious , a false piece of Ware patch'd up in Insidore Mercators shop . But however that be , plain it is from S. Gregory * , ( who sent Copies of them to the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria ) that Pelagius did write such Letters , wherein by the authority of S. Peter he rescinded the Acts of that Synod , propter nephandum elationis vocabulum , for the sake of that proud and ungodly Title , prohibiting his Arch-Deacon then at Constantinople , so much as to be present at prayers with the Patriarch of that place . X. GREGORY the Great succeeded Pelagius , whose Apocrisiarius , or Agent he had been at Constantinople when the thing was done . A man of good learning , and greater piety , and of somewhat a more meek and peaceable temper , then most of those that had gone before him , which perhaps he owed in a great measure , to those sad calamitous times , he so oft complains of , wherein he liv'd : And yet as tender in this point as his Predecessours . John of Constantinople had lately sent him an account * of the proceedings in the case of John Presbyter of Chalcedon , wherein he took occasion to style himself Oecumenical Patriarch almost in every sentence . This touch'd Pope Gregory to the quick , and as he had an excellent talent at writing Letters , he presently sends to Mauritius the Emperour , to the Empress Constantina , to the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch , to John himself , and to Sabinian his own Deacon then residing at Constantinople . In all which he strains all the Nerves of his Rhetoric to load the case with the heaviest Aggravations , complaining * that by the contrivance of this proud and pompous Title , the peace of the Church , the holy Laws , and venerable Synods , yea and the commands of our Lord Jesus himself ( who by that Instrument , Tu es Petrus , &c. had committed the care of the whole Church to Peter , Prince of the Apostles ) were disturb'd and shatter'd ; that it better became Bishops of this time rather to lye upon the ground , and to mourn in Sackcloth and Ashes , than to affect names of Vanity , and to glory in new and profane Titles , a piece of Pride and Blasphemy , injurious to all other Bishops , yea to the whole Church , and which it became the Emperour to restrain : * that by this new Arrogancy and Presumption he had lift up himself above all his Brethren , and by his Pride had shewn , that the times of Antichrist were at hand ; that he wondred the Emperour should write to him to be at peace with the Bishop of Constantinople , chiding * Sabinian his Deacon for not preventing the Emperour's Commands being sent to him . To Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria , and Anastasius of Antioch ( whom elsewhere * he tickles with their three Sees being the only three Apostolical Sees founded by S. Peter Prince of the Apostles , and that they mutually reflected Honour upon each other ) he represents , * how great a diminution this was to their Dignity , that they should therefore give none this Title , for that so much undue Honour as they gave to another , so much they took away of what was due to themselves ; that this fond attempt was the invention of him , who goes about as a roaring Lyon , seeking whom he may devour , and a forerunner of him , who is King over all the Children of Pride . He tells John * himself , and that as he pretends with tears in his Eyes , that unless he quitted this proud foolish Title , he must proceed further with him , and that if his profane and ungodly humour could not be cur'd by gentler methods , it must be lanc'd by Canonical severity ; that by this perverse ▪ Title he had imitated the Devil , and had made himself like to Lucifer Son of the Morning , who said , I will ascend above the heights of the Clouds , I will exalt my Throne above the Stars of God ; telling us , that by Clouds and Stars we are to understand Bishops , who water by their Preaching , and shine by the light of their Conversation , whom while he despis'd and trod upon , and proudly lift up himself above them , what did he but aspire above the height of the Clouds , and exalt his Throne above the Stars of Heaven ; that such proud Attempts had been always far from him or his Predecessors , who had refus'd the Title of Universal Bishop , when for the honour of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles , the venerable Council of Chalcedon offered it to them . XI . IN which last passage ( inculcated by him at every turn , no less * than four or five several times ) I cannot but remark either his Carelesness , or Insincerity ; Carelesness , in taking such an important passage upon trust ; or Insincerity , if knowing it to be otherwise , to lay so much stress upon so false and sandy a foundation . For the truth is , neither were his Predecessors so modest , that I know of , as to refuse such a Title , neither did the Synod of Chalcedon ever offer it to them . There being nothing in all the Acts of that Council that looks this way more than this , that four persons that came from Alexandria with Articles against Dioscorus their Bishop , exhibited their several Libels of Accusation , which they had presented to Pope Leo ( who had beforehand espoused the quarrel ) with this inscription , To Leo the most holy and religious Oecumenical Archbishop and Patriarch of Great Rome . These Libels the Papal Legats desired might be inserted into the Acts of the Council ; which was done accordingly ( as is usual in all judiciary Proceedings ) for no other reason ( as the Synod it self tells * us ) but this , that remaining there , they might thence be again rehears'd in Council , when Dioscorus himself should appear , and come to make his defence . This is the true state of the case , and now let the Reader judge , whether the Council offer'd the Pope this Title , when they were so far from approving it , that they did not so much as once take notice of it . I do not deny , but that the Pope's Legats might have an eye that way , and design to have that Title remain among the Records of the Council ( as they were watchful Stewards to improve all advantages for their Master ; ) and therefore we find them sometimes subscribing * themselves Vice-gerents of Leo of Rome , Bishop of the universal Church , which yet elsewhere * they thus explain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Apostolical and chief Bishop of the whole Church . But however they intended it , certain it is for any thing that appears to the contrary , that the Fathers themselves never dreamt of any such matter , and accordingly when they came * singly to declare their Judgments about the Epistle of Pope Leo , they style him only Pope , or Archbishop of Rome , nor do his Legates there give him any other Title . And in their Synodal Epistle * to him , they superscribe it only , To the most holy and blessed Archbishop of Rome . Binius * indeed will have the word Oecumenical to have been in the Inscription , and that it was maliciously struck out by some Transcriber , because ( says he ) in the body of the Epistle the Fathers own Leo to be the Head of the Universal Church , and the Father of all Bishops . When as the Letter has not one word to that purpose , more than this , That as the Head presides over the Members , so did Leo over the Bishops in that Synod ; which can import no more than his presiding by his Legates ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his qui tuas vices gerebant , as the last publishers of the Councils truly correct the Translation ) in that Council . But suppose the Pope had had this Title conferr'd upon him , ( as Gregory untruly affirms ) 't was no more than what was frequently given to the Patriarch of Constantinople , as , to omit other instances , is evident from the Council holden there Ann. DXXXVI . under Mennas , and another under John 18 years before , where John and Mennas , successively Bishops of that See , have both in the Acts of those Councils , and in Libels of Address from whole Synods , the Title of Oecumenical Patriarch near twenty times bestow'd upon them . And this was several years before it was assum'd by that Patriarch John whom we mention'd before . And 't is methinks a sorry evasion of Baronius * , and his Footman Binius ‖ ( though 't is that which they always have at hand , when an Argument pinches , which they know not how to decline ) that this Title was foisted into the Acts of the Council by some later Greeks . And yet they produce no authority , no nor shadow of pretence from any ancient Copy that ever it was otherwise . And what if the Church of Rome did receive the Acts of that Council , and yet make no such clamours and loud outcry against it ? Perhaps it did not intirely admit the Acts of that Synod under John of Constantinople Ann. DXVIII . Binius himself says , they were but Magna ex parte recepta , in a great measure receiv'd by the Church of Rome . And who knows whether this Title might not be some part of what was rejected . But if not , perhaps the Popes might slight it as a Title only accidentally given , not claim'd as due . Whereas Pelagius and Gregory rant so much against the other John , because he assum'd it in opposition to Rome , and had it by a solemn Synodical Act conferr'd upon him . I observe no more concerning this , than that Leo Allatius * ( who is not wont to neglect the least hint that may serve his cause ) speaking of this passage , barely takes notice of Baronius's inference , without the least sign of his approving it . But to return . XII . WHILE Gregory was venting these passionate Resentments , John the Patriarch dies . But the quarrel died not with him , Cyriacus , who came after him , keeping up the Title . This put the Popes passion into a fresh ferment , and now all the hard things are said over again , and Cyriacus * is warn'd to lay aside the scandal of that ungodly Title , that had given so much offence ; and that * he would hold no communion with him 'till he had renounc'd that proud and superstitious word , which was the invention of the Devil , and laid * a foundation for Antichrist to take possession , nay peremptorily affirms * with an Ego autem fidenter dico , that whoever either styles himself , or desires to be styl'd by others , Universal Bishop , is by that very Pride of his a fore-runner of Antichrist . And when he understood that John Bishop of Thessalonica , Urbicius of Dyrrachium , John of Corinth , and several others , were summoned to a Synod at Constantinople , not knowing whether a Snake might not lye hid in the Grass , he writes * to them , giving them an account of the rise and progress of that proud and pestiferous Title , ( as he calls it ) cautioning them not only not to use it themselves , but not to consent to it in others , nor by any overt Act to approve or own it ; and if any thing should be craftily started in the Synod in favour of it , he adjures them by all that is sacred , that none of them would suffer themselves to be wrought upon by any Arts of Flattery and Insinuation , of Rewards or Punishments to assent to it , but stoutly oppose themselves against it , and couragiously drive out the Wolf that was breaking into the Fold . XIII . HE that shall view these passages , and look no farther than the outside of things , will be apt to think , surely S. Gregory was the most self-denying man in the World , and that he and his Successors would sooner burn at a Stake , than touch this Title . And yet notwithstanding all these passionate outcries , 't is shrewdly suspicious , that they were levell'd not so much against the Title it self , as the person that bore it . We have taken notice all along what an inveterate Pique the Bishops of Rome had against those of Constantinople , ever since the Emperours and Councils had made them equal to them , and this now added to all the rest , seem'd to exalt Constantinople infinitely above S. Peter's See. Had this Title been Synodically conferr'd upon the Pope , we had heard none of this noise and clamour ; but for him to be pass'd by , and his Enemy the Patriarch of Constantinople to be crown'd with this Title of Honour , 't was this dropt the Gall into his Ink. And therefore in the midst of all this Humility he ceas'd not to challenge a kind of Supremacy over that Bishop : Who doubts ( says he * ) but that the Church of Constantinople is subject to the Apostolic See , a thing which both the Emperour , and Eusebius the Bishop of it , daily own . But this 't is plain is there spoken in the case of Rites and Ceremonies , wherein it seems all Churches must take their Measures from Rome ; unless with Spalato * we understand it of a subjection in point of Order and Dignity , that Rome was the first See , and Constantinople the second . The truth is , to me the passage seems suspected , and that Constantinople is there thrust in for some other place ; and the rather , because there was no Eusebius at that time Bishop of that See , nor for a long time either before or after . However , Gregory had all his Eyes about him , that no disadvantage might surprise him ; and therefore in his Letter to the Bishops of Greece ( mentioned before ) that were going to the Synod at Constantinople , he tells them , that although nothing should be attempted for the confirmation of the Universal Title , yet they should be infinitely careful , that nothing should be done there to the prejudice of any place or person : which though coucht in general terms , yet whoever understands the state of those Times , and the Pope's admirable tenderness in those Matters , will easily see , that he means himself . And indeed , that the Bishops of Rome look'd upon the Title of Oecumenical Bishop to be foul and abominable only 'till they could get it into their own hands , is evident , in that Gregory had scarce been 12 Months cold in his Grave , when Pope Boniface the Third got that Title taken from Constantinople , and affix'd to the See of Rome ; the manner whereof we shall a little more particularly relate . XIV . MAURICIUS the Emperour had in his Army a Centurion call'd Phocas , one whose deformed looks were the Index of a more brutish and mishapen Mind . He was * angry , fierce , bloody , ill-natur'd , debauch'd , and unmeasurably given to Wine and Women ; so bad , that when a devout Monk * of that time oft expostulated with God in Prayer , why he had made him Emperour , he was answer'd by a voice from Heaven , Because I could not find a worse . This Man taking the opportunity of the Soldiers mutinying , murder'd the Emperour , and possess'd his Throne , which he fill'd with Blood , and the most savage Barbarities . Ten of the Imperial Family * he put to death , and so far let loose the Reins to fierceness and cruelty , that he had it in design , to cut off all those , whom Nobility , or Wisdom , or any generous or honourable Actions had advanc'd above the common Rank . And yet as bad as this lewd Villain was , scarce was he warm in the Throne when he receiv'd Addresses from Pope Gregory , who complemented the Tyrant , and that too in Scripture-phrase , at such a rate , that I know not how to reconcile it with the honesty of a good Man. His Letter * begins with a Glory be to God on high , who , according as it is written , changes Times , and transfers Kingdoms , who gives every one to understand so much , when he says by his Prophet , the most High ruleth in the Kingdom of Men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. The whole Letter is much of the same strain , representing the happy advantages the World would reap under the benign influences of his Government . And in another * written not long after he tells him , what infinite Praise and Thanks they ow'd to Almighty God , who had taken off the sad and heavy Yoak , and had restor'd times of Liberty under the conduct of his Imperial Grace and Piety . He wrote * likewise to the Empress Leontia ( one who is said to have been not one jot better than her Husband ) with flattering Caresses ; and under abundance of good words , courts her kindness and patronage to the Church of S. Peter , which he fails not to back with , Thou art Peter , and upon this Rock , &c. To thee I will give the Keys , &c. XV. NOT long after Gregory dies , and Sabinian , who succeeded , living not full six Months , Boniface the Third of that name takes the Chair . He had very lately been Apocrisiarius , or the Pope's Legate at Constantinople , where he wanted not opportunities to insinuate himself into the favour of Phocas , and the Courtiers . And now he thought it a fit time to put in for what the Popes notwithstanding all the pretences of Self-denial , so much desir'd , the Title of Universal Bishop , and the rather because Cyriacus Patriarch of Constantinople , was at this time under disfavour at Court. From the very first entrance upon the Papacy he dealt * with Phocas about this matter , and at length gain'd the point , though not without some considerable difficulty and opposition , aegre nec sine multa contentione , as my Authors have it . At last out comes an Edict from Phocas , commanding , that the Church of Rome should be styl'd and esteem'd the Head of all Churches , and the Pope Universal Bishop . A rare Charter sure , not founded upon the Canons of the Church , but upon an Imperial Edict , and this Edict too granted by the vilest and the worst of Men. But so they had it , no matter how they came by it . And now that Title that had so lately been new , vain , proud , foolish , prophane , wicked , hypocritical , presumptuous , perverse , blasphemous , devilish , and Antichristian , became in a moment not only warrantable , but holy and laudable , being sanctified by the Apostolic See. XVI . FROM henceforth the Church of Rome sate as Queen , and govern'd in a manner without control . For the Empire being broken in the West by the irruptions of the Lombards into Italy , and its Power declining in the East by the successful invasions of the Saracens , the Emperours were but little at leasure to support and buoy up the Honour of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate . Advantages which the Popes knew well enough how to improve . And indeed every Age made new Additions to the height of the Papal Throne , and the Pride of that Church increasing proportionably to its Power and Grandeur , hector'd the World into submission to the See of Rome , which as imperiously imposed its Commands and Principles upon other Churches , as Tyrants do Laws upon conquer'd Countries . Witness ( for a concluding instance ) those extravagant Canons * or Articles , ( DICTATES he calls them ) which Pope Gregory the Seventh publish'd about the year MLXXV. I know Monsieur Launoy ‖ has attempted to shew that these Dictates concerning the Prerogative of the See Apostolic were not fram'd by Gregory the Seventh . Whether his Reasons be conclusive , I am not now at leasure to enquire . Sure I am they are without any scruple own'd for his by Baronius , and generally by all the Writers of that Church : And Launoy himself is forc'd to grant , that several of them are agreeable enough to the Humour , Pretensions , and Decrees of that Pope . They run thus . 1. That the Church of Rome is founded by our Lord alone . 2. That the Bishop of Rome only can be truly styl'd Universal Bishop . 3. That he alone has power to depose or reconcile Bishops . 4. That his Legate , though of an inferiour Degree , is above all Bishops in Council , and may pronounce sentence of Deposition against them . 5. That the Pope may depose absent Bishops . 6. That where any are excommunicated by him , we may not , among other things , so much as abide in the same House with them . 7. That he only may , according to the necessity of Times , make new Laws , constitute new Churches , turn a Canonry into an Abby , and on the contrary divide a rich Bishoprick , and unite such as are poor . 8. That it is lawful only for him to use the Imperial Ornaments . 9. That all Princes shall kiss none but the Pope's Feet . 10. That his Name alone shall be recited in Churches . 11. That there is but one only name in the World [ that is , that of Pope . ] 12. 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Doct Dissertat . de Arthritide , Mantyssa Schematica , & de Acupunctura . Item Orationes tres de Chemiae ac Botaniae Antiquitate & Dignitate . De ▪ Physiognomia & de Monstris . Cum Figuris & Authoris notis illustratae , Octavo . D. Spenceri Dissertationes de Ratione Rituum Judaicorum , &c. Fol. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31419-e270 Epist . ad Philadelph . p. 30. vid. ad Trall . p. 16. Notes for div A31419-e510 Mat. xxiii . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost . in loc . 1 Pet. v. 3 , 5. Life of S. Greg. Naz. Sect. v. Num. ix . Notes for div A31419-e3100 Joh. xx . 21. 1 Pet. v. 1 , 2 , 3. 11 Cor. xi . 5. Gal. ii . 7. — 9. Rev. xxi . 14. Matth. xix . 28. Matth xx . 25 , 26 , 27. * De Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 1. Col. 5●9 . c. 12. Col. 628. l. 4. c. 4. Col. 803. * L. 2. c. 12. l. 4. c. 4. ubi supr . * Barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 25. edit . Graec. * Firmil . Ep. ad Cypr. inter Ep. Cypr. p. 150. * Epist . 74. ad Pomp. per tot . p. 129. * Epist . supr . cit . p. 143 , &c. * Synod . Carth. apud Cypr. p. 282. * Adv. Haeres . l. 3. c. 3. p. 232. * Epist . 162. col . 728. * Euseb . H. Eccl. l. 6. c. 14. p. 216. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herod . Hist . l. 1. in vit . Commod . p. 32. Tibi proficiscentium major facultas fuit : primò , quia in commune imperii caput undique gentium convenitur ; tum , quod clementissimum principem in hac parte degentem , varia omnium desideria vel necessitates sequuntur . Symmach . l. 4. Epist . xxviii . ( ad Protad . ) vid. sis not Lectii . * De fid . Cathol . C. Th. leg . 2. vid. Soz. l. 7. c. 4. p. 708. * Lib. 27. p. 1739. * Hieron . ad Pammach . adv . error . Jo. Hierosol . p. 165. * Ap. Euseb . H. E. l. 4. c. 23. p. 145. * Epist . v. Concil . Tom. ii . col . 876. * Innoc. Epist . I. ibid. col . 1245. * Epist . 10. ad Gregor , p. 54. * Ap. Baron . ad An. 372. T. 4. p. 322. * Prim. Chr. Part. 1. Ch. 8. p. 227. Edit . 1. vid. Breerwoods Quaer . 1. & Berter . Pithan . fere per tot . aliique . * Can. 9. * Cypr. Epist . xxxiii . p. 47. xxxii . p. 46. * Vid. Cone . Nic. Can. iv . * Cornel. Epist . ad Fab. Antioch . ap . Eus . l. 6. c. 43. p. 245. * Epist . xxix . p. 41. * Epist . xxx . p. 42. * Epist . XLii. p. 56. * Epist . LXVii . infin . * Epist . LV. p. 78. * Epist . XLi. p. 55. * Optat. l. 1. p. 27 , &c. & Const . Epist . ad Melch. ap . Euseb . l. 10. c. 5. p. 391. * Vid. Conc. Tom. 1. col . 1428. * Epist . CCLXXXii . p. 802. Vid. Epiph. Haeres . 68. p. 307. Sozom . l. 1. c. 24. p. 438. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nist Territorium est universitas agrorum intra fines cujusque civitatis : quod ab eo dictum quidam aiunt quod magistratus ejus loci intra eos fines terrendi , id est , submovendi jus habet . l. 239. § 7. de verb. signific . * Geograph . l. 4 p. 186. vid. Plin. l. 3. c. 4. p. 39. * Lib. 17. p. 84. * Vid. J. Front. de Colon . inter s●r . Rei Agr. à Goes . Edit . p. 141. frag . de Term. ib. p. 148. * Lib. 53. in vit . August . * Sirmond . Censur . P. 1. c. 2. p. 10. Aleand . Refut . Conject . P. 1. c. 3. p. 25. * Lib. 3. c. 5. p. 41. Front. ib. p. 118. 123. & alibi . * Ib. p. 127. ‖ Ib. p. 144. * Hyg . de limit . ib. p. 211. * Appar . ad Primat . pap . p. 273. Can. ix . * De bell-Jud . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 854. * Hist . l. 2. p. 359. * In Can. II. Concil . C P. p. 88. * L. Allat . de consens . Eccles . Orient . & Occid . l. 1. c. 12. N. 4. p. 190. * Alex. Arist . in loc . * Epit. Can. Sect. I. Tit. I. in Jur. Gr. Rom. p. 1. * Epist . XLIX . p. 63. * Epist . ad solit . p. 644. * Dionys . de script . Orb. vers . 355. p. 8. * Dion . Orat. xxxii . ( ad Alex . ) p. 362 * Orat. in Rom. p. 358. Tom. 1. * Alexand. ap . Eustath . comment . in Homer . I●iad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stephan . in v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Can. ix . * Can. ii . * Can. xxviii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 8. Edit . Graec. vid. Barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 26. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 374. fac . 2. Edit . Graec. ‖ L. Allat . ib. c. 2. N. 6 , 7 , &c. p. 12 , &c. Morin . exercit . Eccles . l. 1. exerc . 1. p. 9. * Morin . ib. p. 8. 11. vide sis etiam Hieron . Aleand . de Region . Suburb . dissert . 11. c. 2. p. 90. * Vit. I. Morin . p. 5. 7. * Melet. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 14. * Constantinopolitana Ecclesia omnium aliarum est caput . Lib. 1. Cod. Just . Tit. 11. l. 24. * Concil . Ephes . Can. viii . * Can. xxxix * Ap. Theod. l. 1. c. 6. p. 31. a Can. xix . b Can. xii . c Can. vi . d Can. xii . e Can. i. f Can. xxv . g Conc. Chalced. Act. xiii . col . 715. * Can. ix . * De primat . c. 4. p. 57. * De Concord . l. 6. c. 1. n. 9. p. 176. * Epist . Dionys . Corinth . Episc . ap . Eus . l. 4. c. 23. p. 144. * Euseb . H. Eccl. l. 5. c. 23. p. 190 ▪ * De Script . in Bacchyl . c. 44. * A Papp● edit . p. 7. * Vid. Epist . XLii. p. 56. XLV . p. 59. * Loc. ●itat . * L. Allat . ib. c. 8. n. 1. p. 158. Filesac . de S. Episc . auctor . c. 9. §. 3. p. 225. * Bellarm. de R. Pont. l. 2. c. 18. col . 659 Aleand . de reg . suburb . Part. II. c. 4. p. 142. Sirmond . Censur . P. II. c. 5. p. 76. * Ap. Theod. l. 2. c. 16. p. 94. * Ib. 16 n. 2. col . 240. a Ap. Vlp. de offic praef . urb . l. 1. ff . §. 4. Lib. 1. Tit. 12. & collat . Ll. Mosac . Tit. 14. de plag . b Form. Lib. 5. p. 207 c L. 3. C. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 30. l. 3. Lib. 11. Tit. 3. l. 9. Tit. 16. ib. d L. 9. C. Th. Lib. 11. Tit. 1. l. 12. Tit. 16. ib. l. 12. Tit. 28. e L. 13. C. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 1. f Vlp. ubi supr . §. 13. g L. 4. C. Th. Lib. 14. Tit. 10. h L. 1 C. Th. Lib. 14. Tit. 6. * Epist . ad Amic . p. 4. Euchar. P. 1. c. 1. p. 7. P. 11. c. 1. p. 249. * Euchar. ib. p. 11. & not . Salm. in vit . Probi . * Conjectur . de region . suburb . c. 5. p. 27. 30 , 31. & com . ad C. Th. Lib. 14. Tit. 6. l. 1. * Epist . cit . p. 23 , 24. Eucharist . 1. c. 5. p. 170. 186 , &c. * Io Lechasser . observat . de Eccles . Suburb . p. 4 , 5. * Censur . Conject . l. 1. c. 4. p. 23. Advent . P. 1. c. 3. p. 31. * Refut Conject . P. 1 c. 3. p. 26. * Lib. 11. C. Th. Tit. 16. l. 9. p. 120. * Censur . ubi supr . c. 6. p. 38. vid. Advent . ib. p. 36. * Aleand . ubi supr . c. 2. p. 23. * Vid. Zosim . Hist . l. 2. p. 688. * Exercit. Eccles . l. 1. c. 30. p. 243. * Cens . c. 1. p. 9. Adv. c. 1. p. 7. * Cens . p. 12. Propemp . l. 1. c. 7. p. 87. * Lib. 9. Tit. 1. l. 13. * Conc. Chalc can . 17. * Conc. C. P. in Trull . c. 38. * L. 62. C. Th ▪ Lib. 16. Tit. 5. * Prosp . de promiss . div . P. iii. prom . 38. p. 60. * Herodian . Hist . l. 2. p. 97. * Ext. ap . Baron . ad Ann. 371. vid. item Rescr . ad Maxim . V. V. ibid. * H. Eccl. l. 1. c. 6. * Distinct . xv . c. 3. Sancta Romana . p. m. 34. * Adv. Hincm . Laud. cap. 21. p. 100. * Vid. Conc. Nic. II. Act. 1 Con. T. vii . Col. 80. 85. vid. Cyril . Epist . ad PP . Afric . Conc. T. 2. col . 1143. * Censur . P. ii . c. 4. p. 68. * De Eccl. Occid . & Or. consens . l. 1. c. 12. S. 4. p. 191. * H. E. l. 7. c. 30. p. 282. * Ap. Athan. Apol. II. p. 588. vid. ad solitar . p. 640. * Ap. Ath. ib. p. 643. * Ap. Theod. H. Eccl. l. 2. c. 15. p. 91. * Sac. Hist . l. 2. p. 169. * Pithan . P. 1. c. 3. p. 26. * Ext. Conc. T. 1. col . 1429. * De Primat . c. Vlt. p. 390. * Vid. Cod. Can. Eccl. Afric . Can. 53. 56. 71. 93. 98. 99. 117. 118. 119 123. & in collat . Carthag . passim . * Epist . LXXXVii . c. 2. p. 158. * A D. Bevereg . inter Annot. ad Can. XXXVi . Conc. Vi. in Trull . p. 135. * Exerc. Eccl. l. 1. exercit . XXX . p. 250. * — Adoratum populo caput , & crep●t ingens Sejamis : deinde ex facie toto or be secunda , &c. Juvenal . Satyr . x. vers . 62. orbe &c. ] quia praefectus Vrbi fuit venerabilis , secundus à Caesare Tiberio . Vet. Scholiast . ibid. — erubuit tanto spoliare ministro Imperium fortuna tuum : stat proxima cervix Ponderis immensi — P. Stat. Sylv. l. 1. c. 4. vers . 5. de Rub. Gallico . P. V. Vid. Gothofred . conjectur . dissert . I. c. 1. II. c. 5. & J. Dartis . de Reg. Suburb . Part. I. c. 16. p. 147. a L 3. C. Lib. 1. Tit. 28. Symmach . l. 10. Epist . 36. p. 503. b Id. ib. Epist . 30. p 459. c Ap. Eus . de Vis. C. l. 3. c. 7. p. 487. Can. 28. * A. Marcell . Hist . l 15. p. m. 1454. * L. 7. c. xi . p. 347. * Concil . C. P. Can. 11. * L. 5. c. 8. p. 275. * Life of Greg. Nazianz . Sect. v. Num. 8. * Epist . xviii . non longe abinit ▪ * Lib. 16. C. Th. Tit. 2 l. 23. * Distinct . xcix . p. 302. * Haeres . 30. p. 60. * Dial. 1. Tom. iv . p. 22. a Seder Olam , R. Abraham , R. Dav. Ganz . in Zemach , David . Benjamin in itin . &c. b Epiph. Haeres . xxx . ubi supra . Cyril . Catech. xii . p. 261. Hieron . Comm. in Esa . c. 3. p. 18. & alibi . Chrysost . adv . Jud. l. 4. p. 448. & de hisce intelligendus est locus in Epistola Hadriani ap . Vopisc . in Saturnino p. 960. c Lib. 16. Tit. viii . de Judaeis . l. 1. 2. 8. 11. 13 , 14 , 15. 17. 22. 29. d Vid. C. Th. ubi supr . l. 29. & Theod. loc . supr . citat . * Can. ix . & xvii . * Con. Sard. Can. vi . * Conc. Chal. Act. ii . col . 338. Tom. 4. * Ib. Act. iii. col . 395. * Ext. ibid. col . 57. * Hieron . Epist . ad Marcellam . p. 28 T. 2. Habent primos de Pepusa Phrygiae Patriarchas . Secundos , quos , &c. * Vid. Apollon . ap . Euseb . l. 5. c. 18. p. 184. &c. 16. p. 180. * Can. xxxv . * Ca. 116. fol. 76. ubi vid. comment . Panciroll . * Gel. Cyz . H. Conc. Nic. l. 2. c. 32. p. 268. * Conc. Chalc. Act. I. p. 100 T. iv . * Ap. L. Allat . de cons . Eccl. Or. & Occid . l. 1. c. 9. n. 2. p. 167. a Chap. 2. Num. 7. * Vid. Alexand . Epist . Encycl . ap . Socr. l. 1. c. 6. p. 11. * Apol. II. p. 611. vid. p. 560. * Ap. Theod. l. 5. c. 9. p. 211. * Not. Imp. Orient . c. 104 fol. 71. * Act. vii . col . 787. &c. Tom. iii. * Vbi supr . p. 147. * Hier. ad Pammach . Tom. 2. p. 178 * Ap. L. Allat . l. 1. c. 9. n. 1. col . 165. * Ap. Guil. Tyr. l. 23 Mirae . notit . Episc . &c. * De aedific . Justin . Lib. 4 c. 9. p. 87. vid. Chron. Alex. ad An. Const . XXV . p. 666. a Chrysost . Homil. iv . de verb. Esai . T. 2. p. 865. b Orat. xxvii . p. 472. * Can. iii. * C. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 1. l. 3. * Conc. Chalc. Act. 1. col . 116. * Act. xi . col . 669. * Morin . l. 1. Exercit. xiv . p. 102. Impp. THEODOSIUS & Honorius AA . Philippo PF . P. Illyrici . Omni innovatione C●ssante , vetustatem & Canones . pristinos Ecclesiasticos , qui nunc usque tenuerunt , per omnes Illyrici provincias , servari praecipimus : Tum , si quid dubietatis emerserit , id oporteat , non absque scientia Viri Reverendissimi Sacrosanctae legis Antistitis Vrbis Constantinopolitanae ( QUAE ROMAE VETERIS PRAEROGATIVA LAETATUR ) conventui Sacerdotali Sanctoque judicio reservari . Dat. Prid. Jul. Eustathio & Agricola COSS. [ 421 ] * Vid. notit ; Imp. c. 122. fol. 78. * Ib. c. 126. fol. 79. * Ib. c. 132. fol. 82. * Act. xvi . col . 798 , &c. Tit. iv . * Lib. 6. Indict . xv . Epist . 31. col . 614. * Ext. ib. col . 833. vid. ib. col . 838. A. * Can. xxxvi ▪ * Inter Annot . D. Bevereg . ubi supr . * Jur. Gr. Rom. l. 2. p. 88. * Ext. ap . L. Allat . loc . cit . c. 24. col . 411 , &c. * Ext. ad calc . Codin . cle offic . CP . p. 117. * Ib. l. 3. p. 244. * Ad colc . lib. 23. Histor . suae p. 1015. * Can. vii . * Act. vii . col . 614. &c. * Guilielm . Tyr. loc . citat . * Nil . Doxopatr . ap . L. Allat . ubi supr . c. 9. n. 5. col . 196. * Ext. conc . T. v. col . 188. * Ext. ibid. col . 276. &c. * Ap. Guil. Tyr. ibid & Miraeum notit . Episc . p. 48. * Vbi supra . * Sirmond . Censur . de Eccl. Suburb . c. 4. p. 69. Advent . P. II c. 1. p. 63. * Ph. Berter . Pithan . Diatrib . II. c. 3. p. 170. 171. * Goth. lib. 2. c. 7. p. 406. * DeConcord . l. 6. c. 4. n. 7. 8 p. 188. vid. n. 6. * Ext. Conc. T. v. col . 805. * Epist . v. ib. col . 794. * Plat. in vit . Steph. ix . p. 172. * P. Dam. Act. Mediol . à seipso conscript . ext . ap . Baron . T. xi . p. 265. & Jo. Monach. de vlt. P. Dam. c. 16. * Epist . supr . laud col . 815. * Loc. supra citat . * Ext. ap . Baror . An. 590. n. xxxviii . Tom. 8. * Ext. ib. n. XLiii . * Tom. 7. p. 568. * Hieron . Rub. Hist . Ravennat . l. 4. ad Ann. DCXLiX . p. 203. 205. 206. vid. Bar. ad Ann. 669. n. ii . iii. T. 8. * Baron . cod . An n. ii . iii. iv . Rub. ibid. p. 213. 214. * Can. v. Conc. T. 4. col . 1012. * Can. vii . ib. col . 1781. * De Concord . l. 6. c. 3. per tot . c. 4. n. 3. 4. * Ext. ap . Bar. ad Ann. 865. T. 10. n. XXXV . &c. * Annal. incert . auct . ad Ann. 863. inter script . coetan . a Pith. edit . p. 62. * Ext. loc . cit . * Epist Syv. Afric . ad Bonifac. Concil . T. ii . col . 1670. item ad Coelest . ib. col . 1674. Concil . Carth . vi . col . 1589. Cod. Can. Eccles . Afric . in init . * Ext. ubi supr . col . 1143. * Conc. Mil. ii . Can. xxii . T. 2. col . 1542. * M. A. Capell . de Apellat . Eccl. Afric . c. 4. p. 118. * Gild. de Excid . Brit. non longe ab init . * Antiq. Apost . Life of S. Paul. §. x. n. 7. Introd . to the Apostolici . n. 8. 9. * Bed. l. 2. c. 2. p. 111. vid. Galfr. Monomuth . l. 11. c. 12. Girald . Cambr. itin . Cambr. l. 2. c. 1. p. 856. & not . D. Powell . ibid. * De Script . Cent. i. n. 70. p. 64. * Annal. Par. Post . sub Joann . R. fol. 454. * De Primord . Eccl. Brit. c. 5. p. 91. * Bed. ubi supr . p. 110. * Spelm. Conc. Brit. An. 601. T. 1. p. 108. * Notit . imper . c. 48. fol. 149. * Vid Zosim . Hist . l. 2. p. 688. * Epist ad Afric . in init . * Ep. ad Orient . ap . Athan . Apol. ii . p. 580. * Ad. Ann. 1057. Tom. xi . p. 243. a Concil . T. iv . col . 1260. b Ibid. col . 1312. c Ep. iv . c. 7. p. 101. * Ext. Ep. ap . Hilar. in fragm . col . 407. * Conc. T. 4. col . 53. * De Concord l. 1. c. 7. §. 6. p. 26. * Ap. Sozom. l. 3. c. 8. p. 508. ap . Alban . Apol. II. p. 579. * Theod. H. E l. 5. c. 10. p. 212. * Dam. Epist . v. Conc. T. 2. col . 876. * Epist . 1. c. 15. ib. col . 1022. * Vid. Innoc. Epist . 21. 24. 25. Conc. T. 2. * Ad An. 418. Tom. 5. * Epist . 87. c. 1. p. 157. * Epost . 84. c. 11. p. 155. * Serm. 1. in Natal . App. c. 1. p. 79. * Conc. Chalc. Act. I. Conc. T. 4. col 93. * Act. v. col . 555. &c. * Ibid. Act. xvi . col . 810. * Epist . 53. c. 2. p. 130. * Epist . 54. 55. 61. 62. 105. * Evagr. H. E. l. 3. c. 11. 12. &c. p. 343 & seq . vid. Gest . de nom . Acacii . Conc. T. 4. col . 1081 Gelas. Epist . 13. ad Epp. Dard. ib. 1199. & Tom. de Anath . vincul . ib. col . 1227. * Evagr. ib. c. 16. p. 347. * Ext. Epist . ib. c. 17. * Basil . Cil. H. Eccl. ap . Niceph. l. 16. c. 17. p. 683. * Ext. in calc . Gest . de nom . Acac. ubi supr . col . 1083. Faelic . Epist . vi . ib. col . 1073. * Tom. de Anath . ubi supr . * Ad Epp. Dard. ib. col . 1207. * Epist . viii . ib. col . 1182. * Inter Epist . Hormisd . Conc. T. 4. col . 1469. * Chron. Indict . 3. Philox . & Prob. Coss . p. 61. * Niceph. H. E. l. 17. c. 9. p. 746. * In vit . Joan . 1 ▪ Conc. T. 4. col . 1601. * Epist . 2. ibid. col . 1745. * H. Eccl. l. 6. c. 7. p. 450. * Haeret. fab . l. 4. c. 12. T. 4. p. 245. * Pelag. Epist . viii . Conc. T. 5. col . 949. * Lib. 4. Indict . 13. Epist . 36. col . 549. vid. etiam Epist . 38. ibid. * Lib. ● ▪ pist . 39 ▪ 555. * Ib. Epist . 32. * Epist . 33. * Epist . 39. * Lib 6. Ind. 15. Epist . 37. * Lib. 4. Epist . 36. * Epist . 38. * Epist . 32 , 36 , 38. lib. 7. Epist . 30. * Conc. Chalc. Act. III. col . 419. Conc. T. 4. * Ib. Act. vi . col . 579. * Act. xvi . col . 818. * Act. iv . col . 472. &c. * Ext. ib. col . 834. * Not. in loc . col . 997. * Ad An. 518. T. 7. p. 5. ‖ Not. in Conc. sub Menna . Conc. T. v. col . 274. * De Consens . Eccl. Or. & Occ. l. 1. c. 19. n. 7. col . 289. * Lib. 6. Epist . 4. ( vid. l. xi . Epist . 47. al. 45. * Ib. Ep. 24. * Epist . 28. * Ib. Ep. 30. * Lib. 7. Epist . 70. * Lib. 7. Epist . 64. * De Rep. Eccl. l. 4. c. 4 , n. 28. p. 582. * Cedren ▪ compend . Hist . p. 404. * Cedren . ib. p. 407. vid. Anastas . Sinait . Quaest . xvi . p. 182. * Vid. Niceph . l. 18. c. 41 , 55. * L. xi . Epist . xxxvi . Indict . vi . col . 793. * Ib. Ep. xliii . col . 796. * Ib. Ep. xliv . * Sabell . Ennead . viii . l. 6. col . 528. Plat. in vit . Bonif. iii. p. 85. Naucher . vol. ii . Gener. xxi . p. 754. Adon . Martyrol . prid . Id. Novembr . * Ext. inter Epist . Greg. vii . ad calc . Ep. lv . Conc. T. 10. col . 110. & ap . Baron . ad ann . 1076. p. 479. ‖ Epist . Part. vi . Epist . 13. ( ad Ant. Faur . ) 
A14210	----	The Romane conclaue VVherein, by way of history, exemplified vpon the liues of the Romane emperours, from Charles the Great, to Rodulph now reigning; the forcible entries, and vsurpations of the Iesuited statists, successiuely practised against the sacred maiestie of the said empire: and so by application, against the residue of the Christian kings, and free-states are liuely acted, and truely reported. By Io. Vrsinus ante-Iesuite. Speculum Jesuiticum. English Beringer, Joachim. 1609 Approx. 443 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14210 STC 24526 ESTC S118919 99854126 99854126 19533 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14210) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19533) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1041:13) The Romane conclaue VVherein, by way of history, exemplified vpon the liues of the Romane emperours, from Charles the Great, to Rodulph now reigning; the forcible entries, and vsurpations of the Iesuited statists, successiuely practised against the sacred maiestie of the said empire: and so by application, against the residue of the Christian kings, and free-states are liuely acted, and truely reported. By Io. Vrsinus ante-Iesuite. Speculum Jesuiticum. English Beringer, Joachim. Gentillet, Innocent, ca. 1535-ca. 1595, attributed name. [4], 167, 176-243, [1] p. Printed [by John Windet] for Iohn Iagger, and are to be sold at his shop in Fleetestreete within Temple Barre, London : 1609. Io. Vrsinus = Joachim Beringer. A translation of: Speculum Jesuiticum. Sometimes attributed to Innocent Gentillet. Printer's name from STC. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Papacy -- History -- Early works to 1800. Europe -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ROMANE CONCLAVE . Wherein , by way of HISTORY , exemplified vpon the Liues of the Romane Emperours , from CHARLES the Great , to RODVLPH now Reigning ; The forcible Entries , and Vsurpations of the Iesuited Statists , successiuely practised against the sacred Maiestie of the said EMPIRE : And so by Application , against the Residue of the CHRISTIAN KINGS , and FREE-STATES are liuely Acted , and truely Reported . By IO. VRSINVS Ante-Iesuite . Io. de Turre-cremat . de Illicitis dispensat . Ecclesia iuribus & legibus regitur , siue debet regi ; Non talibus actibus , siue exemplis . D. AND. Fol. 46. Dum enim Henrici , Frederici , Lodouici pugnant : Sultani , Chami , Ottomani , miserâ nostrâ magni sunt , ditiones suas perditione nostra dilatârunt . LONDON Printed for Iohn Iagger , and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetestreete within Temple Barre . 1609. ¶ The Names of the Authours out of whose Records , these memorials are Collected . Auentine . Bartolus . Barnus de vitis Pontif. Benno . Blondus . Catal. testium verit . Collenutius . Cuspinian . The Decretals . Aeneas Siluius . Feronius . Functius . Gunther . Guicciardine . Hub. Goltz . Helmoldius . Hutenus . Ioan. de Cremona . Iouius . Krantzius . Gerard Moringus . Munster . Mutius . Nauclerus . Otho Frisingensis . Pandulfus . Paral. Vrsperg . Petrus de Vineis . Platina . Radauicus . Sleydan . Ia. Spigelij Annot. Theodore de Nyem . Tritemnius . Ab. Vrspergensis . Wimphelinagus Ger. Zeigl . de vir . illust . German . ¶ To the vnresolued Reader , Peace and Profit . IN Disputations words multiply words : In tedious Discourses ( for the most part ) groūded vpon the sole Authority of running reason , small satisfaction is afforded to weake consciences . In this Argument , I must confesse , matters of weightie consequence are debated ; The Romish Prelates are accused of Intrusion and Vsurpation : And they againe , as stiffely maintaine faire and filiall vsage , with successiue diuolution . To what purpose were it then , for any man how learned , or zealous soeuer , to inforce his vtmost indeuours , to put end to a Controuersied question ; If when all hath beene said , that Truth and Learning can alleadge : Euery passionate and discontented Humorist may take vpon him with colours and cunning distinctions , to oppose and contradict his opposites Assertions . In this case , what conscience can but remaine distracted in vtramque partem ? The Disputants on either side , are men of admirable reputation for their learning . Both of them bring warrant ( or at least ) seeme to bring warrant to maintaine their partie . Yet oftentimes vpon priuate passion , so impertinently and maliciously , that either they seeme not to haue read the Authours whome they quote ; Or hauing read them , they doe not vnderstand them , or vnderstanding them , they doe of purpose misconster them . Vpon which conceite it should seeme , that this our Ante-Iesuite , in assured hope to worke more by Example , then Discourse , hath purposely declined these ambiguous Disputations ; And in liew therof hath brought vpon the stage of Iudgement , Time and Testimonie , Veritatis parentes , to pleade nothing for themselues , but matter on Record . A course that hath seldome in so doubtfull a Controuersie beene presented to Audience . The Remembrancers were men without Exception , and some of them by testimonies on either side , Genere , pietate , & eruditione Nobilissimi , atque harum rerum Testes pene oculati : Their names and credits you are acquainted with ; your vnderstandings will informe you of their Maners , and the Times , wherein , and vnder whome they flourished . Nothing then remaineth , but a rectified conscience , to make true vse of the Application . Which to effect , behold our Ante-jesuite , hath not onely runne the truest and plainest Path-way to confidence , but also in old and auncient fashion , hath of purpose thus attired his Actors , that the busiest-headed Iesuite that euer put pen to Paper , may rather with impudencie cauill at Antiquitie , then with his fierie wit , become a stumbling-blocke to the wauering , by Excepting to his Pen or Person . You your selues sit Iudges ; and as vnpreiudicated Arbitrators examine the Pleas : Both parties are at the Barre , and shall produce their best Titles , euen Titles of prescription . Whereunto , how-euer Paul plant , or Apollo water , Let that great God who searcheth the reines , and loueth nothing but Trueth , giue a plentifull increase to the restauration of his reformed kingdome , Amen . Thine in Assurance , C. H. A TRVE RELATION BY WAY OF HISTORIE , DISCOVRSING VPON THE TRECHERIES , INSOLENCIES , AND Tyrannies , which the Romane Popes from time to time haue practised , vpon , and against the sacred Maiestie of the GERMAINE Empire : And so by insinuation , vpon all Christian Kings , Princes , and free Common-weales . AMongst the manifolde and infinite choyce of Precedents , arguing and prouing , God himselfe , to bee both the Parent and Protector of Order : Herein especially appeareth the most euident and remarkeable Confirmation thereof ; In that all those godly and goodly Conformities ( whereby from euerlasting , Religion , and the vnfained zeale thereof , together with the mutuall references of Humane life , and Ciuill societie , haue beene by due and orderly proceedings maintained and perfected ) haue tended euen from the prime-birth of Mankind , by admirable prouidence , to aduance the Priesthood to gouerne the Church , and the Temporall Magistrate to take care of the Commonwealth ; and Both distinguished by their peculiar Orders and Dignities , without intermedling one in anothers Office. For albeit the fathers of the Old Testament , Abel , Seth , Noah , Abraham , and Iacob , who liued before the promulgation of the written Law , are registred to be sole Gouernours aswell of Religion as of Lay-matters : and that in succeeding ages , both amongst the Egyptians , and many other Nations ( the presidents no doubt being taken from the examples of the foresaid Patriarkes ) none by the authoritie of Plato were chosen to be Kings , but such as formerly had beene interessed in the administration of their Religious ceremonies : yet by the written Law of Moses , God manifested his determinate pleasure in distinguishment of eithers Authoritie : The Priests to Teach , to Sacrifice , to Pray : The Princes with the people , to sit in iudgement , to obserue Discipline , to procure Peace , and that according to Order and Equitie . In the new Priesthood , in the New Testament ( being the very institution of Christ the Sonne of God , and the Sauiour of the world , ) Himselfe , being ordained by the will of his Father , a Prince , and a Priest for euer , vtterly refusing to intermeddle in Temporall gouernement , tooke vpon him the charge of Spirituall matters onely : For that , his Kingdome was from eternitie and celestiall , not transitorie and politicall . For he knew , That in his Kingdome , worldly matters , temporarie , vaine , and passeable , were not to be managed ; but blessings heauenly and euerlasting to be distributed . Whereupon he gaue Pilate , demaunding him as concerning his Temporalitie , this sweete answere , That , His kingdome was not of this world : Neither that he came to be ministred vnto , but to minister ; Yea , to lay down his life for the saluation of many . And when the multitude would haue created him a King , hee auoyded it . The iudgement , or portion of an offered inheritance , he refused : And not onely commanded to giue vnto Caesar , that which was Caesars ; but where the tribute money was demanded ( lest he should giue an euill president to others ) the Siluer being taken out from the Fishes mouth , he deliuered it vnto the Kings Officers . Moreouer , when he vnderstood that his Disciples distracted through the ambition of superioritie , contended for Primacie , hee told them ; That not they , but Temporall Princes were to affect Soueraigntie ; hereby putting them in minde of their Calling , as dis-vnited from worldly Gouernement , and humane Policies . At last , after his glorious resurrection , he sent them to Preach the Gospel ouer the whole world , but with no other Commission , then what he himselfe had receiued from his Father . Intimating by this Mandat , that they were neuer called , nor chosen for Lordship , but that through the Preaching of the Gospel , and the glad tidings of saluation , they were bound to beget a Congregation to the Father in eternitie : That , Him they should loue , feare and inuocate with all their power : And being astonished with no torments , calumnies nor threates , they should not forbeare to confesse his holy Name before all men . That , in Prayer , they should carie themselues zealously , faithfully , constantly , modestly , soberly , and chastly : That , vpon cause of offences , they should studie mildnesse ; compassion towards good men oppressed , and patience amidst their miseries : That , by the bond of peace , they should retaine vnitie of spirit ; And finally , that casting away the care of earthly easements , they should meekly indure pouertie , and worldly displeasures , that thus by their doctrine , and example of life , Christ might be glorified , the Church increased , and their Ministerie admired . And surely the Apostles , and their successors , in all their trauailes ouer the face of the earth , thus vndertaken by the commandement of their Master , so behaued themselues in all occurrances , but especially in this obseruancie of difference betweene politicall Gouernement and Ecclesiasticall orders , that by this note onely they were acknowledged to bee the true Disciples and followers of their glorified Master . For they not onely Preached with puritie the euerlasting will of God ( without intermingling of humane fancies ) but also , in all places accustomed to teach ; That vpon earth Caesars ( Kings ) were to bee acknowledged next vnto God , and to be reuerenced before all other mortall men ; They stiled them their Lords , payed them tribute , made intercession vnto God for their welfare ; And vnto such as spake euill of the Magistrate , they threatned reuenge from aboue . From all worldly affaires , especially from the abuse of Armes , they abhorred ; Knowing that the twofold sword of the Church was intrusted to saluation and regeneration , and not for distruction . So farre were they euen from imagination , to thinke it lawfull to disenthronize any King or Potentate , though a most wicked one ; either to absolue his people from their Othes of Allegiance , or to proue masteries with him about Precedencies . But rather they thought it a worke worthy their calling , by the space of two hundred and seuentie yeeres , to suffer most bitter and terrible persecutions , and those too rather to bee indured by stedfast faith in Christ Iesus , by zealous calling vpon his Name , and by glorious Martyrdome ; then by rebellious impatiencie , and violent Meditation of requitall ; And all this , not without admirable increase , and good successe to the Church of Christ . For in what Age was the face of the Church more amiable , or liker the head thereof , euen Christ Iesus , then when after his ascension , his Disciples ( striuing to fulfill his Testament ; and their successors , treading in the very same footesteps ) Preached faithfully and purely the Gospel through Iudaea , Samaria , and Palestine ? After that , when so glorious and conspicuous , as when with their fellow labourers , taking their Iournyes towards other Nations , but especially towards Rome ( at that time the chiefe Seate of the Empire ) and the bordering Regions , they imployed their times in dressing , in Planting and in watering the Lords vineyard , viz. From the time of Linus to Siluester , and Caesar Constantine by the space of two hundred and fiftie yeeres , vnder most vnsufferable Persecutions , euen to the losse of their liues and dearest bloods ? But assoone as Constantine by the diuine prouidence had giuen peace to the afflicted Churches , and that the Bishops being deliuered from their lurking corners , from Vaults and from dennes , wherein during the time of Persecution they had safe conducted their bodies , then , I say , shamed they not to giue themselues ouer to the delights of the world , to vnprofitable idlenesse : to liue a pleasurable life ; to degenerate from the wayes of their predecessors , through neglect of Gods word , being wholly seduced with carnall affections . Then began they to giue coulorable clothing to the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles , by Canons , Decretals , and Ceremonies : Then began they to deuise new appellations of Dignitie : To preferre one Church before all other , and finally blushed not to confound all orders both Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall . Whereupon presently followed so vniuersall a confusion of Doctrine , Discipline and Order , that they no longer seemed to represent the late Pastours of the Lords flocke , but rauening Wolues ; not Priests but blasphemers ; not Doctors but deiectors of soules from the sweete aspect of the face of God. For surely , they did not onely obscure in a wonderous maner the sinceritie of the Christian doctrine by their humane traditions ; gaue it so great a scandall by superstitious impietie , and heathenish inuocation of Soules departed ; and so wickedly polluted it with blasphemous Idolatrie ; But all honestie and discipline being troden vnderfoote , in all seducement and oppression of veritie , they spent their whole dayes in Sodomiticall abuses , in Wantonnesse , in Luxurie , in Ribaldrie , in Whoring , in Sacrilege , in Contention , in Necromancie , in Charmes , in Homicide , and such like transgressions : And that more is , being possessed with a diabolical affectation of Gouernment & pride , cleane contrarie to the Diuine commandement , they began to busie themselues in secular affaires ; to withdrawe their faiths from the subiection of Kings , to vsurpe vpon other mens patrimonies ; to thrust in their crooked Syckles ( and that at aduenture ) into another mans Haruest ; to arrogate both Presences ; to challenge the iurisdiction of both Swords ; to tollerate no equall , much lesse no Superiour ; to defraude one of his right , an other of his Honour ; to giue Law to Kings , and prescribe them ordinances ; basely to esteeme of Emperours , as if they reigned at will ; to accurse them and murder them ; To set Princes together by the eares ; to sow dissentions ; to patronize factions ; to absolue Subiects from their Othes of Allegiance ; and finally by their nouell and slie Policies , to mooue them to vnlawfull Rebellions : So farre forth , that after they had once pleaded prescription in their incrochments , they more defaced the Maiestie of the Romane Empire , by their dissimulations , slaughters , warre , and such varieties of wickednesses , then any forraine or barbarous enemy could haue done by the Sword or violence . For to let passe the Empire of the East , ruinated by the cunning and slie cariage of the Romane Bishops , the Grecians being first expulsed Italy by the Lombards , and presently ( they againe being oppressed by the French ) called in against Astulphus King of the Lombards , for calling vpon Steuen the second for his Subsidy money : Euery man that is any thing seene in Historie , knoweth ( the Romane Empire being by the prowes of Charles the Great , transferred from the Grecians to the Germanes ) how the Emperours of Germanie haue beene harried by the incredible subtilties and combinations of the Romane Bishops ; wearied with most lamentable warres , and lastly the goodly and most flourishing forces of the Empire by their vngodlinesse disvnited , impouerished , and wasted . Surely the remembrance of these times are so distastfull and lamentable , that I had rather wash them out with teares , then aggrauate them by speech : But fithence our Pen is fallen into repetition thereof , I perswade my selfe , that it shall proue neither a digression from my proiect , neither impertinent from the point of our Argument , to Paint out in most liuely colours , what hath beene the humilitie , obseruancie , loyaltie & obedience of the Roman Bishops manifested throughout all Ages , sithence the dayes of the aforesaid Charles towards the most worthy Germane Emperors , their very good Lords and especiall benefactors . ❧ Charles the Great . TO begin therefore with the Frenchmen , who first transferred the Empire from the Grecians to the Germanes : who liueth so ignorant , that knoweth not , with what immunities and honourable indowments they adorned the Romane Clergie ? First , Charles surnamed the Great , to his eternall renowne deliuered that Sea , being most grieuously laide vnto by Desiderius King of the Lombards , to the vtter confusion of his Armie . Against Herisigus Duke of Benouent , he likewise defended his frontiers : And presently after that , hee restored Leo the third to his Sea , at Baryona , being expulsed from Rome by the faction of his aduersaries . ❧ Lewes surnamed Pius . This man was Emperour in the yeere of Christ eight hundred and fourteene , at what time Egbright gouerned the West Saxons , and first called our Countrey Anglia . LEWES succeeding his father Charles ( as the Romane Chronicles record ) with no lesse liberalitie , granted vnto the Romane Bishops and his successours , the Citie of Rome together with his Dukedome : and defended the iurisdiction and dignitie thereof , euen to the imputation of superstition . Notwithstanding ; neither the remembrance of the good seruices of the father , nor the vertues of the sonne , could so farre foorth wey with Gregorie the third , as to suppresse , much lesse to mitigate his diuelish intendments once conceiued against this Lewes . For the Warre being on foote betweene Lewes and his sonnes ; He ( as it behoued an Apostolicall Bishop ) sought not to quench the fire of this vnkindnesse betweene father and child , but being sent by Lewes into the Campe of his sonnes to capitulate the Peace , with condition to returne againe vnto the Emperour ; reuolting from Lewes , he remained with his sonnes , and like a true Apostata , abetted and complotted this vnnaturall dissension ; so farre foorth , that the father was taken , and being committed to most seuere imprisonment , with his yonger sonne was finally thrust into the Monasterie of Suessons . Behold here a most strange precedent of ingratitude in children against their dearest Parents , and the detestable impietie of a Bishop against a most innocent Emperour ; both equally gilty of like periurie and disloyaltie . From that time , although the Royal Diademe continued for some certaine Ages in the posteritie of Lewes , neuerthelesse their hellish humors did no more spare the issue , then in former time it compassionated the Parent . And no maruaile , for this was the onely marke that they shotte at , that hauing once shaken off the right which the Emperour pretended in the confirmation of Bishops , they might with more securitie euer after haue meanes to ouertop them in greatnesse . Which their most prouident proiect was long a hatching , neither could it bee deliuered to discouerie , before the yeere eight hundred ninetie fiue . At what time Charles the Grosse departing out of Italy to warre vpon the Normans , who at that time miserably infested the Sea coasts of France ; Hadrian the third layed hold vpon this opportunitie , and in the very beginning of his Pontificie , made his complaint vnto the Senate and people of Rome ; That in the Election of Bishops , the Imperiall authoritie was not to be stood vpon , but that the Suffrages of the Clergie and the people ought alwayes to be free . By this Decree he disseysed the Emperours of their whole right , which but lately they possessed both vpon the Bishops and the Citie ; Thereby pointing out to his successors a course how to attempt proiects of higher nature in future ages . And surely from those times , what vpon the deficiencie of the issue of Charles the Great , which had most fortunately Gouerned the Empire for the space of one hundred and odde yeeres : and what in regard of that most horrible Schisme proceeding from that Chaire of pestilence , managed betweene the Bishops themselues by mutuall Murders , Poysenings , and all other kind of enormities , their continued machinations against the Emperours some-deale ceased ; vntill they reassumed a new occasion of plotting & reiterating their former courses against Otho the first , Emperour of Germanie . ❧ Otho the Great . He was chosen Emperour in the yeere nine hundred thirtie and sixe . In England reigned Adelstan . FOr at what time , in the Reigne of Otho , Iohn the thirteenth , Noble in trueth by Birth , but most base in conuersation , Gouerned the Romish Sea , and polluted Peters Chaire with ryot , gaming , pandarisme and Women , &c. At that very same instant likewise Berengarius Duke of Lombardie , amongst many other Cities , forbore not to presse hard vpon the Citie of Rome also . The Cardinals grew discontented , aswell at the Popes Epicurisme , as at Berengarius his Tyrannie . Two of them more agrieued then the rest ( whether vpon scruple of conscience , or in remembrance of the greatnesse of the Romane name , or in hatred of the Pope ) resolued to pray in aide of Otho , a Prince of that time much celebrated for his vertues amongst the Loraners , the French , the Hungarish , the Danes , and all the other barbarous people , vnder his obedience throughout that part of the world . Whereupon , calling some others to Councell , by letters and messages they solicite Otho , that he would vouchsafe to assist the declining estate of the Church and Common-wealth : That hee would represse the Tyrannie of Berengarius cruelly raging vpon the Christian people : And that he would not let , to deliuer the Church from so fell and impure a beast . The Bishop comming to the knowledge of these passages , first cut off three of his fingers , that indited the Letters , and then slit his Chancellors nose , for giuing approbation thereunto . But Otho , who thought it not fitte to leaue the Church succourlesse in times of danger , hauing amassed all necessaries for warfare , marcheth into Italy with fiftie thousand Souldiers . Expelleth both Berengarius and his sonne Adelbert : then speedeth towards Rome . Where arriued , although the inhumane cruelties of the Bishoppe were not vnknowne to his Maiestie : Yet in reuerence of the Apostolicke Sea , at first hee decreed no hard or vnbeseeming censure against him , but causing all things that had beene iniuriously taken from him to bee restored , hee presented him moreouer with great masses of Gold , Siluer and Iewels . And appointing him a time of conference ; secretly and friendly hee repeated what he knew of his fore passed offences , wishing him therafter to abstaine from so grosse and foule enormities ; To leade a thriftie life ; to bee an ornament , and not a dishonour to the Church ; That integritie of life was no lesse commendable in a Churchman , then Artes and learning . For the present , the Pope protesteth great hopes of amendment : The Emperour reioyceth thereat , and leauing Rome iournieth towards Papia , there minding to Winter , but withall exacteth a solemne Oath from the Bishoppe taken vpon the body of Saint PETER ; THAT IN HIS ABSENCE HE SHOVLD NO WAY BE ASSISTING TO BERENGARIVS , NOR HIS SONNE . The Emperour had scarce left the Gates of Rome , but the Bishop returning to his wonted inclination , not onely followeth his pleasures , his Whoredomes , his Ryottes , his poysenings , and all other mischiefes , of like nature ; but also hauing forgotten his plighted faith to the Emperour , reuoketh Adelbert from Fraxineto , whether hee had fled out of Italy to the Saracens , and promiseth him his vtmost assistance against the Emperour : Hee dispatcheth also his Legats to make like complaint against him at Constantinople . The Emperour , vnto whome such grosse and wilfull periurie seemed more then wonderfull , vpon the first intelligence thereof , thought it not fitte rashly to listen thereunto , but dispatcheth certaine of his Seruaunts to Rome to learne the certaintie of the businesse . Vpon their returne , and iustification of these , and more vile indignities , the Emperor ( not vniustly moued to displeasure ) suddenly hasteth towards Rome : where pitching his tents hard vnder the walles ( Iohn and Adelbert being fled into Campania ) he is most honorably receiued into the City by the Inhabitants . Vnto him they promise faith and loyalty , and sweare thereafter neuer to elect a Pope without the consent of the Emperor Otho , Caesar , Augustus , and his Sonne Otho . Iohn being thus escaped ; and for feare of Caesar lurking in Campania in woods and corners ; after three daies , at the instance both of the Clergie and the people ( desiring a Commission to enquire vpon the life and conuersation of Iohn ) the Emperor agreeth , and proclaimeth a Councell ; whereunto he calleth all the Bishops and Abbots of Italie , such as he knew to bee men of integrity , honest , and zealous . Who appearing vpon the day prescribed , although his abominable life was such , that euen by the generall opinion of the Councell , it could not but be deciphered by the remotest Nations , yet this most vertuous Emperor , tooke order that they should not proceed to any rash Iudgement , but to determine all accusations with mildnesse of mind and deliberate advice . Whereupon with the Archbishops of Liguria , Tuscanie , Saxonie and France , he dispatcheth his letters vnto Iohn , reciting therein the cause and maner of his accusation : not forbearing to intreat him to make his personall appearance , to say for himselfe against his accusers . But he returning for answer ; that it should easilie appeare , what slight esteeme he made of that Councell ; And that , he would suddenly proceed to Excommunication , in case they presumed to elect Any other : the Emperor in a most solemne Oration intimateth to the Councell , his periuries towards himselfe , and his dishonest conuersation towards the whole Christian world . Vpon hearing wherof , with one consent the Councell declared this Apostata Iohn for his euill life to be worthilie depriued : And Leo chiefe Secretary of the Romane Church was chosen to succeed him . In the interim wherof , the Emperor not to be burdensome vnto the State of Rome , had dismissed many of those companies of Souldiers which at first hee had brought with him into Italie . Which comming vnto the vnderstanding of this reprobate Bishop , who full well was acquainted with the disloyall and mutable humours of the Italian Nation , sendeth his espialls to Rome , with exhortations to the people to attempt a surprize vpon the Emperor and his weake companies ; for which their good seruice he promiseth to reward them with all the Treasures of the Church and Saint Peter . The Romans being hereunto incouraged , partly by the weaknesse of Caesars army , and partly with the conceit of these Golden mountaines , arise , and at the sound of a Trumpet charge vpon the Emperor . He maketh a stand vpon the Bridge of Tiber , and there with his fearelesse and old Trained companies , valiantly receiueth the charge : The Romanes receiue the iust reward of their trechery : for being routed , and put to flight , neither sanctuary , nor vnsanctuary could warrant any one mans life ; the fury of the Souldiers slew the periurd , aswell at the Altar , as in the Shambles . When this was done , Caesar stood in good hope , that after so great a punishment , the Romanes would proue afterwards to be of more quiet and aduised dispositions , and in this conceit , he hastneth to Spoletum , the place of Adelberts rendeuou . Vpon which absence Iohn betaking him to his wits , through the mediation of certaine good-wenches , heretofore of his ancient acquaintance , so worketh with many of the Roman gentry , that Iohn is receiued into the City ; and Leo with much labour escaping their hands , flieth vnto the Emperor . The deposement of Leo , and the cruelty of Iohn , which he had already inflicted vpon some few , being known ; Caesar repaireth his Army , with intention to be revenged vpon the Romans , as well for the iniury offered to his own person , as for the wrong in deposing a Bishop of his owne institution . In midst of which intendment , by the iudgement of Almighty God , meaning to make this Iohn an exemplary president to the world of his most iust indignation , it came to passe , that he died a most strange kind of death . For when vpon a certain night without the walles of the City , hee was sporting himselfe with an other mans wife , the diuell gaue him such a knocke on the Temples , saith Luitprandus of Ticine , that within eight daies he died of the wound . Other write , that he was wounded by the womans husband ; and so gaue vp his impure soule to the diuell his master , whom he had long serued . But death gaue no surcease to the seditions first occasioned by this monster . For the Romans , in place of the deceased , set vp Benedict the fift , and afterwards required Confirmation from the Emperor , then residing at Spoletum . The Emperor disallowing the Election , disdainfully dismissed the Romans , little mistrusting any such welcome : and by fire and sword wasting all things about the City , finally compelled them , that expulsing ( or rather yeelding vp ) Benedict , they should accept of Leo : binding them by Oth , that they should not presume to alter any thing , which he had set down for the Churches gouernment . Hereupon Leo being restored to his Sea at Barionea , and over wearied with the disloyall humours of the Roman people , retransferred the whole Authority of chosing the Roman Bishops from the Clergy and people of Rome , vnto the Emperor ; as it is set downe . distinct . 6. c. in Synodo . And Otho , having in this maner marshalled his affaires , returned into Germanie , taking Benedict with him ; who not long after through griefe of mind , being committed to the safe custody of Adaldag , Othoes Chancellor , and Archbishop of Hanburg , died at Hamburg , and there lieth buried in the Cathedrall Church . ❧ Otho the third . He raigned in the yeere of Christ 984. about the dayes of Etheldred . SOme few yeeres after , as Otho succeeded his Grandfather in the Empire : so did hee likewise in the contentions of the Bishops . For when as Iohn the xvij . being dead , by the right of Election , inuested vpon him by the donation of Leo the viij , to his predecessor Otho the great , hee had chosen Gregorie the v. for Pope ; Crescentius and the people stomacking that a man of the German nation should be aduanced to be their Bishop , and him also chosen by the sole authority of the Emperor , they resolued to depose him ; and in his place they substituted , Iohn the xviij . of that name , first Bishop of Placentia , a man well stored with coyn , and a great Scholler . Gregorie maketh his repaire into Germanie to the Emperor , and there vnfolding his hard vsage , so prouoked the Emperor , that he besiegeth the City , and pressed it so closely , that the people almost hunger starued opened their Gates , and receiued his Maiesty . Being now in possession , and vnderstanding , that like power by warrant of Gods word , was bequeathed him ouer a wicked Bishop , as ouer a common theefe ; at first he gaue commandement that the eies of the captiue Bishop should be put out , the fingers of both his hands to be cut off , and then clothed in vile attire , with his stumps and feet manacled , to be set vpon an Asse , so to be conueyed through the City , and finally to be thrown headlong from the rocke Tarpeia . Crescentius the Consul hee also caused to be mounted vpon a base Beast , his face towards his taile , his nose and eares to be cut off , so to be a common spectacle to all beholders , and lastly to be hanged vpon the common Gallowes in sight of the City walles . Thus hauing wrecked his iust indignation vpon his aduersaries , he not only restored Gregorie , the xj . moneth after his deposall to his pristinate dignity : But also this good and most excellent Emperor , left an example to his successors , that these proud Churchmen were not to be managed by lenity and mildnesse , but to be curbed by roughnesse and seuerity . For it was the receiued opinion of that age , that looke which of the Caesars shewed himselfe to be of more milde disposition , then some others ; so much the more wantonlike would they dally with his lenity , and more basely prosecute him with railings , & foule-mouthed reproches ; As by that which followeth , I will clearely make manifest vnto you . ❧ Henricus Niger . Hee ruled Anno Christi . 1039. In England Harold Harefoot . THis seuerity of Otho , last before spoken off in punishing the treason of Iohn , for some certaine time so terrified the Bishops , that vntill the smart was forgotten , openly they attempted nothing against the Maiesty of the sacred Empire . But no sooner had Benedict the xj . by Satanicall and magicall Inchantmentes leaped into the place , but by how much his skil and confidence in that profession was remarqueable , by so much the more insolent was his cariage in the Popedome . For no sooner was Conradus , ( a most faithfull steward of the Law and Religion , Emperor of Romans , alwaies Augustus ) gathered to his fathers ; but this firebrand going to counsell with his minion Laurentius , and other his fauorits ; bendeth his studies , how hee might dispossesse Henrie the sonne of Conrade from his hereditary succession to the Crowne of the Empire ; and disturbe the peace of the Church with Schisme and dissension . To the effecting of which stratageme , hee sendeth the Crowne of the Romane Empire vnto Peter King of Hungarie , with this Motto vnder written . Petra dedit Romam Petro : tibi Papa Coronam . The Rocke gaue Peter Rome : to thee the Pope this Crowne . But the Emperour , vnder the leading of Godfrey Duke of Lorain , a most excellent Souldier , and faithfull seruitor , confronted Peter , tooke him Prisoner ; and further , meaning to repay Theophilact the ringleader vnto so dangerous a Schisme , according to his deserts , set forward for Rome . Vpon brute whereof , Theophilact , ( alias Benedict the ninth ) stroken in remorse of conscience , and amazed with terrour , bartered the Papacie to one of his Companions , the Archpriest of Saint Iohns de Porta latina , the Master of Hildebrand , for the Summe of one thousand and fiue hundred pounds . Who ascending the Seate by the staires of such abominable iniquitie , by changing his Name , was thenceforth stiled , Gregorie the sixt . Now is the Cup brimfull ; and the Papacie so managed , that all good men being either reiected or oppressed , euery other party , as he was caried away by ambition , or inabled for briberie , cast to lay hold-fast vpon this so high a step of Dignitie ; more entring like theeues and robbers by the windowe , then by the doore . So that in these dayes ( besides the Archpriest Iohn Gratian ) ascended also into this Seate of iniquities ; Iohn Bishop of Sauoy who ( changing his Name ) was otherwise nominated Siluester the third . Thus was the Roman Church ren tinto diuers factions : Three Popes appeared at one instant , viz. Benedict the ninth , Siluester the third , and Gregorie the sixt , and euery one claimeth lawfull succession in Peters Chaire , and pleadeth possession . Where is now the Church ? Who is this head ? Who shall now stand vp to arbitrate so difficult a controuersie ? None is now to be seene but the Emperour ; And him , without question , surnamed Niger , God himselfe stirred vp ( hauing set Germanie in good order ) with an Armie to trauaile into Italy , where calling a Councell , he inforceth Theophilact to flie : Hee imprisoned Gregorie , and afterward with Hildebrand , exiled him into Germanie . The Bishop of Sauoy he dispatched to his charge ; and in their places consecrated Syndoger Bishop of Bamberg , otherwise called Clement the second . Of whom he receiued the inauguration of the Imperiall Crowne , and then inforced the Romans to take an Oath : That thereafter they should neuer presume to meddle with the Election of a Romane Bishop , without expresse Commission first obtained from the Emperour . For his most excellent Maiestie did well foresee , that in those times the world was giuen to so much licentious libertie , that euery factious and Potent companion , though most ignoble , would not sticke to arrogate vnto himselfe that so eminent a dignitie , by corruption and vnderhand-courses , which by the strict commandement of God , was not to be bestowed vpon any liuing creature , saue him who for learning and sanctitie of life , ought worthily to bee preferred therevnto . This vsage now grew vnto so inueterate a custome , that euery sedicious and wicked varlet presumed , that hee might without scruple of conscience vsurpe vpon Saint Peters Chaire ; As did Damasus the second , by birth a Bauarian . This man hauing gotten poyson for his purpose , slue Clement , and laboured by villanie to attaine to that promotion , which whilom was accustomed to bee bestowed onely vpon vertue . But God , the most iust reuenger of such wickednesse preuented him , and the three and twentie day after his vsurped installment , sent him to accompanie the dead in the place of darkenesse . ❧ Henricus quartus . He raigned in the yeere of Christ 1056. in Germanie . In England Edward the Confessor . ALbeit , that euen hitherto , from the dayes of Charlemaine , the Romane Bishops being generally possessed with the spirit of Supremacie , by sleights and deuises , did continually oppose themselues against the Maiesty of the Empire , and left no practise vnattempted , that might weaken or discountenance the Emperors soueraignty ; that so they might dispose of all things at their pleasures without all feare of controlment : yet was it not the will of Almighty God , to suffer them as yet totally to cast off the yoke of duty , by warrant of Holy writ inuested vpon Princes and great personages placed in Authority . But what can humane wisedome plead in search of Gods purposes ? perdere quos vult Iupiter , & hos dementat : For now the malice , impiety and treason of the Roman Clergy , together with their diabolicall ambition , especially vnder that figuratiue Dragon ( Gregorie the seuenth ) grew like a violent tempest so outragious and exorbitant , that those times may truly be recorded to be the daies , which vtterly razed , blemished , and wounded the Maiesty of this famous empire with the fatall ruine of glory and Honor. For this mischieuous monster , not contented to haue poisoned six Bishops , and to haue deposed his Master Alexander , for imploring assistance from the Emperor ; Neither mindfull of the fauours which Henrie ( surnamed Niger ) had afforded him , in curteously dismissing him from perpetuall Imprisonment , seperated from the company and sight of all mortall creatures , whereinto ( as we told you before ) he had beene condemned with Gregorie the sixt : At what time , the Normans raged through Apulia , Calabria and Campania , partly relying vpon the great wealth of Matilda , a most potent woman in those daies , and partly animated to see the Empire distracted with most dangerous wars raised by the warlike Nation of the Saxons against the Emperor , scarce three yere seated in his gouernment ; together with the reuolt of the Germane Bishops whom the Impostor our perpetuall aduersary had seduced from the seruice of their Master : Then I say , this man first of all other , against the custom of his predecessors , absolutely vsurped vpon the Papacy , without all consent of the Emperor , before that time alwaies accustomed to be mediated in the Election of these Bishops . And in future ; to preuent the residue of the Bishops and Abbots from seeking their confirmations at the Emperors hands , he set forth a decree vnder pain of Excommunication ; That hee had not onlie power in heauen to bind and to loose , but also that he had plenitude of iurisdiction in Earth , to take away , and to giue Empires , Kingdomes and Principalities . Then began he impudently to boast : to vsurpe vpon the temporall and Supreme iurisdiction , and that by a law of his own coyning : to esteeme of Kings and Emperors as tenants at will : to imprison Caesars Ambassadors opposing against his insolencies , & finally leading them through Rome in ignominious manner , to expell them the city . Henrie , albeit he were infinitely perplexed with the war of Saxonie , yet knowing that this nouell and vnvsual pertinacie of the Bishop , was not to be forgotten , calleth a Councell at Wormes ; wherein , audience being giuen to the Ambassadors , which came from Rome , and Hildebrands disloyall Letters being read ; besides the Saxons , all the German and French Bishops , made a Decree ; That sithence Pope Hildebrand a fugitiue Monke first of all other incroched vpon the Papacie without the good liking or priuity of the Romane Emperor , constituted of God to be his Soueraigne Lord , and that , contrarie to the Custome of his Predecessors , contrarie to law , and contrarie to his oth of instalment : And moreouer had vsurped vpon both iurisdictions , the temporall and Ecclesiasticall , as the Decij and worshippers of false Gods were accustomed to doe : That ipso facto he was deposed from his Bishoprick ; for sheep were no longer to be intrusted to the keeping of such a woluish Shepheard . One Rowland a Clerke of Parma , was dispatched to Rome with letters containing the sentence of the Councel : In whose Name he was commanded to interdict Gregorie from all Ecclesiasticall Function ; and moreouer to enioyn the Cardinals , that making choice of another for Bishop , they should present him to the Emperor . In like maner , Caesar himselfe dateth his Letters vnto Hildebrand , to the Clergy , and the Roman people : commanding according to the Iniunction of the Councell ; That himselfe should returne to a priuate life ; and That , they forsaking Hildebrand , according to their accustomed Priuiledges should proceede to the election of a New Pastor . At the receit of this newes , Hildebrand became not so much lenified , as furiously exasperated , and insolently imboldned . For , whereas before he had Excommunicated but some certaine of the Emperors familiars , whose aduice he presumed Caesar to haue vsed in these his proceedings : now presumeth hee by nouell president to Excommunicate Caesar himselfe in a hellish conuenticle , against the order of Christian piety , ratified by the sacred Canons of Holy writ ; Him , I say he prescribeth , depriueth of all kingly Authority , dispoileth of his Kingdom , and absolueth his Subiects from their oths of obedience . Behold , he was no sooner risen from the Seat wherin he sat to Excommunicate Caesar , but the Chaire being lately made of strong and new timber , suddenly by the prouidence of God in most terrible manner was rent into a thousand shatters : manifestly foreshewing , That by that rash and vnaduised Excommunication , this cruell Scismaticke should proue the Author of a most fearefull diuision in the Church of God. And surely these were neither blind nor idle predictions . For the Princes and German Bishops , taking notice of the Curse , some vpon a vaine superstition , some in hope of bettering their estates , and others in remembrance of their ancient hatred against Henrie , at the next assembly of the States , threatning a Reuolt , vnlesse he would suppliantly desire forgiuenesse of the Pope ( now resolued to come into Germanie ) brought the controuersie vnto so narrow a pinch , and his Maiesty into such mistrusts of despaire , with the dispoiling him of his reall possession , That he was fain to promise the Princes , that hee would goe vnto the Pope , and personally craue absolution at his foot . Wherupon putting off his regall habiliments , with his wife and yong sonne barefooted , and clothed in canuasse , being made a spectacle for Angells and men to admire at , in a most bitter winter , and a most dangerous kind of trauell , commeth to Canusium where the Pope then resided : There before the gates of the City fasting and sutor-like from morning till euentide , he danceth attendance : Meane while Hildebrand within , amongst whores and shauelings laugheth him to scorne . Three daies he patiently indureth this lamentable affliction , desiring admittance . He is denied . At three daies end instancing admittance with greater importunacie , It is answered ; That his Holinesse is not yet at leysure to attend his suit . Henrie by patience making a vertue of necessity ( In that he could not be admitted into the City ) contenteth himself to abide in the Suburbs , but not without many incommodious greeuances . For the wether was sharpe , and all places appeared hoary with frost . At last , after his incessant three-daies petitioning , and deniall , at the instance of Maud the Countesse of Adelaus Earle of Sauoie , and the Abbot of Clunois , he is admitted vnto presence . Vpon the fourth day in signe of vnfained penitency , he resigned his Crowne and imperiall Ensignes , and maketh a protestation that hee were vnworthy to enioy the Title of an Emperor , if he should againe commit the like offences against the Roman Sea , as formerly he had done . For all this , this inexorable Prelat would neither pardon nor absolue him , vnlesse he would put in good securitie , that according vnto his Popish pleasure he would expiate the offence in a Councell , and be forth comming at euerie day and place appointed , ( there the Pope being Iudge ) to answer vnto all accusations without once plotting in his thoughts anie scruple of reuenge . 2. Yea after his purgation , and reconciliation , either to retain , or forsake his kingdom , if the Pope thought it so fitting 3. Thirdlie , that before the Examination of his Cause , he should not presume to weare anie Kinglie habit , neither haue borne before him anie Imperiall ensignes , That hee should not meddle in state gouernment , nor exact anie oth of allegiance vpon his vassalls . Vpon promise of performance , and future obedience , the attonement is now at length confirmed aswell by Oth as Indenture , and Henrie absolued . Now obserue I beseech you , the restlesse humours of attainted consciences . The Court of shauelings , deep polititians , men of profound reaches ; and admirable well seen in the principles of Machiuell , and carefull aswell to preuent future blowes , as to oppose against present perils , either reuoluing in their far reaching wits , or suspecting in their seared consciences , that Henrie beeing sure seated in a peaceable estate , could not possibly disgest so vilanous an indignity , nor the world allow of so base a tiranny ; fall againe to their old plots , but a new-Counsell ; viz. how they might vtterly dispossesse Henrie of his Empire . Rodulph Duke of Sweuia , Henries brother in law , is presented with a golden Crowne , thus inscribed . Petra dedit Petro , Petrus diadema Rodulpho : And withall the Bishops of Magunce and Colen are commanded , that ( rebelling against Henrie ) they shold set it vpon Rodulphs head , and assist him therin to the vtmost of their forces . Was it for Loue , or Honor may the world dispute , that the Pope became thus bountifull of an other mans patrimony , to bestow it vpon Rodulph ? Or doth any History make mention that Rodulph was a more kinde Son to the Church , then Henrie ? Beleeue me , the Pope did neither vpon any such respects , it was far from his imagination . But this was the windlace of all : if Henrie must liue in peace , Henrie must seek reuenge : but if the Duke of Sweuia find him play on one side , Romandiola shall be secured on the other side . Let Rodulph or Henrie sinke or swim , meane while res nostrae tutiores redduntur , that is , the Court of Rome may securely swagger ; If Henrie haue the better , yet shall he be much the weaker : if Henrie haue the worse , then all the care is taken , for Rodulph is infinitly beholding vnto vs. And be it as be may : nether party ( being potent Princes ) shall haue cause to laugh at their bargain ; let time try the sequell ; and so it hapned . O the blind folly of ambition . For albeit that Rodulph was the Emperors sworne liege-man , his brother in law by mariage , indowed with the Dukedom of Sweuia after his decease , and honored with many other fauours : notwithstanding being seduced by the faire and false protestations of the Bishops , and borne out by his own greatnesse and the succours of Saxonie , he inuadeth the Empire , and rebelliously to his vtmost power moueth war against his Soueraigne master . Caesar by the admonishment of the Bishop of Argentine , seeing the danger arising from all parts , leuieth his people , affronteth Rodolph , and setteth all vpon the hazard of a battell . The issue whereof was this , That the Pope vpon mistrust of the worst , commanded both parties to Peace , and that Henrie should expect his sentence at the Synode , which shortly hee would proclaime to be held in Germanie . Which limitation , when Henrie stomacked , vpon protestation that hee would suffer no Assembly to bee holden in Germanie , vnlesse Rodolph were first remooued : The Pope ( rather then hee would disharten Rodolph by finall Peace ) renueth the Excommunication , and sendeth foorth his Mandates full stuffed with hellish furie . Henrie is nothing abashed , but the third time giueth the battell at Elistrum of Misia , and there ouerthroweth his enemy . This came to passe in the yeere 1080. the Ides of October . Rodolph being grieuously wounded , and from the field conueied to Merseburg , intreateth the Bishops and the Leaders of his people to compeere before him . Where being assembled , Rodolph feeling death seazing vpon him , stretched forth his right hand and said : My Lords , this is the hand with which I plighted my faith to my Lord Henrie . At your intreaties , thus , and thus many times hath it vnfortunately fought against him : Returne yee , and make good your first Othes to the King : I am to depart to my fathers . Rodolph being vanquished , and Germanie by his death resonably well quieted , Henrie neither forgetting Hildebrands iniuries ; neither hauing his spirits so peaceably affected , but that hee could call to remembrance , how the Pope had twise Excommunicated him ; how for three dayes space being a most suppliant Petitioner in a very cold season , he could attaine no reconciliation ; As also , that cunningly hee had assisted his enemie , euen the competitor of his Kingdome , proclaimeth a Synod of the Bishops of Italy , Lombardy , and Germanie , to bee celebrated at Brixia a Citie of Norica . Where being assembled , and the Acts of Hildebrand examined , with one consent they promulge this suffrage . For that it is apparently knowne , that Hildebrand was not Elected of God , but most impudently by fraud and briberie , made his owne way to the Papall dignitie : And therein being seated , hath subuerted all the Orders of the Church , disquieted the whole Christian world ; intended the death both of body and soule , to a most peaceable and Catholicke King ; defended a periurd Prince , and amongst the peaceable , sowed seedes of discord , &c. Wee here Congregated by the Grace of God , and assisted by the Legats and letters of nineteene Bishops , assembled against the foresaid Hildebrand at Mognuce the eight day of Pentecost , doe canonically giue iudgement against the said Hildebrand , That he is to bee deposed and expelled , for vnaduisedly Preaching of Sacriledges and factions , defending Periuries and Scandals ; Abclieuer of Dreames and diuinations , a notorious Necromancer ; a man possessed with an vncleane spirit ; And therefore an Apostata from the true faith : And vnlesse vpon the receite of this our iudgement , hee shall voluntarily resigne the Seate , we doe finally Accurse him . These businesses being thus dispatched , and Germanie quieted , in the yeer 1081. the Emperour iournyeth to Rome , and pitching his Campe before the Castle of Saint Peter , hee chargeth the Romanes with so many assaults , that they are glad to pray for Peace , and to open their Gates . The Bishop with his followers retireth into the Bastile of Adrian : wherein being besieged , he worketh the Emperour more disquiet by craft and subtiltie , then the Emperour could doe him , by Mine or Engine . For as Henrie accustomed frequently to make his Orisons in Saint Maries in Mount Auentine , this Traitour suborned a certaine villaine , secretly to conuey vpon the Rafters of the Church , great and massiue stones ; and so to dispose them , that as the Emperour should kneele at his Prayers , from aloft they should fall vpon his head , and dash out his braines . As this villanous Regicide , the Minister of Popish iniquitie , was hastning his dissiegne , and labouring to fit this massie stone to the execution of his Treason , the stone fell down and drew this villaine downe withall : So that bruising the Table whereon it fell , supported with strong Tressels , it rested on the Pauement , and there by the iudgement of God , dashed in pieces the carkise of this Trayterous workman . The Romanes vpon notice of the Treason , fastning a corde to one of his legges , for three dayes space dragged him along through the streetes of the Citie . This failing , had the Pope so shallow a pate , as to carie about him but one string to his bow ? Or was he so honest a man , that rather then hee would spare the blood of Christian people , hee would giue ouer his owne life , nay his Seate , for the saftie of many thousands ? Obserue what followeth : To be sure , that neither Germanie should long breath in peace , now Rodolph was gone ; nor the Emperour bee secured in Italy ; he turneth to the Art of diuersion ( a point of Warre well knowne amongst Souldiers ) and stirreth vp the Saxons in his absence to create Harman Prince of Lucelburg in Lorain , Emperour at Isleb . by Hercinia : Who likewise by the prouidence of GOD at the siege of a certaine Castle , was miserably slaine by the fall of a stone cast from the battailement of the Wall by the hand of a siely woman . Hee being gone , ( the Romish Religion will still be dealing , rather then loose one iot of their reputes , if they cannot otherwise preuaile ) this inhumane Tyrant thirdly stirred vp Ecbert Marques of Saxonie : and him also God predestinated to suffer condigne punishment for his Rebellion . For the fift yeere after , he was beset in a Mill neere Brunswicke by the Emperours Guard , and thete miserably slaine . Once againe , Hildebrand flieth to his wits , and perceiuing , that his stake in Germanie was cleane lost ; Himselfe immured in a Bastill , where he could not alwayes continue , and that he had small reason to fall into the sight of Caesar , hee dissembleth a parley , and during the conference Iudaslike forsaking his companie , in disguised habit flieth vnto Salerne amongst the Normans . Caesar forthwith assembled a Senate of his Nobles and Bishops , according to the custome of his predecessors , giueth order for an Ecclesiasticall Diet : Where Hildebrand , as a thiefe and a robber ; a perfidious fugitiue , a forsaker of the fold ; a Traytor to the flocke , a debalker of Christian charitie , by the vniuersall consent of the Conuocation , is denounced and condemned . In his place is promoted Guibert Archbishop of Rauenna , a louer of Peace and Concord ; a man learned and religious : By the consent of the Cleargie hee is Consecrated Bishop by the name of Clement the third , in the yeere of Christ 1084. This done , he Rein-stalleth Caesar and his spouse Bertha , and saluteth them Augusti , with the vniuersall applause of the people . As for Hildebrand , either through griefe , or guiltinesse of conscience , he died in exile ( as the saying is ) Ab aris & focis in the Towne of Salerne . But this firebrand of Warre and discord being extinguished , the furie of the Prelates amongst themselues was neuer the neere allayed ; howbeit , thereby , the world enioyed peace ; and Germanie her pristinate Maiestie . For Vrban ( after Victor the second , a Bishop but of a fewe dayes standing ) intruded vpon the Papacie at Gurstung by the faction of Hildebrand , but especially by the money of Matilda , and the Armes of the Normans . Him the Emperour with the greater part of his Nobilitie accused of Irreligion , and denounced him in the number of the wicked . This fellow , notwithstanding that he had long wandered sine lare , sine grege , yet he so artificially finished the webbe begun by Hildebrand , that instead of Vrbanus , the world stiled him Turbanus , yea , hee went far beyond his Schoolemaster Hildebrand in wit and villanie . For , being not able any way to wrong Henrie by secret inuasion ( Papists will doe nothing openly , or at least without pretext ) he commandeth the Canons of that most pestilent knaue Hildebrand , to be confirmed and holden in force against him . Then draweth he into Parricide Cunrade the sonne of Henry , begotten on his first wife , by his fathers appointment Viceroy of Italy . Vpon him he bestowed Matilda the wife of Roger the Norman , and by him expulseth Clement the third , Installed by the good liking and consent of his father . But Vrban and Cunrade being both quickly dispatched , Paschal the second loth to come behind his predecessors in Treacherie , and taking it for good Policie , to giue Caesar no breathing time to prouide against tempests , by the example of Vrban , in a Synode at Rome reuiueth and ratifieth the Curse of Gregorie against the Emperour . Buls are but words , and words are no weapons for Popes . Whereupon a quicker corasiue must bee applied : The other Sonne of Henrie ( named also Henrie ) the Princes of Aquisgrane must salute as Caesar , notwithstanding that already he had giuen his father his Oth of Loyaltie and true Leigeman . O Lord ! where shall not a man finde a man for blood , if promotion , or money , or Mariage be offered for recompence ; but especially , if the man of blood may resort vnto a Churchman , and receiue absolution for so cruell and vnpardonable mischiefes ? Of such persons , and such stratagems , behold in those dayes the Popes made their especiall vses : they may be as bold in these times and in these points to pleade vniuersalitie and antiquitie as they did and doe for their Masse , and the residue of their trumperie . For yong Henrie is vp in parricidiall Rebellion : Papa impellit , saith the Historie : and being borne out by the Armes of the Saxons , so caried the Warre , that this most valorous Emperour , and stout reuenger of the impeached Maiestie of the Empire , being harried with continuall conflicts , and weary of his life through the perpetuall burden of Popish vexations , as he trauailed towards the Dyet of Mogunce , by treason vpon the high way , and that against a publique oth of safe conduct , was taken by his Sonne Henrie : then being degraded most vnwillingly of all imperiall ensignes , as also of his Crowne by the Bishops of Mogunce , Colen and Wormes ; hee was committed to prison in the towne of Leyge : where pining to death through griefe , he finished his troublesome daies in this most lamentable maner . Notwithstanding such was the irreconcilable rancor of these charity-preaching fathers , that they not contented with these their most cruell turmoiles practised against his life ; Hyena-like , with as barbarous bestiality they also preyed vpon his liuelesse carkasse . For the body being already buried in the monastery of Leyge , they inforced the Bishop of the place to dig it vp againe , and without either honor to so great a personage , or reuerence to holy sepulture , they commanded it to bee cast amongst other carcases into a prophane place . The reason was grounded vpon one of their owne Canons : Quibus viris ecclesia non communicat , illis etiam nec mortuis communicare possit . Repentance etiam in nouissima hora , and the reward of him that came into the vineyard at the cloze of the day , equalized to his , that began to worke in the dawning , is of no force with them . It is scripture ; and scripture , you know , is not sufficient for saluation . I quake in writing . Councels may controll It ; the Church , The Councels ; and who is the Church ? the Pope ; For otherwise it were folly to broche so many positions , as it doth , against law , conscience and sound diuinity , if it lay not in their fulnesse of power to doe and vndoe , say and vnsay . To conclude , at last , the body is conueyed in a coffin of stone from Leyge to Spire , and there also for fiue yeeres space , it remained without the duties of Christian buriall . ❧ Henrie the fift . NOw let vs see , if Henrie the fift , seduced by the witchcraft of the false Pope , to vsurpe vpon the Empire of his father , experimented any other allowance of loue and fidelity from the Bishops , then did his ancestor . Comming vnto Rome to be crowned with the imperiall Dyadem , he thought it much to concerne his honor , to demand restitution of his right in the confirmation of Bishops , Abbots and Prelates . The Pope forgetfull of all former fauours , doth stoutly deny the motion . From request they fall to blowes , insomuch that the Pope with certaine of his seruants was taken prisoner , and conueied to Mount Soracte , now called Mount Siluester . Paschal seeing no remedy , sent vnto the City for Notaries , and at length confirmeth and reuiueth to the vse of the Empire , the auncient prerogatiues claymed by the EMPEROVRS in the Creation and Inuestiture of Popes and Bishops : and in requitall is honoured againe by the Emperour , with many rich presents . But such was the iust iudgement of God towards this Henrie ; that as he obserued not faith towards his father , no more did others keep towards him . For euen those men who for his sake had forsaken his father , rise now in rebellion against the Son. For presently vpon his returne in the yeere 1116. into Germanie , the Pope congregateth a full Councell of his owne creatures , and there bewailing his sinne , which he had committed in surrendring his priuileges ; after long and solemne debating of the case , vndoeth all he had done before ; confirmeth the Decrees of Gregorie the seuenth ; and vpon the custome lately taken vp , Excommunicateth Henrie . Hereupon many the Princes of Germanie , and especially the Bishop of Mogunce fall into rebellion . Caesar sendeth vnto the Pope , to treat a peace , but by his death that businesse was determined . After his decease the Cardinalls create Gelasius Pope , neither calling Caesar to Councell , nor once acquainting him with their determinations . Whereat Caesar being agreeued , flyeth to Rome , & consecrateth Mauritius Archbishop of Brachar for Pope . Gelasius being deposed , and Maurice confirmed , they both conspire with ioynt consent to curse the Emperor in his retrait from Rome , dispersing their Ministers through Germanie after the precedents of their predecessors to incite the Subiects of the Emperor to rebellion . Henrie fearing the sequell , hastneth into Germany . Gelasius being dead , Calixtus the second being his successor , warreth vpon the Antipope , whom as wee told you the Emperour had consecrated . Henrie perceiuing the Pope , vnderborne by the Armes of the Normans , to bee too strong for him , and that he began to meate the same measure towards him , as his predecessors had towards his father : In the yeere 1122. by the speciall mediation of the Apostolicke Legat Lampert , afterward Pope , and called Honorius , he became so deuote a Conuert to Papacie , that hee resigned his whole right of Inuestiture concerning the Ring and the Staffe ; granted a free Election and Consecration to be thenceforth vsed in all Churches ; and couenanted to restore , or at least , to cause to be restored all Regalities , formerly renounced , or at least as many as remained in his dispose . The Pope againe couenanted , that the Election of Bishops and Abbots should be done in the Emperors presence , without violence : so farre foorth that the Elect should receiue his Regalities , by the Scepter from the Emperour . This Concord bore date at Wormes , Nono Cal. Octob. Anno Dom. M.C.XXII . But , albeit this Henrie vtterly discouraged with the Thunder-bolts of curses , gaue way to all Popish vsurpations , and to the euerlasting staine and impouerishment of the Germane Empire , thrust his necke vnder the yoke of the Romish tyrannie , yet , in regard of new tumults and rebellions practised in Belgia and the higher Germanie , he could not liue out the remainder of his daies in affected peace . For appeazement wherof , as he trauelled towards Vtrick , he fell sicke , and died without issue . This accident , and not iniustly , men argued , to haue proceeded from the iudgement of God , for that contrary to his commandement , he had behaued himselfe so vngraciously towards a father , that had so well deserued of him his sonne . ❧ Lotharius Saxo. Hee raigned in the yeere 1125. about the fiue and twentie yeere of Henry the first . HENRIE being gone , and Germanie still reeking in blood and ciuill war : The greatest care that the Bishops tooke , was to prouide , that the people should not reunite their forces , and take time to breath from these inhumane and vnnaturall murders . Whereupon after the death of Henrie , when as Cunrade Duke of Sweuia , Henrie the fift sisters sonne , laied claime to the Empire ; against him by the cunning of Albert Archbishop of Mogunce , they set vp Lotharius Duke of Saxonie , the man in truth whose infidelity they had vsed in the miscarriage of Henrie the fifth . Cunrade is now in march , and hauing ouertopped mount Septim . is honorably receiued of the Millanois and crowned by the Archbishop Anselme at Modoecia , the chiefe Sea of the Kingdome of Italie . Honorius , in fauour of Lotharius , and in despight of the House of Henrie ( which he thirsted vtterly to extinguish ) deposeth Anselme , and by the terror of his Curses inforceth Cunrade to post out of Italie : Who finally in despaire of the Germane aide by reason of their factions and dissensions , vtterly giueth ouer his further hopes of inioying the Empire , and by the mediation of S. Bernard of Clareual , falleth to make his peace with his corriuall Lotharius . Lotharius being now sole and absolute Lord of the Empire , according to his Saxonish simplicity , honouring the Papall Sea with more then common obseruancie , ceaseth not to deserue well thereof by all the offices of loue and duty , which an obedient sonne to the Church could possibly imagine to performe . Innocentius the second , the successor of Honorius , expulsed by Anacletus Antipope and Roger Duke of Apulia , flying vnto him for succour , to his infinit charge he restored to his Sea at Barionea . But beleeue me , neither these kind offices , nor any worldly respects , were of ability either to frustrate or to mollifie the Popish auarice : for when the Pope had declared Lotharius Emperor , he made shew as if he would againe seeke restitution of the auncient rites , which the Empire claimed in the election of Bishops and Abbots : But the rauenous Pope not only refused to vnloosen his talents vpon what he had already seised , but also re-attaching whatsoeuer Lotharius himself either by the perswasion of Bernard , or in feare of further sedition , had voluntarily offered to the Romish sea , he laboured by all other meanes to adde more to the former , through his immesurable avarice . For when Lotharius hauing expulsed Roger the Apulean ; would haue bestowed the Dutchy vpon Earle Reignold the generall of his armie ; the Bishop impleded him , as concerning the right of donation , with so vehement a contention , that neither being minded to yeeld to other , the controuersie at last was faine to be thus determined : viz. That both parties should lay their hands vpon the Staffe of the Feodarie ensigne , then to be deliuered to the new Duke of Apulia : Thereby signifying that both of them had equall interest in the transportation of that Dukedome . So that , the more humility accompanied with sweet behauiour and moderation , that this all-praise-worthy Emperor shewed towards the Papacie : The more the waywardnesse and malice of the Romanists began to shew it selfe , and that without feare or modesty . For whereas this Emperor in receiuing the Diademe had cast himselfe at the Popes feete , the Clergie , to vse the precedent to the debasement of succeeding Emperors ; and to deliuer it as a trophee to posterity , as soon as his backe was turned , set vp in the Lateran pallace his protraiture , with this inscription . Rex venit ante fores , iurans prius vrbis honores : Post homo fit Papae , sumit quo dante Coronam . The King attends before the gates : and sweares the City-rites to keepe : From Romes great Pastor takes his Crowne , and vowes to hold in vassalage . What was this , but a bewraying first of their frowardnesse , manifested in despising the Maiesty of so high a calling ; and secondly of their pride , in that forsooth , they would seem either to ouertop , or obscure , the victorious gests of him , who to his immortall commendation had subiected vnder tribute , the Duke of Polonia , the Pomeranes and the Russies : who I say , to the no small honor of the Maiesty Imperiall ; had inforced the King of Denmarke to beare the sword at his Coronation ; had subiugated the states of Cremona , and Papia , and brought the vanquished Bononians and Piemontois into the forme of a prouince : and finally with the conquest of Apulia , had brought vnder obedience many most noble Cities in that Dutchy . Now is he vanquished , and acknowledged the Popes bondslaue . For what other signification doth the Popes ( Creature ) import , but to be his vassall or seruant ? Such are these admirable seruants of seruants , whom euen Emperors themselues are glad to acknowledge and respect as Lords and Masters . ❧ Conradus tertius . He raigned in the yeere of Christ 1138. about the third yeere of King Steuen . LOtharius , in his second retrait out of Italie , being departed this world not farre from Trent , Conrade the same Prince ( whom as before we told you ) the malice of Honorius had frustrated of the Empire , and banished Italie , now succeedeth his dead predecessor . But , albeit ( after the decease of Lotharius ) the Princes of the Empire , and that in the presence of Theodoret the Popes legate , and with his very good liking , did elect him King of Romans , yet by no meanes could the Popes assent be gotten to perfect the Election . For whereas hee had conferred to Roger Duke of Apulia , that Dukedome , with the titulary dignity of a Kingdome , in liew of ransome for himselfe , and his Cardinalls taken in battell ; and Conrade in preiudice of the Empire would neither ratifie , nor hearken vnto so vnreasonable a motion : Nocentius complotting with Roger , incited Guelfo Duke of Bauaria , to rebell against Conrade , for that hee could not obtaine at his hands the graunte of his brothers Dutchie : Herewith , the Emperour had so much to doe to defend his owne , that hee quite forgot to thinke vpon the recouery of Sicil and Apulia . Behold here a president of Papall fidelity , if his auarice bee not supplied by losse to the State. About this time these fatall factions of the Guelfes and Gibellines ( whereof others haue discoursed ) began in Germanie . For as Nauclerus reporteth out of Hermanus , whilst the battell was fighting betweene Conrade and Guelfo , those of the Kings party tooke for their word or Motto , Hie Wiebling , which is as much to say , The King : as being nobly discended from a village of that appellation : Those which followed Guelfo , reclaimed , Hie welf . Where after it came to passe , that those two denomidations of Guelfes and Gibellines , became the originall of all the factions in Italy . Which falling out happely for Gregorie the ninth to make vse of , from thenceforth , he gaue them such large entertainment , that no City , towne nor people were cleere from the infection of so spreading a contagion . For vpon no other ground , saue the vse of these names , euen vntill our daies with more then admirable fury , City bandied against City , Prouince against Prouince , yea & in a City one part of the people confronted another . Not only the factious people continued this dissension amongst themselues : but the Bishops also in this quarrell prosecuted one another to the vtmost of their furie . Amongst others , that Boniface the eight , then whom the Romane Sea neuer indured a more fell monster , persecuted from place to place all those whome hee knew to bee of the Gibelline faction , ransacking and spoiling all places whereunto they made any repaire of abiding . Whereupon some finding no safety in Cities , setled their abodes in woods and forrests : manie of the Gentrie , like wilde beastes inhabited the Sea coastes , and at last left Italie to bee companions with pirates . For they assured themselues , that the Pirates could not haue vsed them worse , then this Malefacius Nero would haue done , if he had once caught them in his clutches . As for example : When hee heard that certaine of the contrarye faction were fledde to GENOA , hee posted after them , with full determination by destroying them all , to haue razed their verie name from the memorie of mankinde through the whole world . Heere likewise it happened vpon Ashwednesdaie , as hee was casting Ashes according to Custome amongst the people : the Archbishop of the City kneeling vpon his Maribones with his head vncouered to receiue the Ashes ; the Pope by chaunce vnderstanding that hee was a Gibelline ; where his Holinesse should haue saide , Remember Man that thou art but Ashes , and into Ashes thou shalt returne againe : Not so ( quoth the Pope ) Remember Man that thou art a Gibelline , and with the Gibellines thou must bee turned to dust : and therewithall in a most furious manner , without once regarding the holinesse of the place , the presence of the people , or the regard of Religion , of set purpose ( missing his head ) he cast great quantities thereof into his eyes : Afterward he depriued him , and then againe restored him . At last by Gods iudgement it came to passe , that those Gentlemen , who ( as we told you ) left Italy with the Pirats , returned againe , and gathering together some companies of such as here & there lay lurking in feare of Maleface , breaking open the gates of the place where he lay , mistrusting no such aduerse aduenture , they tooke him , and brought him prisoner to Rome : where in the space of fiue and thirtie dayes , what for griefe and greatnesse of stomacke , he breathed out his loathsome soule , ouer-laden with innumerable mischiefes . ❧ Fredericke Barbarossa . He raigned Anno Christ . 1152. about the seuenteenth yeare of King Steuen . FRederick , for his redde Beard , commonly termed Barbarossa , the sonne of Frederick Duke of Sweuia , the brother of Conrade , a Prince of excellent partes both for body and minde , succeeded this Conrade , a Prince also no whit inferiour to his successor for his honourable carriage in peace and warre . To speake little of his Nobility , it is recorded , that the intire right of the most noble Families of the German Common-wealth , viz. of the Henries of Gweiblingen and Gwelforum of Altorff , descended vpon him . Howsoeuer ; by the consent of all writers , hee was reputed to bee of an excellent capacitie , prouident in Councell , of a good memorie , eloquent , constant and valiant , a good Souldier , and well practised in Armes ; To the humble , courteous ; To the peaceable , milde . Amongst honest men , vertuous ; Amongst proude persons , imcompatible . Very bountifull , and in science of many humane ornaments , not immatcheable to any . In regard of which his manifold vertues , by the suffrage of the whole Nobilitie , he is declared Emperour , not without assured expectation , that through his worthinesse , Peace should be maintained through Germanie , the disgraced forces of the Empire restored , and Italy now growne insolent through continuall rebellion , brought into order and requisite acknowledgment . The Romish contentions with the Germane Emperours , by vile and nouell prescription , seemed now so possessionated , that the Bishops , by whose suffrage the Emperours were to be confirmed , began to make small or no account of the Imperiall Maiestie , which the preposterous ambition , and immatcheable pride of the Romanists , the Germane Princes ( and who can blame them ) taking to heart , could hardly disgest : but by how much this noble Heros in the greatnesse of his mind , meditated to abate the insufferable pride of this pernicious rable : by so much the more found hee all things to oppose against him with more and more disaduantage , to the impeachment of all his proiects . Which his noble exploits albeit they are not vnknowne to all men ; neither is it any part of my minde , nor the proiect of this pamphlet to set them downe punctually ( for so they would require an Ilias ) yet by patience I will glance briefly at some of them , which in my iudgement shall sufficiently informe you , what was the obseruancie , and what the fidelity of the Bishops of these times , towards the sacred maiestie of this most worthy Emperour . Obserue therefore , that the third yeare after his election , this Frederic hauing set Germanie in order , and especially through infinite paines taking procured a firme peace betweene Henry the younger , and Henry , Dukes of Saxonie and Austrich , with a populous armie marcheth into Lombardy , now by the long absence of the Emperours , growne confident in ability of resistance , by proiecting many infallible signes of insolencie and rebellion . By the way , he destroyeth the camp of the Millanois , Rosatum , Gailarda , Treca and Gaira , and setteth the citie of Ast on fire : Derthona most strongly fortified by art and nature , hee taketh by force : and from thence remouing his troops through Romania and Tuscanie , hee passeth as farre as Sutrium . In these times the Romane sea stood incumbred with most dangerous contentions . William King of Sicil , who succeeded Roger ( the same that we spake of in the life of Conrade ) had taken from Hadrian the fourth , by birth an English man , the suburbs of Beneuent , Ceperanùm and Bacùm in Campania . Moreouer , the Romanes by the instigation of Arnold of Brixia , redemanding their lost liberties in chusing their senate for the gouernment of their Citie , maintained the contention so farre forth against Hadrian , that as , after his election , hee made his progresse towards the Lateran to be consecrated , the people meeting the Cardinal of Saint Pudentiana in the via sancta taking his way towards the Court , twice wounded him . At this outrage Pope Hadrian grew out of all patience , accurseth the King , releaseth his subiects of their oath of allegiance , & the easier to draw them into rebellion , leaueth them at libertie . The Romans sped no better , vntill vpon alteration of their humours , they banished Arnold out of the Citie , and renouncing their Consular prerogatiues , diuested the absolute gouernment of the place vpon the discretion of his Holinesse . Who now hearing that Frederic was vpon his way towards Rome , the Pope with his Cardinals , neither for loue nor in honour , but to mediate reuenge against the Romans and Roger , goe forth to salute him . Frederic reioysing at the approach of his Holinesse , receaueth him with wonderfull deuotion and maiestie ; holdeth his left stirrope as hee alighteth from horse-back , & so conducteth him to the Imperial pauilion . Could more reuerence be deuised to be done by an Emperor to a Pope ? when Christ came to Ierusalem vpon Palme Sonday , did Herod or Pilat so obserue him ? or did Nere so salute Peter at his first comming to Rome ? Well , these so great personages being arriued at the emperiall pauilion ; The Bishop of Bamberg in the name of the Emperor in the exordiū of his oration , began to discourse , with what earnestnes of affection his Maiestie had desired this long expected conference with his Holinesse . And God be blessed ( quoth he ) that he now is become master of his desires . Humbly and submissiuely he requesteth your Holinesse , that according to the accustomed maner , by the Inauguration of the Imperiall diadem , you would declare him chiefe Prince and defender of the Catholique Common-weale . And herewithall the Bishop concludeth honestly , and elegantly , with the reasons and causes , which could not but inable him most worthy of so reasonable , so iust , and so Christian-like a confirmation . The Bishop hauing ended his Oration , the Pope commendeth the speach ; but withall replieth ; That the contents thereof , and the matter in hand were of farre different arguments . For albeit ( quoth hee ) that the matter whereof I meane to speake of , be triuial & passable ; yet can it not be denied , but that there is cause of feare , that hee , who becommeth negligent in small matters , will proue more negligent in greater . At this , the company rowsing their attentions , and wondring what offence his Holinesse should intimate ; he goeth on ; saying , As I alighted from my horse , he held the left stirrope of my Saddle : and whether he did it in mockage of vs , or vpon some other like fantasie , wee can not guesse , for surely if he meant to haue honoured vs , he knew that the right stirrope , and that with the right hand , ought to haue beene holden . Caesar being nothing moued with this base prattle of the Bishop , smiled and replied ; That he had not been brought vp to hold a stirrope : you ( most Holy father , quoth he ) are the first vnto whom we haue vouchsafed this office : And by and by after his orisons , forgetting his patience ; I would know ( saith he ) whether this office be to be done of dutie , or of good-will . If of good-will , who would finde fault at an escape or ouersight ? If of dutie , then wee thinke amongst friends there is small difference , on which side the partie that meaneth to honour his friend , approacheth . Thus bandying a few bitter words , they brake company , but not without stomaking . But the Emperour being a most prudent Prince , dissembling what he had heard , and seene to proceede from the hellish heart of this proud prelate , the next day following re-inuiteth the Bishop to a second conference . The Bishop approcheth , the Emperour maketh speed to meet him ; and by his former ouersight , being now become a better Prentize in his occupation , layeth hold on the right stirrope , and so leadeth his Holinesse into his pauilion . Being set , thus Hadrian thundereth : Thine auncestors ( saith he ) Princes of the auncient world , who made their holy repaire vnto this sea to receiue the crown at our hands , were accustomed to manifest their loues towards vs , by some notable emolument bestowed vpon S. Peters chaire ; thinking it their duties to preuent vs , that so they might call the world to witnesse , that they obtained our benediction and their inauguration with an eminent gratuitie . So Charles , after he had tamed the Lombards : So Otho , after he had subdued the Beringary ; And so Lotharius , after he had repressed the Normanes , merited the Imperiall diadem . In like manner , Let your Serenity , restore vnto vs and the Church , Apulia an appendancie of the Romish sea , now arrogated by the Normanes , and then shall you , with our very good will , obtaine as much as appertaineth vnto our loues to performe . Vpon the reading of this Historie , can any man call this Prelat servum seruorum , who ashamed not to exact from so great an Emperour , his Lord and Master , as from a base and mercinarie souldier , the laborious toiles , and the extreame expence of warfare gratis ? Are conquests of Kingdomes , surrendring of Prouinces , and such like passages ( let any man tell me ) those spiritualia , whereof our moderne Papists doe hold the Pope capable ? When the Nobility saw no remedie , but Hadrians hand was as hard as Pharaos heart , so that it were folly to expect a Coronation , vntil at their proper costs and charges they had restored to the Apostaticall sea , Apulia ( in truth an appendancie of the Imperiall right ) from William King of Sicil ; they thought it fittest to content his holinesse with this ouerture ; That sithence their present forces were wasted through continuall labour and indefatigable iourneyes , that Caesar hauing leuied a new armie in Germanie , would returne , and accomplish his expectation . The Bishop flaming what with indignation against William , & almost halfe dead to heare , that against his will hee must volens nolens giue him time of breathing and re-inforcement , shewing a countenance as if he liked well of their excuses , allowed thereof , and so dismissed them with promise that hee would set the crowne vpon Fredericks head . These businesses thus dispatched ; the Emperour with the Bishop departeth from Sutrium , and iournieth towards Rome . Mid way certaine Romane Orators , as full swolne with pride , as their Master with disdaine , accourt him with this rude welcom : For their theame they begin to extoll , euen aboue the skies , the antiquitie of their Commonwealth : At conclusion they fall in glorious termes to intimate , That of mere good will the Roman people had called Frederick out of Germany ouer the Alps , first to create him a citizen , and afterwards a Prince of Rome : but with this per-closse ; That the Romans stood ready to receiue him ; vpon condition ; That hee should confirme the fundamental lawes of the City : That hee should bestow vpon the Romans who were to bid God saue him , in the Capitol , fiue thousand pound of gold : That he shold defend the commonwealth from iniuries , euen to the hazard of his own life : And finally , that he should confirme all these capitulations with an oth , and thereto set his hand . Fredericke beeing beyond meane inraged at these their mad and arrogant motions , roundly taketh them vp for their follies in a most pithy oration : and telleth them , That the Empire descended vpon him , not by any the least well-wish of the Romanes , but by the meer vertue of the Germanes . And perceiuing their knauery , that vnder pretext of these demands , they meant to gull him of mony ; he told them in plaine termes : That he came not into Italie , to bring it in , but to carrie it out . With which answer when these impudent shauelings were not satisfied , but still vrged the Articles , his Maiesty disgracefully commanded them to depart . And perceiuing that their comming vnto him was but to put som trick vpō him , he caused his men of war to fortifie the Church of S. Peter and the bastile of Leo. The day following he entred Rome , the people following him with great applause and being honorably accompanied , was crowned and blessed . 4. Calend. Iulij . in the fourth yere of his raigne . The Emperor being about his Coronation in the Church of S. Peter , the Romanes stomacking the businesse , and betaking them to their armes , kept the gates of the City shut , vnder colour , that the Emperour should bring in no forces to the preiudice of the Citie . And perceiuing that Fredericks troopes had pitched their tents in the Neronean medowes , through the gate of Hadrian they breake out into the Vatican , to preuent Caesars souldiers from entring thereinto . Caesars souldiers made strong resistance , and driuing the inraged people from the Vatican into the City , they slew about one thousand , and tooke sixty prisoners : whom , the ceremonies being ended , at request of the Pope , the Emperor dismissed in safety , and prouided for his returne into Germanie . But before his departure , it is reported , that such a like businesse happened betweene him and the Pope , which I thinke not fit here to be pretermitted . Innocent the second , he whom a little before Lotharius had restored vnto the Papacie , had caused to be painted in a Table , the Pope ( as it were ) sitting in his chaire , and the Emperor with his hands held vp together , receiuing the Imperiall Diadem : where vnder were written the foresaid two verses , Rex venit ante fores &c. When this picture with the inscription , was shewed vnto his Maiesty , it did greatly displease him , and casting foorth some obiurgatorie word , he instanced the Pope to take it away : which hee promised to doe , least so friuolous a spectacle might giue matter of discontent to many worthy personages then residing in the City . Frederick is departed : and Emanuel Emperour of Constantinople vnderstanding with what desire of reuenge the Popes stomack burned against William King of Apulia , by Palcologus his Orator and Embassador , he offereth vnto the Pope his voluntary seruice ; and withall , to expulse William out of Italie ; vpon condition , If the businesse tooke expected issue , that then , according to the treaty ; the Grecian should inioy three maritime cities in Apulia . Doubt not , I beseech you , but that he who had already depriued William of Apulia , for contemning such religious wares , as are Popish Bulls and Curses , did not straine much curtesie to accept of the Articles . Whereof William taking notice , and withall somewhat fearefull , by his Embassadours moueth his holinesse to hearken vnto peace ; promising not only to restore vnto the Church , whatsoeuer he had taken away , but also that he would adde somewhat of his owne thereto : Moreouer , that hee would thencefoorth containe the Romans , rebells to the Church , in their due obedience . These were honourable conditions , but that the Pope should not accept therof , the Cardinalls disswaded him , like true men of armes , hoping to reape more crownes by war , then by peace . Whereupon , warre is proclaimed against William . Hee leuieth an army throughout Sicily , landeth in Apulia , wasteth the country by sword and fire , and finally routeth Emanuel , who had pitched his Tents not far from Brundusium vnto Beneuent , where at that time the Pope with his Cardinalls resided , he gaue such sharpe assaults , that in despaire of their liues , he inforced them to sue for peace . William accordeth , and is receiued into fauour , and proclaimed king of both kingdoms , on this side and beyond Pharum ; but vpon oath , that from thenceforth hee would neuer againe infest the territories of the Church . Thus , as you heare , matters being ignominiously compounded , the Pope riding in visitation through the territories of the Cassinates , Marsi , Reatini , Narnienses and Tudertini , at last ariueth at Ouieta ; and there is giuen to vnderstand , that Rome is in combustion , the Consuls doing their vtmost to restore the City to it former liberty . Hereupon groundeth He his deadly hatred against Frederick , most greeuously complaining , that being in distresse between the swords of the Romans and William , that contrary vnto his superabundant promises , against all right , he had forsaken him ; yea , that he was now so incircled with perils , that he could not liue in security at Rome : As if the Emperor were a vessell especially chosen rather to patronize the Popes wilfull errors and ouersights , then to defend the innocency of the Christian flock committed vnto his tutelage . But Fredericke taking in euill part many the Popes actions , but especially the alienation of Apulia , being an appendancy of the imperiall dignity , without his consent or knowledge : As also calling to remembrance , That the Pope had wrested from the late Emperors the right of Inuestiture of Prelates : That by his ministers hee had impouerished the subiects of the Empire , and by their subtill dispersions of treasonable practises , had done what in them lay , to raise sedition throughout the Empire : Vpon these grounds , I say , the Emperours Maiesty now thought it high time to put remedy vnto these violent intrusions vpon the regalties of the Empire . Hereupon hee exacteth an oth of fidelity of all the Bishops of Germany ; The Popes Legats ( such as were not called in by his good pleasure ) he commandeth to depart the Teutonick kingdom : prohihiteth his people either to appeale or trauaile to the Romish Court and in his mandats causeth his name to be inserted before the Popes . Vpon the proclaiming of this Inhibition , it happened , that a certaine Bishop in his way from Rome , ( whether as a contemner of the Emperors edict , or vpon any other cause , I know not ) was taken prisoner , and committed to ward . Now hath the Pope found an occasion by the taking of this Bishop , to fulminate his long-conceiued displeasure against the Emperor , and by a proud Embassie , seemeth only to be agreeued , that the Bishop is not deliuered from Captiuity ; but withall interlaceth , both in his letters , as also in the speeches of his legat , many blundering Items ; which did abundantly insinuate in what manner he deemed the Emperor to be obliged vnto him . For by his letters he wisht him to re-consider , how from him he had receiued the confirmation of the Imperiall crowne ; and yet did his Holinesse nothing repent it , had the fauours which he had bestowed vpon him , been far more beneficiall . Vpon the reading of which letters , the nobility falling into discontent ; one of the Legats rose vp , and resolutely tooke vpon him to broach : That the Romane Empire was transferred from the Grecians to the Almans , not to be called Emperor , but King of the Teutonicks , vntil he were confirmed by the Apostolique sea : Before consecration he was a King , after an Emperor : Whence then hath hee his Empire , if not of the Pope ? By the election of the nobility he hath the name of a king , by consecration of the Pope , the stile of an Emperor , and Caesar Augustus , Ergo per Papam imperat . Search Antiquity : Zachary inobled Charles and gaue him the sirname of Great , that he mought be Emperor : and ordained that euer after the Teutonic King should bee Emperor , and Champion of the Apostolique Sea : That Apulia , by him should be pacified , and restored to the Church , being in truth holden of S. Peter , and not of the Empire . Rome is the seat of the Pope , Aquis in Arden is the Emperors : Whatsoeuer the Emperor possesseth , he holdeth it whollie of the Pope . As Zachary transferred the Empire from the Greeks to the Teutonics : So may the Pope retransfer it from the Almans to the Grecians . Behold , it is in his power to giue it to whom he pleaseth , beeing onlie constituted of God ouer Kingdoms and people ; to destroie , to pull downe , to build and to plant . In conclusion , he termeth the Germans cowards , for that they could neither expulse Roger out of Italy , nor would at anie time bring the Danes and Frislanders to subiection . Vpon the hearing of these scandalous exorbitations , both the Emperor conceiued a iust displeasure , and the whole nobility so stormed thereat , that Otto of Wittelspach drawing the sword , which he accustomed to beare before the Emperor , had shethed it in the body of the Legat , had not the Emperor thrust betweene them . Of these abuses the Emperor or euer after made vse , pretending that the cause of his so and so doing , took originall from these saucy and malepert speeches of the Popish ministers . And thereupon causing the Legats to be safe conducted to their lodging , at break of day hee commaunded them to be packing ; with especiall caution , that they should not rome hether and thether vpon the liuings of the Bishops & Abbots : but that they should keepe the high way towards the Citie , without declining therefrom either to the right hand or the left . The especiall reason was , that according vnto the accustomed dog-trick of the Romanists , they should not disperse their conceiued poyson of discontent ouer all the Churches and Parishes of the Kingdome ; neither strip the Altars , nor carie away the vtensils of Gods house , nor fliece the crosses . And because that no man should imagine , that this intimation was inflicted aboue desert , nor any commotion should thereupon arise , Caesar by the councell of the wise men of his Kingdome , sendeth his letters through the whole Empire , shewing the tenour of the cause . And thereunto adioyneth his most passionate complaints vpon the diminution of the honor of the Empire : with a declaration , That by the election of the Princes , vnder God onely , the Empire had deuolued to him and his successours . Against which , if any man presumed to affirme that the Emperour ought to hold of the Pope in fee , he was to suffer punishment , as a person guilty of an vntruth , & one that maintained an opinion contrarie to the diuine institution , & the doctrine of Saint Peter . The Legats ariue at Rome , where in most calumnious manner aggrauating their wrongs and iniuries , in the presence of Hadrian , by adding flame to fire , they so incense his holinesse already transported with furie and reuenge , but to thinke that Frederick had done , what his auncestors durst not haue dreamed of ( for of which of the Romane Emperours is it read of , that euer interdicted the Romanists Germanie . ) That forthwith hee addresseth his minitory letters vnto Caesar : wherein most bitterly and papally hee expostulateth with his Maiestie of these and all fore-passed greeuances . The transcript whereof because they are worth the reading and animaduersion , for the benefit of the Reader I will here insert . Adrian Bishop , seruant vnto the seruants of God , sendeth greeting and apostolicall benediction vnto Frederick Emperour of Romanes . As the Diuine Law assureth long life vnto those , that render due obedience vnto their parents : So , vnto him that disobeyeth his father or mother , it inflicteth the sentence of death , and damnation . The voice of veritie doth teach vs , that euery soule that exalteth it selfe , shall be humbled . Whereupon ( beloued sonne in the Lord ) according vnto your wisedome , we are not a little amazed , that you shew not that measure of reuerence towards Saint Peter , and the Romane Church , as you are bound to doe . In your letters dated to our Holinesse , you insert your stile before Ours . Wherein , you incurre the scandall of presumption , I will not say , of Arrogancie . As concerning your fealtie auowed and sworne to Saint Peter and vs , how is it kept , when you require Homage , exact fealty , and hold the holy hands of those betweene yours , who are duly dedicated to God , being his most glorious children , viz. the Bishops , shewing your selfe manifestly rebellious vnto vs , in denying our Cardinals ( directed vnto you from our side ) not onelie entrance into the Churches , but also into the Cities of your Kingdome ? Repent , repent therefore wee aduise you , least that in seeking to deserue a Crowne and coronation , at our hands , in affecting things vngranted , you lose not what is alreadie granted . We tender your noblenesse . What inference of humility or apostolicall lenitie appeareth ( I beseech you ) in these letters ? nay , rather may not a good Christian without offence terme such a pride to be truly Luciferian , that taketh so great a scorne to haue the papall stile placed behinde the Imperiall , as if other Emperours in their letters to His Holinesse , had not before times done the like ? See 97. dist . c. victor . & 63. distinct . c. tibi . After the receite of these blunt and proud-papall mandats , the Emperour according to his excellent sufficiencie in Christian sapience , requiteth him ; and as the prouerb is , driuing out one naile with another , he payeth his holinesse home in this manner . Frederick by the grace of God Emperour of Romanes alwaies Augustus , vnto Adrian Bishop of the Catholique congregation . Whatsoeuer Iesus began to doe and to teach , in all things ought wee that to follow . The Law of Iustice distributeth vnto euerie man his owne . Wee derogate not from our parents , as long as in this Kingdome we vouchsafe them due Honour , from whom , viz. our progenitours , wee haue receaued the dignitie and Crowne of the Kingdome . I pray you in the time of Cōstantine was Siluester known to haue anie interest in the Regalties ? By his Pietie , the Church obtained libertie and peace : and what euer iura regalia your Papacie can claime , they accrewed vnto you by the bountie of Princes . Turne ouer the Cronicles , and if you please not to belieue what I write , there shall you finde as much as we affirme . What should then let vs , that we should not exact homage and oathes of allegeance from them , which are Gods by adoption , yet hold of vs in regaltie : sithence that He , who was ours and your Master ( taking nothing from the King , but distributing all his goods indifferentlie amongst all persons ; paying tribute to Caesar for himselfe and Peter , and leauing the example behinde him for you to follow ) hath warranted the president , by saying ; Learne you of me , for I am meeke and humble of heart . Wherefore , let them either resigne their regalties , viz. their temporalities ; or in the name of God , if they shall iudge them profitable , let them giue vnto God the things that are Gods , and vnto Caesar , what belongeth to Caesar . The reason wherefore we interdicted your Cardinals , the Churches , and forbad them our Cities , was because we finde them not Preachers , but robbers : not peace-makers but money masters : not conuerters of the people , but heapers of insatiable treasure . Yet , when we shall finde them , such as the Church ordaineth them ; messengers of peace , lights to their Countrie , and impartiall assistants to the cause of the Humble , then will we not deferre to relieue them with competent stipends , and necessarie prouisions : meane time you wrong humilitie , the Princesse of vertues , and mightilie scandalize your submissiuenesse , by terrifying the consciences of secular persons , with positions wholy impertinent to religion . Let your fatherhood therefore take heede , lest while you motion points of such nature ( whereof we make light account ) that you offend not those , who would otherwise euen in hast open their eares as willingly vnto the words of your mouth , as vnto a presage of a ioyfull accident . These things we can not but aunswere , sithence so detestable a beast of pride hath crept into S. Peters Chaire . Fare you well alwaies , and God at all times make you carefull for the peace of the Church . What humane spirit can scandalize these the Emperors letters ? What scruple of equity , of piety , or vprightnesse can any man say is wanting in them ? Who can iustifie , that hee wrote otherwise then became a true and a Christian Emperor ? He but retorted the Bishops pride ; he maintained but the honor of the Empire ; he sought but reason , and that was , Christian humility and modesty in Christian Churchmen ; which in those times , as the world then complained , was not to be found in that sort of people . What followed ? Peace I warrant you : nothing lesse . For the Pope not contented that by letters hee had bandied with the Emperor , but writing vnto all the Archbishops and Bishops of Germany , he punctually noteth downe the cariage of the cause , and aggreuateth the indignity of the fact : Admonishing them , that sithence the action concerned the whole body of the Church ( for they will make vs beleeue that without their intrusions all Christendom must perish ) that they should corroborate themselues , as a wall of brasse to sustaine the declining estate of the house of God. And that they should not only find meanes to reduce the Emperor into the right way , but also take open and condigne satisfaction vpon Rainold the Emperors Chancelor , and Otto Earle of Wittelspach , who forsooth had belched out infinit blasphemies against the Apostolike Legats and the Church of Rome : That as the inciuilitie of their speech had offended the eares of manie , so their penances might be an example to restore as manie againe into the right path of obedience . But for that ( as certaine of the writers of that age doe testifie ) the then Bishops were not so eagerly addicted to maintaine the Popes vsurpations , as many of them are now , they conuocated a Councell , and thus wrote backe vnto his fatherhood : That they were not onlie wonderfullie agreeued at these abuses ; but also Arnold of Mogunce and Euerard of Saltzburge by their priuate letters admonished all Roman Priests , Cardinals , Archbishops , Bishops and Massemungers , to giue ouer their saucinesse , their pride , their auarice , their perfidie , and all other enormities , by which they robbed the poore , and disturbed the peace of the Empire . Finallie they humblie besought them , that they would put their helping hands to worke Adrian to obserue peace : vndertaking for the Emperor that he should do nothing , but what stood with religion , reason and equitie . Sure these were bitter pills for Hadrians stomach : But what remedy ? Popes , as they are cursefull , so are they politique , and beeing well skild in speculation , they know by the Planets , when it is high time to hold a candle before the Diuell . He that now reigneth is not Henrie the fourth , but Frederick the first : who is now preparing for Italie ; and hauing sent his honorable Embassadors , Rainold his Chauncellor and Otto of Wittelsbach , before to assemble a conuocation of the Princes and Bishops of Italy , prepareth his way in potent and Princelike manner , and meaneth himselfe in short time to sit in person in Councell amongst them . Now is it time to fly vnto the fox his case ; a necromantique spell hath informed vs , that the Lions skin will nothing preuaile vs : Humble letters are dispatched towards Augusta to lenifie the Emperours displeasure ; and Henrie Duke of Saxonie and Bauaria with Otho the Frison ; made intercessors to reconciliation . No long time after , Hadrian betakes himselfe againe to his perspectiue , where obseruing that the Cities of Italy ( Crema being hardly besieged by Frederick ) had interprised a conspiracie to re-uindicate their liberty , the Pope hauing vtterly forgotten his yesterdaies reconciliation , traiterously adhereth to the faction and animateth the conspiracie vpon these conditions . First That neither partie should accept of peace without the good leaue of the other . Secondly , That if the Bishop chanced to die , that none but one of the same faction , shoald be created in his stead . And then to giue the better countenance to the rebellion , for an infinit Masse of mony hee is corrupted to accurse his Maiesty . So saith mine Author ; but in these daies , I am of opinion , that malice is as powerfull in a Papists breast as corruption in the Papall Court. But our best and great God , who by the mouth of his seruant Dauid , seemeth punctually to cry out against these hired Excommunications of Popes : They curse , and thou blessest : Let those that rise against me be confounded , but thy seruant shall reioice : This good God , I say , inuerted this execrable maledict vpon the Popes own head , and miraculously confounded the man , to the terror of all posterity . For being at Anagnia , the place where hee had excommunicated Fredericke , it chanced that as he walked abroad amongst his familiars to take the aire , as hee was drinking at a certaine fountaine , a flye flying into his throat , stucke so fast therein , that no physicall experiment could giue him ease ; and so he died miserably choked . Would it not amase any humane flesh , to see so huge a gyant in the middest of his armed and rebellious battalions , but euen now scorning the Emperor and all his forces , presently to lye dead with the stroke of a flie ? Or is there any Priest amongst them so irreligious , that dare but imagine , that this stroke proceeded from casualty , and not from the finger of God , considering that that throat which had but now belched out so iniust an execration against a most godlie and innocent Emperor , was also appointed the instrument to confound his spirits ? Yea this vnshamed rabble , being nothing terrified with so miraculous a president , could by no meanes be diuerted from their intended conspiracy . For perceiuing that they could not haue their wills vpon his Maiesty by force , beeing strōg in soldiery , Lord of Italy , & in diuers ouerthrows putting the Millanois to the worse ; they made their recourse to villany , and by treason laid wait for his life . To the execution whereof , by great rewards they cunningly corrupt a fellow of a strong body vnder the habit of a foole or iester to goe vnto Landa , the place where the Emperor then resided , and there vpon oportunity to offer him violence . The traitor wholly animated by their large promises , resolueth vpon the villany , goeth to Landa ; entreth the Campe , and by iests and fooleries maketh his accesse euer into the Emperors pauilion : His Tent at that time was pitched vpon the very banke of the riuer Abdua , so steep and sliding , that if any thing fell thereinto , the swift course of the streame would forth with carry it away with violence . Which the foole-villaine obseruing to be a fit proiect for his intended treason , assaulteth the Emperor ( according to his custome going alone vnto his prayers by day dawning ) and by struggling and tugging laboureth to carry him to the foresaid steep place . The Emperor plaieth the man , so that both parties being intangled with the tackling of the tents , fell to ground ; by which time the Gentlemen of the chamber being awaked , by the calling of the Emperour , runne to succour , and taking the villaine , they threw him headlong into the same place of the riuer . This stratagem being f●ustrated , they fall to a second , but will be seene in neither . They suborne eight creatures of their owne with plenty of crownes , to set Landa on fire . One of them mistaking the night , and laying his traines , was taken by the watch , with an other of his companions a counterfeit Monke , and both hanged . Being also deceiued in the execution of this Gunpowder plot , they fall to a third ; and send forth a certaine Mountebank , resolute to death , accompanied with some such fellowes as himselfe , to set to sale in the Emperours Campe poysoned rings , bridels and spurres , so deadly inuenomed , that if the Emperour had touched any of them , he had surely perished . But his Maiestie being fore-warned , causeth this Marchant to be watched and apprehended : Commandeth him to be examined , but finding that he scorned both questions and torments , without more a-doe hee sendeth him to the gallowes . Hadrian ( as we told you ) being choakt with a Fly , the Cardinals begin to wrangle about the choise of a successor . For two and twentie , being the Emperours aduersaries , would haue chosen Roland of Siena , one of those Cardinals ; whom a little before Hadrian had sent Legat vnto Frederick , and Frederick had banished Germanie : But nine others adhearing to the Emperor , by the suffrages of the Prefect of the Citie , and the people , created Octauianus a Romane borne , Priest and Cardinall of Saint Clements , and stiled him Victor . But these rash elections being likely to foster infinite dissensions , It was agreed betweene the Electors of both parties ; that neither of the Elected should be confirmed , before it was agreed vpon at all hands who should be the Man , and the contention quite silenced . But the Rolanders being the maior partie , falsifying their oathes , proclaimed the election of Roland , and new christned him Alexander the third . From hence arose a mighty Schisme . Victor remaineth at Rome , Alexander flieth vnto William King of Sicil , and there the twelfth day after his election , is confirmed Pope . And to preuent , that this dissension should not draw with it the finall destruction of the Church of Rome , by his legats , hee intreateth the Emperour Frederick , that by interposition of his authority , he would vouchsafe to put end to the Schisme . The doubtfull issue of a new Schisme much troubled Frederick ; wherefore , finding that both the Elettos , being orderly consecrated , he could not lawfully determine the strife , without the authority of a Councell ; after the examples of Constantine , Theodosius , Iustinian and other Emperors : ( knowing that the summoning thereof appertained vnto him ) he nominateth the day of the Assembly to be held at Papia ; and thether he warneth both the Bishops to appeare , promising also to be there in person to take cognizance of eithers greeuances . After proclamation whereof , Alexander goeth to Anagnia , whereat the Emperour being angrie for his contempt , despatcheth his letters vnto him by Daniel and Herman , Bishops of Prage and Verdim , citing him by the name of Bishop , and not of Pope , to appeare at the Councell . Alexander reiecteth Caesars Ambassadors most contumeliously , and in very arrogant termes telleth them plainly , That the Romane Bishop was to bee iudged by no mortall creature . They doing no good vpon Alexander , retire towards Octauianus , him they salute as Pope , and accompany to Papia . There the Councell being assembled , and the cause vpon sufficient witnesse through all circumstances iudicially examined , Victor is declared Pope , and so acknowledged by all the German Bishops by the commandement of Caesar . At which pretended iniury Alexander being mooued , he accurseth Fredericke and Victor : and forthwith dateth his letters of iustification vnto all Christians Kings and Potentates ; That what He did , was done with equitie and good reason . But at his returne into the City , finding many new vpstart aduersaries , openly opposing against him , he went to Tarracine : And there going on shipbord , purposely there layde for him by William of Sicil , hee retyred into France : where by the good leaue of Philip , assembling a Conuenticle in Claremount , in all hast he proclaimeth his curse against the Emperor and the Antipope . His Maiesty , albeit he foresaw the mischiefes likely to arise vpon this dissension ; notwithstanding he continueth his siege against Millan , vntill enforced by famin and wants , the inhabitants voluntarily surrendred the City at discretion , This dispatched , he sent his Ambassadors to the French King , to desire that he would call a Councel at Didion : Whether if hee would bring his Pope , then would his Maiesty also promise to bee there , and with him , to bring his Pope also . What answer these Ambassadours receiued , it is not truely known : but so much is recorded to memory , that the Earle of Blois gaue the Emperor his faith , that the King his master would not faile to be there . Whereupon , at the prefixed day the Emperor with Victor kept promise , and pitched his tents neere Didion : Thither came also Henrie the second , and William kings of England and Scotland . But Alexander could not only not be perswaded to come ; vnder pretence , that the assembly was congregated by the Emperor , and not by him : but he also so wrought with Philip , that he came vnto the place indeed , but before the Emperor ; where washing his hands in the riuer hard by , forthwith by the voice of an Herauld he summoned his Maiesty ( as if herein he had satisfied his oath ) and so departed . Wherewith the Emperor , the Kings , & the other Princes being much agreeued , wished Victor to returne to his Popedome , and they retired euery man to his own home . Victor ariued at Lucca in Hetruria , fell sicke , and died : in whose place succeeded Guido Bishop of Cremona , called Paschal the third . And vnto him at Goslaria the Emperor , and all the Princes and Bishops of Germany did their reuerence . Alexander who was yet in France , to keep Rome in obedience , constituted Iohn the Cardinall his Vicar generall , and regranted liberty to the Romanes to chuse their owne Consuls ; prouided that they were such as were fauorites of his faction . Then departeth he from France into Sicil , foorthwith returneth to Rome , and is willingly receiued of the Romanes , and Guido reiected . Whereupon the cities of Italie , incouraged by the comming of Alexander to hope after liberty , contrary to their oathes sworne before vnto the Emperor , they reedified Millan , but lately razed and subuerted by Caesar . Then at the instigation of Alexander , they enter into actuall rebellion ; they inuade the Emperors ministers and fauorits , some of whom they expell , and some they murder . Then vsing his further councell and assistance , they proceed to the building of a new City , called Alexandria , in honor of Alexander and contempt of Frederick , culling out of euery City , fifteen thousand men for inhabitation ; vnto whome they deuide the territory , and assigne portions whereupon to build their dwellings . Vpon intelligence of these rebellious combinations , Caesar leuieth an armie , and prepareth for Italie : where inforcing certaine of the rebels to composition , he besiegeth Alexandria ; but this siege proued nothing honourable : for Alexandria being continually relieued from the interessed cities , defended it selfe valiantly . And more then that , Henry Leo Duke of Bauaria and Saxonie , corrupted with money contrarie to all imagination of the Emperour , neither regarding the bond of kindred , nor the memorie of fore-passed kindnesses , most traiterously departed with his forces : so that Frederick finding himselfe too weake to withstand the Italian rebels , dispersed his hoast , and with great difficultie in the habit of an Hostler fled into Burgundy by the way of Mount Iupiter . But Leo escaped not scot-free : for the Emperour hauing now recouered Germanie , and re-inforcing his armie , limiteth the Duke a day ; appeacheth him of treason ; and ouerthrowing his forces , depriueth him of his Lordships & Dukedome . Some Princes fauouring Henrie , gaue out , that the Emperor could not condemne him , vnlesse the sentence had beene giuen within his owne dominions . Which Frederick , who before times had shewen himselfe a seuere censurer in inflicting exemplary punishment against rebells and outlawes , little esteemed ; but bestowed the Dutchy of Noricum vpon Otto of Wittelspach , that of Saxony vpon Bernard Anhaldin , and the residue , vpon other of his seruants . Who being re-enforced by the assistance of their friends within the space of one moneth , expulsed Leo almost out of all his liuelyhoods ; which of any subiect of the Empire , were the greatest and goodliest ; insomuch that nothing was left him , saue only the Dutchy of Brunswicke : An excellent president for gentlemen to looke vnto , and to learne ; that the authority of soueraignty lawfully warranted by Gods owne mouth , is not rashly to bee vilified , but to be reuerenced with fidelity , obedience , and honor , and that for conscience sake . And because I make no question , but that the review of this example , may be a motiue to bring many a rash spirit into the due consideration of authority , I will bee bold here to relate certaine other exemplary punishments inflicted by this Emperor vpon others of his rebellious subiects . Herman Earle Palatin of the Rhene , and his complices , for that in his Italian absence , hee had violated the publique peace , by raising armes against Arnold Archbishop of Mogunce , he compelled publiquely for satisfaction to lead a dog vpon the birth day of the Lord of Wormes . Gualfag Earle of Angleria , and Prince of Millan , for that after the promulgation of the Curse by the Pope he sided with Alexander , and in his quarrell committed many insolencies in the City , to the derogation of the honor of the Empire ; hauing taken him , three daies he tied him as a dog vnder his table ; whipt him with scurges , and at last in chaines sent him into Germany . These were the punishments of those daies ; the like whereof if transgressors in like cases should vndergoe in these times , there were no doubt , but to find greater tranquility , and better obedience to the lawes through out the Empire . But to our pupose . Frederick hauing thus abated the greatnesse of Henrie , leuied a new army in Germany , and again marcheth towards Italie . Variable I know , is the opinion of writers about the gests done in Italie in this iourney . Some report that he fought in such great danger against the Millanois , that his horse being slayn , himself had almost miscaried : and that vpon the compulsatory threats of the Bishops , he was fain to treat a peace with the Church . Others write , that by the perswasiō of the Bishop of Brixia , he went into the Holy-land , and that there , after the atchiuement of many famous victories , hee was betraied by Alexander to the Soldan , yet at length again restored to liberty by the Popes liberality . Albeit I know that these reports are heaued at by many : notwithstāding sithence they are vouched with the authority of such authors , whose diligence in reporting the life of so worthy an Emperour , may deseruedly bee tollerated : I am onely disposed to relate them as I finde them , especially , beeing such as in likelihood held correspondencie , with the papall disposition against Emperours , not altogether impertinent to our Argument : for beliefe , I leaue it to euery mans iudgement . Then thus at large . Frederick being arriued at Brixia , Hartmannus Bishop of the place , and the Emperours Secretarie , by the secret instructions of the Pope , dealeth with his Maiestie rather to turne these armes against Turks and Indels , then against the most Holy father and the Christian people . The Holie land ( quoth hee ) which your Grandfather Conrade to his infinite expence recouered from the Turks , is now reconquered by the Egyptian Soldan . I beseech your Maiestie euen in the name and behalfe of the publique welfare , that vnto the glorious recouerie of these Kingdomes , you would diuert your whole cogitations . This if you please to entertaine , you may assure your selfe , that the French King will noblie assist you to expell this Sacracen . This honest-seeming oration ( saith the Historie ) the Emperour well liked , and transporteth into Turkie this armie , first leuied against the Pope , and the Italian rebels . Taking his iourney by Hungarie , he commeth to Constantinople , transporteth his army , and taketh many cities from the Soldan . He inuadeth the lesser Armenia , and comming to Ierusalem , hee winneth the Citie , and casteth out the Pagans . But whilst the world goeth thus prosperously forward in the East , Pope Alexander , that most wicked Traytour , imagining it would not be so with him and his complices , if his Maiestie should returne so powrefull into Italy , resolueth to seeke his destruction by villany . He causeth an excellent Painter to draw the protraiture of Frederick , and sendeth it to the Soldan , with this Item ; That if he desired to liue in peace , There was the Emperours counterfait ; make meanes to destroy him . The Soldan hauing receaued the Breue , and the Picture , meditateth how he might gratifie the Bishop , pleasure himselfe , and be reuenged on his enemie . Opportunity in the Camp , or in conflict is seldome , or neuer offered . But as Caesar led back his troupes securely from the conquest of Ierusalem , he deuideth them into Companies , for the better commodiousnesse in their retreat to prouide them of necessaries . In Armenia , what by the heat of the sunne , & the tediousnes of the iourney ( imagining that no danger could proceed frō those solitary woods ) with a few horsmen , & his Chaplin he departeth from the Army . Being a little remoued , and the horsemen commanded to depart , he prepareth to put off his garments , to wash himself in the riuer , to asswage the heat of his body . There with his Chaplin he is taken , and throgh the woods brought prisoner to the Soldan . The horsmen in vain expect the returne of their Master , yet diligently scourd vp and down the country , both that and next day to heare what newes . The report goeth that he is drowned . Great is the griefe of the Camp , & for a moneths space they drag for him in the riuer . But not finding him , they chose new Captaines & depart . The Emperor being brought before the Soldan , faineth that he is his Chamberlaine . The Soldan by the protracture knoweth him to be the Emperour , and commandeth the picture to be shewed , and the Popes letters to be read . Whereat his Maiestie being astonished , and perceiuing that there was no further time of denial , cōfesseth the truth , & asketh honorable vsage . The Soldan after many discourses with his Maiestie , incloseth him & his Chaplin in prison , and according to his calling , entreateth him accordingly . At three moneths end , they inter-parly againe : when the Soldan perceiuing by conference , that Fredericke was an vpright man , in whom no vertue requisite in so great a personage was wanting ; admiring his wisdom , his cariage his faith and integrity ; hee fell into imagination with himselfe , that it would be much for his honor and glory to set at liberty so great & so magnificent a Monarch . Whereupon he sendeth for the Emperour , and proposeth his conditionall liberty , viz. That hee should giue him hostages , and pay for his ransome three hundred thousand sicles . The Emperor answereth , that he is able to do neither ; first , that he had no man there to be his pledge , and secondly , that his treasure being exhausted by this long war , he could not pay so excessiue a masse of mony . The Soldan , well knowing that he spake nothing but truth , deliuered him on condition ; That hee should euer during his life keepe firme peace : pay one hundreth thousand duckets , and leaue his Chaplin behinde him vntil the mony were paid . The couenants are drawn : the Emperor prepareth for his iourney : willeth his Chaplin to be of good courage : and promiseth him neuer to giue ouer , vntill the mony were procured , & himself safe returned into Germany . The Soldan bountifully honoreth the Emperour ; prouideth for his iourney , and conducteth him to Brixia by the seruice of 34. horse , and certaine companies of foot . The Princes vnderstanding of the Emperors returne , in frequent assemblies congratulate his safety . Caesar requiteth his conuoy with an honorable larges , and adioyeth some troupes vnto them to safe conduct them to the frontiers of the Empire . Then proclaimeth he a Diet at Norimberg , and before all the Princes of the Empire he vnfoldeth the treason of Alexander ; readeth the letter ; and declareth in what maner hee was taken , and vpon what conditions deliuered . The Nobility promise to assist him , so that hee should keepe his day of payment with the Soldan ; and in anger advow , that they will neuer forsake him , vntill they see him reuenged on the Traytour Alexander . An Armie is inrolled in Italie , no man repining ; and Rome approached . Thether hee sendeth his Embassadors , and requireth of the Romanes ( concealing yet a while his priuate wrongs ) that vpon hearing of either Bishops cause , they would restore concorde to the Church , by determining the right of the Papacie to one of the Elected . If thus they would doe , he promised to giue them peace , as also to restore , what in right they could challenge . The Pope perceauing , that by these good courses , the Emperour was become Lord of his desires ; by night he flieth to Caietta , afterward to Beneuent , and lastly , in the habite of his Cooke to Venice . Where , after he had lien hid certaine moneths in a Monasterie , he is at length made knowne , and in Senatorial habite by the commandement of Duke Sebastian , honorably receiued , and in his Pontificalibus accompanied to the temple of Saint Mark. Frederick being giuē to vnderstand of this reception , stormeth at the Venetians for receiuing their common aduersarie . He desireth them to send vnto him , the destroyer of the Cōmon wealth . The Venetians deny . Frederick sendeth his Son with an Armada to demand the man ; but with prohibition at any hand to fight , before himselfe was come in person . Otho a Prince yong , frolicke and aduenturous , desirous of honour and glory , copeth with his enemies , is taken and made prisoner . Vpon whose captiuity , Alexander mounted vpon the wings of this prosperous successe , vtterly denieth to treat with Caesar , vnlesse he would suppliantly come to Venice , and there accept the already written conditions of peace . Wherewith Caesar being mooued not vpon any base conceit , or despaire of victory , but partly through his affectionate loue towards his child , but more for desire to settle a firme peace in Europe , assented , and impawned his Honor to come vpon the day prescribed . Where according to promise , appearing , and proceeding to capittulation , Alexander sent him word , That he would not absolue him from the censure of Excommunication vntill he come into the Temple of S. Marke . Here is He now ariued , accoutred in humble and religious habiliment : The Pope , before a multitude of people , most papally commandeth him to lie agroofe on his belly , and suppliantly to aske forgiuenesse . The Emperor , German-like , simply suspecting , that a Bishop , who ought to haue been the mirour of modesty , would haue abused him with no grosse or dishonourable behauior , obeieth the Pope word , and so groueleth at his feet . At the sight whereof : He not only insulteth , but that worse is ; most tyrannically he treadeth vpon his prostrated neck , and then blasphemously yelleth foorth this misapplied place of Scripture . Thou shalt tread vpon the Aspe and the Bosiliskc , and thou shalt bruse downe the Lyon and the Dragon . Did euer History record of so sauage a demeanor ? Surely some barbarous souldiers , who in battell haue taken Princes prisoners , haue intreated them more inhumanely , then stood with their estates : Sapores the Persian vsed to set his foot vpon the neck of Valerianus the captiuated Emperor , as he mounted his Horse : The Tartarian Tamerlan ( the correlatiue tyranny to this of the Popes ) inclosing Baiazeth Emperour of Turkes in an yron Cage , carried him so dishonoured through all his iournies . But what is this to a Pope ? By how much the disproportion holdeth betwixt a souldier and a Churchman , betweene a Christian and an Ethnique , by so much is the immatuity of the Pope the more damnable . They being Barbarians , might plead some probability of excuse , in that they misused but their enemies , and those by the law of Nations captiuated for seruility : But the Pope is a Christian , seruus seruorum , a peace-maker , and a Priest ; whose office is only to pray and to preach : Wherefore I can not blame Bellarmine , if he could make vs beleeue ; that this History may be doubted of , when I shall relate vnto you in the word of truth ; That this mirror of Christian Humility ) Cyclopica immanitate , first , with a Gyantlike rudenesse saith mine Author ) most ignominiously with his bestiall feet presumed to touch ( nay to tread ) vpon the sacred necke of a mighty Emperour , then ( as I said ) in peaceable maner lying agroofe , and humbly desiring absolution of an vniust Excommunication . But why do I against the Precepts of history , thus lash out , by aggreuating of so barbarous a cruelty , to mooue the mind of my Reader to compassion , sithence I can neuer do it , for that the president in it selfe goeth far beyond any delineation that humane wit can possibly polish it withall ? Vox faucibus haeret , &c. Well , Caesar knowing himselfe , and recalling his generous spirits ; to shew that he was not a little moued at the indignity , openly calleth vnto the Pope ; saying , Non tibi , sed Petro : meaning that he became so deuout a suppliant , not to this Tyrant , but his Apostolique Calling . But the tyrannicall Pope , once againe bowing downe his reuerend necke with his beare-like pawes ; reclaimeth , Et Mihi & Petro. The good Emperor , that had neuer offended any man , no nor the Pope himselfe , but his pride ; albeit he could not but agrieue at this iniurious and base vsage , yet in regard of the common quiet ( much preferred before his own dignity ) held his peace : And after his absolution , thus renued his grace with the Bishop . ❧ Henricus VI. He raigned in the yeere 1191. about the second yeere of Richard the first . THe Romanists thinking it no safe policy , too much at one instant to irritate the reuengefull spirits of secular Princes , smothered a while their domineering humours , vntill the dayes of Celestine the third . Who although he had bestowed vpon Henrie for wife , Constance the Nun , the daughter of Roger the fourth King of Sicil , taken forth from the Monastery of Panormo , vpon condition , that Tancred the base Son of Roger now deposed , ( whome Clement the third had before to no purpose labored also to displant ) should hold both kingdoms in fee of the Church : Notwithstanding some there are , who write , that because this Henry punished somewhat seuerely not only the Apulian and Sicilian Laickes , for entring into actuall rebellion against him , but also proceeded with like rigor against the Clerks and Bishops , being guilty of the same conspiracy ; from some pulling their skins ouer their eares , from other their eies ; impaling some vpon stakes , and incircling some of their heads with a flaming Garland ; hee escaped not Celestines curse , who by this time being weary of peace , intended nothing else but the dispossession of Henry , from the Crowne of both Sicils . ❧ Philip the Sweuian . He raigned in the yeere of Christ 1199. about the last yeere of Richard the first . HOweuer the world fared in this age , certaine it is , that presently after the death of Henrie , the rage of the Bishop grew fiery hot against his successor . For Henrie now lying vpon his death bed , had instituted Innocent the 3 ( the successor of Celestine ) guardian to his yong infant , fower yeeres of age , yet chosen to the succession of the Empire by the Suffrage of the Princes ; To him he also recommended his wife Constance and ordained his own brother Philip Duke of Hetruria and Sweuia ( during the minority of the child ) to bee his Lieutenant , through the whole Empire and the Kingdome of Sicil . But the Bishop falsifying his faith of Guardianship , turneth traitor , and by setting al Germany in combustion , sideth with the House of Sweuia . For as Philip posting towards his sick brother , by the way about Mount Flasco , not far from Viterbium , vnderstood that his brother was departed , tranported with a desire of Soueraignty , hee hastneth as fast to Haganoa , the place of the Assembly of the Princes , and there worketh as many as he can , to fauour his proceedings . Nocentius , who in shew deadly hated the Sweuians as persecutors of the Church , but in truth sorely thirsting after the reall possession of Sicil , at first ( to giue Philip to vnderstand , that without his Holinesse acted a part in all Princely policies , it were folly to vndertake great matters ) he excepteth against him by an Excommunication , which stood on Record filed against him , in the daies of Celestine . Secondly to shew himselfe a displeased Father , he sendeth the Bishop of Sutrium vnto him , to demand at his hand certaine Hostages , whose eyes not long agoe his brother Henry had caused to be put out . Thirdly , failing , against imagination of his will ; for that Philip by confessing and repenting of his fault , had procured absolution from the Legat , and remitted the Hostages : In odium Philippi he sheweth the blind pledges to the people , and depriuing the Bishop of Sutrium , for that without commission hee had absolued Philip , he confineth him into one of the Ilands : And finally , now to perfect his proiects , he recommendeth vnto the fauours of the Electors Berthold Duke of Zazingia , a Prince strong and valiant , and whom he knew full well to be a deadly enemy to the Sweuians , because he had before times beene molested by the wars of Conrade , the brother of Philip. The letters of his election written at large , are yet to bee seen . C. venerabilem . de Electi potestate . But Berthold , being a wise and an Honorable Prince , knowing himself far inferior to Philip , and that he had been already nominated for Emperor by the generall good-liking of the Sweuians , Saxons , the Bauarians , the Bohemians and the Princes of the Rhene , so affected the fauor of his lawfull king , that in assurance of obedience , he gaue him for pledges his own Nephewes Crinen and Berthold Earles of Vrach , together with his personall oath of Allegeance . Whereat Innocent tooke so great an indignation , that he could not refraine , but belched out : That either the Bishop should dispossesse Philip of his Crown , or Philip dispossesse the Bishop of his Miter . And forthwith he calleth from England Otho the sonne of Henry Leo , a proud and harebraind Prince , and by sending him the Imperiall Diadem , he setteth him vp against Philip ; And to withdraw his subiects , he interdicteth him of all honor and authority . Hereby arose a most pestiferous dis-vnion in the state of Germany , but a masse of aduantages to the Pope and his Clergy . For as long as Philip and Otho by their intestine wars distracted the Empire , there scant fell void any Ecclesiasticall dignity , yea almost scant no poore vicarage , but being made litigious by the cunning of Rome , the dicesion of the incumbency was remooued into the Popes Court , and there peraduenture compounded ; but not without the fleecing of both parties purses . This the Abbat of Vrsperg in the end of one of his Orations doth set downe , for one of the trickes , wherby the Popedom is accustomed to trouble Christendome , meane-while enriching their priuate coffers . These be his words . Reioyce ( sayeth he ) our mother Rome : for cataracts of treasure are opened vpon earth , that riuers and masses of money in great abundance may flowe into thy bosome . Reioyce for the iniquitie of the sonnes of men , for that rewards are accumulated vpon thee to reconcile mischiefes . Reioyce for thy Adiutresse , Discord ; for shee is let loose from the bottomlesse pit , euen to breake thy backe with bagges of siluer . Now thou enioyest that , which thou hast long thirsted for : Sing a merrie Song , for by the reciprocall malice of men , and not by thy religous workes , thou hast got victorie ouer the world . All men flock vnto thee , not for deuotions sake , or in puritie of conscience , but by rewards to compound their contentions , and to redeeme their trespasses . And albeit that Odoacer King of Bohemia , Herman Lantgraue of Thuringe , the Bishop of Argentine , and Adulph Archprelate of Colein , being terrified by the papal curse , had sided with Otho , assisted with the forces of his Vncle Richard , King of England ; yet being strong with his Hetrurians leauied in Italie , and his Sweuians raised in Germanie , he beginneth with Alsatia , next neighbour to Sweuia , and wasteth it : then falling vpon the Thuringer , confederated with the Bohemian , hee inforceth him to submission , and routeth the Bohemian . This done , through the reconciliation of the Colennois , at Confluence hee treateth a league with the Dukes of Brabant & Lotharinge : with whom and his associates descending to Aquisgran , with great solemnity he is there crowned by the fore-said Colennois . Finally , meeting with Otho not farre from Colen , he put him to flight , and without his companions enforceth him to flie againe into England . When the Princes perceiued these prosperous successes to attend Philip , being now throughly wearied with these ciuill combustions ; by a generall consent , they conclude to send an honourable Embassie to his Holinesse ; who vpon restitution of Philip into fauour , should intreat his fatherhood to confirme him in the Rights of the Empire . He giueth audience , and returneth for aunswere ; that vnlesse Philip will giue vnto Richard his brothers sonne ( newly created Earle of Thuscanie ) Spolet , and Marchia Anconitana , with the daughter of Philip , hee will neuer harken vnto the Emperours Ambassie . Behold here another trick of Popish discontent : By this match , hee onely meant and hoped to inuest his Nephew in the perpetuall inheritance of these goodly Lordships . Thus haue these Holy fathers long since accustomed , vnder the habit of Saint Peter , to fish rather to inrich their Nephewes , their kindred , and their Gossips , then to be carefull ouer the Church and the common-weale ; yea , in these respects they haue often moued warres ; so that the meanes , by which God hath ordained to reconcile families , & to corroborat peace ; they haue inuerted to maintaine factions , and to serue their owne purposes . After the Embassadors had heard the proposed condition , altogether impertinent to the businesse , whereabout they had taken so much paines ; they tooke it as a strange motion ; That the daughter of a King , should be affianced to the base Nephew of a Pope : Howbeit , not to offend his Holinesse , they answered , that they had no commission to treat of any such ouerture : but desire , that by some people of his owne , hee would acquaint their Lord and Master with his Holinesse request . Whereupon , with more heat , then good discretion , he adioyneth vnto the Embassadors of Philip ( now vpon their returne ) Hugoline and Leo Cardinals of Hostia , and Saint Crosses in Ierusalem . Who arriuing at Augusta , were honourably receiued , and highly feasted , but vpon notice of the proud and preposterous message of their Master ( nothing ashamed to violate the Constitutions of his Lord Peramount ) the King and his Counsell secretly laughing at the Legats discoursing vpon matters , nothing tending to Peace and Absolution ; from Augusta the Court remoued to Spiers and so to Northius . And there after long debatement , the peace was ratified , and the Bishops Nephew reiected ; vpon condition , that the daughter of Philip ( whom the foole-Bishop eagerlie instanced ) should be affianced to Otho ; And that he liuing in priuate , during the life of Philip , after his death , should succeed in the Empire . Not long after this treatie Philip died : for leauing Saxonie , and for recreation sake retiring vnto Babenberg in Sweuia , he was traiterously slaine in his Chamber , there solely remaining , after the opening of a vain , by Otho of Wittelsback , Nephew vnto him vpon whom Frederick ( as we told you before ) had bestowed Bauaria . The cause of his discontent arose , for that being a suter to his daughter , in regard of some imputation of disloyaltie , he had beene repulsed , and the Lady , by the Emperour , her fathers good liking , affianced to Otho . After this lamentable regicide , Otho by the generall consent of the Nobility , assembled at Francofurt , is saluted Emperour . ❧ Otho the fourth . OTho , by consent of the Princes being thus installed in the Imperial throne , setteth all things through Germany in good order ; and then with a warlike Armie marching by the vally of Trent , hee passeth by Lombardie , and so commeth to Rome , to receiue the Imperiall diademe : where , by the Pope , the Clergie , and the people hee is heartely welcommed , and honourably receiued : And so much the rather , the Pope studied to honour and gratifie his Maiestie , for that hee had heretofore alwaies assisted his partie , against Philip his predecessour . But this extraordinarie kindnesse was of no long continuance betweene these new friends ; but being soone ripe , soone vanished , and turned into hatred . For vpon the very day of the Coronation , an affray began betweene the Dutch and the Romanes , about the donatiues which the Emperors accustomed to bestow at this time amongst the souldiers ; so that ( as report went ) about one thousand and one hundred men were slaine , and as many wounded . Whereupon Otho being moued at so great an indignity ; complained vnto the Romans for reparation of amends ; which they promised , but performed so slowly , that the Emperor began to enter into suspition , that the Pope himselfe became a fautor of the tumult ; whereupon hee departed , towards Millan , and there laying aside his Imperiall ensignes , hee infested Tuscanie , Mark Ancona , and Romandiola , vulgo , S. Peters patrimony . Moreouer in warlike manner he inuaded Apulia , subdued the Dutchy of Capua , and tooke from Frederick the second many other Cities pertayning to the kingdome of Sicil , at that time mistrusting no such outrage . Vpon intelligence hereof Innocent admonisheth Otho to restore the feodary possessions of the Church , and to abstaine from further violence . But Caesar not only reiecteth his admonitions , but infesteth those possessions , with more and more souldier-like depredations . Innocent flyeth to Excommunication , depriueth him of his Imperiall titles , and absolueth the Princes of their oth of allegiance towards Otho . And that more is , prohibiteth vnder paine of damnation , that no man serue , account , or call Otho Lord or Emperor . It is reported , that he caused the Princes anew to sweare vnto Frederick King of Sicil , being as yet an Infant ; and him he made choice of to succeed in his place . Whereupon Otho returned into Germany ; where , albeit in the Assembly of Noremberg , vpon complaint of the Popish tyranny , and the cowardize of the Princes , he had entred a strict bond of alliance with many ; and had moreouer taken sharpe reuenge vppon Herman Lantgraue of Thuringe by wasting his territories , for that at the Popes commandement he had violated his faith : yet at last being forsaken of his people , hee was glad to retire into Saxonie , where the fourth day after his royall mariage at Northuis with the daughter of Philip , he fell sick , and died . ❧ Fredericke the second . He raigned 1212. About the thirteenth yeare of King IOHN . FRederick the second , by the vniuersall consent of all Writers , a Prince worthy all attributes of honour , as well for his gouernment in peace , as his cariage in warre ; vpon the deiection of Otho , at the commandement of Innocent the third , tooke vpon him the Imperiall Crowne at Aquisgran . And in the yeare next following ( Otho departing at Perusium ) he was crowned at Rome , and honoured with the name of Augustus , by Honorius the third . With him hee brought many rich gifts into Italie , and amongst the rest , the Countie of Funda ; which with manie notable donatiues he bestowed vpon the Church ; And then setting Germanie in order , he prepared himselfe for the iourney of Ierusalem , according to the custome of his Auncestors : Who being deceaued by their false pretexts of Religion , imagined that they were not worthie to merit the Imperiall Diademes , but by vowes and donatiues ; First , forgetting that no Pope , but the Princes , and the people , were interessed in the election of the Emperours : And secondly , not fore seeing , that the Priests , who had too sharply felt the armes of the Princes to their extreame losse , were not so carefull to recouer Ierusalem for the Christian good , as they were prouident to direct , or distract the forces of stirring Potentates ; That mean while they might liue at pleasure , and prouide for their bellies . For the Princes being sequestred into the farthest parts of the world ( this pretext I confesse , caried a great shew of zeale & honesty ) who was left to hinder them , from making free vse of their wits at home , and that without restraint or contradiction . Howeuer Frederick in the beginning caried himself bountifull and obedient towards Honorius ; notwithstanding , his vertues could neither safe conduct his life against their subtilties , impieties and clandestine councels ; neither his bountie extenuate or lenifie their conceiued malices against his person . For , three most wicked Bishops successiuely succeeding one another , for almost thirtie yeares space , so hardly kept him to it , that his most barbarous enemies , the Turks and Saracens , may be reported to haue made faire and gentle warres against this most warlike Emperour , in regard of those trickes and tragedies , which the Romanists played him . First , Honorius immediatly after the receit of his Donatiues , without any pretence of receiued displeasure , seditiously maintained and acquited from their oathes of allegeance the two Earles of Tuscanie , Richard and Thomas , condemned of treason , & the Emperors publique & dangerous enemies . Secondly , that with more facility they might make vse of his fauour to purpose , and vsurpe vpon the Kingdomes of Sicil and Apulia , he branded the Emperor with the censure of excommunication , and ( as far as lay in his power ) depriued him of all Imperial soueraignty . After this , he prouoked the Lombards to rebellion ; so that they repelled the Princes of Germany , approching to a diet to be held at Cremona by the Emperors direction : and had done more , had not God taken him out of this world , to accompanie his predecessours in the vale of death . Gregorie the ninth succeedeth : He to seeme nothing inferiour to his predecessor , euen in the first step to his Papacie , raged worse then Honorius . He accuseth him , that according to his vow , vndertaken in the time of Honorius , to passe vnto Ierusalem , hee had not accomplished it within the prefixed time : and therefore renewing the excommunication , hee condemneth him without allowance of defence , vnsommoned and vnheard ; yea , he vtterly denieth either to heare , or to admit vnto the presence of his councell , the honourable Embassadors of his Maiestie , bringing honest & lawful reasons in excuse of their Master ; yea , petitioning to be admitted vnto satisfaction , in case their Lord had in any thing offended : But the Pope notwithstanding all offer of submission , daily intimateth his fulminations ; confirmeth in their rebellions , Iohn King of Ierusalem , the Earls of Tuscany , the Emperors rebels , & the Nobles of Lombardy ; And forbiddeth the Emperors seruants to appeare at the day of the Assembly , proclaimed by the Emperor , to be held at Rauenna ; And spoileth the crossed souldiers , bound for the iourney of Ierusalem , of all their necessaries . The Emperor obseruing this passage , to lenifie his papall anger , passeth the sea , laieth siege to Acon , and finisheth many glorious attempts to the honor of Christendom and the Christian religion . Meane time , the Pope ( O the deepe abysse of Popish impiety ) taketh his aduantage vpon the Emperours absence , subdueth Apulia , prohibiteth the crossed companies to passe the seas , & committeth infinit such like masteries , not only vnbeseeming a Christian Bishop , but much more Christ his Vicar . For first , he slaieth those Embassadors , whom the Emperor had sent vnto him to congratulate his good successe against the Soldan , & then to terrifie those cities of Apulia , which refused his yoke of subiection , he giueth out publique rumors , that the Emperor was departed this world . Hee also maketh meanes vnto the Soldan ( mean time to work his will in Apulia ) that he should not capitulate to surrender the Holy lād vnto Caesar . Here behold the piety of this Holy father : Here behold his study , & conuersion of leuies of prouisions taken vp through christendom to be imployed against Gods enemies . This is his persecution of Infidels , this his Croisado against Turks & Pagans , viz. To inuert christian armes against christians , to forsake a christian Emperor warring in a forraine land against the enemies of the Christian faith ; and especially ( I dare auow ) for the safety of Italie , as experience hath since made manifest . For mine own part in the behalfe of the whole christian cōmon weale , I can but condole for the generall captiuity of Israel , but as for the Popes I say to them , as somtime mutata regione Tasso prophetically said of the Greeks vpō the very same Argument : Tatine their guide , and except Tatine , none Of all the Greeks went with the Christian Host : O sinne ! O shame ! O Greece acurst alone ! Did not this fatal war affront thy coast ? Yet satest thou an idle looker on , And glad attendedst which side won or lost ; Now if thou be a bondslaue vile become , No wrong is that , but Gods most righteous doome . But , as in another place the same Poet spake of the Grecian Emperor , so the German Monarch might at this time say of the Romish Prelate : And for I doubt the Romish prelate slie , Will vse gainst me some of his wonted craft To stay their passage , or diuert awry Elsewhere his promis'd forces , &c. Necessity will inforce me to returne ; And so he did , towards Italy . Where , albeit by the way he had intercepted the Popes letters directed to the Soldan , containing the aforesaid instructions ; yet hauing recouered the losses suffered in his absence ; most heroically for the loue of Christ he beareth & dissembleth all forepassed greuances : And in pure deuotion to peace , of his own accord he beseecheth his holinesse to receiue him into fauour , & in requital therof , he protesteth to becom his future true liegeman for the kingdome of Sicil. What say you vnto this , you hypocrites ? Heere you see a king , humble , contrit , & studious of peace ; through this whole discourse haue I yet read of no such Pope . What are thē the signs of christianity , and true religion ? war or peace ? Humility or pride ? If you say peace & humility , where then must we seek them ? In the breasts commonly of christian Princes . And no maruell , for both the written word of God , and conscience , haue warranted their authorities : yours not so , at leastwise , in such worldly maner , as you vse it . For being nouell , and conuersant in pompeous habiliments , in Lordlie appellations , in rich patrimonies , in commerce , in treaties , inuestiture of Princes , in maintaining of garrisons , in rigging of gallies , in entertaining of noble men and captaines for seruice , how can it chuse but by plots and deuises , to maintaine these worldly charges , and titulary honors , cleane contrary to the example of Christ , the doctrine of the Apostles , and the modesty of the Primitiue Church ) you shall bee constrained to mingle the leuen of the Lord , with the abomination of Baal ; and in stead of preaching and praier ( your sole function ) to spend your times in perfecting and preuenting your own imaginations , and your enemies designements . For I know the kingdome of heauen is not of this world , neither will flesh and blood respect you as they ought , if as you say , you should carry lowly shewes , and truely practise Christian humilitie : but you know , where your reward is laid vp ; Imitate this good Emperor , and thinke with your selues , that in this he followed your sayings , and not your doings . Imitate you your sayings , but saie , and doe , and then will the world turne their bitter reprehensions , to sweetest Sonnets in praise and admiration of your liues & Embassies . And here I craue pardon for digression . Againe to the History : Albeit , most of the Princes of Germanie , Ecclesiasticall and secular , namely , Eberhard of Salisburg , Seyfrid of Ratisbone , Sibot of Augusta , Bishops : Leopold of Austria , Otho of Merouia , and Barnard of Carinthia , Dukes with many other Nobles , did to their vtmost , labour with the Pope to reconcile his displeasure against Caesar then residing at Capua : yet could not his Maiesty obtaine promise of pardon , vntill he had giuen assurance to pay into the Churches exchequer by the hands of the Master of the Teutonick order , the summe of one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold . Is this to forgiue thy brother seauenty times seuen ? Or can sinne and trespasses be washed away by Masses of mony ? O impudent merchant , Antichristian impostor ! The price being made , pardon followeth , and the Emperor inuited to a riotous feast , where amongst many dishes , simulata Amicitia , I assure you , is carried vp for a seruice . For the Emperor was scarce vpon his way towards Germanie , to represse the sonne of Henrie , who with the Lombards and Thuscians had rebelled against him , but he is openly giuen to vnderstand by the Princes , that by messengers in the name of the Bishop , they haue strict commandement , not to acknowledge any man of the Emperors family for King : and moreouer , that hee had conspired with the states of Italie to disgrade him of all imperiall iurisdiction . Whereat Caesar , being full of discontent , hauing tamed his rebells , hee plagueth the mutinous Cities of Hetruria and Lombardie . The Pope is now become more then mad , and to disgorge melancholy ( for otherwise it will stifle him ) againe the third time he curseth the Emperor with book , bell and candle . And to be sure at this blow to tumble him quite downe from the height of all Imperiall dignity ; first hee treateth a league with the Venetians : Then by the counsel of the Kings of France and England , hee summoneth a councell to be celebrated at Rome in the Lateran : wherein is a great dispute about the vtter abolishment of the regall authority of Fredericke . Before the first sitting the heads of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul , with due solemnity are carried round about the City . And lastly , in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Peter , he maketh a sermon full of Commiseration ; proclaimeth the Croisado , and promiseth life euerlasting to as many , as shall take vp armes against his Maiestie . Frederick being giuen to vnderstand , that the Croisado was now proclaimed against him , which was neuer from the daies of Adam heard of , to be divulged against any , but Turks and Infidels , waxeth exceeding angry , and directeth his forces to the walls of Rome ; combatteth with the Romanes , rowteth them with a miserable slaughter , and spareth not a man , marked with the Crosse . To some crosse-wayes he commanded foure words to be giuen . Others had their heads clouen a crosse , and the Clergie-men hee willed to be shauen to the quick , and the signe of the crosse to be imprinted vpon their bald pates ; that so they , who were but said to be signed with the Crosse , might be so signed indeed . Afterward , by a long and tedious siege , hauing forced Furentia , and hearing that the Pope had sent forth his Legats , to summon the English and French Prelats to the Councell ; he shutteth vp by sea and by land all passages : and by the seruice of the Pisans taketh some Cardinals , and many Prelates passing by sea , and committeth them to prison . Two Cardinals hee drowneth , and assigneth to the gallowes some Abbots and Bishops , but especially the Popes brother , for their vnpardonable treasons . Whereupon , this good holy father , sorrowing to see so many of the Lords annointed , for treason to be so sharply vsed by Frederick , became so moued and distempered at the indignity , that falling into sicknesse , through griefe of minde , hee departed the same way , which his beloued Sons , had but lately foregone . Celestine the fourth succeedeth , and intendeth to proceed in the steps of his predecessor against Frederick , had not death summoned him to attend another businesse in a fitter place . For hee sate Bishop but eighteene daies , and then was poisoned in drinking . Innocentius the third succeeded ; whilom the Emperours deuotest friend , but now his most bitter enemy ; persecuting his Maiesty with more furie , then any of his deceased predecessors . And thus it fell out . Baldwin the Grecian Emperor , hoping to play the part of a good Christian , in supplying the office of him , who was vtterly degenerated from all remembraunce of his owne function and calling , laboured what hee could to set vnity betweene these two mighty monarchs : ( for so is all Popery in truth , though not in shew . ) But the Bishop , hauing no mind to hearken to so Christian-like a motion , dealeth with the Geneois ( hauing a Nauie at that time riding at anchor in the Port of Centumcellae ) to transport him vnto Lyons in France , and there illuding both Princes for their kindnesse and paines-taking , proclaimeth a concionable ; causeth Fredericke to bee cited , yea himselfe in the end of his Homely , citeth him : and for default of appearance ( although his sufficient substitute , Thadeus Suessanus , a most famous Lawyer , humbly desired his Furiousnesse but to allow him a sufficient returne , whereby hee might haue conuenable time for his repaire to Lyons ) he denieth him respit ; accurseth him ; depriueth him of al Imperial honors ; absolueth his subiects , & abetteth them in despight of Frederick , to make choice of some other . Most impudently alleadging ( so did euer the Pharisies by Christ , because otherwise they could not effect their wills ) very vile , false and forged suggestions against him , as blasphemies , periuries , sacrilege , and such like stuffe : which see in C. Apostol . de sent . & re iudicata , lib. 6. The Emperor hearing hereof , setteth Italie in order , and with a compleat army marcheth towards Lyons , there face to face to bandy with this insolent Prelate . But thinke you a Pope to be so silly an Asse , as to deale with his forewarned enemy ? no beleeue it . His conscience can not assure his heart to look him in the face : He must deale altogether vpon aduantage , ciuill dissentions , alienations of obedience , trecheries , periuries , discontents of neighbour-Princes and subiects . At which weapons he now dealeth with the Emperour ; and hauing his scouts , his espialls and Intelligencers in euery corner through the world , by their seruices , he worketh the banished gentlemen of Parma , to returne to their country , and there to plot out myriads of rebellions against those Cities , which as yet in Italie stood well affected to the Emperors seruice . Whereupon before his Maiesty could come to Taurinum , in feare that the residue of the Italian people would one follow anothers example , he quitteth his Lyons-iourny ; and by letters , directed both vnto the King of France , as also to the prelats there assembled , in most honest termes he refuteth his enemies obiections , discourseth at large vpon the insufficiency and nullity of a Popish curse , and withall strongly prepareth by sea to reduce Parma to its former obedience . But good Emperour , the greater thy learning , the more their griefe : the greater thy courage , the more vigilant is thy diuill-like enemy for thy ruine . Thou staiest at Grossetum , about the sea coast of Sienna , there to refresh thy wearied and ouerwrought spirits , with some disports of hauking ; Thou wilt not get thee into Germanie , nor repasse the mountaines : Then will thy ghostly father meditate night and day to vndoe thee ; then will he traiterously inueigle thy principall seruants , some by wrested sentences of Scripture , and some by corruption of mony , to worke thy downfall . Thus imitate they Christ in blessing their enemies ; Thus honor they Kings according to Saint Peter ; But ( thanke thy God ) the conspiracie was detected , and the traytors worthely punished . Nocentius beeing fallen into a desperate fury , for that he had failed in these his most nefarious proiects , in seeing the Emperor for this time fully cleered from his diuelish intendments , grew yet resolute , not to giue ouer , vntill hee had really dispossest him of his crowne & life . Which to effect , by threats , exhortations , & promises he aweth the Princes of Germanie to depose Frederick , and in his place to set vp Henrie Lantgraue of Thuringe . But this gentleman following the seruice of his master at the siege of Vlmes , was deadly wounded the same yeere wherin he was nominated King. So also his successor William , beeing imploied in other wars , performed nothing in fauour of his Furiousnesse . Whereupon the Pope obseruing his Anathems to be vilified , his rebellious hirelings in Italy to be throughly persecuted , & his aduersary to be resolute and vndaunted , after long and manifold trecheries plotted , and frustrated , at last , he procureth him to be poisoned in the two and thirtith yeere of his raigne , and the fifty seauenth of his age , on the very same day wheron he was declared Emperor , Caesar , Augustus . Thus , this most worthy Heros , this Frederick the second , Emperor of Germany , king of both Sicils and Hierusalem , Lord of Sardinia and Italie , & Duke of Sweuia , an excellent Prince , adorned with all good gifts dained by God vnto man , aswell for the furniture of mind , as body ; valiant , honorable , liberall ; a great linguist , and excellent well learned , finished his mortall race : who , had he not been diuerted , from turning his Christian Armes against the Pagans , by the rebellions of Italy , and the Papall abetments thereto , verely he had merited more praise of the Christian world , then Alexander in due could haue exacted of his Macedonian subiectes . Verely , If this our Age ( miserably shaken with this inueterate Papall tyranny ) by this president would learne , what emolument , peace and plenty would accrue both to the Church and common-weale , by due ballancing the temporall and Ecclesiasticall Authorities ; then would I not doubt , but to behold the German Empire most great , most glorious , and the Papall vsurpation once again reduced to its pure and primitiue integrity . More in commendation of this good Emperor I can not say , but onely wish that the Motto , which was once vnderwritten Brutus his statue , and now due to him ( vtinam viueres ) might at this day be reuiued in the hearts of all Christian Potentates to reuindicate their pristinate prerogatiues . But who shall recomfort the Laments of Sion ? Albeit that this most worthy Generall was gathered in peace to the bed of his fathers , yet Death had no priuiledge to giue period either to the extinguishment or satiation of these Popes neuer dying malice . For , against all humane beliefe , and the diuine precepts it raged with so inhumane a feruencie against this Emperors posterity , that it neuer gaue ouer , vntil it had depriued his issue both of life and Empire . For forthwith from the decease of Frederick , these ( three Popish Sultans ) Innocent the third , Alexander and Vrban the fourth , following the continual streame of their proud fortunes , imployed the vtmost of their meanes to re-inuest the Kingdome of Naples in the Church , and to strip thereof the House of Sweuia ; but in vaine ; for Manfred maintained and retained it valiantly as yet against all their violences ; vntill Clement the fifth following the claime of his Predecessor Vrbans Intrusion , called Charles Earle of Prouince and Aniow out of France , to take possession thereof : vpon condition , that Manfred being expulsed , Hee should yearely pay vnto the Church of Rome in the Name of a Tenure thirtie thousand Duckets ; And for farther encouragement ; Not to accept the inuestiture thereof , though freelie offered , from the Romane Emperour , hee caused him to be stiled , King of both Sicils . Which done , in the Lateran Church , hee is inaugurated with the Crowne of Sicil and Hierusalem . And after manie and various conflicts , hee not onely ouerthroweth , and slayeth Manfred at Beneuent , betrayed by his people : but also , extinguisheth the sole heire of the noble house of Sweuia , the stem of many worthy Emperors , Conrade the son of Conrade , whō he got vnto his power by treasō neer Naples ; & there by the wicked dispensatorie counsel of the Pope , with more then Phalarian cruelty struck off his head , for going about to recouer his owne , but indeed , vpon suggestion that hee persecuted the Church . For Clement , after he had heard the opinion of manie wise men , perswading him that Conrade , as being the onely branch of the most noble house of Sweuia , was to be preferred , and obliged to the Romane sea by fauours and affinitie , turned himselfe to Charles , and would needes know of him , what he also deemed : To whom the Traytor made this butcherly Reply . Vita Conradini , mors Caroli : Mors Conradini , vita Coroli . i. The life of Conrade will be death to Charles ; The death of Conrade , life to Charles . By which his brutish opinion , hee thus whetted on a minde already prepared for murder ; by manifest presumptions fore-shewing , that hee was already acquainted with some plot of treason against Conrade . For after he vnderstood , that Conrade with a puissant armie of Germanes , was passed Viterbium , where then his Holinesse resided , he was heard to prophesie , That he was led as a Lamb to the slaughter . Thus , the posteritie of Frederick being for manie ages turmoiled by this succession of Bishops , after infinit practises at last was vtterly ruinated by these bloudie monsters : yea , the Princes of Germanie were so involued in these fatal oppositiōs , that none of thē either daring or willing to weare a Crowne at so deare a reckoning , Alphons of Spaine , and Richard of England , by mony and the Popes fauour ( as the world saith ) began to aspire vnto that Dignity , which for so many ages past , the Germaines alone had enioyed , and honourably maintained . But neither of them , either in iealousie one of another , or in feare of their predecessors harmes , euer came to the reall possession thereof , so that for the space almost of 22. yeares , the Empire became an Anarchy , and so continued , vntill by the generall suffrage of all the Princes , Rodulph of Hauespurg was chosen Emperour . ❧ Rodulphus Habspurgicus . He raigned Anno 1273. About the second yeare of Edward the first . AFter these lamentable Tragedies acted vpon the person of Frederick & his issue , is Rodulph of Hauespurg , elected King of Romanes . Who , albeit he had pleighted his faith to Gregorie the tenth , that hee would come to Rome , and there be crowned ; as also , had studied to deserue the friendship of him , and other his successours , with extraordinarie indeuours ; For that , time had taught him , that euen against all humane reason , this viperous generation had clearely extinguished the two most worthy and glorious families , of France and Sveuia ; As also , for that , they had transferred the Kingdome of Naples from the race of Frederick , to the house of Aniow ; and therfore thought with himselfe , that such Potentates , as they , were not rashly to be prouoked , especially being now shielded with the fauours of the French , and the peeuishnesse of the Germane Bishops ; As also , that it was worke enough , beseeming the Maiestie of a good and gracious Emperour , to tender the welfare of his natiue Country , now almost ruinated and rent by ciuill dissentions : Notwithstanding his godlinesse , his clemencie , his deuotion , his humanity , his modestie , and his obseruancie , yet could hee deserue no other retribution from these vngratefull Politicians , but intrusions vpon his Crowne , and taunts against his person . For Honorius the fourth , being Bishop at that season , arrogating vnto himselfe all Regall authority , directly against the good will of Rodulph , constituted Priziualna Earle of Ianua , vicar Generall of the Empire throughout Italy . And after his Maiestie for mony had quite claimed vnto many Cities their liberties , this Honorius most wickedly sealed this scandalous transaction . After the decease of Honorius , Nicholas the fourth had vtterly dispossest this Emperour of Romandiola and Rauenna , vnder the false pretext of an expedition against the Turke , had not Death taken truce with his traiterous intents . By a new creation of two Kings in Italie , the one to gouerne Lumbardy , the other Tuscanie , he had plotted , that by the commodiousnesse of their scituations all alongst the Teutonick Alps , from hence by armes he might alwaies haue meanes to curb the French , who now hold Sicil , and the goodly Kingdome of Naples in full possession . Wherof Rodulph taking notice , resoluing with himselfe neuer to be made a stale to an other mans despight , which by affectation of a titularie Crowne in Italie , publiquely at all times giueth forth , that at some time or other , he would find sufficient occasions of diuersion and redresse ; but in plain termes he intimateth to his friends , that he was wholly deterd from iournying into Italy , for that he had formerly obserued , That the entrance of the Caesars thereinto was applauded , honoured , and full of hopes : but their returnes aukward , heauie , mournfull and miserable . Not impertinently alluding vnto Esops fable of the Wolfe ; who told the Lyon lying sick in his den , That in truth he had no reason to enter , considering that he could well obserue the footing of euery beast in entrance , going forward , but not of one , returning backward . ❧ Albertus Primus . He raigned 1298. About the six and twentieth yeare of Edward the first . ALbeit Albert succeeding his father Rodulph , in the Empire , continued the same obseruancy towards the Roman Monarchy , as his father formerly had done : yet could he by no meanes escape the bitter quips & taunts of these cloistered asses . For , at what time by his Ambassadours according to custome hee praied of Boneface the eight , the Confirmation of his Election , Boneface hauing a sword by his side , and the Imperiall Crowne vppon his head , sheweth himselfe in publique to the assemblie , and with a high voice exclaymeth : Ego sum Caesar & Pontifex : Behold , here is Caesar and the Pope : And in furie ( whereas it mought haue been done without his priuity or authority ) hee reiecteth the Election as friuolous and of no force ; denieth confirmation , and with a full-foule mouth , calleth him Homicide . Afterwards , vpon a bitter quarrell arising between this Maleface and Philip King of France , for that his Maiesty would not acknowledge him for his supreme Lord , he chāged his first opinion ; aprooued Albert Emperor ; by his Breues inuested him with the Kingdom of France , and in a full Consistorie Excommunicated Philip. Yet againe when Albert re-answered , that he would not stir one foote against the King of France , vnlesse his Holynesse would confirme him and his heires in the Kingdome and Empire : The Pope , not able to conceale his imprisoned displeasure , most arrogantly replied : Non futurum id Iezabele viuente ; That , that should neuer come to passe , so long as Iezabel liued By which abusiue name , he pointed at that most noble Dame Elizabeth , the wife of Albert , the daughter of Menihard , Earle of Tirol , and sister by the mothers side to Conrade late Duke of Sweuia . In shew cauelling at this noble Lady , as an implacable persecutrix of Clergy men against Gods commandements , but in truth , most barbarously enuying her in memory of her brother and her deceased Auncestors , for their claming and retaining of their hereditary royalties against the vsurpations of the former Bishops . Let the world be Iudge , if they continue not the like , yea the very same stratagems , against all Princes at this day , if they but crosse their ambitions . The man that feareth God would think , that a good and a vertuous life , especially in a Prince , should warrant his daies from vexation , and his graue from infamy . But here you see the contrary : Albert followeth the steps of his father ; he is humble , in offensiue , glad to please , yet not well requited : His Lady neither medleth nor maketh with these contentious persons , and yet in regard that her Auncesters displeased the Roman prelacie , shee sauoreth ; and must be disgraced in most opprobrious manner : yea the depth of the graue can not secure her honorable friends from railing , so furious is the fire of a Popish conscience . No maruell : for this is that Boniface the eight , who ( like the Diuell in the Gospell ) censured all principalities and powers to bee in his donation ; who vsurped vpon both swords , and would needs haue inforced the whole world , to haue acknowledged him their Lord Peramount : glorying that to him were committed the keies of Heauen gate : That he ought to be iudged of no man , no though hee carried a million of soules with him to hell for company . ❧ Henricus Septimus . Hee raigned Anno 1308. About the second yeere of Edward the second . AFter the decease of Albert , Henrie of that name the seuenth , of the House of Lucelburge , by the lawfull suffrage of the Electors , is nominated Emperor . Clement the fift ( then High-Priest ) liuing at Auignion , ( well fare the iarre betweene him and Philip the French King ) in odium Philippi , gaue so courteous and facil a way vnto this election , that sending his Legats through all the quarters of Germanie and Italie , hee gaue strict commandement , that Henry should be acknowledged Emperor , and really confirmed in the election ; prouided that , within the space of two yeares , hee should come to Rome to be crowned , and personally visit Italy , which now by reason of sixty yeares absence of the Germane Emperours , was miserably afflicted with intestine dissensions . But the Pope could not long be Master of his own breast , hee must needes follow the accustomed knauerie of his vafrous predecessours . For when Henrie , in satisfaction of his promises , had made his perambulation throughout euerie Prouince of Italie ; had twice rowted Rupert King of Apulia with the Vrsins ; approached Rome , and expected his Coronation in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Peter : The Pope , repenting him of his forwardnesse , by calling to minde of Henries powerfulnesse , and Ruperts friendship , at first commandeth the Cardinals not to proceede to Henries inauguration ; and then againe vpon the Emperours serious expostulation , changing his interdiction ; hee assenteth , conditionally , that hee take an oath of fidelity to the sea of Saint Peter . Which when his Maiestie refused , alleadging the president to be new , and but lately vsurped in the dayes of some fewe of his Predecessours , That the chiefest Prince of Christendome should be obliged by an oath of fealtie to the seruant of seruants at last with much a-doe , but vtterly against the Popes minde , by the loyall seruice of Steuen of Colonna , he was crowned by the Cardinals . For , Clement himselfe in deadlie hatred against Him , reuolted to Rupert King of Apulia , by a lawfull triall condemned of high treason ; and reuersed his sentence of condemnation , not so much for any defect in Law , but in extreame malice against his Maiestie . Thus was the quarrell pickt against Henry ; obserue the cause thereof , I beseech you , and tell me if the president hold not with their practises at this day . But by the suddaine and immature departure of this religious Emperor , nothing was effected . For , Henrie now being resolued to take vpon him the Crowne of Sicilie , being thereunto nominated by the Sicilians , vpon the vigil of the Assumption of our Lady was come as farre as Bonconuent : Where , by Bernard the false dominican Monke , who before times had giuen many hypocriticall testimonies of seruice towards his Maiestie , by a new and neuer heard of example , at Masse mingled poison , and the powder of Adamant ( which as men say bringeth speediest death ) into the communion cup , and so slew his Lord and soueraigne . All the wakes , Annals , records , songs , rithmes , verses and Epigrams written in those daies , doe make ample relation of this tragedy . But the whole Rabble ( and blame them not ) of the Dominicans do vtterlie deny it ; giuing out , that in griefe of mind , for that he could not be fully reuenged vpon his enemies , hee gaue vp tho ghost , after he had receiued letters from his Holinesse in testimoniall of this afore-said villaines innocencie . But howeuer ; These faire glosses could not so exempt their Order from the suspition of this murder , but that many of their Couent , together with their houses were burnt and destroyed by sword and fire in manie places throughout Tuscanie and Lombardy . ❧ Lodouicus Bauarus . He raigned Anno 1314. About the seuenth yeare of Edward the second . HEnry ( last spoken of ) being thus dispatched , the tempest which in his life time lay smothered in embers , in hideous maner now breaketh out vpon the head of his successors . For Frederick of Austria , and Lewes of Bauaria being both by the discordant suffrages of the Electors , named for Caesars , Iohn the 22. findeth an occasion to disquiet them both ; and first in very ignominious fashion hee quarelleth with Frederick . And thus it fared : Conrade the Bishop of Gurcia was sent to Rome by the Austrians , to desire his Holinesse in fauour of Frederick , to giue assent to the election , and to represse Lewes ; where , in making his Oration , he chanced to discourse , vpon the praises of Frederick his grandfathers and great-grandfathers , concluding , that the Christian world was likely to reape nothing contrarie to expectation , considering , That it was alwaies seene , that from good and valiant Parents , discended good and valiant children ; yet by your fauour , most arrogantly and impertinently replied his Holinesse ; Of all men liuing without question Salomon was the wisest , and yet he begot a sonne most foolish . Not obscurely intimating thereby , that Frederick was degenerated from the vertues of his auncestors , and therefore vnworthy of the Imperiall diademe . VVas this displeasure , deeme yee , of continuance ? no surely ; for then had it not beene papall . But at that time Iohn had no neede of Fredericke : Lewes Iudas-like was saluted King , and the beloued sonne : But now Mapheus with his sonnes the Visconti , are vp in Italy , and assaulting Genoa . And thereupon must a league of reconciliation be priuily contracted with Frederick to the expulsion of Lewes , and the re-ordering of Mapheus . Eight yeares after his election , Frederick was foiled in field , and taken prisoner : Howbeit , the Pope prosecuteth Lewes with continuall malice ; denounceth him an Enemie to the Church , a Schismatike , and an Heretike ; First , for that immediatly vpon his Election , without his Holinesse permission , hee had stiled himselfe Emperour ; secondly , for that hee presumed to relieue certaine of his yonger bretheren being condemned of heresie , and outlawed after excommunication ; and thirdly , for his rash assistance sent to Galeas Visconti of Millan against his holy forces . Whereupon Lewes , vnderstanding by the best Diuines and Lawyers of that age , that the acts and sayings of Iohn were repugnant to Christ his Doctrine : That the Pope in truth ought to be subiect to the Emperor , and not the Emperor to him in temporall causes : tooke thereat such incouragement , that , he appealed from the Pope male informato ( as the Lawyers speake ) to the Pope meliùs informando , at the next generall Councel to be held , when he sate at Rome in Peters chaire . Meane time , valiantly and vigilantly hee preuenteth all iniuries , and diuulgeth the Tenor of the Appeale throughout all the Prouinces of Germany . During these verball and scribeling contentions , it came to passe , that the Romans being throughly tormented with their ciuill dissentions , sent their submissiue Orators to Iohn , with humble supplications to intreat his Holinesse ; that leauing Auignion , he would re-uisite Rome , and confer the Imperial Inuestiture vpon the King of Romans : this if he refused , they certified him in plaine termes , that they would renue the ancient Lawes and gouernment of the Romane people . Iohn not only denieth their requests , but with threats and minaces , in most ignominious maner dismisseth the Orators : At which his pride the Romans being not a little offended , by letters and Ambassies call Lewes to Rome as their lawfull Emperor . Lewes granteth the motion , and with his army taketh his way towards Italy ; and at Millan according to the accustomed manner is crowned by the Archbishop . After this , making choice rather by humility , then armes , to asswage the Bishops wrath , he sendeth messengers vnto him , humbly to desire his fatherhood to confer the vsuall and Imperiall honours vpon his Maiesty . Which when the Bishop not only gainsayd , but despighteously dismissing his Ambassadors , peremptorily cited his Maiesty to Auignion ; As report goeth : Caesar as hauing full experience of the Papall tyranny , yet willing to preserue the Imperiall dignity ( collated from aboue ) holy and inuiolable , vtterly refuseth slaue-like to prostrate himselfe before the Pope , or to appeare at Auignion . But to auoid the effusion of blood , he is content in peaceable maner by proxy to become a sutor for his collation . But herein finding the Pope as stiffe as himselfe , and his friendes the Visconti to his disgrace alreadie accursed , he maketh no more adoe ; but setting Millane in order , he iournyeth to Rome , where with great applause by the commaundement of the people and the Clergie , together with his wife hee is Crowned by Cardinall Steuen Colonna , the whole Nobility assisting , and crying , GOD saue Lodowicke Augustus Emperour of Romanes . And foorthwith by all their good liking , he createth Peter of Corbar , a Minorit , a man learned and in-ured to Gouernement , High Priest : Hee causeth the counterfet of Iohn to be made in wood , and in the presence of Caesar most ignominiously consumeth it to ashes ; pronouncing him an Heretique , a destroier of the Church , and a publique enemy to the peace of Christendome . Iohn again , thundreth out cruell processe against Lewes , depriueth him of all imperiall preheminence , and excommunicateth him as a Rebell and Arch-heritique against the Roman Church . Wherupon the Emperor , to whom Italy became displeasāt , partly for that he had already determined to make no long abode therein , & partly in feare of poison , wherwith he knew the Romanists were better acquainted , then with arms , made his retrait into Germany . Whether ( no sooner ariued ) but newes was spred abroad of Iohns departure , to the vniuersall ioy of all wel-minded Christians , in hope that by the election of a new Bishop , all old quarrels should lie buried with their framer . But not so : For Benedict the twelfth succeeding in the Popedom , succeeded also in all Popish qualities against this Emperor ; confirming all the censures , and depriuations which his predecessor Iohn had sued out against him . Whereupon , Caesar perceiuing that these fiery spirits would neuer be at peace , vntill by the vtter ouerthrow and disgrace of all temporall Authority , they had fully and forceably strengthned their owne greatnesse , at Franckford he assembleth the Princes , with the wise-men of his Kingdom ; persons of immatcheable dexterity in diuine and humane sciences , and there , by the aduise of the most zealous and best learned , hee publisheth a Decree vnder his seale against the iniurious processe of the dead Bishop : therein rendring a most Christianlike account of his faith , plainly & ingenuously confessing , that as it became a true Catholike he beleeued all the Articles of the Christian veritie . To these by solemne proclamation hee annexeth many notable edicts , to the ancient Constitutions he addeth some new , and corroborateth the old , viz. That the Electors of the Empire , and no man besides , should intermeddle in the election of the King of Romans : Whereunto the Princes and nobility gaue their full consent : Ordaining moreouer , that who euer was nominated King or Emperor , should be acknowledged for the true , supreme , and indubitate Soueraign of the Empire , being indeed though different in name , yet the same in effect . That without any confirmation or approbation from the Apostolique sea , he might absolutely gouerne and administer iustice throughout the Empire . And that after publication from the Princes , in case of lawfull proceeding in the election , the Pope is bound to anoint him : And in defalt of refusall or denial , that any other catholique Bishop is as capable as the Pope , to proclaime him Emperor , Caesar , Augustus ; Considering that these formal and solemne ceremonies , are but things indifferent deuised by the Popes , conferring only titles and names , but no matter of substance . For what Roman Bishop consecrated the Constantinopolitan Emperors ? what Pope before Charles his time , the ancient Augusti ? or who before Constantine the Ethnike Caesars ? And then , the Emperor acknowledged no oth of fidelity , but of obseruancy and of defending the faith . From this point , he proceedeth to prooue , that in case of vacancy , the Imperial election diuolueth not to the Papacy : and that , the prescription is derogatory to the liberty , dignity , the rites and maiesty of the sacred Empire , but in truth by long and aprooued custome from Antiquity , and stl in vse , that all Iudicature , fealties and priuiledges of conferring and disposing of all rights , interests , & demands , belonged & do belong to the House of the Count Palatine of the Rhene , during the vacancy , notwithstanding the constitutions of the Clementines . What pen can be so partiall , as not to giue due commendation to the prudency of this good Emperor , being seasoned with so plentifull a measure of discretion ? who so modestly carried himselfe between the Princes & the Pope , that the former admired his wisedom , and the later celebrated his goodnesse ? For in Benedicts prime-entrance into the pontificacy , vpon occasion of discontents between his holinesse and the French king his Maiestie vnderstanding therof , by meanes made for reconciliation and absolution , vnto which the Bishop , after hee had entered into a large field of discourse in praise of Germany and this Emperour , condiscended ; promising to be mindfull of the motion ; concluding , That that Noble branch of the Church ( meaning Lewes ) which now began to be seperated , should again be re-ingrafted into the body of the tree . Vpō another occasion , when the Embassadors of the kings of France and Apulia , had scandalized his Maiestie for plotting of diuers indignities against the Court of Rome : his Holines excused him with great earnestnes , openly anouching , that the Clergie had wronged him , and not he the Clergie . But howeuer , at this time he acknowledged the innocencie of Lewes , yet afterwards , when the king of France in despight of the Emperor & the Pope , had slily preuented the returne of certaine Cardinals into his kingdom ; and that Iohn king of Bohemia , & Henry Duke of Bauaria , had traiterously cōspired to elect a new Emperor , he suffered himselfe with small intreaty to be disswaded from his former resolution of Absolution : yea , after the king of France & his Maiestie had capitulated a peace , full sore against his mind ; vpon request to haue it ratified by his Holines , he flatly denied it ; cauelling , that Lewes being now declared an heretike , ought not again to be accounted a Christian at the kings plesure . Thus may you see how the Popes were accustomed to play fast and loose with the German Emperors . Well , the Absolution by this nicity being adiourned , and the Emperor well obseruing wherunto these pontifical policies tended , summoneth the Princes and Electors to a Diet at Rensium . There with ease , by his affability , liberality and clemency , he so deuoteth their loyalties to his seruice , that by solemne oath they not onely auow to maintaine and defend the honor of the Empire : but they also decreed , the Processes of Iohn late Pope of Rome , returned against his Maiestie , to be void and of no validity : yea , that a Bishop ought not to entertaine any such practises against an Emperour , for that their iurisdictions were meerly of distinct natures . Benedict dieth , & Clement the 6. succeedeth : an effeminat Prelat , extraordinarily ambitious of honor & potencie . Who had no sooner seated his foot in the chair of Lucifer , but his furious Genius took such hold of his hart , that in Latin & Dutch libels affixed vpon church dores , he summoneth his Maiestie vnder the censure of extream penāce , within three daies space to make satisfaction , to God & the church ( meaning himself ) as also to desist frō further medling in the affaires of the Empire ; which limitation being expired , & no appearance recorded , he proceedeth to sentence of cōtumacie . Afterwards , whē his Proctors craued forgiuenes , with an offer to performe all iniunctions to vtmost : he was not ashamed to motion so foule an attonement , as neuer Pagan demanded of his Captiue slaue : viz. That hee should confesse and acknowledge all his errors and heresies . That he should resigne the Empire : and simply commit his children , and all his moueables into his tuition . Where is now become , O Lucifer , thy pastoral humility ? where thy fatherly aspect ? where thy representatiue Holinesse ? Notwithstanding , albeit the poorest refuse of the world would not haue accepted of these basest conditions , yet this good Emperour , fore-seeing , that if he should not bend ; warre , slaughter & spoiles would ensue , he receiued the pontificall libell ; signed it with his seale , and swore to obserue it ; so farre forth humiliating his deiection , that vpon relation thereof , the whole Colledge of the scarlet-roabed-fathers could not chuse but receiue it with vnaccustomed admiratiō . But the Emperor vpon sounder aduice , considering with himselfe , that without the consent of the Electors , and of the Princes & the estates of the Empire , it was against the fundamentall Law to accept of any such Capitulation , in the next assembly at Frankford , hee causeth the tenor of the reconciliation to be read before the whole Assembly . They giue sentence , that it tendeth in most points to the preiudice and destruction of the state , and therefore reiect it : They promise to stand fast vnto his Maiestie ; in case , as before , he would re-assume his courage , and resolutely defend the honour of the Empire . And to conclude , they dispatch an Embassie to the Pope , with intimation , that from thence-forth he should cease from such friuolous conuentions , being purposely deuised to dishonour the Maiestie of the German Empire . They arriue before his Holinesse ; they expostulate the rigour of the Articles to the preiudice of the Empire : nothing else they inforce , nothing else they demand : But his Holinesse inraged like an illuded Tigresse ; layeth all the blame vpon Lewes , & with deeper hart-burning then before , falleth into treatie with Iohn and Charles Kings of Bohemia , heretofore ouerthrowne by Lewes , and with their vncle Baldwin , Archbishop of Treuers , to destoy Lewes and his whole posterity . The bargaine agreed vpon by these Pseudo Christians , in the yeare of our Sauiour 1346. vpon Maundy-Thursday , hee is most irreligiously accursed by Benedict ; and by the renouation of the Processe ( sent out by his predecessour Iohn ) declared an Heretique and scismatique . To aggrauate the despight , and by effects to shew the solidity of his religion , hee commandeth the Electors within a proportioned time , to make choise of another . Loe , the Emperor rather then he will be an instrument of slaughter and faction , disgraceth his high calling by acceptance of basest articles ; but the Pope rather then he will want of his will , vnico statu ( as the prouerb is ) will depose , set vp , commend , dispraise , blesse and curse ; and without all respects , either of conscience or humanity , set all Christendome on outrage , to be reuenged on one creature . Were this the practise but of One , the imputation were excusable , as a defect in manners , but through the whole Legend of euery Emperours life , you shall obserue the one abstinent , yea timorous , for conscience sake to defile euen his imaginations with humane blood : the other rigorous , wrathfull , impatient , and quarrelsome : somtime vpon donatiues , sometime vpon iura imperij , and sometimes vpon non augmenting of Saint Peters patrimonie . Which irreligious and Antichristian outrages , albeit they know them in their consciences to be absolutely diabolicall , repugnant to Christian Doctrine , and pernicious to all ciuill society , yet rather then any Pope or Popeling will let fall any one particle of vnlawfull vsurpation , gained by any the wickedest of his predecessours , words and workes shall flie at randon vpon euery occasion , so that it would amaze a very Turke to heare with what shifts , with what euasions , and distinctions of spiritualia , they will stuffe whole volumes in iustifying of their falsifications , in wresting and curtailing of Authors , in denying manifest Records , in railing on their opposites , and pressing mens consciences with miracles , policies , and impostures . Insomuch , that if words will not worke , impostures shall seduce ; if impostures prooue fruitlesse , swords shall walke , if swords be preuented , then poisons and treasonable practises shall put end to the controuersie . Blood must satiate , or the Church cannot be satisfied . But to our History : The Electors haue a peremptory day giuen them , against which if they produce not their Anti-emperor , the Pope protesteth by no irreligious reliques , that rather then the Church shall want a Lieuetenant , an Aduocate ( Himselfe must bee Captaine and chiefe Iustice ) hee will set vp One of his sole Election . Well , oaths must be kept inuiolable , especially with traitors , and so doth his Holinesse . And thus he beginneth his web . Henrie of Wittenberg Archbishop of Mogunce , and one of the electors , for his loiall adherency vnto his Lord and master , to curry fauour with the Bohemians , he depriueth of all his ecclesiasticall and temporall capacities , and into his place he intrudeth Gerlace his Chaplein , the Nephew of Adolph of Nassaw , once King of Romans . This new Papall Bishop in satisfaction of his Lord and masters expectation , and in requitall of like office towards the Bohemians for their choice and election , vpon the assembly of the Princes at Rensium , for the nomination of a new Emperor , worketh with Baldwin of Treuers , Walram of Colein , Rodulph Duke of Saxonie , and Iohn the father a Bohemian , to nominate and elect Charles King of Bohemia for supreme Lord of the Empire . But for all this ; albeit Charles in the life time of Lewes was crowned at Bonna , yet such was his reputation , and such the affection of all the good townes through the Empire towards his seruice , that vpon a conuocation of a Diet , and that after the coronation of Charles ; No one of the Princes was found , either to second the election , or to regard the Popes Breues , or to swarue from their promised fidelity . Had he beene a Popelike Prince ; that is , If to worke his will , he would haue hazarded his Title vpon warre and bloodshed , what could hee not haue performed . But beeing of a quite contrary disposition , and guided by the best spirits of vnpartiall Prechers , he neuer began a warre against any man , though prouoked , but onely for the quiet and honour of his country ; And in detestation of slaughter , resolued with himselfe neuer to determine a quarrel by warre , if any secondarie meanes might finish it by peace ; and therefore betaking himselfe to his quietest dispositions , by the trechery of Clement ( as some Authors report ) he was poysoned at a meriment , and after as he rode on hunting , as soon as by labor and the motion of his beast his blood heated , hee fell headlong from horsebacke . Thus , most vnworthyly was this Emperor to the griefe of all good Christians made away , in the second yeere after the election of Charles , the fift of the Ides of October , in the yeere of Grace 1347. after hee had so honourably gouerned the Empire for the space of thirty and three yeeres , that those good spirits who all his life time had administred vnto him true and loyall seruice against al Papisticall malediction , now after his death with like constancy and honesty defended his neuer dying memory , against all Shemeis posterity ; as at this day it is apparantly seen , not only by record of history , but also by the particular letters of the Consul of Basil . And thus it is : the Bishop of Bamberg ( by vertue of a commission directed vnto him from Auignion by the Popes authority , to absolue as many as adhered vnto Lewes ) the yeere following the death of Lewes , iournied with Charles towards Basil : At his ariuall he made a very perswasiue speech to induce the Inhabitants , sithence they stood excommunicated in the behalfe of Lewes for assisting his party , with all humility to demand absolution : vnto whome Conradus of Bernsfield , the Maior of the City , in the presence of Charles , and the rest of the nobility , as well secular as ecclesiasticall , made this resolute reply : Lord of Bamberg , know , that we will neither confesse nor beleeue , that our Soueraigne Lord Lewes , Emperor of Romans , was euer an Heretique : But howeuer ; whomsoeuer the Electors shall impose vpon vs for our Master , him onely wee acknowledge , without asking leaue of the Pope . Surely as this Heroique speech of the Consul , shewed the Christianlike courage of the man , in attributing due obedience to his lawfull Soueraigne , and may to future ages be a testimony of innocency protested , and in meere loue and admiration of vertue : so without question this noble and worthy Emperour deserued no lesse , if the whole impartiall world were to returne a Iury vpon the passage of his intire life : being doubtlesse an honest man , vnspotted , studious of his countries freedome , and onely a seuere opugner of the Romish tyranny : so far foorth , that without exception , he is to be remembred with all those stiles of Honor , which are accustomed to be instiled vpon those , who for the loue of their countries , haue refused to vndergoe no difficult perills . ❧ Charles the fourth . He raigned in the yeere 1346. About the twentieth yeare of Edward the third . LEWES being dead , Charles after he had by diuerse meanes appeased the competitors opposed against him by the electors of Mogunce , the Palatine , the Saxon , and the Brandeburgean , is at last vpon promise that he should procure absolution for the free Cities ( yet standing excommunicated for their adherence vnto Lewes ) crowned Emperor , and on his iourny towards Italie ; but there entertained with more disgrace , then any of his predecessors . For as on foot he entred the City , Behold ( quoth a certaine Senator ) in his Oration before the people in the Capitol ) thy King commeth towards thee in great humility ; very bitterly taunting him with scoffes and reuilements . Insomuch that the Cardinall of Hostia , sent from Auignion by Innocent the sixt , would not condiscend to Crowne him , before he had giuen security to remaine in Rome nor in Italy , no longer then the businesse imported . How base and ignominious this limitation was to the Honour of the Empire , is apparantly to be discerned by the Epistles of Francis Petrarch , ( that most learned and eloquent Poet ) written vnto Charles himselfe in these wordes . I knowe not what this promise made and sworne to the Romane Bishop meaneth , as if your Maiesties entrance into the Citie , had beene gaine-said by some inexpugnable trench , or impassable mountaine : what manner of pride is this , that the Romane Prince , the life and fountaine of liberty , should himselfe be depriued of liberty ; so farre forth , that he who ought to be Lord of all , can not be said to be Lord of himselfe ? And in another place , Nerio of Friuli , in his writings , doth not much dissent . All superiority is impacient of corriualty : whereof , if antiquity can not giue vs presidents , I feare that late examples will make the case frequent . For now ( as fame goeth ) the Pope of Rome hath forbidden the Romane Prince , Rome : whom hee not onely suffereth , but also commandeth , to be contented with the diadem , and sole title of the Romane Empire . Him , whom he suffereth to be Emperour , at no hand will he suffer to enioy Emperie . As the cowardize of Charles , in dissembling his greeuances against this propagating pride of the prelacie , is with iust cause to be complained of . No lesse are the Popes worthy of eternall reprehension , who for their proper respects in deposing of good & godly Emperors , substituted in their places such Ministers whose mindes they knew were alwaies prepared to satisfie their behests by warre and bloud-shed , most wickedly & feloniously imposing vpon the Empire those losses and disgraces , wherewith at this day wee see it weakned and generally taxed . For surely this Charles , to inable his proiects to appease his Competitors ; to dispose of the reuenues of the Crowne at his pleasure ; and freely to bestow them where he thought good , gaue vnto Gunther Earle of Swatzburg , a valiant and warlike Leader , and by the Electors saluted for Emperor 22. thousand markes of siluer , with two Imperiall Cities in Thuringe for the terme of his life . Vnto Frederick Marques of Misnia , elected in stead of Schwatzburge deceased , he gaue ten thousand marks , to resigne his nomination ; and then prepared for his iourney towards Rome . From whence escaping , by an excuse of going on hunting , in as dishonorable a manner , as neuer any of his predecessors before , hee returned to Millan , and there created the Visconti ( a Potent family in that Citie ) in receit of a wonderfull masse of mony , perpetuall Vicars of the Empire throughout Lombardy , to the euerlasting dishonor and preiudice of Germanie . For a sumptuous banquet in Ville-noue neere Auignion , hee re-deliuered to the King of France , the Kingdome of Arles , acquired to the Empire by Otho the first . From Gerlace , Archbishop of Mogunce , though by his partiality hee gained his election , hee wrested the priuiledge of inaugurating the King of Bohemia , in right belonging to the Church of Mogunce , and by cōfirmation of Clement the sixt , inuested it in the Archbishop of Prage . He ordained by law , that none but Bohemians should be admitted into the Colledge of the Canons regular of Inglehame , being of the Dioces of Mogunce . And presently after to make quick and profitable returnes of the profits of the Empire , hee retailed vnto the adioyning Princes sixteene free Cities of Sweuia , all held of the Crowne . To Cunon Archbishop of Treuers , he pawned Bopardia and Wesel ( Imperiall Cities ) by statute . Lusatia , which time out of minde , had beene held in fee of the Imperiall diademe by the Archbishops of Magdeburg , by the corruption of the then Incumbent , he perpetuated vnto the kingdome of Bohemia . Against the fundamentall Lawes of the Country , and the custome of Antiquity , by nouell and subordinate practise , he offered euery Elector ( a part ) one hundred thousand Duckets to nominate for his successor , his sonne Winceslaus , a man giuen ouer to idlenesse , cowardize , luxurie , all wantonnesse and belly-cheere . For which , when this Phocas had not wherewith to keepe his dayes of payment , he morgaged for one hundred thousand duckets , to some their Imposts , and to the Palatine ( as memory recordeth ) Caesarea Luthrea , Oppenham , Odenham , and Ingelham . Whereupon I may be bold to say , that by these diminutions , alienations , and mortgages , the Honourable entrados of the Crowne were so immeasurably wasted , that from that day to this , it hath not beene of power to recouer or restore this terrible downefall . For by the sale of these Imposts ( the true and essentiall Patrimonie of the Crowne ) the glorious Eagle hath beene so deplumed , that euer since shee hath beene but a scorne and contemptible to euery other liuing creatures . Which being true ( as true it is ) what Patriot can but accurse the Romane Bishops , as the sole and prime-authors of all these mischiefes , the children of desolation , and the perpetuall disturbers of all Christian welfare ? ❧ Wenceslaus the Coward . He raigned Anno Christ. 1379. about the second yeare of Richard the second . AFter the demise of Charles , Wenceslaus his sonne , during the schisme betwixt Vrban the sixt , and Clement the seuenth ( then the which a more fatall , bestial , durable dissention neuer befell the Church ) gouerned the Empire , and tooke part with Vrban . To Clement vpon occasion he sendeth his Embassadours ; and amongst them , are remembred certaine honest and indifferent Prelates to haue passed , whom by exquisite tortures he slew most barbarously . And as for Vrban , for that the couetous King had deceiued the more couetous Romanes , gaping after the treasure raised vpon ecclesiasticall benefices , in not keeping promise with his personall presence , after hee had granted his commission for leuying the saide ecclesiasticall tribute through the whole Empire , towards the defrayment of his charges for his Romane-iourney , he became vtterly alienated from his auncient friendship . But what Death preuented by the death of Vrban his successour , Boneface the ninth being sure to haue had it , if God had giuen life , made good in highest measure . For he approouing the censure of deiection against Wenceslaus , not so much for his euil and degenerate life , as for that he had beguiled the Romans of their pence , ratified and aduanced the Election of Rupert Earle Palatine , preferred vnto the Empire by the Bishops of Mogunce , Golen , and Treuers . ❧ Rupertus Caesar . He raigned . 1400. AS Boneface the ninth , in despight of Wenceslaus , with great facility and readinesse approued his deposition : so Rupert but now aloft in highest fauour of the Pope , at this present is so counterchecked by this wether-cocke , Alexander the fift , the third from Boneface ( a most malicious Cretusian ) that he is very likely to feele the smart of as violent a diuision in the state , as doth the Church in a present and terrible schisme . For vpon his very installment at Pisa in the Fishers chaire without any regard either of Ruperts right , or his present possessiō vpon a iust title , he nominateth by his missiues for King of Romanes , Wenceslaus , the man , whom in a frequent assembly , with one consent the Electors had heretofore remooued from imperiall gouernement . Which Indignity Rupert not being able to disgest , hee made his grieuous complaints thereof vnto the Lords of the state ; and exceedingly interrupted the obedience of the Church throughout the Empire . And without doubt , he had attempted far greater reformations , had not the sparkles of these smoking substances together with the Prelate , to the general good of Christendom been at one extincted by the Physick of Marsilius a physitian of Parma . And Rupert applying his labours to redresse what had been amisse by the auarice of Charles , and the cowardize of Winceslaus , in the tenth yeere of his raigne departed this world . In whose place succeeded Sigismund , a Prince for his wisedom , learning and integrity , most renowned . ❧ Sigismund . He raigned 1411. About the twelfth yeere of Henry the fourth . SIGISMVND at his entrance vpon the Imperiall Diadem , finding the Romane Sea miserably distracted by the wicked schisme of three Antipopes ( Iohn the foure and twentieth at Bononia , Gregory the twelfth at Ariminum , and Benedict the 12. in Spaine ) tooke such infinit paines to restore it vnto its pristinate beauty , as few or none of the auncient kings or Emperors euer vndertook the like , for the welfare of the Church . For albeit of his owne authoritie diuested vpon himselfe , and diuolued from his Ancestors , he might , & ought to haue cast out these boute-feaus of diuision ; yet made he choice in modesty and truenesse of Christian piety , rather to redresse these euils by a Generall Councel , then by the violent meanes of war and blood-shed . Which to effect , to his extreame trauaile , danger and expences , he visited almost all the realmes of Christendome , France , Spaine , and England , and there by his godlinesse and good counsell so wrought with the Princes of those kingdomes , that they commended his zeale , allowed his course , and promised their best assistance . This done , he tooke his iourny towards Italy , and dealt with Iohn at Mantua , to come vnto the Councel at Constance . The Assembly being set , such were his feeling perswasiues , such his important motiues , as the three Antipopes being condemned to deposition , hee caused Otho of Colonna , a Roman patrician , by the name of Martin the fift , to be preferred to the place by the generall suffrage of all the nations there assembled . Yea , and to remoue all impediments from retardation of the peace , he suffered Iohn Husse and Ierome of Prage , men of exquisit learning and singular piety , to be condemned and burned , against an oath of safe-conducte publiquely allowed them . But now , let vs go by examination to learne what thankes this godly , zealous , honourable and Christian Emperour receiued at the hands of this Holy-seeming Sea , for these their so infinite benefits . Vpon which I will not stand to exemplifie , for that euery weake braine can conceiue , what are the blessings of peace , what the fruites of a quieted conscience , what the rewardes of vnity in religion . But surely their retributions were such , as would absolutely dishearten any wise man , to inable such ingratefull Canonists by benefits . Yet will wee take so much paine , as to decipher them to our Reader . No long time after ( Eugenius the fourth , then Poping it in Venice ) the Emperour tooke occasion to go into Italie to receiue his Inauguration : where by the way it happened that he countenanced somewhat aboue ordinary , Philip Duke of Millan , at that instant warring against the Venetians and Florentines . They partly fearing , and partly imagining , that their wills were halfe obtayned , if they might worke the Pope to their fashion , aduentured , and without opposall gained his Fatherhoods good will , to deny the Emperor his lawfull request ; and more , adioyned his forces , to make good the passage of Aruo about Syenna against his Maiesties people . This , you must at any hand remember , was the Popes requitall , this their vsuall remunerations , not vnfitly beseeming their double dealing consciences . Yet departed his Maiesty not vncrowned , but obserue I beseech you , by what practises , by what cunning sleights they proceeded in their state-House . Extraordinary Intercession must be made ; Six months he must stay at Siena , to his infinit expence ; who gained by that ? And at last , must he leaue Rome , doubt you not , but to Eugenius his high content . And againe , this Neronian bloud-thirsting Bishop , som short time after being deposed , for going about to frustrate the decree of the Councel of Constance ( wherby it was inacted that euery seuenth yeare the Bishops should celebrate a Generall Councell ) and to ratifie That of Basil , which Martin had summoned , and himselfe authorized ; in the daies of Frederick the third , he set all Austria , on a miserable , woful & lamētable cōbustion , by prouoking Lewes the sonne of Charles king of France , then called the Daulphin , to infest Germany with warre , fire , & famine . For this Prince , at the pleasure of Eugenius , endeuoring to make void the Councel of Basil , with his Armeniachs and souldiers , by cunning , treason , & protestations , possessed himselfe of all the plaine Country , yea , and of some Cities of Alsatia , miserably wasting that goodly Prouince , the most fertil mother of grain & wine . That done , he fell to burning the villages , the Mannors & Mansions of citizens , of orphanes and widowes , and therein spared neither Gods Churches nor Monasteries . Hauing put period to wast , but not to cruelty , he returned to Basil with 30. thousand Cumbatants , where by the valiancy of three thousand Heluetians , charging for their Country , hee was finally slaine , the third part of his lame & maymed Army , scant returning with life into France . Such be the successe of all papal entertainment . ❧ Frederick the third . Hee raigned Anno 1440. about the eighteenth yeare of Henry the sixth . ALbert succeeded Sigismund ; but hee departing this world within two yeares after his election , the Imperiall diaceme diuolued vpon Frederick of Austria ; who being by nature a Prince of a clement , milde & peaceable disposition , set diligent watch and warde ouer his thoughts , his words , and his actions , not at all to offend these hereditarie disturbers of peace , and perpetuall manaclers of Princes . Yet could hee not fully auoid their crossings , abate their pride , nor escape their plots . For as in a publique Parliament held at Mogunce , he did what he could to corroborat the councell of Basil , held in the yeare of our Lord 1441. which the Pope laboured tooth and naile to disanul ; as also , to diminish the exactions which by Popish iniunctions were leuied vpon the German Churches ; which to effect , by his letters , hee desired the king of France either to assist in person , or by some eminent persons of his Kingdome : So the Pope , to countermine against this lawfull battery of publique triall ( for these can no more abide it , then Owles can light ) tampereth with the French , neither to goe himselfe , nor to suffer any other ( without his priuity ) to appeare as his Deputie . Here behold one Popish tricke more for the present to frustrate the intended reformation of a noble & vertuous Emperour . And heereupon followed that wofull Alsatian de-population , whereof wee tolde you but now ; There is an other tricke complotted , to busie his head with-all , viz. Diuersion . His owne house is on fire , how can hee then attend the quenching of his neighbours ? And albeit , that hee outliued three successiue Bishops , & during their liues , caried himself so modestly and benignly towards them , that nothing was attempted by them against his Dignity ; & yet hoped for greater contentments by the rising of Pius the second to the Papacie , his auncient seruant and Minister : Notwithstanding , this his trusty friend being once seated , without acquainting the Emperour , made no scruple to accurse his kinsman , Sigismund Archduke of Austria , and to entangle Germanie with intestine diuisions . As thus . Sigismund , after long controuersying , and nothing preuailing , being vnwilling that the people vnder his tuition , should still stand exposed to the depraedations of the Romanists , in a bickering of Horse-men , chanced to take prisoner , and imprisoned , Nicholas Cusanus , by the Pope sent into Tirol , to ransack the Bishoprick of Brixia : The Bishop censuring him at no lesse a crime then high treason , committed against one of his creatures , enioyneth him greeuous punishments , from which his trustinesse could not be wooed to absolue him , no not at the intercession of Caesar , vntill Pluto himselfe came a messenger to release him from his papall obstinacie . His owne Creatures report , that neither the threats , nor the intreaties of Princes or communalties could any whit terrifie him , but in extreame and insatiable prowling for mony , he was ready to accurse and prosecute with warre , as many as any way offered to gainsay his intendments . Theodorick Erbach , Archbishop of Mogunce being dead , Diether Erusburg was preferred to his place . This man , for that Annats and first fruites had beene abolished and condemned in the Councel of Basil , refused to pay to Saint Peter for bestowing the Pall vpon him , those twenty thousand , sixe hundred and fifty duckets of the Rhene , which his Holinesse by prescription adiudged to be due vnto him . Pius was not a little moued at the refusall ; denieth him confirmation , and bestowed the Incumbencie vpon Adolph of Nassau ( not for loue towards the one belieue it , nor for especiall desert in the other ) but for that hee was honourably allied , and able by friends to become master of the possession . Diether valiantly resisteth his Deiection , & amongst many others , by large and bountifull entertainment draweth Henry the Palatine , and Frederick of Bamberg , to take part in his quarrell : All Germanie is vp in faction , and the principall personages therein ingaged , to their notable losse and consumption . For , Charles Marques of Baden , George Bishop of Meten , & Vlrich Earle of Wittemberg , of the faction of Adolph , in a notable incounter neere Sechenham , are rowted , slaine , captiuated , and imprisoned in the Castle of Heydelberge . From whence they could not be deliuered , before that Baden had payed one hundred thousand Florins ; Meten forty fiue thousand , and Wittemberg as many , as the Marques . And for further gratuity , they were faine either to add , or to release to the Palatine , other royalties of equall value vnto their ransomes . At this misfortune of his friends , who maketh any doubt , but that Pius was exceedingly agreeued ? whervpon , as the brused viper , hee addresseth his querimonious letters vnto Philip Duke of Burgundy , concerning the miserable estate of his partakers ; a Prince as truly wise , as valiant in armes . Him hee nominateth Captaine of the Warre , and intreateth his assistance against the Palatine , Diether , the Earle of Catzenelboge , and their adherents . But Philip in his high wisedom , either misliking the burthē of this war , or by the temporizing awkwardnes of the Pope too-long deferring his resolue ; meane while , by the treason of two Citizens , Mogunce was surprised by Scaludo in the night & by Lodowic Niger Palatin , the Earle of Vold , and other of their complices in the behalfe of Adolph . Who put it to sack , and fire ; slew fiue hundred of the Citizens , and reduced it into perpetuall seruitude . So that this noble Diocesse , what by the sales , the alienations , and the mortgages , of the dorps , villages and burroughs , euen to this very day feeleth , and smarteth for the outrages of this papall warre . This was one of Pius his good deeds ; Rather then his auaricious Cofers would forbeare to in-exhaust Germanie of her treasure , hee cared not into what distresses he cast the Princes , the people , and the Cities of the kingdom . But as this second Impius dealt with the Princes ; So did his successor , a Venetian , Paulus the second ( and worse ) with his Maiesty . For after the taking of Constantinople , Frederick made his second iourny to Rome , on purpose to deliberate with Paul about an expedition against the Turks , To the accelerating wherof , for that the Princes through their mutuall discontents were much deiected in courage , he praied his Holinesse in person to beare him company into Germanie . But the Bishop putting off the motion with Courtship and kind protestations , notwithstanding laid wait for his life . Which he by his prouidence declining , and in future resoluing , to take precise notice of Popish trecheries , first couragiously opposed in the Parliament at Noremberg against the Legats of Innocent , deputed through Germany to collect his Holinesses dismes , but dispatched them away againe to Rome as penilesse , as from thence they departed . What man liueth so void of proficiency , that reading these Legends , will hereafter beleeue this traiterous society ; sithence such worthy Emperours , such wise Princes , and such great Potentates , could neither by their owne prouidences , nor the prudencie of their counsels , prescribe themselues an assured meanes , to be fully acquited from their ouer-reaching inuentions ? ❧ Maximilian the first . Hee raigned 1494. About the ninth yeere of Henry the seuenth . AFter the decease of Frederick , Maximilian being by the generall suffrage of the Electors in the life time of his Father chosen for his Consort in the Empire , was now acknowledged for Emperor . Who although with ease hee might haue purchased the accustomed solemnities of Caesar , yet beeing a Prince most deepely in-seene into worldly practises ; without question , vpon recordation of such inconueniences , which hee obserued formerlie to haue fallen vppon the preceding Emperours , ( allured vnto Rome , by the glittering reflex of a golden Crowne ) hee set himselfe downe , and quoted it in his Tables ; That the presence of the Popes were euer to bee auoided , an infallible presage of ensuing aduersity to the Roman Emperors . Notwithstanding his wariest sinceritie could not at all times auoide their wickedest cousenages . For in the very infancie of his installement , that most luxurious and couetous Tyrant Alexander the sixt , for mony , to the eternall reproch of the Christian name , sold Zezimus heire of Turky , expulsed by his brother Baiazet , aliue and dead within the space of one day . In like thirst of treasure , receiued from the French , he ratified the Rape of Anne of Britaine , before espoused by Proxie vnto Maximilian . The solemnized and consummated mariage of the daughter of the said Emperor with Charles of France , he dissolued against the will , intreaty , and reall commandement of Caesar her father . By Cardinall Raymond he pillaged the chiefest Prouinces of Germany with nouell and vnheard off deuises of exaction . By that irregular and incomprehensible power of the keies , for many yeeres to come he gaue pardons to all rich-soules departed . After him , as second in name , so second in Papacie , Iulio circumuented this Emperor with as fine fetches , as did any of his predecessors the former Caesars . For after he had ingaged his maiesty in the warre of Venice , a warre of all other the most dangerous & troublesom , and that he had forced the best of their Cities to the pinch of necessity : Iulius against his faith , most religiously sworne before the states of the Empire at Augusta ; and against common honesty , not only receiued the Venetians , vpon request of peace , into fauour , but entring with them into League , this most wicked Senacherib turned his armes against his Maiesty . Yelling out a speech rather shewing euident testimony of an Out-lawes humour , then of Peters successor . For by records of memory it is certainly reported , that as he passed from the City by the bridge of Tiber , he threw the keies into the Riuer , exclaiming in fury : Sithence Peters keies will no longer stead vs , welcome Pauls sword . Whereby , if a man would fall to iest , he might well argue , that by this mad tricke he depriued himselfe and his successors of this Clauian Tyranny , claimed from S. Peter , and now transferred to Saint Tiber. Vpon which translation of Iulius his keies , one hath plaied no lesse truly , then wittely in these verses . He that for many Ages long hath sate In Peters chaire , new doctrine doth inuent , For sinfull Soules he prayes not : but at that , Which peacefull Peter him to follow ment , He iests : Loues armes and bloody streames of warre , Paul is his Saint , Peter inferiour farre . Paul hath a sword , but smites not : He not so , For many soules haue died with his blow . A cruell Out-law sprung from poyso'nd woomb , And neither followes Christ , nor Peters doome . But our great and eternall God , the iust reuenger of iniquity , suffered not this his neuer-before-heard-of periury to die vnreuenged . For at what time Lewes king of France , according to the Conuentions of the League with Caesar , persecuted his Holinesse , so far ouergone in pride through the assistance of the Venetians , as hee doubted not to scorne all conditions of peace ; yet after the battell of Rauenna , such was the disastrous fortune of him and his , that the peace , which but euen now , hee scorned , now hee humbly seeketh , to his cost experimenting that for all his iesting , Peters keyes at a pinch did him more seruice , then many thousands of Pauls swords . After this ouerthrow , and some other crosses , hee died , and left Leo the tenth , his successour , as well in seat as in trecherous disposition . For in the beginning of his pontificie , estranging himselfe from the French King , he adhered to Caesar & Sforza the Millanois , against the French , then in March vpon an inuasion against Millan . Vpon the slaughter of the Heluetians at Marignan , Frederick and Sforza being reduced into order , he violated his league with Maximilian , and returned againe to the friendship of Francis. Vnto whom , after he had obtained a Graunt , that the pragmaticall Sanction should be abolished in France , and a new inserted , hee conserred the titles of the Constantinopolitan Empire . In this donation , whether should a Christian more admire his preposterous liberality , in giuing away an other mans right , or abhorre his trecherie in doing his vtmost , to crosse Maximilian , so well-deseruing an Emperor ? But Caesar finding himselfe deceiued ( whether in this confrontment , or in some other , I am not able to say ) is reported to haue said in Dutch : That hee could well auow , that none of the Popes had kept faith with him : And that Leo should be the last of that ranke , vnto whom hee would giue credit . And that hee said so , and did so , the sequel proued . For within a few yeares after falling into a laske , he yeelded vp his ghost , in the yeare of Saluation 1519. By whom , by the pleasure of almighty God , it might haue come to passe , that hee , who had beene so often illuded by Popish practises , might haue taken some course in so great an alteration and blessed reformation of religion , to haue begun primitiue restauration to their finall destruction . But being preuented by immature death , what was in his minde , he bequeathed to be executed , by the potencie of his liuing successor Charles , his brothers sonne . ❧ Charles the fift . He raigned Anno 1519. about the eleuenth yeare of Henry the eighth . BVt what Penne , as it ought , in suting ornament , is able to delineat to life , the treacheries which from time to time these Patrons of confusion bounded out against this Charles , this potent and thrice honorable Emperour ? In so wonderfull an alteration of religion , such as since the corruption of the Primitiue , neuer befell the Christian world , who can but wonder at the daring presumption of the Popes , in prouoking so happy and so worthy a Potentate ? who , taking into notice his singular affection in defending and vpholding the Papacie , can chuse but accurse the ingratitude of such desperat persons ? For vpon the decease of Maximilian , the Electors being assembled at Frankfort , Charles and Francis king of France , became competitors for the diademe . Leo the tenth , being in bonds of strict friendship with Francis , and according to the innated humours of the Church , hauing receiued his fee , fauoured and pleaded his best plea in barre of Charles , to the preferment of his bountifull client Francis. His cautions consisted of three principles ; the first imported a consideratiue feare of his Greatnes , being by inheritance a Prince indowed with many spacious and wealthy Kingdomes . The second , was taken from his peculiar and figure-casting imagination ; In that , forsooth , this Charles by no obscure and lineamentall predictions of face and disposition , should resemble the man , fore-told in certaine verses of an auncient Prophet ; Who arising in the North , should be the motiue of greeuous alterations to fall vpon all Italy , but especially vpon the Romish sea : The third from pretence of equity , by letters signified vnto the Lords of the Election ; That it stoode not with Law for Charles to aspire vnto the Empire ; for that the Kings of Naples were the Churches Liege-men , and time out of minde by oath had capitulated with the Bishops , neuer to affect the Romane Empire , but to rest contented with their inheritances . But by the integrity of Frederick Duke of Saxonie , in manifestation of his loyalty towards Maximilian his deceased Master , vnto whom all his life time hee stood most deuoted ; Charles preuailed . Leo now turning Vulpes , followes the streame ; for the present , cleanly falleth off from the French : And finding Grace to attend Charles ; there courts he ; and thether hee dispatcheth his Commendatorie miseries . Charles requireth his Amen to the Election ; as also his dispensation , to retaine with the Empire the Kingdome of Naples , the Law of Inuestiture in no point gaine-saying it . But giue a Pope leaue , I pray you , to fly to his wits , he must , and doth plot out new deuises , to impeach the Greatnes of Charles . Hee sendeth his Breues and messengers throughout Germanie , to forbid the Diet at Wormes : of purpose to put off his Coronation at Aquisgran . But when his pontifical improbity perceiued his positiue diuersions to be illuded ; and the resolution of the Electors to be such , as could not be daunted in their proceedings by force , feare , flattery , nor threats , hee then fell againe , to the renuing of his league , with the late-forsaken French : Amongst other Articles inserting this for one ; That , both the Sicils should be taken from Charles ; That the gouernment of Italie should be altered , and the protection of the Cities shared , betweene the French and his Holines . Now the question is , for how long time this Combination stood immutable : so long doubt you not , as it stood with the welfare of Leo , and the aduantage of his sea . And this is an especial note , to be alwaies obserued through the whole discourse of these liues . For , as soone as the French King , vpon confidence of this Popish League , had broken with Caesar , & sent Robert de la March , Charles his rebel , to infest Netherland ; yea , and his men of warre into Italy , to assay the surprise of Rhegium , a towne late belonging to the Church ; Leo fearing the potencie of the French , and calling their fidelities into suspect : to make sure work for the maintenance of his owne stake , and to reduce a restitution to the Church of those townes which the French had vsurped ; Now againe the third time hee followeth the Fortunes of Caesar : Desiring of his Maiesty ( after his most courteous reception ) that Parma & Placentia might be restored to the Church ; Francis Sforza to the Dutchy of Millan ; the French expulsed Italy , and the Papacy being setled in a peaceable estate , might thenceforth be secured from all feare of the French. But Paul dying ; By the succession of Adrian the sixt , a Germane borne , the Papall Anger for a while lay silenced . For during the short time of his Papacy , As a good schoolemaster , hee persisted constant in good will towards Caesar ; And against the French , he assisted him with treasure , and conioyned him in league with the Florentines , the Siennois , the Luquois , the Roytelets of Italy , the Apostolique sea , with Henry of England , and Lewes of Hungary . But Adrian in the second yeere of his Papacy being departed , not without suspition of poyson , the fatall practises of the Bishops by so much the more eagernesse outflamed , by how much they had gathered materialls to worke vpon , during the time of the former respiration . For Iulius of Medices , otherwise Clement the seuenth , after much wrangling being elected Pope , before his installation was , no man more , esteemed of Caesar . From the Church of Toledo , by his bounty he receiued an annuity of ten thousand duckats . He reconciled him so throughly into the fauour of Adrian , from whence he was fallen , that in all affaires of importance , Adrian made him only of his counsell . But no sooner Pope , no sooner traitor . Against his Lord hee complotteth league vpon league , discharging his bills of account with acquittances of this nature . For Francis the French king being in Italy , and after the taking of Millan dispersing his forces throughout Lombardy , Clement worketh the dis-union of the Hadrian confederacy , and forbiddeth the Florentins , the Syennois and the Luccois to pay the money , which by the conuention they ought to haue sent vnto Caesar . By Albert Pius Prince of Carpi , he concluded a Clandestine league with king Francis , meane time cunningly treating with the Imperialists by way of sequestration and Indifferency to impledge the territory of Millan into his discretion . But the deuise being vtterly disliked , and fortune against all imagination so crossing his designements , that in a memorable defeature , Francis was taken prisoner at Paruie , and carried captiue into Spaine ; then to his perpetuall reproch of leuity and inconstancy ( to flater with Caesar ) he parted with an infinit masse of mony for his souldiers arrerages : yet during these passages in iealouzy , that Charles would turne his thoughts to the conquest of Millan , which of all his Italian pretendācies was only left vnconquered , he goeth to counsel with Loyesse the Queen mother , Henry king of England , the Venetians and some other Potentates , how to expulse the Imperialists out of Italie , and redeeme Francis . To set forward the execution whereof , he dealeth with Ferdinand Dauila , a man of eminent place & souldiery in Caesars Campe : assaieth to draw him to the party , and for a bait offereth him the title of the kingdom of Naples . Dauila being of a subtill & close disposition , accepteth , learneth the secrets of the enemies proiects , and acquainteth his master therewith . Caesar laugheth at the mans periury ; who being the principall architect of all iniurious & preiudiciall proceedings against him , had notwithstanding himselfe made his enemy priuy to counsels , giuen him very serious cautions in future , how to proceede in his affaires , and how to prouide for his owne security , with an intimation to become carefull to bind the loyalties of his men of warre with greater deuotion to his seruice . Wherby finding himselfe ouer-reacht by Dauila , he giueth not ouer , but trieth another way to the wood : And thus it was : Francis being set at liberty by Caesar , and vnwilling to make good these conuentions , wherunto by the treaty of Madril he stood obliged ; he takes hold of the occasion , absolueth him of his oath ; confederateth anew with the French and some others , and proclaimeth the confederacy by the name of the Most holy League . Inserting amongst the Articles , that Caesar also might be cōprehended therin , So that , he would first re-deliuer vpon a competent ransome the children of France , as yet in hostage for their father : restore Millan to Sforza , and enter Italie for his Coronation with no greater troops , then should seeme requisite to the discretions of the Pope and the Venetians . What indifferent Reader , weighing the originall of this league , the time wherein it was concluded : and the occasions wherupon it was broched , can make any other construction to his vprightest censure , but that his Holinesse had small intention by these iniurious breaches of concluded articles , to further the publique peace , but rather to administer matter of implacable heart-burnings and assured wars between the Princes . For by one Apostaticall Breue , first , the conditions of the peace are prescribed to so high and mighty an Emperor , by his subiect and Vassall Sforza of Milan : secondly , the oath of the French King duely and solemnly taken , is pardoned and frustrated : thirdly Caesar is commanded to re-deliuer the children of France , as if it were not enough by the releasement of the fathers oath , to be once deluded . Fourthly , He is commanded , not to winke at , but to perpetuate the tyranny of the Italian Kinglings . Fiftly , he is commanded to forbeare to come vnto Italy , vnlesse he proportioned his troops to the shape of the Papal and Venetian limitations . Sixtly , He is commanded to giue pardon to Traitors : and for conclusion , in case of not-performance , warre is denounced by sea and by land . Amidst which dishonorable limitations , what could Caesar doe , but in true acknowledgement of the vprightnes of his cause , reiect these base conditions with as great courage on the one side , as they were insolently propounded by the other , reposing more hope in his innocency , then in the multitude of Horse or shipping ? And surely , God almighty , the vnpartiall Iudge of humane actions , so moderated the execution of his diuine iustice , that whatsoeuer complots this architect of euill counsell , meant to haue throwne downe vpon the head of Caesar , the very same befell his own person , euen when he thought himselfe to stand vpon so sure a ground , as to be an onely Spectator of the ensuing troubles . For Caesar beeing awakened at the Report of so famous a Confederacie , dispatched into Italy the Duke of Burbon & Fronsperg , Captaines of admirable reputation for their cariage in the last warres ; with warrant to defend Naples , now by the tenor of the league giuen in prey to warre and dis-vnion . These Leaders pretending , as if they meant to passe by Florence , now growen proud by the continuance of peace , their mighty Citizen the Pope , and the late league ; at last bending their course by the mountaines and rocks , vpon the sixt day of May , they solemnly entred Rome : droue Clement into the Bastil of Adrian ; and vpon want of all necessaries ( his Bulls , his Breues and execrations , thicke and threefold breathed out against the Germanes and Spaniards , standing him in no stead ) compelled him to yeeld ; but with so seruile and base conditions , as vpon the like , neuer did Souldier to this day , giue vp his fort . The insolency of the Spaniard , and the inhumanity of the Germane , I am not able in apt words to display . See Guicoiardine , and the Histories of those times . For besides their horrible pillagings , their spoiles , their rauishments , and their wasts , no kinde of scorne was left vnpractised against the Pope & his Cardinals : All without difference were alike made captiues , all alike tortured : He that was rāsomed to day by the Spanish , to morrow was again in durance to the Germans . Caesar writeth his letters to the Pope and the King of England , that all this happened besides his priuity or command ; yea , that he would not acknowledge such transgressors for his souldiers , who durst attempt so wicked a seruice . Yet sticketh hee not to attribute the mishap to the secret iudgements of God , who would not suffer so grosse an indignity concluded against the Maiesty of the sacred Empire , to escape without punishment . Bona verba . The Pope being restored to liberty , maketh shew of great friendship , but in secret worketh him all possible vexation . For either vpon hope to possesse the Kingdome of Naples ( a precise condition in the articles ) or else in desire of reuenge ; he so wrought with the French king to renue the warre , that at his direction Lautrick was sent into Italy , for the conquest thereof . But such was the euent , that Lautrick died ; the pestilence raged through the Camp ; and nothing was effected . Wherupon , the French king for the loue of his children ( as yet captiues in Spaine ) was glad to accept of the proffered conditions . The Bishop , alwaies accustomed to goe with the streame , vpon the peace perfected at Cambray , betweene the Emperour , the French , and the other Princes , enstalleth Charles at Bononia , with the Imperial diadem , and aydeth him in the siege and conquest of Florence ; the people whereof hee saw punished most seuerely . But his Holines had not forgotten to requite Charles with many like courtesies , if God had bestowed longer life vpon him . For within three yeeres after , hee had complotted a league with Francis the French King at Marsellis , to take Millan from Caesar , & to inuade Sauoy ; bestowing his niece Katherin vpon his sonne Henry , if , to the good of the Christian common-wealth , he had not beene by death preuented , and that , not without the suspition of poison , as some suppose . Could a more treacherous man be found liuing then this Clement , who continually being taken into fauour and alliance with Caesar , continually betrayed his faith , and of a dissembling friend , euermore proued a professed enemie . After the decease of Clement , succeeded Alexander Farnesius , otherwise Paul the third , a man almost spent with age , yet of a farre more subtile disposition . For vpon obseruation , that the controuersies in religion did daily more and more augment , and propagate , with singular affection he studied Caesars fauour ; but to no other purpose , then in thirst of the German bloud , to combine his Maiestie and the other Princes , in stricter bonds of perseuerance , to take armes against the Lutherans ; hypocritically giuing out to all persons , and in all places , and that vpon his faith , that hee would speedily assemble the Generall counsell , so often petitioned , and promised to the Germane Nation . And surely so he did , first proclaiming it to be held at Mantua , then at Verona , and lastly after the expiration of many yeares at Trent : but not with any intention to salue the greeuances of the Christian Common-weale , or the distemperature of the Church : but that by holding the Germanes in suspence vpon the finall determinations of the Councel ; meane time he might win time to effectuate his secret resolutions ; viz. the suppression of the truth , and the restitution of Germanie , now through the light of the Gospell beginning to shake off Babilonian tyrannie , to it pristinat captiuity . So in the yeare of our Lord 1546. he celebrateth the Councell at Trent , and maketh all possible faire weather with the Germanes . But with what intent ? surely to combine the nobility , & to instigate his Maiestie to begin the warre against the Protestant Princes , and the Euangelicall Cities . In the beginning whereof , good fortune prognosticated a prosperous progresse vnto Caesar ( by the taking of Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxonie ; the Lantgraue of Hessen ; the confiscating of all Wittembergs estates , and the finacing of many confederat Cities ) yet , in being too officious to giue his Holines content , in keeping his prisoners more strictly then Honour could warrant , and in coyning new articles of religion to the Popes best liking ; such an alteration followed , vpon the rising of Maurice Prince Elector , and Albert of Brandenburg , and other new confederates , that ( dismissing the captiuated Princes , and granting liberty of Conscience through Germanie ) so disaduantageous were his proofes of papall countenance , that he often wished , that he had preferred the loues of the Princes , before the Popes surest alliance . For although ( to confesse truth ) the proceedings of Paul against his Maiestie , were slower and better caried , then those of his predecessors ; in regard that hee was his Champion , to manage bloudy and difficult stratagems against the seruants of God : yet vpon the death of Peter Aloysius duke of Parma & Placentia ( murdered by treason for his tyrannie ) when Ferdinand Gonzaga , Caesars Generall , and Gouernour of Millan , was inuested in his stead : the Pope presently mistrusteth Caesar for an author of the murder ; and in vaine requesting the Restitution of Placentia , he strait starteth from Caesar , and bethinketh himselfe how to ioyne with the French : And had ioyned in deed , if hee had longer liued ; the time offering so fit an opportunity . For now Henry vpon the defeature of the Princes , and the seizing on Placentia ( aboue expectation ) growing into iealousie of the powerfulnesse of Caesar , renueth his league with the Switzers , and strengthneth his party with friends on all hands . But in midst of these reuengefull deuises , this miser dyed , distracted more through griefe and anguish , then any infirmity of Age : the tenth day of Nouember . 1549. After long wrangling in the Conclaue , 1550. Iulius the third is saluted Pope : being before his installment , of the French faction , and after , so giuen ouer to belly-cheere and venery , that he died of a Lethargy , and wanted rather leisure then will to attempt against Caesar . But Paul the fourth a most diuelish Hypocrite , and next succeeding Marcellus the second , ( a Pope also of a few daies standing ) by the packing of the Cardinalls wholly deuoted to the French seruice , was consecrated High Priest : This man during his Cardinalship , was Caesars most malitious enemy : Insomuch that by his prouocation , Paul the third was perswaded to inuade Naples , as an apourtenāt of the Church . But now enioying fuller meanes to worke fuller despights , hee maketh open profession of his late concealed malice , and prosecuteth his followers with indignities of deepest fury . For no sooner was he seated in the Chaire of the scarlet Beast , but he casteth into durance Alexander Farnesius Cardinall of Sanflorian , Camillus Collonna , and Iulianus Caesar with his brother the Archbishop , vpon suspition of a conspiracy complotted against him in fauour of the Imperialists . As many the Seruants and ministers of Caesar , here and there negotiating his affaires through Italy , as he could lay hands on , he seazeth ; and amongst these , Tascis master of the forests to his maiesty , and don Garzia Lassus a Duke of no obscure reputation amongst the Spanish . Marke Anthonie Colonna beeing absent , he citeth to appeare before him within three daies space ; and in default of appearaunce , hee maketh prize of his goods . To Iohn Count of Montorian , he giueth the goods of Ascanius Colonna , together with the titular Earledome of Pallianum . In despight of Caesar he recalleth the Out-lawed gentlemen of Naples , and endoweth them with offices , and publique preheminences . At the instance of Peter Stroza , he fortifieth Pallianum , and prepareth it for the receit of the French to the infesting of Naples . Finally , by sending his kinsman Cardinall Caraffa into France , most impiously he disturbeth the peace concluded in Belgia , betweene his most excellent Maiesty and the French Monarch . And to bee especially carefull , that no one shot of Popish malice should misse his Maiesty , he absolutely denieth his sonne Philip ( vnto whom the father had resigned the administration of all his kingdoms ) the inuestiture of the kingdomes of Naples and Sicil , being held of the Church . Wherupon followed such furious and lamentable wars , managed between these mighty potentates of Christendome , that Italy and France being chiefly ingaged therein , reeked againe in the bloody tragedies of their deerest Citizens . For not Rome only was almost brought vnto those extremities by the presence of the Duke of Alua , which once it suffered in the daies of Clement , and for the present auoided by accepting of these conditions , which the now-somwhat-lenified Lord Generall propounded : but the French also in fauour of the Papacy , being sent into Italy vnder the conduct of the Guise , to infest the peacefull estate of the Latian prouinces , vnderwent the miserable destiny of vnfortunate warfare , in their indeauours to thrust in new forces into the chiefe City of Vermandois , against the squadrons of King Philip , marching out of Belgia to the reliefe of the said place . In which conflict their whole army was routed by the Germane Horse , the Constable , the Rhene-graue , and many noble men taken prisoners , and the City forced . And not long after being masters of Calaies , they suffered a no lesse disasterous defeature in their returne by Graueling at Count Egmonds hands : Termes and Villebon their two most famous leaders beeing taken prisoners , their armie routed , and their people slaine . Now , what vpright conscience can sauour a Religion so insatiate of blood ? or what Christian can thinke that Man , who to perfect his owne respects , careth not what mischiefe he worketh , to be the Vicar of Christ ? Surely , Let them impudently affirme what they list , their workes so perspicuously layde open to meanest capacities , may with sufficiencie assure vs , that through the whole course of their successions , they haue euer rather merited the Sir-names of Saule , then the least title of Paul. And so to the worlds end will they doe , rather then by the redeeming of one Christian soule from spoile and blood shed , they will suffer one Acre of Saint Peters imaginary patrimony , to be wrested from them , if possibility or trecherous pollicy can any way withstand it . ❧ Ferdinand Caesar . Hee raigned 1558. About the fift yeere of Queene Mary . AS soone as Charles had betaken himselfe to a solitarie life in Saint Iustus in Spaine , his brother Ferdinand long before elected King of the Romanes , now by the generall suffrage of the Electors assembled at Frankford , is preferred vnto the Empire . After the ceremonies whereof accomplished , to make manifest his obseruancie towards the Romish Sea , he dispatcheth to his Holinesse Guzman , his chiefe chamberlaine ; to signifie , that his Maiesties pleasure was , vpon oportunity of first-offered-occasion , to request and receiue the imperiall Diadem at his Holinesse Hands . But such was his father-hoods arrogant and froward answer : that it may well argue the Relator , not onely not to be the successor of Peter , who with the residue of the Apostles , reuerenced the authoritie of the higher powers , as the ordinance of God , with due honour and obedience : no , nor a man willing to doe one good turne for another , according to the mutuall lawes of courtesie and humanity : but in truth , that very Antichrist , whom the warrant of Holy writ doth point out , to be the person , who should arrogate to himselfe , to prescribe aboue , and against any thing , that God himselfe hath commanded to be holy and inuiolable . For this irregular Beast , would vppon no reason acknowledge Ferdinand for Emperour ; cauilling that his predecessour Charles , had no ability or capacity to surrender the Empire to no liuing creature , but to the Romish Sea ; Neither that it was lawfull for Ferdinand , to take vppon him the administration of the State , without the approbation thereof . His Maiesties Embassadour hee would at no hand suffer to approach his presence ; but hauing learnt out the tenour of his Embassie , hee propounded vnto the Cardinals and Lawyers certaine questions , neither arising from the rudiments of Gods word , nor enforced from the grounds of Nationall Lawes ; but harried from the deepest Abysse , and there discussed by Lucifer the Prince of malice , pride and falsities . Which , as afterward they were libelled out , and dispersed by the Romanists themselues , you shall here receiue . 1 If Guzman , who auerreth that Hee is sent from his Lord Ferdinand , vnto the most Holy Lord the Pope , ought by Law to speake what Charles the fifth hath done , about the resignation of the Empire to his brother Ferdinand . 2 Which being sufficiently vnderstoode ; whether they , wholy , or in part haue done rightfully and lawfully , sithence the Approbation of the most Holy Lord the Pope , and the Apostolique sea , was not interposed therein . 3 Whether , these difficulties being cleared ; nothing for the present may bee obiected against the person of the most excellent Lord Ferdinand . Whereby , hee may be adiudged incapable of the Imperiall dignity : As the euill education of his sonne the king of Bohem , inclinable to manifest heresie . It beeing promised , that within the Kingdomes subiect to his authority , heresies are tollerated without punishment ; Catholiques are oppressed , Monasteries dissolued , Churches auoided , and the Professours of the Augustane reformation , suffered to conuerse and inhabite promiscuouslie with Romish Catholiques . As also , that Ferdinand himselfe did graunt a conference at Wormes , as touching controuersies in Religion , without the consent and good leaue of the Holy Apostolique Sea. That , Hee bound himselfe by oath in the Dyet of Frankford , to obserue all the Articles confirmed in the fore passed Sessions ; wherein manie damnable and Hereticall opinions were maintained and allowed . That , Hee vsurped the Name of Emperour by his owne Authority . That he suspended the Decree , published against Communicants vnder both kindes ; especially at such a time , wherein seuerest execution was most requisite : That he had falsified his oath , taken vpon his first election of King of Romanes ( wherein he had bound himselfe , to be a defender of the Church , and the Catholique faith ) schismes , heresies , and the Protestant Religion . That he had faulted in many more points of like kind , against his oath , and the Holy Canons . 4 What in like manner were to be determined concerning the persons of many the Princes Electors , who being notoriously knowen to haue forsaken the Romish religion , haue agreed to this Resignation : And how all these mischiefes may be preuented and remedied with the least disturbance and breach of Tranquility to the Christian Common-wealth . These were the points to be questioned by the Cardinals . Now albeit the Method of the Narration doe binde me , to acquaint you with the Resolutions of these Creatures the Cardinals ( for surely I know it is a part of my task to diue into the cunning intendments of these proposed questions : ) Notwithstanding , the incompatible pride of the Romanists ; their tyrannizing ouer all Lawes , and the indignity of such base , wicked , and malicious propositions , doe wholy diuert mee from my intended Method , forcibly compelling me against the Rules of Historie , to walke a long digression from my intended Narration . For which , I beseech thee ( Reader ) pardon and patience . For who vpon mature deliberation of such scruples , knowing the Author by whom they were propounded , can refraine from accursing this so fanatical an ambition of Soueraigntie in a Bishop , accompanied with such horrible impiety & contempt of his euerliuing Masters commandement ? What conscience can but blush at his impudencie , who hauing by Gods permission for our manifold sinnes tyranized ouer the Church of Christ for so many yeares , would yet at this day , in despight of light and truth , reduce Kings and Princes into the auncient estate of their Babilonical seruitude ? Not once looking back vpon such like narrations as these , ( taken out from their owne Records ) to consider , how their predecessors to work their wils vpon mighty Potentates ( for hic Aquila non captat muscas , & quicquid delirant Reges , plectuntur Achiui . ) haue made no more conscience by secret and cunning practises , to imbrue the whole Christian world in bloud and desolation ; then a Turkish Generall by falsifying his faith , hath done against conquered Christians . Yea , I dare auow , ( for experientia optima magistra ) that by hooke or crooke , at this day they would as eagerly follow their Canonical presidents , to restore their Entrados ( hinc illae Lachrimae ) as euer did any of their Luciferian predecessors . Were it not , but that they apprehend , how the Turkish forces , first by land affront the Empire from the Carpathie Mountaines to the Ardiatique : Secondly by sea , how at diuers times , but especially in the yeare of our Lord 1534. Barbarussa so scoured alongst the coast of Italy , that if he had descended a little lower to Ostia , actum esset de Roma . His Holinesse must haue resorted to auncient deuises , viz. peraduenture haue sought a new Auignion in Thule or China , whether his Iesuites are already imployed to prepare his way . But this is not all the feare , wherewith these mercilesse fellowes haue terrified his holy wisedome . For the world doth know , that for a whole Winter they haue set footing in Italy , and wasted Friuli . Which to preuent , by the best meanes , wherewith God hath truely inabled him , and the residue of the Christian Princes , if they be not prouident , I can but pray , that his diuine Maiesty would be pleased , to resume the welfare of his people into his owne protection . And so to the Response of the Cardinals . Who confessing the weightinesse of the questions to be such , as partly in regard of the nouelty , partly in regard of the qualitie of the persons , and lastlie in regard of the trouble of the times , and the power of the infidell enemy , they ought to be examined in a full counsell of the choicest and discreetest wisedomes ; yet either in wayward affectation to preserue the Papall Authority , or in feare of his bestiall furiousnesse , malitiously powred out on all sorts without difference ; they returned an answer rather testifying some such imagination , then any way sauouring of truth or integrity . And thus it was . That , it ought to bee prooued by publique Euidence , whether it appeared , that the Empire became voide by Charles his Resignation , or by some other meanes . That , it ought to be sifted how Ferdinand could pretend to succeed : meane time that his Embassador sent to Proxy his obedience , or to negotiate any other publique Act , ought not to be admitted . That all things treated of and ratified at Frankford concerning Ferdinands election , were voide , frustrate and of no effect , for that the Scepter of the Apostolike Sea ( vnto whome at first the keies of all heauenly and earthly power were giuen ) was not first mediated . That those worthy personages who were assisting and tainted of hereticall impiety , had forfeited all the rites and prerogatiues , of old granted them , concerning the election of Emperors . As touching the points obiected against his Maiesty in the third article : That it was of greatest consequence ; and had need of penance : which being performed , his Holinesse was to proceed according to fatherlie clemency . Whereupon a Procurator was to be sent from his Popishnesse , to renounce all the sanctions and decrees ratified at Frankford . After publication whereof , and the Empire now voide , a new mandat might bee made to petition Confirmation , for that it is apparant , that by virtue of the Election , adioyned to Clement his Confirmation , Ferdinand ought to succeede in the Empire . As concerning the impediment procured by his owne default , and somewhat hindering him ; It ought to bee put to Examination : That after absolution obtained , obedience performed , and the auncient oath of fidelity administred , he may fully enioy the confirmation of the Apostolique Court. Whose only and peculiar propertie it is , to wide open its Armes , louingly and halfe way ( as it were ) to imbrace euerie liuing soule comming to be receiued vpon repentance , and flying thereunto with a liuelie faith . O you Romanists ! here let mee aske you , which of you dare presume to say , that hee is more holie , or more religious , then Ferdinand ? What is his sinne so greatly to bee repented of ? What manner of repentance is that , which you so much desire ? or how . shall he hope to speede , if hee stand to your wauering and dispensatorie discretions ? Here is no fault committed against God : his word doth warrant his proceedings . The fundamental lawes of the Empire do auouch that an Emperor being chosen by al the Electors , or the more part of them , vpon the very election , without approbation of Pope , or any other forraine Potentate , is to be receiued for true and indubitate Emperor . Cardinall Cusanus saith : Electores , qui communi consensu omnium Almanorum & aliorum qui imperio subiecti erant , tempore secundi Henrici constituti sunt , radicalem vim habent ab ipso communi omnium consensu , qui sibi naturali iure Imperatorem constituere poterant : non ab ipso Romano Pontifice , in cuius potestate non est , dare cuicunque prouinciae per mundum Regem vel Imperatorem ; ipsa non consentiente . The Electors who were instituted by the common assent of all the Almanes , and others the subiects of the Empire , in the time of Henrie the second : by the said generall consent haue a successiue power , by their municipiall lawes to chuse vnto themselues an Emperour . Without depending vpon the Pope , in whose power it is not , to limit vnto any prouince vnder the cope of heauen , a King or gouernour , without its owne agreement . But admit there were no such law , is not the inauguration of all Princes meerly temporall ? are not the setting on of a Crown , the girding of a sword , and the deliuery of a Scepter , orders meerely ceremoniall ? where are then your interessed claimes ? I will leaue you to your wits , and proceede to your starting-holes of spiritualia ; Which I am sure consist in suffering the people to receiue the blessed Communion vnder both kinds . Here is a sinne vnpardonable . Stay , I beseech you . Did not Paul the third , and he a Pope , send out his Bulls , wherby he gaue all the Bishops throughout Germanie full authority to communicate vnto the people vnder both kinds ? How say ye ? shall his Maiesty be exempted , and they priuiledged ? will you tolerate an order of your owne inacting in euery parish , and not suffer the magistrate to see the same by peace and quietnesse preserued and executed through a whole kingdom ? you know vpon what points of necessity , that Bull was granted , and now rather then you will faile to make odious his sacred Maiesty to the fautours of your passions , you will quarrell him about an act of your owne allowance . Woe vnto you , you Hypocrits , who in words seeme Saints , but in your hearts retaine not a graine of piety . Woe vnto you , who offer your open brests to penitentiaries , but hauing them in your clutches , you teare them in their consciences with more then heathenish foppery . You inioine penance to others , and performe no such matter your selues . Amongst your selues , yee reueale all secrets , and are Iouiall thereat ; but treasons and massacres you conceale , and then your impudent wits must beare you out , ( for your faces will not ) that it was told vnder the vaile of confession . Thus by impostures you liue , you raigne , and deceiue the world , neither caring to enter heauens gates themselues nor suffering others to enter that would . Well , during the Interim of these ponderous machinations against his Maiesty by the college of Cardinalls , Guzman comming to the vnderstanding thereof , day by day hastneth his Audience before his Holinesse . At last after three moneths attendance , and earnest begging ( but not before hee had receiued a more strict commandement from his Master ) either vpon audience to execute his commission , or without delay to returne from Rome , hee is admitted to speake in the presence of seuen Cardinals , from whom hee rereceiueth this aunswere . Forasmuch as his demaund required the most mature deliberation of the Cardinals , and such like persons learned in the Lawes , that , according to his Masters commaund hee might depart at pleasure : meane time his Holinesse would recall the whole matter vnto full examination . Good GOD , what other deliberation could be meant heereby , more then a meere cunning , and dilatorie illusion ? For the matter had beene againe and againe disputed on , and the confirmation so long delayed , in expectation of some disaster , which Time might produce against Caesar , that before any thing was determined , this politique Impostor was taken out of this world . After whom departed vnto the place of eternall blisse this worthy Emperour ; but so , that the confirmation which Clement made litigious , Pius the fourth offered willingly , and Ferdinand reiected as constantly , after the examples of Radulph of Habsburge his progenitor , and Maximilian his Grandfather , contenting himselfe with the orderly election of the German Princes . I haue heard report of as weighty a toleration as this , euen in matters of religion , if as vertuous a Princesse , as any of these afore-named , would haue condiscended to haue accepted the approbation at his Holinesses hand . And as the world now standeth , who doubteth but the Pope would doe much to be reconciled to some Christian Constantines . And therefore to conclude , I hold it not fit to conceale these worthy remembrances of his godlinesse and sincerity ; That in his raigne , in the yeare 1552. the second day of August , an Edict was obtained , whereby peace was graunted to the professors of the Augustan confession . That , in the yeare 1555. that noble Decree followed , wherein it was ordained , that no force , nor offence , directly or indirectly , in case of Religion should be thence-forth vsed against Prince , Earle , or any imperiall Citie . In the yeare 1559. at Augusta , in a full assembly of the States , the said Decree was reuiued and confirmed . After which Constitutions confirmed by the transaction of Passauia , and confirmed by the Estates ( as I saide at Ausburg ) this good Emperour perswading himselfe , that mens mindes were wrought to Religion , more by preaching and teaching , then by force and bloud-shed ; was willing , euen within his owne hereditarie possessions , That no subiect of his should bee troubled for his conscience . Wishing , that some abuses ( vsed by the Romanists ) might by lawfull and moderate proceedings be reformed , and yet the Hierarchy and order of the Ecclesiastical policy , be decently maintained . Whereupon , when the Austrians desired the publique vse of the Lords supper in both kindes ; as also other articles of religion , to be freely permitted them , which they had drawen forth in the confession of Ausburg ; Ferdinand , not onely tooke the articles , and the reasons of the abuses ( deseruing reformation ) into his owne consideration : but also , when he heard the testimonie of the Greeke Church , concurring with the petition , hee sent Vrban Bishop of Gurcia for this cause principally to Venice , that there he should procure instructions , how the Greekes accustomed to doe in distribution of this part of the Lords supper : as also what was their Opinion concerning this maine point of doctrine . And in the Synod of Trent by his Orators , he did most instantly insist and vrge ; That by leaue of the Pope , the people of Austria might vse both the parts of the Sacrament . Somewhat before his death , he receaued the Breue , authorizing the Communion to be administred vnto the Laity vnder both kindes , which Pius the fourth sent vnto the Archbishop of Salisburge ; but interlaced with diuers limitation of conditiōs . Wherat this good Emperor did exceedingly reioyce , and gaue thanks that it pleased God , that he had obtained that , which his subiects of Austria , had so often , and so earnestly desired of his Maiestie . For his cariage towards the Counsell of Trent , which he referred wholy to his Holinesse , I hold it not fit to speake . For he adiudged , that hee had receiued an infinite pleasure from the Pope , in that he had graunted him that , ( though by much intreaty and many restrictions ) which Christ commanded vnto all Christians , plainly and effectually . ❧ Maximilian the second . Hee began his raigne in the sixt yeare of Queene Elizabeth . BEtter fortunes , then his father and vncle Charles , had not Maximilian the second , from whom concerning the ample promises of Clement the seuenth , wee haue heard this saying to proceed : It is surely Iacobs voice ; but his hands denote him to be Esau : vehemently complaining , That euermore these people haue violated their faith , and broken their leagues : That against all right and equitie , their words are of no validity , nor their oathes of force . And therefore hereafter neuer to be captiuated with security . He was created Emperour in the yeare of our Lord 1564. A Prince of a sincere disposition , especially in matters of religion : which when hee perceiued to be sorely shaken and rent , with diuersity of opinions ; hee greeued in minde , but shewed himselfe indifferent to the professors thereof , neuer hindering the course with any seuere edict . Which his godly moderation , caused the Romanists to offer him some hard measure surely not to be said , to haue vtterly washt away the contagion of their ancient treacherie and malice , in esse diuolued vpon them from the successiue discent of so many their predecessors . But this worthy Prince was nothing mooued thereat , neither started one iot from his accustomed lenitie . Crato Craftheim his Councellor and Physition , a man beyond all exception , shall witnesse it in his funerall Oration . The Emperor Maximilian neuer entred into iudgement of another mans Conscience , but alwaies in controuersie of Religion forbore by force to settle mens minds . For he confessed in the hearing of many men ten yeeres agoe , vnto William Prelate of Olomuch : That no sinne was more greeuous , then the forcing of Consciences , Many are also aliue who remember what hee said to a Prince flying his kingdome , and in his flight resorting vnto him for succour : Surely those that arrogate power ouer mens consciences , inuade the bulwarkes of Heauen , and oftentimes loose that Authority , which God here hath giuen them vpon earth . Such care and study as Father Ferdinand vsed in obseruing the Pacification of Passania , the same the sonne Maximilian emulated and defended , permitting vnto the Austrian Nobility the doctrine of the confession of Ausburg by edict , dated the 18. August 1568. For when as many noble men of Austria vnder the gouernment of Ferdinand , had presented vnto Charles the fift , certaine Euangelicall ministers professing the Confession of Ausburg : and amongst these , many turbulent spirits dismissed vppon many occasions from many parts of Germanie , had resorted vnto his gouernment as to a place of security ; And vnder blinde pretences of Euangelicall liberty had inconsiderately innouated and tumultuously preached many things concerning Church-gouernement : This Maximilian after the example of his father , thought it not meet to prohibit his subiects the confession of Ausburg ; and yet forbore not to restraine that anarchiall temerity of such hot spirits , throughout euery seuerall village of the Prouince , almost teaching and instituting a peculiar forme of Doctrine and Ceremonies . At last at the earnest entreaty and humble petitions of the Austrian Nobility , he permitted them the free exercise of the Augustan confession , both in Churches and families , so that they would assure him to obserue that certaine order of doctrine and celebration of the Lords supper , throughout all their Churches , which as then was already vsed and imbraced by the residue of the Protestant Churches , according to the prescript of order of the said confession . For reformation whereof he emploied Ioachim Camerarius and Dauid Chytreus : and the promise once granted , being afterwards Emperor he obserued most religiously . Of whose faith and integrity , although to his neuer dying honour much may be spoken , yet here will we cease , and fall to discourse vpon the succession of his Sonne Rodolph . What further matter the good and well minded Reader may expect , I will leaue to his own discretion to be exemplified , by the application of these old verses : Tempora mutantur , Papa & mutatur in illis : Felix quem faciunt Romana pericula cautum . ❧ Rodolph the second . RODOLPH now onely remaineth . Here , whether I should admire at the busie , but now out-worne fury , tyranny and ambition of these selfe-wild Bishops : or reioice at the restored magnanimity , fortitude , and constancy of our Emperour Rodolph , I confesse my selfe grauelled . But to affirme nothing of mine owne braine , here behold a witnesse acting his own part ; A man aboue exception , auouching — He is the same , who was Author of the Commentary vpon the Coloin Businesse . These are his words ; What ( saith hee ) should I speake of the inuincible Emperour Rodolph , who now raigneth . I haue seene his Embassadours at Rome , the most noble and valiant Lord Flacchus , Prior of the Order of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem in Germany , and Ierome Turner of his Maiesties Councell : A man of exquisit learning , of high wisedom , faithfull and honest . I soiourned with them in the same house ; For they lodged with Cardinall Mandrutius ( whome for honours sake I name ) my very honourable good Master , and a man of excellent vertues . He for acquaintance sake intertained them kindly , and vsed them royally : they stayed with vs almost one whole summer : of which delay this was the cause . The Pope , Gregorie the thirteenth was wonderfull desirous to haue the Emperour performe his obedience to his Popeship . For , that it ought so to be , he pleaded prescription . The Ambassadors , to doe more then their Commission warranted , resolutely refused . And their Commission stretched no further , then to promise Obsequium , his humble seruice to the Pope , but obedience vnto the Church . Letters hereof were sent vnto his Maiesty , and meane while Turner was eagerly assaulted by the Cardinals to change opinion ; but he was constant . At last , vntill the Emperors Maiesty could be wrought , to relinquish that forme of words , which the worthy and laudable Caesars , Ferdinand his grandfather and Maximilian his father had vsed , the Embassador was accepted to do what he was commanded . And so in a full assembly of the Cardinals , the Pope being mounted vpon an high Seig , Hee promised his Holinesse his seruice , and the Church , his obedience . In action whereof he gaue good proofes of his learning , wisedome , and admirable boldnesse . To many in the City , this seemed a ridiculous contention , sithence the words obsequium and obedientia doe so little differ in substance : but let them laugh ; The Popes rites well vnderstand the meaning thereof , otherwise , let them bee assured , that his wisedome would not so stifly haue insisted vppon the bare word of obedience . As for the Emperour , the world knoweth , that here he made it manifest , that hee was not bound to giue obedience vnto a Bishop , his subiect , from whome hee expected subiection and fealtie : At leastwise he layde an excellent foundation , towards the restitution of the decayed Honour of the Empire , by others to be perfected as God and time shall offer occasion . For what a greater blessing can a Christian man wish , then to see a Bishop praying and preaching , and abhorring to prescribe lawes vnto a temporall Emperour ? What other thing more necessarie for peace and humane society can the Councel of State deuise , then to bridle seditious mindes , from taking aduantage to disquiet the State , vpon euery sinister seducement of an vnconscionable Iesuite ? Which if they once effect , then shall the Emperours giue them their due fauours , that is , acknowledge the Lateran Bishops to be venerable fathers . If these passages , I say , were reduced to their pristinate forme and integrity , then no longer should wee behold the Christian people turmoyled in discords , no Princes murdered , no oaths of allegeance impugned , no equiuocation iustified , nor Turkish inuasions so powerfully maintained . But of these abuses , and many more mentioned by mine Author , and still maintained , but not with auncient obstinacie , for want of this implored reformation , let him that hath a stomach to bee informed , read the Apology , brought out of Spaine , and printed at Antwarp in the yeare 1527. There in order shall hee finde as much as followeth , the summe whereof drawen into heads , shall suffice for this present . 1 The Breues of Clement the seuenth , wherein hee loadeth Caesar with as many calumniations , as his witte could deuise , and those most false and forged . 2 The aunswere of the Emperour Charles the fifth vnto these forgeries . 3 The second Breues of the Pope , wherein vppon repentance that hee had falsly accused Caesar , hee sendeth vnto his Nuncio , to forbid him the deliuery of the former Breues . 4 The answer of Caesar to these second Breues . 5 An Epistle of Charles Caesar vnto the Colledge of Cardinalls , desiring them , that in case his Holinesse did continue either to denie , or differ , a generall Councell , that they themselues would proclaime it . Now that wee haue fully informed you how this halfe-deplumed Estritch hath notwithstanding opposed against the two last Emperours , Ferdinand and Maximilian , and not at this day feareth not to bee troublesome vnto their successour Rodolph : As also , how his patience hath beene nettled by the transaction of Passauia , and the Edicts of peace deuised , ratified and proclaimed by these three late worthy Emperours : It shall not for a perclous vnto your wearied mindes , I hope , proue a loathing seruice , if I shall in order recite vnto you , at what warde his Holinesse at this day lieth , considering that hee is not able any longer , to set father against sonne , and sonne against father in open action ; Prince against Prince , and people against Prince , and Prince against people . These practises are reuealed and absolute , now must they erect ( and but once erect ) an order to purpose ; An order that must commit all villanies , and his Popeship not seene therein : an order that must studie Matchiauell , entertaine intelligence , and able in it selfe to negotiat in Princes affaires , without posting and reposting , to the view of the world , for their dispatches to Rome : an order of all orders that euer were deuised , the most cruell and truly bestial ; the bane of mankinde , and the fire-brands of Christendome . Of whom , if any worthy pen would take the paines , to indict a Legend ; the world should soone perceiue , that they to the vnderpropping of this declining sea , within these few yeares , haue committed as many forgeries , villanies , and seducements to warre and murder , as their Masters before them haue done in many Ages . So furious are their humours , so irregular their consciences to worke , pleasing seruices to their politique Monarch ! Bound they are to auert , whatsoeuer they shall thinke or know preiudiciall to the Romish sea . Bound they are ( as much as in them lieth ) to hinder the propagation of the Gospel . Then , their calling being such , their seruice such , and such their vowes , let vs learne amongst many of their actions , by some few , what peace in religion is to be expected , from such persons , that hereafter we may be able to discerne the man by his speech , as the Lion by his clawes . Notes of priuate passion . HE that playeth the Prologue , is Conradus Brunus , attired in his third booke . cap. 1. pag 305. oppugning , railing and annihilating the Transaction of Passauia , and the peace granted thereupon ; a peace so religiously ratified by such and so many hand-writings , and so solemnly sworne vnto by such iust , honourable and worthy personages . At his first entrance you shall know him by his brazen face , and now you shall heare him speake . The Edict ( saith hee ) is friuolous , void , and at no hand to be obserued : His reason , because a Catholique ought not liue peaceably with such Heretiques , for so should they neuer be offended nor abolished . Yea , so much the rather were the association so ordered to be abhorred and abominable , for that a Catholique meeting one of them , should be adiudged to haue assented to the peace : But to offend them ( with whom there is no communion ) can be no breach of peace ; as whom the Lawes of the Empire doe subiect vnder a curse , and expose to offence , without punishment : Finally , whom all diuine and humane constitutions , would haue to be vtterly extirpated . The next that presenteth himselfe is Paul Windich , in his booke de Haereticis extirpandis pag. 324. And hee termeth this religious peace to be nothing but a breathing , a delay , or a toleration . pag. 327. He saith , that , in his minde , he can but wonder at the madnesse of the Sectaries . For foolishly auouching , and so often babling out the Decrees of the Diets , for the free exercise of their religion . If I should stand to present you with Melchion , Hosius and Posserinus , who wrote whole discourses vnto Henry and Stephan Kings of Polonia , to take into their serious cogitations , the extirpation of the Euangelicall professors , I should but weary you with words . Two lines shall suffice . With the Protestant ( Polonians ) the assurance giuen vpon Faith , is at no hand to be obserued : for that an oath ought not to be the bond of iniquitie . Iames Menochius the Lawyer , Consil . 100. Num. 225. excuseth the Romane Emperor Sigismund , in that he violated his safe conduct . As concerning the which ouersight , the impudent assertions of the Iesuits of Treuers are worthy the relation , published in a certaine booke intituled , The Concertation of the Catholicke Church , Printed 1583. pag. 4. Husse did require safe conduct of Sigismund : Sigismund signed it : but the Christian world , viz. the fathers of the Councel of Constance , being Sigismunds superiors , did disalow it . Simanch a Bishop of Pacia , that lying spirit , blushed not to affirme , in his Catholique Institution Cap. 46. Num. 52. That at no hand , faith was to bee kept towards Heretiques , no not vpon oath . And therefore it was iustly decreed ; That against the tenor of the oath , Husse and Ierome of Prage were burned , and a Canon prouided ; That an oath made towards an Heretique , was not to be regarded . And at last concludeth , That as warning thereof , ought often to bee giuen , so is it very necessary , that it be often re-iterated , and at no time to be silenced , as often as any mention of this peace is obiected . O! Why should I offend the chast cares of any good Christian with such infernall stuffe ? Smally hath he profited in the schoole of Gods word , that in his owne conscience is not able to decide controuersies , of much more cunning cariage , then any of these . In regard whereof , I will here cease , and affirme , That in knowing of one , you know all : such is their malice in seruice of the Romish sea , towards Emperor , Kings , Princes , and free States . Let him that hath a mind to bee further and fully satisfied , peruse the most excellent treatises printed this present yeere 1609. For Conclusion vnto these plaine and pregnant presidents of Popish tyranny by time and vsurpation practised vppon the sacred Maiesties of mightie Princes , mine Authour , truely to aggrauate their immoderate pride , and further to encourage the aggreeued parties to hasten their Reformation , for warrantize out of diuers Authours , hee hath culled out many irresistable testimonies to prooue , That Rome is Babylon , and the Bishop thereof Antichrist . Which for that ( in mine opinion ) in few words they haue beene more liuelier represented vnto your consideratiue consciences , in his Maiesties most excellent Premonition , then which nothing can be spoken more fullie , truely , and indifferently , without spleene , or ambiguitie . I will heere craue pardon to ouerpasse them , and in lieu therof content you , with some few both theorique and practique notes , hatched vpon the same grounds , but practised vpon other states , of later daies in diuers parts of Christendome . And first of their Iesuiticall Theoriques , thus collected into order , and eight times printed : as mine Authour affirmeth . Regulae Iuris Romani . 1. The Bishop of Rome hath in himselfe all manner of power , both spiritual & temporall : Authority to commād , to forbid , to curse , & to excōmunicat : al power of punishing , right of Election and conferring the lieutenancy of the Empire . Power , to create & depose magistrates , euen Emperors , Kings & Princes : so of al other Potentates , & their subiects . These aphorisms are to be receiued as an article of faith : He that alloweth not , or beleeueth not so much , is to be reputed a most detestable Heretique . 2. On the contrary , all Ecclesiasticall persons , Bishops , Prelates , Priests , Monks , Nuns , and all their temporall goods , their priuiledges and estates , are vtterly exempted and freed from all obedience of temporall Lords , from their commands , contributions , and superiorities ; and that aswell in personall and reall impleadings , as in ciuill and criminall actions . Neither are they bound to obey Emperor , King , or any Lay Magistrate . Yea Caesar , Kings and Princes , ought to instruct his fortresses rather to ecclesiasticall persons , then to Lay Captaines . 3. Albeit the Pope be a Man , yet for that he is Gods vicar on earth ( a reason wherfore diuine honor is due to him ) he can not erre in points concerning Christian doctrine ; no although all other ecclesiasticall fathers , yea and the Councels themselues should fall into error . An argument , That from Councels we must appeale to the Pope ; but not e contra , From the Pope , to the Councel . 4. The Validity , interpretations , and power of innouating the sacred Scriptures , resteth in the bosome of the Pope : but his Holinesse decrees , as simply necessary to faith and saluation , are immutable , forcible , and obligatory . 5. The constitutions , Statutes , ordinances , parliaments , edicts , Confederacies , & al letters patents , of Emperors Kings , Princes , & other estates , which fauour any other religion , then the modern Roman ought to be reputed voide and of no force , no , although an oath be interposed . 6. The Edict of religion concluded by the general consent of the German Nation , is not obligatory ; for that it was procured by force . That , it was granted , but to serue the time , as a Delay , or Toleration : viz. vntill the publication of the Councell of Trent , which followed in the yeere 1564. 7. That now the Romanists are to imploy their vtmost indeuours by fire , sword , poison , powder , warre , or any other engine , to suppresse all heretiques , but especially the Lutherans and Caluinists , with their fautors and the politique catholiques , who had rather maintaine peace , then adioyne their forces to the Catholique side in extirpation of heresies . 8. But this rule is not without exceptiō : If they haue cause to feare that the proiect be not likely to second imagination , or that danger or detriment be likely to arise thereof to the Catholique cause : In this case , some regard is to bee had to the time , and a better season to be expected . Yet some are againe of opinion : That time is not to be respected . For what requitall shall a Iesuit returne to so benigne a parent as the Pope , if hee stand tampering vpon the safetie of his conscience , or the security of his life ? And therefore without any longer temporizing , it were better that in all places these Lutherans and Caluinists were speedily banished , suppressed , or vtterly rooted out ; so that hereafter not so much as one seed may be left , to restore so much as the remembrance of their Religion . 9. As soon as the Roman-Catholique subiects in their Conciliables haue decreed , That the Emperor , King or Prince vnder whom they serue , is to be accounted a Tyrant : then is it lawfull for them to renounce him , and to hold themselues free from their oath of allegeance . But if they be deemed to hold their assemblies ; Then is it granted vnto euery priuate subiect , yea praise-worthie and meritorious , to murder such a King or Prince : but with prouiso , that hee proceede not before hee haue vsed the counsell of some Iesuit , or such like Theologian . Wherein , the Munke Iames Clement , who slew Henry the third with an inuenomed knife , made true vse of this Rule . And in those dayes , hee was adiudged to haue acted as meritorious an action , that should haue played the like part by his successour Henry the fourth . 10 If subiects haue a Lutheran or Caluinist to their King , or Prince , who indeuoreth to bring them into Heresies , ( you must alwaies vnderstand what Heresies they meane ) they are those subiects quitted of homage & fealty towards their soueraigne Masters . To whom it is lawfull and granted to renounce , murder or imprison such an anointed and high Magistrate . 11 That , Emperors , Kings & Princes may be poysoned by their vassals and seruants ; in case the Theologians , or Iesuits , being learned and graue men , doe account them for tyrants : prouided , that the concluded party to die , doe not amend , nor procure his owne voluntary destruction . 12 The Pope hath the free gift of all the kingdoms , principalities , and territories of all hereticall and infidel Princes : and such donations shall be firme and auailable to all constructions and purposes . 13 It is lawfull and granted to Iesuits , and all other Catholique Priests , in case they happen to be examined before heretique Magistrates , to vse equiuocation , mental reseruation , false names , and counterfeit apparrell : the better to insinuate , and dispatch their treacheries . 14 That it is lawfull for Iesuites and such like Romanists to equiuocate to the demaunds of Magistrates : And that as well by oath , as without . But this is to be vnderstoode , when the Respondent doth not account the Demaundant for a competent Iudge or Magistrate : Or when , the Respondent doth imagine , that the Iudge ( though competent ) hath no lawfull pretence of examination : Or when hee supposeth his Aduersarie , hath no iust cause of questioning him . 15 That such Catholiques are not bound to aunswere priuate Catholiques from the heart , and with conscience , but to equiuocate , and answer them with double meanings . 16 That this equiuocation is a profitable Arte , and good policy . Wherewith Martin Azpileneta , vnto whose doctrine Gregory the thirteenth gaue the attestation of vnanswerable and Holy : And of whom the Iesuit Horat. Tursellimus in the life of Lauerius affirmeth , That hee was a man excellent for his honestie and learning , congratulateth himselfe , and boasteth , that he commanded vnto a certaine great Prince the Apothegme ; Qui nescit dissimulare , nescit viuere ; Whereof the sayde Prince made afterwards great vse and profite . These were the passions that troubled our forraigne Nouellists ; In lieu of many , to auoid prolixity , now let vs proceed to examine at what marke , the Romanists on this side the sea doe also leuell . And Saunders , for that hee will satisfie vs by Scripture ; is traced by Bellarmine , and magnified by our aduersaries to be a man of most eminent learning , shall bee speaker for the whole factorie . But by the way you must note , that these had their priuate respects in their hearts , while they held their pens in their hands : So this our Country-man was not destitute of his priuate passion also , which was either an ouer-hard conceit against his deerest Soueraigne Queen Elizabeth , out of whose Kingdome hee was banished ; or an ouer-weeing respect , deuoted vnto the seruice and gracious aspect of Pope Pius the fift , vnto whom hee stood many wayes beholden . Otherwise your consciences would assure you , that he would neuer haue broached so manifest a lye . The worke whereat hee aymed , and the greeuances which disquieted his penne , your discretions may iudge of , by reuoking to minde , the daies wherein hee liued , and the personage that then reigned . Mutato nomine , the positions ( you know ) as yet are as peremptorily maintained , and therefore aboue the rest fittest to be spoken vnto . With a liuely suke to corroborat a bad matter , hee groundeth his first authority ( his reasons & arguments as flowing from the bitternesse of his priuate braine I will ouer-passe ) vpon the second booke of Cronicles the 26. Chapter , where we read ; Oziam regem , cùm sacerdotum officium vsurpauit , á Pontifice fuisse de templo eiectum . Et cum propter idem peccatū , lepra a Deo percussus fuisset , coactùm etiam fuisse ex vrbe discedere , & regnum filio renunciare . Quod non sponte sua , sed ex sententia sacerdotis , vrbe , & regni administratione priuatus fuerit , patet . Nā legimus Leuit. 13. Quicunque , inquit Lex , maculatus fuerit lepra , & seperatus est ad arbitrium sacerdotis , solus habitabit extra castra . Cum ergo , haec fuerit Lex in Israel , & simul legimus 2. Paralip . 26. Regem habitasse extra vrbem in domo solitaria ; & filium eius in vrbe iudicasse populum terrae , cogimur dicere , fuisse cū ad arbitrium sacerdotis separatum , & consequentèr regnandi authoritate priuatum . Si ergo propter lepram corporalem poterat sacerdos olim regem iudicare , & regno priuare : quare id non potest modo propter lepram spiritualem , id est , propter haeresim , quae per lepram figurabatur ; vt August . decet in questionibus Euangelicis lib. 2. quaest . 40. praesertim cum 1. Cor. 10. Paulus dicat : Contigisse Iudeis omnia in figuris . Haec ille . That Ozias the King , when he vsurped vpon the office of the Priest-hood , was by the Priest cast out of the temple . And when , for the same sinne he was strucken by God with leaprosie , he was constrained to depart out of the City , & to resigne the kingdom to his sonne . That not of his own accord , but by the sentence of the high Priest , hee was banished the City , and depriued of the gouernment of the kingdome . It appeareth , Leuit. 13. whosoeuer ( saith the Law ) shall bee touched with the leaprosie , and is seperated by the iudgement of the Priest , he shall dwell by himselfe without the tents . Sithence then , this was the Law in Israel : as also that we read 2. Paralip . 26. That the King dwelled without the City in a solitary Mansion ; and that his sonne iudged the people of the land within the City : wee must of necessity confesse , that hee was sequestred by the iudgment of the Priest , and consequently depriued of all authority of gouernment . If then , in respect of corporall leprosie , the Priest of old might dispose of the King and dispossesse him of his kingdome . Wherefore now may not the Pope doe the like , in case of spirituall leprosie , viz. for heresie , figured by Leprosie , as saith S. Augustin , in his Euangelicall questions lib. 2. quaest . 40. Especially when in the first to the Cor. ca. 10. Paul saith : That all things were manifested vnto the Iewes in figures . Hitherto Saunders . Take him at his word , and heere were learning enough to deceiue millions of soules : but examine him by his owne authority , and you shall find him in a miserable taking , vnlesse God be mercifull . For to prooue it most false , That Ozias was depriued of his regall Authority by the sole iudgement of the high Priest : Nothing through the whole History of the Kings is more liuely expressed , then that Ozias from the sixteenth yeere of his age , when he began to raign , to the 60. yeere , wherein he died , was perpetuall King. Neither was he at any time during his naturall life depriued of his kingdome . Without question he dwelled in an House apart : And in that respect , for the nature of his Disease , hee could not dispatch the office of a King , which is of fact . But that bereaued him not of the right of his kingdome , neither of his Kingly capacity ; for so wee should deny , that Children being crowned ( as in times past Ioas and Iosias were ) and men of full age ( if they had fallen into irrecouerable sicknesses , either of mind , or body ) to be Kings ; sithence the one by nonage , the other by sicknesse are necessarilie sequestred from managing the State , which consisteth in action . 2. But Ozias continued king as long as he liued . For the scripture saith : In the seuen and twentith yeere of Ieroboam king of Israel , raigned Azarias ( called also Ozias , and Zacharias ) the sonne of Amazias king of Iuda . Sixteen yeere old was he , when he began to raigne , and he raigned fifty two yeeres in Ierusalem . Behold our Romanist here plainely detected of an vntrueth ( as I promised gone before ) and that by the truest testimony , that humane satisfaction can vnder the concaue of the heauens demand . But to bewray the true genius of impudency , I will yet go farther , to his and his partakers finall confusion . Witnesse the 2. of Kings . v. 27. In the two and fiftieth yeere of Azarias King of Iuda , Pekan the sonne of Romeliah raigned ouer Israel in Samaria . Heere is plaine dealing , and matter vpon record . How shall we here beleeue this Romanist , when the spirit of trueth and Antiquity giueth vs assurance , that he continued King thirty six yeers after his Coronation . To the further verifying wherof ( if it were possible ) Iosephus recordeth in his 9. book of Antiquities , cap. 11. That Azarias ( or Ozias ) dyed in the sixty eight yeere of his age , and in the two and fiftith yeere of his raigne : which being most true , that he began his raigne at sixteen yeeres , and dyed at sixty eight ; what testimony is obiected in the course of his life , whereby we may gather that he was either deposed or depriued from his legall inheritance ? That during the time of his visitation , his sonne was but his deputy , we will prooue anon directly , as it is accustomed to be done vnto them , who in like cases are not able to attend their affaires themselues . For no lesse doth the same Text auerre : Ioatham the Kings Sonne was Ouer-seer of the Kings Pallace , and gouerned the Kings House , and iudged the people of the Land. Here obserue , that Ioatham is stiled but the Kings sonne in the life time , and sicknesse of his father ; Gouernour of the Court , and as I may properly speake , Lord steward of his Fathers house . And why did hee sit in iudgement amongst the people ? because their complaints could not with conueniency be brought vnto the kings iudicature , by reason of his infirmity , and his separation thereupon by the prescript commaundement of Gods Law. Leuit. 13. 3. For confirmation of which last point , heare what the Text sayth : And Ozias slept with his Fathers , and they buried him in the field of the Regall Sepulchres , because he was a leaper . And Ioatham his sonne raigned in his stead . Here again obserue , how plainly the scripture leadeth vs in the way of truth : Euen now , It termes Ioatham the Kings sonne , the kings steward , or seruant : But now , after the decease of his father ( and not before ) It saith : Regnare caepit : He began to raigne . Yet Ozias was separated by the commaund of the high Priest ? True : but that was also commanded by the liuely voice of the Diuine Law ▪ But that he was deposed or depriued from his legall inheritance , his kingly authority , or inforced to resigne his estate to his sonne before his death : No man will auouch it , vnlesse a bloody and passionate Romanist . The simple know , that Soueraignety and Gouernement are of no lesse difference then proprietas and possession , or as I may speake , an estate determinable , and an estate in Fee. Soueraignety is alwaies incorporated vnto the person of the King , is as it were the soule of a kingdome , and inseparable from the right thereto : But Gouernment , Lieutenancy , or procuration may bee diuested vppon deputies . As in the nonage of kings ; or in times of daungerous sicknesses , those who are assigned to take care of the waighty affaires of the kingdome , are stiled Deputies , Protectors , Tutors , Lieutenants , Viceroyes , or Gouernors , neither propounding , dispatching , nor negotiating any publique businesse in their owne names , but vnder the stile and seale of the yong , or diseased Soueraigne . His second authority is taken from the second of Chronicles the 23. Chapter , which because in truth it is but impertinent , though most maliciously framed ▪ I will recite in our vulgar tongue only . At what time Athalia gouerned the kingdome by tyranny , and maintained the worship of Baal , Ioada the High Priest called vnto him the Centurions and souldiers , and commaunded them to slay Athalia , And in her stead they crowned Ioas king . That the Priest perswaded not , but commanded , it is apparant by those words in the fourth of Kings , and eleuenth Chapter . And the men of warre did according vnto all that Ioada the High priest commanded them . Againe by those in the second of Chronicles the three and twentith Chapter . But Ioada the high Priest going out vnto the Centurions & leaders of the Army , said vnto them ; Bring her forth ( Athalia the Queene ) from the precinct of the Temple , and let her be slaine without by the sword . That the cause of the deposition and killing of Athalia , was not onely her tyrannie , but also her maintenance of the worship of Baal ; It is proued by the words immediatly placed after her slaughter . Whereupon , saith the Scripture , All the people entred into the house of Baal , and destroyed it , and broke downe the Altars and the images thereof . They also slew Mathan the Priest of Baal before the Altar . That this example of Ioada and Athalia , do nothing concerne the marke , whereat they so preposterously and maliciously leuel : or the moderne controuersie of Papal intrusion ouer Kings and Princes , we wil resolue you forthwith . For the Example of Athalia , is of a party , who vsurped vpon a Kingdome without any lawfull pretension , saue meere and barbarous tyrannie ; by force , by wickednesse , and the cruell murder of the royall Progenie . In which case , the President was so abominable , that euen without the commandement of Ioada , it might haue beene lawfull for euery priuate Magistrate to haue iustified her death : but for that such a designment seemed dangerous and difficult to be executed vpon her , who was mother to the deceased King Ahaziah ; therefore was it needfull to haue vsed the counsell and assistance of Ioada the high Priest . Or at least , of some such eminent person , who for the Honour of his place , or the reputation of vprightnesse , was of power to assemble and stirre vp the souldiers and people to so iustifiable an action . But that the Act was executed as well by perswasion as commaund ; It appeareth by that which was spoken : Ioada the high Priest sent , and tooke the Centurions and men of warre vnto him , and caused them to come into the Temple ; Pepigitque cum eis faedus : And he couenanted with them . Now I hope that so absolute a Commander , as our Romanists will make this high Priest to be , would haue scorned to haue capitulated , if hee could haue commanded . Besides , the words , we will , or command , are accustomably vsed by those , who in faction , or in any other publique businesse obtaine the prime-place of imployment . What then may be found in this example to inforce Ioadas , or the Popes omnipotency , for innouation of States or Kingdoms ? What is brought to proue so dangerous an assertion . This is a true president to be inforced against a Tirannesse or an vsurper . But there is a great dissimilitude betweene legal Lords , or true proprietaries , and theeues ; or the inuaders of another mans possession . If there were any cause besides tyrannie , materiall to depose , or sley Athalia , what is that to vs. Let it be inforced against people guilty of like offences , viz. those that worship , and defend the worship of Baal , and the hoast of Heauen . It is sufficient , that shee was a Tyrannesse , and an iniurious Vsurper vppon an other mans Kingdome ; without that , that vpon her part there remained any obstacle , or impediment of Lawe , but that shee might bee deposed from her throane , and slaine . The like whereof , I hope , no good Christian will affirme concerning any lawfull King ; whose sacred person ( although blemished by many humane infirmities ) the Right of Inheritance , the Maiestie of his Place , and the capacity of his calling , ought alwaies , and that for conscience sake , to protect & defend from iniurie , infamie , and humane controlement . To which , let all true Christians say , Amen . Now to their practique . NOw that I haue epitomized vnto your considerations the theorems , rules , and policies of this inforced vsurpation : I will also make manifest vnto you by true booke cases , how they haue practised vpon these Theorems , throughout all the kingdoms of Christendome . In Spaine , vpon suspition of heresie , they so ouer-awed the conscience of Philip the second , that they caused the vncompassionate father , in a bath to open the veines of Charles his eldest sonne , a Prince of admirable expectation ; there to bleede out his deerest life . Now to explane vnto you , what heresie this noble yong Prince had committed , let me report vnto you ( if fame say truth ) that it arose forsooth vpon his hard vsage towards the Clergie ; In dismounting them riding vpon their pleasures , from their excellent Ienets and stately Mules ; and sending them home to their studies ; bestowing these beasts vpon some of his more worthy followers . Or peraduenture vpon iealousie , that manifesting too much of the Grandfathers spirit , in future times , He might call them to account , as did Charles the fifth . Herman once Archbishop of Colein , to say for himselfe what he could , against the accusations libelled against Him , by his Clergie , and the Vniuersitie . I assure you , farre lesse sinnes , then these , are able to cast the best man liuing into the bottomlesse pit of their fierie Inquisition , Vnde nulla redemptio . Who were of Councell vnto Sebastian , the last of house of Portugal , to vndertake that wofull , but as they termed it , that most meritorious iourney into Africa ? To vnderstand the true motiues whereof , I will say no more , but referre you ouer to the Iesuits Cata. fo . 709. Who but the same brood of Iesuits made away Iohn of Albret , Queene Dowager of Nauarre , the very eye of the French Protestants , by impoisoned Pills ; which an Italian , the Kings Apothecary at Paris , prepared for her ? Who but the brochets of such impieties , were the instruments of that most infernall resolution ; vnder the colour of so solemne and Prince-like a marriage , to contriue the death of the Nauarrois , and the massacre of so many braue Princes and Gentlemen , of the Religion through the whole territories of Fraunce ; And that without any regard or touch of conscience , in abusing and violating the oath of safe conduct , religiously swore vnto , by the King himselfe . By what sort of men , I pray you , was Peter Barr. suborned , and obliged by Sacrament , trayterously to haue murdered Henry the fourth ? And by whom , let me aske you , is the Auditory at this day admonished , but to make vse of some small patience , For within few dayes , God himselfe is to make his personall appearance amongst vs , to worke I know not what , miracles , to the confusion of Heretiques . Was not Iohn Chastelius , a yong man of nineteene yeers of age , and a nouice in Claremount Colledge , fully satisfied , thinke you , by the resolutions and incouragements of these persons , and vpon the foresaid positions ; before he would hazard his portion in heauen , to vndertake the slaughter of the said king of France & Nauar ? But as God would , he missed his throat , & by the wauering of his hand , strooke out but one of his teeth : affirming that he was but as another Ehud , apointed to murder Eglon the wicked king of the Moabites . By whome were so many and so often treacheries plotted not only to haue beene executed by strangers against Queene Elizabeth , but also by her owne seruants , namely Parry , Squier , Lopez , Yorke , Williams , and Patrike Cullen : By whome was her sacred Maiesty excommunicated , her peace disturbed , her subiects assayled , her Realme betrayed , and her life set at sale to bee taken away by any meanes ; by poyson , by massiue rewards , or any other kind of violence what euer ? I will not stand to dilate hereupon . The world I hope is againe and againe satisfied with the proofe hereof . It yet freshly remembreth , what ouertures were made , euen but yesterday , and by whome , vnto the Spanish king for a second Inuasion . And as yet , Caelum , non animum mutant , qui trans mare currunt . For , it is as cleere as day , that none but men moulded and sold ouer to the worst of wickednesse , would euer haue imagined or consented to haue blowen vp a State-house ; And that vpon the first day , and first sitting , when in certainty they knew , that of necessity the King and Prince would be present , the assembly fullest , and the massacre bloodiest . Who were the instruments , that Sigismund K. of Polonia and Sweland after the death of his father returned into Sweland , there against the tenor of his oath , to root out the Lutheran Religion as they terme it ? who were the authors of the vnseasonable commotions in Liuonia ? who accouncelled him by surprise to inuade the kingdome , and almost to haue lost his life , as he hath now at last the kingdome ? And by whose seducements hath hee attempted so many innouations in Polonia ? To what shall we attribute , but to their daungerous instigations , that Demetrius beeing returned out of Poland into Moscouie , in attempting to alter the receiued Religion of the Moscouits , was himself in one day depriued of life and Empire , with an infinit number of his nobles and followers ? Whom should we accuse , but these furies , for the murder of the worthy Prince of Orange , shot to death by Balthasar Gonhard , before prepared for blood by the assurance of these cunning Garnets ? What should I dull your eares with these vnpleasant discourses ? If you list , your selues may reade at leysure the examinations of Peter de Pennes , Michael Renicher , and Peter de Four , against the life of Graue Maurice , the aforesaid Prince his Son , for maintaining the cause of Religion ? I could also , bring you presidents from Transiluania 1607. from Bohemia , 1608. from Austria 1609. Bauaria , 1592. Argentina 1698. Aquisgran , 1607 Donauerd and Venice 1606. but that I am very vnwilling to tire your patience with the desperate resolutions of these irregular and faithlesse men . Faithlesse to God : for they vow religion and humility , but worke treachery and affect superiority . And irregular amongst men , for they preach faith , and administer oathes ; and yet if any thing displease them , they send soules to desperation , and make port-sale of periury . And therefore to conclude , I will for your perpetuall remembrance , in the person of one , describe the very genius of the whole fraternity in these short remembrances following . Seductor Sweco : Gallo Sicarius : Anglo Proditor : Imperio Explorator : Dauus Ibero : Italo Adulator : Dixi teres ore suitam . He that hath oft the Sweth-land-Pole seduced : Murdred the French : And Englands-King abused : A spie for Austria : A cunning knaue for Spaine , And sooths th' Italian States to Popish gaine ; Is All one Man , and Iesuit is his name . And what yee read of Henry , Frederick , Of Otho Great : and their Succession . Gainst a Philip Faire , and the b twelfe Lodowic , French Kings : Gainst c Henry th' eight of Albion , And his diuinest child d Eliza Queene : With many more of Nations far and wide , Be bold to say : Like measure to haue beene In high proportion meated from That side . The Tables to this Booke : The first declaring how many Emperors haue beene either Excommunicated , or constrained to kisse his Holinesse Feete . Emperrours Excommunicated by Otho the fourth . Innocent the third . Henry the fourth . Gregorie the 7. Henry the fift . Paschal the second . Frederick the first Adrian the fift . Philip the sonne of Frederick . Alexander the 3. Frederick the secōd . Innocent the third thrice by Gre. the 9. Conradus the fourth Innocent the fourth Lodowick the Bauarian . Iohn the 22. Benedict the 12. and Clement the VI. Emperours Constrained to kisse the feet of Charles the great . Iustian Emperor of Constantinople . Luit Prandus king of Lomb. Crescentius Consul . &c. Otho the first . Frederick the first . Henry the fift . Sigismund . Charles the fift . Adrian the Pope . Stephen the second . Iohn the xvij . Iohn the xvij . Alexander the third agroofe , &c. Paschal the second . Of Martin the fift , and Eugenius the fourth . Of Clement the seuenth . The second , deuided into Sections ; seuerally epitomizing the liues of the Popes , with the vices whereunto euery one hath in particular beene addicted , viz. who haue beene , 1 Atheists . 2 Arrians . 3 Magitians or Coniurers . 4 Blasphemers . 5 Forswearers and equiuocators . 6 Turkish Pentioners . 7 Mad-men and tyrants . 8 Warriours and bloud-succours . 9 Traytours and mouers of seditions . 10 Parricids and impoysoners . 11 Whoremasters . 12 Adulterers . 13 Incestuous persons . 14 Sodomites . 15 Pandars . 16 Bawdes . 17 Bastards . 18 Drunkards . 19 Couetous persons . 20 Church-robbers . 21 Simonianists . 22 Ambitious persons . 23 Monsters . 24 Vnlearned persons . ❧ Liues of the Popes . 1. Atheists . LEo the tenth : who hearing Cardinall Bembo speaking to a point concerning , The ioyfull message of our Lord , answered most dissolutely ; It is well knowen to the world through all ages , in how great stead that fable of Christ hath profited vs and our associates . This man neither beleeued heauen , nor hell , after our departure out of this life . And such were Alexander the tenth , Siluester the second , Paul the third , Benedict the nineteenth , Iohn the thirteenth , Clement the seuenth , & Gregory the seuenth . 2. Arrians . Anastasius , the eleuenth : Liberius and Felix . 3. Magitians and Coniurers . ALexander the sixth : this man made a league with the diuell , vpon promise to procure him the Papacie . Paul the 3. obtained the garland in Astrology , and in that kind of speculatiō , which is assisted by the ministery of diuels . He altogether kept familiar acquaintance with Negromancers , & such like notable impostures , and starre-gazers , to learne the faults of himselfe and his children . Siluester the second , as well seene in these diabolical Arts , as his Predecessors , gaue himselfe wholly to the diuell , vpon condition to aduance him to the Papacie . Benedict the ninth , obtained the same sea by charms , spels & inchantments . Before his instalment , in company of his associates , in woods and remote places he was accustomed to inuoke euill spirits , and by Negromantike toyes to worke women to his filthy lust . Iohn the thirteenth , at dice would call vpon the diuell , and in merriment carouse a cup of wine to his diuelship . Of Clement the seuenth , we read that he was a Geomantique and Simonianist . Gregory the seuenth , laboured the Papacie by the same Arts. He was the first that euer presumed to excommunicate an Emperour . And that was Henry the fourth , vnto the end of whose legend , if you please , you may with pleasure and to good purpose add these true and vncontrolable records . With the forme of his Outlary vpon earth , we will not trouble you ; but with his impudent presumption in banishing his soule from heauen ( a place wherein I feare ) such persons haue smallest interest , ad perpetuam rei memoriam , I will not faile to informe you . Then thus . Agite igitur Apostolorum sanctissimi Principes , & quod dixi vestra authoritate interposita , confirmate , vt omnes nunc demū intelligāt , si potestis in caelo ligare & soluere , in terra quoque imperia regna , principatus , & quicquid habere mortales possunt , auferre & dare vos posse . Ediscant nunc Reges huius exemplo , & omnes seculi principes , quid in coelo possitis , quantique apud Deum sitis , ac deinceps timeant sanctae Ecclesiae mandata contemnere . Hoc autem iudicium cito in Henricum exercete , vt intelligant omnes , iniquitatis silium non fortuito , sed vestra opera è regno cadere . Hoc tamen à vobis optauerim , vt paenitentia ductus , in die iudicij vestro rogatu , gratiam à Domino consequatur . Actum Romae Nonis Martij ; indictione tertia . Courage then ye most chosen Princes of the Apostles : And what I haue thundered by the deputation of your authorities , ratifie I beseech you ; that now at last all people may vnderstand , that as ye are of power in heauen to binde and to loose : so likewise that you are of no lesse potencie on earth , to giue and to take Empires , Kingdomes and Honors , with whatsoeuer the inhabitants of this world may peculiarly challenge . By the example of this man let Kings and Princes of the earth now learn , what are your prerogatiues in heauen , & what your credits with God , that henceforth they may feare to contempe the awards of Holy Church . Execute I beseech you , this sentence with speede vpon Henry , that all the world may perceiue , that this sonne of iniquity was disinthronized by your operation , and not by destinie . Yet thus much I request of your clemencies , that after repentance , in the day of iudgement , he may obtaine pardon of our Lord at your intercession . Giuen at Rome the Nones of March the third indiction . to the rarenesse and nouelty of which president , ( to auoid exception ) and to confound such quarrelsome spirits , let them heare , what the wisedome of that vpright Bishop Frisingensis , a man for discent , zeale and learning most eminent , reporteth : and the rather for that he was almost an eie-witnesse vnto those times . Lego & relego ( saith he ) Romanorum regum & Imperatorum gesta , & nusquam inuenio quemquam eorum ante hunc a Romano Pontifice Excommunicatum vel regno priuatum . I read and read againe the Chronicles of the Roman kings and Emperors , and in no age can find that euer a Romane Bishop excommunicated or depriued any one of them from his kingdome before this man : meaning Hildebrand . And again in his first book of the gests of Frederick : Gregorius septimus ( saith hee ) qui tunc vrbis Romae Pontificatum tenebat , eundem Imperatorem tanquam a suis destitutum , anathematis gladio feriendum decernit . Cuius rei nouitate eò vehementius indignatione motum suscepit Imperium , quò nunquam ante haec tempora huiusmodi sententiam in Principem Romanorum promulgatam cognouerat . Gregory the seauenth saith he , at that time Pope of Rome resolued to smite with the sword of Excommunication the foresaid Emperor as forsaken of his people . At the nouelty whereof the Empire was so much the rather mooued with indignation , for that before those times , it neuer had known such a sentence to haue been pronounced against the Prince of the Romans . Now with what sequell this Hildebrand striued masteries to arrogate this temporal authority from Henry the fourth . Otto Frisingensis also ( whom Bellarmine , not vndeseruedly , for his parentage , his learning and integrity of life , tearmeth Most noble ) doth relate vnto you . But what mischiefes , what warres , what hazarding of battailes followed hereupon ? How often was miserable Rome besieged , taken , and sacked ? It greeueth mee to record how a Pope was set vp against a Pope , a King against a King. Finally the turmoyle of this tempestuous season produced so many miseries , so many schismes , so many shipwracks of soules and bodies , that those times onely , what by the massacres of persecution , and what by the perpetuity of mischiefes , gaue sufficient arguments to approoue the infelicity of humane misery . So that , those daies were compared by a certaine ecclesiasticall writer to the palpable and darke mists of Aegypt . For the foresaid Bishop Gregory was inforced from the Regall City , and Gibert of Rauenna was thrust into his place . Hereunto , saith one of the tender hearted Romanists , that it mought be that Gregory did this vpon a good intension of the heart , let God iudge ; but it can not be defended , that he did it iustly , discreetly , or by warrant of his calling ; but that he erred foully following the humours and counsels of men , in arrogating that vnto himselfe which was none of his due . Where by the way our aduersaries may learne in auoiding of shedding of Christian bloud , that notwithstanding all the Pope could do by his excommunications , and curses , for fiue and twenty yeeres space , a great faction of the Clergy and Laytie sided with the Emperour , so that Gregories ouersight could be no small fault , in that he called not into his consideration ; That it was the office of so eminent a pastor to haue studied all the points of christianity , peace and humility , by suffering the faults of one man rather to escape vnpunished , then to haue ingaged the innocent and harmelesse people through his priuate desire of reuenge , in an Ocean of misfortunes . For it is manifest that all which we go about in the feruour of zeale , and to good intents , is not alwayes done to good purpose . Moses in zeale to his countryman slew the Egyptian , yet he sinned . Oza in zeale to vphold the Arke of God touched it , and dyed . Peter in zeale to our Lord and his master stroke off Malchas his eare , and yet he was blamed . An inconsiderate zeale doth oftentimes produce mischief and inconuenience . In regard whereof , he ought not to haue excommunicated the Emperour , in participation of whose offence such multitudes of Christian soules were interessed , that without apparant schisme , and disunion of vnity in the Church and common weale , it could not be remedied . This is but the same Councell which for many Ages past , that great light of the Church S. Augustine did religiously and aduisedly admonish vs of , and prooued the warrant thereof out of the writings of S. Paul. Whose opinion the Church from thencefoorth held so forceable , reasonable , and acceptable , that it vouchsafed to auouch it in warrant of their Canons . For confirmation whereof let vs take notice how Hildebrand behaued himselfe after the feeling-smart of these monstrous miseries , by his troubled conscience , and the testimony of antiquity , with reiection of bare assertions , and cauills of dubiae fidei . Pope Hildebrand ( saith our Authour ) alias Gregorie the seuenth , died in banishment at Salerne . Of this man I find it thus recorded . Volumus vos scire , &c. We will that you who are to be carefull ouer the Ecclesiasticall flocke , take notice , that our Apostolicall Lord Hildebrand ( called also Gregory ) now vpon the point of death , called vnto him one of the twelue Cardinalls , whom hee best loued . And he confessed to God , to Saint Peter , and before the whole Church , that he had greeuously sinned in his pastorall Office , committed vnto his charge to gouerne ; and that by the perswasion of the diuell hee had raised greate wrath and hatred amongst the sonnes of Men. Then at last he sent his foresaide Confessor vnto the Emperor and the vniuersall Church , that they would deigne to inuocate his pardon , for that he perceiued that his end drew nigh . And presentlie he put on the Angelicall vestment , and released and reuersed vnto the Emperour , and all Christian people aliue and dead , Clarkes and Laie , the Censures of all his Curses . And commanded all his followers to depart from the house of Deodoricus , and the Emperors friends to aproach . Such were Iohn the nineteenth twentith , and one & twentith . Sergius the fourth . Benedict the eight . Siluester the third . Gregory the sixt . Clement the second . Damasus the second . Leo the ninth . Victor the second . Stephanus the ninth . Benedict the tenth . Nicholas the second . Alexander the second . For from Siluester the second to the time of that most infamous impostor Gregorie the seuenth . All the Roman Bishops applied those studies , and therein far excelled the Aegiptian sorcerers . 4. Blasphemers . LEO the tenth of whom before . Iulius the third . This man made it his common exercise to reason in contempt of the Deity . Was especially delighted in the flesh of Pork and Peacocks : But when the Physitian admonished him to refraine from Hogges-flesh , for that it was an enemie to the gowty disease , wherewith his Holinesse was at that time afflicted , and neuerthelesse would not abstaine . His Physitian , I say , forbad his Steward to serue vp any more Porke . Which when his Holinesse obserued , he demaunded for his dish . His Steward made answere , that his Physitian had forbad it . The Bishop replied , Al dispetto didio , bring me my Pork . Againe , when at dinner time , hee had espied a Peacock , which was not toucht . Keepe me ( quoth he ) this seruice colde for my supper , and let it be ready by an houre ; for I meane to inuite certaine guests . But at supper perceiuing many hote smoaking Peacocks , but missing his colde one ; all pale with anger hee belched out most horrible blasphemy against the diuine Maiesty . Which when one of the guest-Cardinals obserued ; Let not your Holinesse ( quoth he ) be so angry for so small a trifle . Where to Iulius replied : If God were so farre forth angry about an Apple , that therefore he spared not to cast our first Parents out of Paradise , shall it not be lawfull for me ( his Vicar ) to be offended for being cousoned of my Peacock , sithence a Peacock is of more worth then many Apples . 5. For swearers and equiuocators . THe Papal Canons doe teach , that the Romane Bishop , may absolue frō oaths , dispense with vowes , and release a periured person . Whereupon , it is not to be wondred at , to finde so many periured and faithlesse Papists , swarming in euery corner of the world . The Councel of Constance ouer-awed the Emperor Sigismond ( to the violation of his oath ) to deale with Iohn Hus , according to the fore-said Canon , & by that law to burne him : vt supra . Gregory the thirteenth , by the Breue wrote vnto the Papists of England , that Rebus sic stantibus , they might yeeld their obedience to the Queene . Which intimateth nothing else ; but that for the present they may sweare , and vpon occasion dally with their oathes as them best seemeth . Iulius the second , according to the testimony of Guicciardine in his eight book , maintained , That the Romish Bishop might violate his pleighted faith . And this Maxime he taught as well by example , as manner of life . For he not onely by falsifying his faith , cousoned the Cardinals of a huge masse of treasure , but also by the treachery and equiuocation , ingaged the French and Venetians in manifold incumbrances . Siluerius , against his oath of allegeance sworne vnto the Emperour , did his best to betray the City to the Gothes . Gregory the second , hauing forgotten his oath giuen vnto the Emperor , caused Italy to reuolt , and confederated with his enemies . Gregory the seuenth , in a moment forgot what hee had religiously promised and sworne to effect . Pascal the second , after a peace sworn with the Emperor in special & precise termes , as soone as his Popeship had leuied his forces , he charged his Maiestie . Formosus , by breaking his oath , caused most cruell tragedies . Alexander the sixth , for his false faith ( more infamous then Punique ) was most renowmed . Leo the the tenth , against his sworne promise , banished the house of Ruver out of the Dutchy of Vrban . Clement the seuenth , had small regard of his faith . Paul the fourth , and Pius the fifth , excommunicated the English , for not reuolting from their oathes of alegeance . Gregory the fourteenth , threatens that he would doe the like against the subiects of France . Remember the battell of Varna . 6. Turkish Pensioners . CLement the sixth , was euermore very carefull , to keepe the Christian Princes at iarres , so that they could neuer intend to prepare their mindes to thinke vpon the Turk . Alexander the sixth , being willing to make good his supremacy , called in the Turk to assist him against the King of Erance . Alexander the third , betrayed Frederick to the Sultan . Gregory the ninth , by his letters requested the Soldan , not to make restitution of the Holy land , but rather to slay the Emperour , then warring in the Easterne parts . 7. Mad-men and Tyrants . IOhn the thirteenth , put out the eies of some of his Cardinals ; some he depriued of their tongues ; some of their fingers , hands , noses and priuities . Boniface the seuenth , by an ambush tooke Iohn the fifteenth prisoner ; put out his eies ; committed him to prison , starued him , and so became Master of the Popedome . Paschal the second , excommunicated Henry the fourth , being a most religious Prince : prouoked the Sonne to rise in armes against the Father . And to put no period to his hellish Nature , so infinite was his rage towards the dead carcasse , that he commanded it to be digged vp , to be cast out of the Church , and to want Christian buriall by the terme of fiue yeares . Histories record , that Nicholas the third was priuy , nay , author of that Sicilian massacre , from whence sprung the prouerb : vesperae siculae . Iohn the fourteenth : This man deliuered vnto the Hang-man , one Peter the Praefect of Rome : Who stripping him to the skinne , and shauing his beard , by his fatherhoods cōmandement , tied him vnto a Gallowes for a whole dayes space by the haire of the head . Then setting him on an Asse , with his face reuersed , and his hands fastened vnto the beasts taile , hee commanded him so to be shewed in spectacle round about the Citie ; To be scourged , and afterwards banished into Germanie . Gregory the ninth , his fury against the Emperor was vnappeaseable , and would as farre as in him lay , haue vtterly confounded him . Vrban the sixth , vpon a creation of nine new Cardinals , cast seuen of the olde into prison ; sewed fiue in sacks , and cast them into the sea . Boniface the eighth : such ( in partiality of his owne faction ) was the vnquenchable flame of his rancour towards the Gibellins , that vpon report , how some of the side had seated themselues at Genoa ; himselfe made hast to the place , finally to haue destroyed them , and rooted out their race from the memory of Man. Vpon Ashwednesday being according vnto custome to minister Ashes vnto the people , the Bishop of the place ( whom he knew to be a Gibelline ) approached him , & vpon his knees desired his Benediction . Vnto whom his Holinesse ( notwithstanding the reuerence of the place , the frequency of the people , and his religious calling ) where he should haue sprinkled the Ashes vpon his bald pate , he cast them wholly into his eies : Saying : Remember man that thou art a Gibelline , and with the Gibellines thou shalt be turned into Ashes . Innocent the 7. This man tooke such delight in gouerning his affaires with tumult and disorder , that when the Romane Citizens desired him to restore vnto them their auncient priuiledges ; to surrender the Capitol ; to put an end to the Schisme ; to finish the warres , and to bury all memory of seditions . Hee in shew of friendship requested the petitioners to attend his Resolue at his Nephew Lodowicks house ( as good had they beene to haue gone to the hang man ) then dwelling in the Hospitall of S. Eskerit . For foorthwith he murdred eleuen of them , and cast their dead bodies out at the windowes , saying : That by any other counsell it was not possible to finish the warre and the Schisme . Innocent the fourth . As full of fanaticall frensie , accursed Fredericke ; depriued him of all Imperiall dignity ; absolued his people from their oaths of obedience ; insinuated with them to choose another : and to further his vile purposes , deuised infinit scandals to worke the Commons . Clement the sixt that vnmanerly presbyter , rather then he would giue ouer his furious and selfe-wild intendments against the sacred maiesty of an annointed Emperor , fastned his libells vpon euery Church dore . Protesting that vnlesse his maiesty would within three daies take order to satisfie his pleasure , he would impose vpon him his most grieuous censures . Against what poore groome could he proceed more basely ? Stephanus the sixt . Such was his malice against the name of Formosus , that presently he abrogated his decrees ; frustrated his acts , and continuated his rage so far forth against the dead Bishop ; that calling a Synod he caused the body to be digged vp , to be disrobed of all Episcopall habit , and clothed in secular raiment , to be deliuered to lay buriall : From his right hand he cut off two of his fingers , and cast them into Tiber. Sergius the third . This man after eight yeeres rest , caused the body of the said Formosus again to be digged vp : to be placed vpon a papall seig , & to be araigned & condemned to capitall punishment , as if he had beene liuing . From the foresaide hand he caused the other three fingers to be chopt off , and together with the remainder of his body to be throwne into the Riuer , as vnworthy of common buriall . He condemned all his actions , so that they who by him had bin admitted vnto his holy orders , were again fain to be readmitted by his present Popeship . 8. Warriors and Bloodsuckers . INnocent the second after his installment , accounted it his holiest proiect to season his New and high calling with the destruction of Roger Duke of Sicil. Whereupon he flyeth to Armes , marshalleth his forces , and speedily vanquisheth . But by the vnexpected comming in of Roger his sonne , his Popeship is taken , and his Cardinals made prisoners . Iulius the second , in seauen yeeres space was the cause of the slaughter of two hundred thousand Christian soules . He limited a reward to any man that could kill a Frenchman . Marching out of the City accoutred with Pauls sword , and other such holy Furniture , to fight against the French and the confederate Princes : He vnsheathed the blade , and cast the Keyes into Tiber saying : Sithence Peters keies can no longer stead vs , welcome the sword of good S. Paul. Gregory the ninth , receiuing newes of the recouery of Ierusalem , caused the Emperors Embassadors to be murdred . Clement the sixt to effectuate his proper deseignes , from time to time sowed occasions of warre & discord amongst the Christian Princes : and rather then to faile of his purposes , hee would not spare to set them on working by massiue promises , by entertainment , by trecheries and many cunning deuises . Clement the fourth without either formall proceeding or obiection of reason , consented that the Noble Emperour Conradus , the last of the house of Sweuia , should be publiquely beheaded . Sixtus the fourth managed many wars , and was the author of the Pactian league , wherein Iulian de Medices and many other gentlemen miserably miscaried . Innocent the third persecuted Caesar Philip. And is reported to haue boasted : That either the Pope should take the Diadem from Philip , or Philip the Apostolike Miter from Innocent . Paul the third was prepared for great Innouations to be practised against the saints of God. For he raised the German warre . Like vnto him was Alexander the sixt , whome the Papists affirme to bee most cruell . Of whom they vulgarly repeated these verses . If after death Borgia did spue vp blood , Wonder t' is none : For his cold stomack could Not well disgest so great an ingorg'd flood . Onuphrius writeth , that euen a light word was with him a sufficient colour to put any man to death . Vpon what termes the tumults of France were first raised , the league instituted , the massacre contriued , and the warres continued , the closets of Pius the fift , and Gregory the thirteenth , can best testifie . 9. Traitors and mouers of Seditions . ALexander the third , manifestly ingaged himselfe in a plot of treason against Fredericke . For proofe whereof , Frederick summoned a Dyet at Norimberge , assembled the Princes of the Empire , and before them caused the Popes traiterous letter , directed to the Soldan , to be opened , with the meanes of his deliuery . Gregory the second procured all Spaine , AEmylia , Liguria , Italy & other prouinces to reuolt from the Empire : Antichristian-like forbidding the people to pay those tributs , which Christ himselfe had formerly commanded . Sixtus the fourth by entertainement of murdring rascals hauing slaine Iulius of Medices , was the occasion of great tumults in Florence . Gregory the seuenth by plotting of infinit practises , studied to take away the life of Henry the fourth , so far forth that hee would haue murdred him in S. Maries Church , being at his praiers . He soundly buffeted Alexander the second Emperour of the East , and barbarously slew Cincius . Against him ( saith Bembo ) crieth the Bloud of the Church , poured out by his miserable trecheries . Paschal the eleuent , spent the whole course of his life in warre and commotions . Gregory the ninth , by his Legats publiquely commanded the Princes of Germany to depose Fredericke . Guilty of the same treason were Iulius the second . Hadrian the fourth , and Gregory the third . Gregory the thirteenth , the successor of Pius Quintus in impiety and tyrannie was the Author , approuer and commender of the Parisien massacre : then the which the sunne neuer beheld a more Satanical stratagem , whence rose the prouerb ; Nuptiae Gallicae . By the conniuance of Sixtus the fifth , Henry the third , was stabbed to death by a trayterous Monke , and by him the said Murder was exceeding well allowed . 10. Parricids and impoysoners . PAul the 3. impoysoned his mother and Niece , that the whole inheritance of the Farnesian family , might accrue vnto himselfe . His other sister also , whō he carnally knew , vpō fancying of others , he slew by poison . Alexander the sixth , by poison made away Gemen the brother and competitor of Baiazet , for the hire of 200. thousand crownes . And by the like medicine he purged away the life of many Senators & Cardinals . But preparing the like sauce at a supper for some other , by mistaking of the Bottle , himselfe drunk off the prepared cup , and died . Innocent the fourth , being corrupted by rewards , offered a bole of the like liquor to the Emperour Conrade . This the said Emperour verified by his publique letters . Gregory the seuenth , by the ministerie of his companion Brazatus , slew Nicholas the eleuenth with poison . And againe , some Authors affirme , that by the seruice of this wicked villaine , he impoisoned six or eight Cardinals , obstacles in his preferment to the Papacie . Paul the third , did his best , not onely to raise the Christian Princes , against Henry the eight king of England , but also plotted against him some practises of conspiracie . Gregory the thirteenth , loaded with his Indulgences , Parry , and others , to haue laid violent hands vpon Queene Elizabeth . 11. Whoremongers . IOhn the eleuenth . This man , Theodora ( with the more state and pomp to inioy her fractique pleasure ) made first Bishop of Bononia , secondly , Archbishop of Rauenna , and thirdly , Pope of Rome . Christopher the first , who vpon the deposition of Leo , had by the assistance of his female acquaintance , inuaded the Papacie , was againe himselfe , by one Sergius the Amorite of a gallant whore , named Marozia , deposed and shamefully disgraced . Iohn the thirteenth , who liued player-like , not Pope-like , was addicted to all kinde of voluptuous pleasure . Gregory the seuenth , had secret commerce with the Countesse Matilda . Clement the fifth , was a publique fornicator , and kept for his Leman the Countesse of Perigord , a most beautifull Lady , and the daughter of the Earle of Foix. 12. Adulterers . SErgius the third begat Iohn the twelfth , vpon that most impudent whore Marozia : and in his Papacie committed infinite abominations amongst light women , as writeth Luitprandus Ticinensis in his third book and 12. chapter de Imperatorum gestis . Lando the first : This man in fashion of an annointed Batchelor , according to the custome of those daies , consumed the greatest part of his life amongst women ; and was himselfe at last consumed , when he had reigned seuen moneths . Iohn the eleuenth . Theodora , a famous whore and Lady of Rome , was so vehemently in loue with this Iohn ( the bastard of Lando , at his comming to Rome ) that shee not onely desired , but inforced him to keepe her company . And the freer to inioy his company , she caused him to translate the Bishops sea from Rome to Rauenna , as writeth Ticinensis in his second booke . Cap. 13. Iohn the twelfth , the bastard of that famous whore Marozia , spent the time of his whole Papacie , in most bestial sensuality , of him thus writeth Theodorick Niemensis . Being mounted into the Papacie , he was somtime present at the huntings of wilde beasts : the rest of his time hee spent wantonly and pleasantly , and kept company with suspitious women . Iohn the thirteenth . None would serue his turne but virgins , & votaresses . The Lateran Pallace he made his stewes . He defiled Stephana his fathers concubine , the widdow Rayner ; another widdow Hanna ; and his owne Niece . Alexander the sixth , was a most luxurious tyrant : No penne is able to register the rare , beastly and obscene qualities of this most impious Knaue . And such were Iohn the 14.15.21.24 . Benedist the sixt and ninth . Stephan the eighth . 13. Incestuous persons . PAul the third : He , to be made Cardinal & Bishop of Ostia , gaue vnto Alexander the sixth , his sister Iulia Farnese , to be deflowred . Another of his sisters , whom hee kept for his owne store , for playing false with others , he poysoned . Nicholas Quercaeus taking him and his wife Laura Farnese ( though his Niece ) together in company , gaue him such a stab with his dagger , that the scar remained with him to his dying day . Another of his Nieces ( a delicat wench , no lesse admired for her mayden-like modesty , then her choise beauty ) this Goat-like olde Knaue solicited to incest & vnnaturall whoredome . And to inioy his owne daughter Constantia , with more liberty , whom he had often heretofore knowne , he impoysoned her husband Bosius Sfortia . Alexander the sixth , was more familiar with his impudent daughter Lucretia , then stoode with his honestie . Iohn the thirteenth , often times defiled Stephana his fathers concubine . Such an other was Benedict the 3. 14. Sodomits . IVLIVS the second . This man , as we read in a certaine Commentary of the Masters of Paris , abused himselfe with two young gentlemen ( besides others ) whom Anne Queene of France had sent vnto Robert Cardinall of Nantes , to be brought vp and instructed . Iulius the third . Being Legat of Bononia , he vsed one Innocent , his ancient Minion ouer familiarly . Being Bishop , against the mind of the Colledge , he admitteth him his houshold seruant , and createth him one of the Cardinals . The report went at Rome , and dispersed by libells , that Ioue kept Ganimed , but an ill fauoured one . At what time his Holinesse presented this his darling to the Colledge , and euery man denied his consent : for that his presented had neither vertue nor good manners to aduance him : It is reported that he should say : What more saw you in me , I beseech you , when you preferred me to this Papacie ? Wherefore sithence we are all but fortunes tennis-balls , and by her good fauour you haue assisted me : so in like maner be you fauour able to this my boy , and I will create him a Cardinall . But after that some writers had brandished this Catife for his blasphemies and villanies , he procured a fellow as wicked as himselfe , viz. Ierome Mutius , to defend his actions , and thereto he put his approbation . Virgerius writeth , that he abstained not from the Cardinalls themselues . In the time of this incarnate diuill liued , and issued from his priuate closet , that Apostaticall Legat Iohannes à Casa , Archbishop of Beneuent , who in Italian rithmes writ a Poeme in commendation of the sinne of Sodomy ; and Intitled it , Opus diuinum : affirming that he tooke great delight therein , and neuer knew any other venery . Leo the tenth made alwaies very much of his carkasse , and gaue his mind to all variety of pleasure , but especially to the loue of boies . Sixtus the fourth built a famous brothell house at Rome , and dedicated it to both Sexes . Wessell of groning reporteth in his treatise of Popish Indulgences , that at the requestes of Peter Ruerius ( his Fatherhoods Catanut ) as also at the instance of S. Sixtus Cardinall and Patriarch of Constantinople , and Ierome his brother ; his Holinesse graunted his faculty to all the houshold seruants of the Cardinall of S , Luce , chiefe hunts-man vnto Paul the eleuenth ( a fearefull thing to be spoken ) in the hot months of Iune , Iulie , and August , to vse the masculine sinne ; signing the Bull with this clause : Fiat quod petitur . Petrus Mendoza called Cardinall Valentinian , not contented with a troope of euill women , nor satisfied with the Queene her selfe ; desired and oft obtained of Alexander the sixt to vse in holy single-life , as his best beloued spouse , his bastard Sonne the Marquesse of Zaneth . Iohn the four and twentith was accused in the Counsell of Constance , to haue been a Sodomit , an adulterer , and a whoremonger . Clement the seuenth . Of him it is recorded in a certaine Commentary vppon the Articles of the Masters of Paris , that hee was , a bastard , a poysoner , a Man-slayer , a Pandar , a Symonianist , a Sodomit , a Periurer , a deflowrer , a Rauisher , a Geomancer , a Church-robber , and a plotter of all villanies . Such like were Benedict the third , Iohn the thirteenth , fourteenth and Paul the third . Hence complaineth Luit prandus , that the Lateran pallace became by time and sufferance to be a receptacle of vncleane persons . 15. The Fauorites of Whores . VICTOR the third obtained the Papacy , neither by the choice of the Cardinals , nor by the suffrages of the people , but was thereunto hoysted by his Mistrisse Matilda with the assistance of the Normans . Vrban the second , and Victor , by the same party and like meanes , obtained the like preferment . Iohn the eleuenth , by the wealth of Theodora an impudent gamester , ran the same fortune . Paul the third had a roll of forty fiue thousand whores , of whom he exacted a monthly tribut . And no wonder , for if fame deceiue not , I haue heard it reported by men of good experience , that Rome is a City consisting of about fiue thousand soules , whereof a third part were accounted to bee light weomen and Church-men . Sextus the fourth was very bountifull towards their maintenance , and had to spare for his friends and seruants . It should seeme hee augmented their numbers ; for their hyer prooued very aduantagious to his Exchequer , euery whore being rated to pay weekly to his Holinesse behoofe , a peece of their Coine , termed a Iulius . The yeerely Entrado whereof many times amounteth to the yeerly value of foure hundred thousand dukats . And the Officers of the Church doe as duely make their accounts for this Entrado , as for any other of the Churches reuenues . Lucius the third ratified the sacring of whooremongers . Iohn the thirteenth being deposed for his enormious villanies , the weomen of his old acquaintance by promising the Romane nobility their rewards out of the Churches treasure , inuited them to Armes , and wrought his restitution . Iohn the eight . Shee was at first called Gilberta ; but counterfaiting the virill Sex , and the habit of a young man , went first to Athens with a Monke her sweete heart . Where after her great proficiency in the Arts , and the death of her friend , Shee returned alone to Rome , but alwayes in her late disguise . Where in all disputations , behauing her selfe for eloquence and readinesse of acute answers with admiration , shee so gayned the good esteemes of all her Auditorie , that Leo beeing dead , shee was chosen Pope , and sate in Peters Chayre two yeeres and sixe moneths . During her Popedome she was gotten with child by a familiar friend , her Chapleine , and in a solemne Procession , betweene the Colosse and Saint Clements Church shee fell in trauaile , and in the middest of the City , in the streetes , and before all the people , she brought foorth a Sonne , and through paine died in the place . Certainlie it can not bee doubted , but that God suffered this whore to bee Pope , to represent in plaine termes that Babylonian creature , spoken of in the 17. of the Apocalips , to the end that of her selfe , and her inchantments , the Elect might beware . 16. Bawdes . PAul the third , surrendred his sister Iulia Fernese vnto Alexander the sixth , to be defloured . Sixtus the fourth , by the testimony of Agrippa , amongst the moderne Pandors , was the most eminent ; As the man who excelled all other builders in the edifying of that most stately brothel-house , which he dedicated to both sexes . 17. Bastards . MArtin the eleuenth , by a common woman , was the sonne of a Negromantique Priest . So was Iohn the eleuenth , begotten by Pope Lando . Item , Iohn the twelfth , begotten by Sergius the third vpon Marozia . Item , Iohn the fourteenth , then sonne of Iohn the twelfth . Item , Iohn the sixteenth , the sonne of Leo a Priest . Item , Benedict the eighth , the sonne of Bishop Gregorie . Item , Iohn the seuenteenth , another sonne of the same Gregory . Item , Siluester the third , the sonne of the Arch-priest Lawrance . Item , Adrian the fourth , the sonne of Monk Robert. Item , Eugenius the fourth , the sonne of Gregory the twelfth , Pope . Item , Clement the seuenth , the son of Leo the tenth . Item , Gregory the ninth , the sonne of Innocent the third . Item , Adrian the fifth , the son of Innocent the fourth . Item , Gregory the eleuenth , the sonne of Clement the sixth . 18. Drunkards . LEo the tenth , and Nicholas the fifth were famous for the loue of their liquor . 19. Couetous persons . THeodore of Niem , did long agoe delineat the Auarice of the Romane Bishops . For hee compared the Popes Exchequer to the Ocean , whereunto all Riuers paid tribute , and yet was it neuer satisfied . Histories do affirme , that at one gleaning the Popes had out of France ninety hundred thousand crownes . Whereupon Lewes the ninth complained , that his Kingdome was miserably exhausted by these Harpies . The wealthy Kingdome of England to be miserably impouerished , partly by tithes , partly by procurations of the Apostolique Legats , partly by donatiues , and partly by the sale of Benefices , Mathew Paris in his time did much complaine . In those daies , sayeth hee , Pope Gregory either so permitting or procuring ; the insatiable auarice of the Romane Clergy , grew to be so feruent , that without any sparke of modesty ( confounding all law and equity , as a common and brasen-faced-Harlot ) set all to sale to all sorts of persons , and reputed Vsury as a trifle , and Simony as a matter of no inconuenience . Germany was pillaged after the same fashion . By warre and cunning , the Pope wrested from the Emperour his lawfull Patrimonies , some after some , throughout Italy . By harlots they make also rich purchases ; they put out their mony to Interest , and account no gaine , base or vnlawfull 20. Church-robbers . BOniface the seuenth , when he saw that it was no longer safe for him to reside at Rome , priuily and feloniously he purloyned certaine rich tresurers out of the Church of Saint Peter , and fled to Constantinople . Clement the seuenth , was accused for periurie , sacriledge , and impoysoning , &c. 21. Simonianists . FRom Gregory the ninth , Caesar obtained his absolution for the price of one hundred thousand ounces of gold . Benedict the ninth , being strucken with feare ; for one thousand and fiue hundred pounds , solde the Papacie to his Chapman Iohn Gratian , afterward called Gregory the sixth . Hereupon Iohn the Monk complained , that Rome was founded by theeues , and so continued vntill this day , to liue by spoiles . And Alan Chartierius , saith , you haue made the diuine sanctuary a banke of Exchange . Alike in conscience were Leo the tenth . Innocent the eighth , Siluester the third , Gregory the sixth , Gregorie the twelfth , Iohn the eighteenth , &c. So that Bernhard also complained , That the Holy offices of the Church were become meerely questuarie . 22. Ambitious persons . IOhn the foure and twentieth , by ambition onely affected the Papacie . For by the testimony of Stella , when he liued at Bononia , he carried himselfe more like a Lord then a Legat ; He was gouernour of a great Armie , and vnto him the fathers were glad to resort to elect a new Pope ; he gaue out many vnder hand-threats , that vnlesse they would present one to the Papacie , whō without exception , himselfe should very well like of , he should not preuaile . Whereupon , many were nominated , of whom he meant neuer to approue one . Whereupon , the Fathers beseeched him to name the man whom he best fancied . Then giue me Peters cloake ( quoth he ) and I will bestow it on him that shall be Pope . Which being done , he cast the cloake vpon his owne shoulders , saying , Behold your Pope . Which stratagem , though it displeased the Fathers , yet they thought it fitter to be silent , then to aggrauate displeasure . Iohn the three & twentith , was a man most ambitious , writing vnto the Greekes , That hee onely was head of the Church , and Christ his Vicar . Vnto whom the Grecians re-answered in as many words . We constantly acknowledge thy high authority ouer thy subiects : thy high pride we can not indure ; thy auarice wee are not able to satisfie . The diuell be with thee ; the Lord is with vs. So Iohn the two and twenteth , after a long vacation , being made Cardinall by the Councel of Naples ; being intrusted with the election , elected himselfe : which by the Canons he could not doe . So Boniface the third that ambitious beast , in the midst of a tumultuous number , ( yet many gainesaying it ) was heaued into the Papacy ; confirmed , worshipped , and saluted Lord and Prince of all Bishops by that adulterous Emperor , parricide and tyrant , Phocas . Afterward by ardent importunity , or rather by his immoderate bribery , he obtained , that Rome should be called the Head of all the christian Churches , vppon these idle reasons forsooth : That the Empire first took his origen from Rome , and so Peter gaue vnto his successors of Rome the Keies , &c. Read the history of Phocas and this Boniface , to be further satisfied of their mutuall knaueries . Let Paschal the eleuenth ranke with these fellowes . For when William procurator and Clarke to king Henry , speaking in his masters right , amongst other reasons constantly affirmed : That the King had rather loose his kingdome , then the Inuestiture of Prelats : the Pope made this proud reply . If as thou saiest , thy master will not suffer the Ecclesiasticall presentations to bee alienated from him , for the losse of his kingdome ; then take thou notice precisely , I speake it before God , that neither I without the price of his head will suffer him to inioy them quietly . Clement the sixt answered the Embassadors of Lewes the Emperor as arrogantly : That he would neuer pardon his Maiesty , before he had resigned his Imperiall right , sequestred himselfe , his children , and all his goods into his custody , and promised neuer to retake them but by the Bishops grace and good liking . So great was the spirit of Boniface the eight , that almost he disdained all men . For such was his ambition , that he suborned certaine companions in lieu of Angels with a soft voice by night , to sound in the chamber of Pope Celestine , that he should voluntarily resigne the Popedome , if hee meant to saue his life . Which the simple man performed accordingly . But Boniface contrary to Law and equitie , stepping into the Popedome , layd violent hands vpon Celestine trauelling out of Rome , to lead his life in some solitary mansion , and cast him into perpetuall prison . The same Boniface instituted the Iubile , and celebrated it , in the yeere of our Lord 1300. promising to all people that would visit rhe City , full remission of their sinnes . He reiected an Embassie sent from the Emperor Albert. Vpon the first day of the solemnity , he appeared in his Pontificalibus , and bestowed his benedictions vpon the people . The next day he came foorth accoutred like an Emperor , and commanded a naked sword to be borne before him , with this acclamation : Behold here two swords . This is the right I haue to kingdomes and Empire ; they are all in my disposition . The kings of the earth , vnlesse they will receiue their kingdome from this holy Sea , are to be accursed and deposed ▪ Finally hee gloried in his pride , that he was the porter of Heauen , and ought to be adiudged by no man. Adrian the fourth did grieuously chide Fredericke the Emperor for holding his left stirrope , as he came from horse . vt supra . fo . Alexander the third in more base manner vsed an other Emperor as before . fo . Stephen the second deposed Childerick , and preferred Pipin to his place . He shaued Childericks crowne , and thrust him into a monastery . Pipin lay agroofe vpon the earth , kissed the Popes toe , held his horse by the bridle , performed the office of a footman , and gaue him his oath of perpetuall fidelity . Damasus the second . This man was Chancellour to his predecessor ; but his ambition not able to stay the death of his master , it is reported , that he gaue him a dram to dispatch him . Constantine the first . This man was the first that put his foot to be kissed by an Emperor . Benedict the third followed the president , and suffered himselfe to be worshipped as a most holy Father , or rather like a terrene Idoll . Iohn the seuen and twentith did the like to Crescentius the Roman Consul . Martin the fift to Sigismund Caesar . Leo the fourth gaue his foot to all commers , and against the Canons of the Aquisgran Councel , first aduanced a Papall crosse , and adorned it with pretious stones , commanding it to be caried before him . Of the like stampe were Boniface the first , Symmachus , Boniface the second , Siluerius , Martin the second , Formosus the first , Theodorus the second , Benedict the fourth , Sergius the third , Iohn the tenth , Gregory the sixt , &c. 23. Monsters . BEnedict the ninth . Historiographers doe write that this Benedict was seene neere a certaine Mill by an Hermit in a most horrible shape . His body was like a Beare , adioyned thereto the head and taile of an Asse . And being asked by him , how he came to be thus metamorphosed : It is reported , that he answered : In this shape doe I wander , for that in my Popedome I liued without reason , without God , and without limitation . Nicholas the third begat a sonne on his Concubin , who had hayre and clawes like vnto a Beare . Vide Iohannem Nouiomagum . 24. Illiterate persons . BEnedict the eleuenth was a meere Laique . And so were Benedict the ninth , Sergius the third , Eugenius the fourth , Iohn the ninth , Iohn the one and twentith , &c. OF THE FALL AND DEATH OF certaine Romane Bishops . ADrian the third flying from Rome , came vnto Venice in the Habit of his Cooke : where he lurked in a certaine monastery , and was made the Gardiner of the garden thereof . Iohn the fiue and twentith trauelling towards Constance fell headlong from his litter : a presage of his future deposition . For many faults beeing obiected against him in the Councell , he began to flie : but being taken and preuented ; he was cast into prison , and there remained for three yeeres . Siluerius Campanus was banished into Pontus by Theodora the wife of the Emperor Iustinian . The same Theodora her selfe impleaded Vigilius for not perfourming his word : arrested him to Constantinople ; there contumeliously disgraced him , whipped him , cast an halter about his neck ; caused him to be haled through all the streets of the City , and finally banished him . Constantinus the second , was eiected by a Councel : and beeing depriued aswell of his eies as of his Popedome , he was cast into a monastery , and after into a perpetuall prison . Benedict the fift was depriued of his papall dignity , and sent into banishment . Stephen the eight was so sorely wounded in a popular tumult , that for the deformity of his wound , hee was neuer after willing to shew himselfe in publique . Innocent the fourth died miserably . Robert of Lincoln reproued his vile behauiour , his auarice , his pride , and his tyranny , and that as well by word of mouth , as by writing . For which the Pope citeth him to Rome , and iniuriously condemneth him . From him Robert appealeth vnto Christ as his Iudge . Vpon the death of Lincolne ( as writeth Cestriensis lib. 7. ) a voice is heard in the Court of Rome , crying ; Miserable man , make ready to come to the tribunall of God. Vpon the day following the Pope is found dead in his bed , and vpon his body appeared a blewish blow , as if he had been strucken with a cudgell . Siluester the second beeing at Masse was attached with a suddain feuer ; and by the noise of spirits ( witnesse Peter Praemonstratensis ) he perceiued that his end drew nigh , to pay the diuell his due vpon composition . He confessed his errors , and ( as saith Benno ) preuented a miserable and fearefull destruction . Yet in the anguish of death , he desired that his hands , his tongue , and his priuities , wherewith euen in his single life , he had blasphemed God , by sacrificing to diuels , might be cut off . Nicholas the third in midst of his greatest imaginations , was taken with an apoplexy , and without one word speaking breathed his last . Paul the second hauing merrily supped , was also taken with the apoplexy , and departed , without sight of any man. Paschal the second was taken by the Emperour , and thrust into prison . Gelasius the eleuenth . One Cinthius a powerfull patrician of the City made an assault vpon him , tooke him by the throat , cast him to the earth , spurnd him with his feet , and cast him into prison . Boniface the eight , Grown desperate with the ouerwaight of fury , gaue vp his vnhappy ghost loden with an infinit heape of mischieuous actions . This is that Pope , of whom it is recorded , That he entred as a wolfe , liued as a Lyon , and dyed as a Dog. Gregory the sixt was taken prisoner , and sent into banishment . Gregory the seuenth for his innumerable wickednesses was deposed by the Emperor Henry , and in banishment ended his daies . Eugenius the fourth priuily flying in a monasticall coole , together with his friend Arsenius , entred a fisher-boat . Vpon report whereof , his enemies followed to seeke him with stones and shot . Clement the seuenth , for his conspiring with the French King against the Emperour , was made prisoner by Charles his Captaines , and wonderfully derided by the Germane souldiers . Iohn the eleuenth , was taken by the souldiers of Guido , committed to prison , & stifled with a sirplice thrust into his mouth . Boniface the eleuenth died suddenly . Iohn the eighth , not that teeming woman , but a man , died together with his Crescentius , hauing his eies first put out , and his whole body mangled . Benedict the eleuenth , was poisoned at an Abbesses banquet with a dish of figges . Benedict the sixth , no doubt for such like malapert practises , as in these dayes Popes play with mightie Princes , was taken by one Cinthius , a powerfull Roman Citizen , thrust into the Mole of Hadrian , now Saint Angelo , the prison of the basest offendours , and there miserably strangled . Hadrian the fourth : Into his mouth slew a flie , which could not be taken out , nor thrust downe , by any Art of the Physitian : so that it stopped his breath , and choked him . Lucius the second , with an armed band , assaulted the Citizens in the Capitol , of purpose vtterly to destroy the whole Senate . The newes runneth through the City : the people fly to Armes : and a strong fight is managed . Lucius ingaging himselfe in the hottest of his armed troupes , is so mauled with stones and shot , that a little while after he surrendred his life . Iohn the two and twentith . At the instant wherein he promised vnto himselfe a long continuance of his life , was suddenly taken away , and was alone found buried amongst timber and rubbish , by the fall of a chamber . Clement the sixt was suddenly taken with an Apostume , and died . Leo the tenth suddenly died with an astonishing disease . Leo the third was so odious vnto the people , that in a certaine Procession being cast from his horse ; they dispoyled him of his pontificall ornaments ; buffeted him well fauouredly , and committed him to prison . And as some report , they depriued him both of his eies and his tongue . Christopher the first being deposed from the Papacy , was constrained to lead a monasticall life . Not long after he was taken from the said monastery by Sergius his successor , and committed to a most seuere prison , and there ended his daies in great misery . ¶ These vnder written were poisoned . IOHN the sixteenth , nineteenth , & twentith . Clement the second . Damasus the second . Leo the ninth . Victorinus the second . Nicholas the second . Alexander the second . Victorinus the third . Gregory the eight . Celestine the fourth . Vrban the sixt . Alexander the fift . Clement the seuenth . Thus much for their manners : and now to stop the mouthes of those who cry out ; what is this to Religion ? Behold here for a conclusion , not the fruits , but the very points , some few for a taste of these their irreligious documents . BLASPHEMIES OF THE CANONISTES . THE Bishop of Rome is God. Dist. 96. ca. Satis euidenter . 2. The Pope is not man. Lib. 1. Sexti de electione . tit . 6. ca. Fundamenta in Glossatore . 3. The Pope is neither God , nor man. In prologo clementinarum in glossatore . 4. It is lawfull for no man to imagine or practise to transgresse the precepts of the Apostolicall Sea. Dist. 20. ca. Nulli . Item dist . 12. & 22. 5. An Heretique is hee who is not obedient to the Popes decrees . ibid. in gloss . 6. He is guilty of Sacriledge , that belieth the Pope : For he supplieth the place of the liuing God on earth . De paenit . dist . 1. ca. libenter ignosco . 7. The Pope is the vniuersall Bishop through al parts of the earth . Lib. 5. Sexti . ca. faelicis . in gloss . 8. The Pope is Lord of all principalities vpon earth . Li. 3. Sexti . tit . 16. cap. Periculoso . 9. Let no man dare to say vnto the Pope , Lord why dost thou doe thus , or thus ? In extrau . tom . 22. tit . 5. ca. ad Apostolatus in gloss . 2. li. 1. Decretal . tit . 7. ca. 5. vide gloss . 10. The Pope by vertue of these words , Thou art Peter : or , feede my sheepe , obtaineth primacy . In praemio Sexti in gloss . 11. No mortall man may sit in iudgement vpon the Pope . Caus . 9. quaest . 3. c. nemo . Item aliorum . & dist . 40. ca. st Papa . Caus . 12. quaest . 2. ca. quisquis . in gl . dist . 40. ca. non nos . in gloss . 12. It is lawfull for no creature to call into question the iudgement of the Apostolique Sea , or to delay the sentence thereof . Caus . 17. quaest . 4. c. nemini . 13. The Pope may dispence against the Apostles . dist . 34. collector in gloss . dist . 82. ca. presbiter . in gloss . caus . 15. quaest . 6. ca. Authoritatem . in gloss . 14. The Pope hath celestiall arbitrement . Li. 1. decr . Greg. tit . 1. ca. 5. 15. The Pope may change the Nature of things . ibid. 16. The Pope of nothing can make something ibid. 17. The Popes will is a Law. ibid. 18. The Pope may dispense aboue the law . ibid. 19. The Pope may cause an vniust decree to be receiued for iust . ibid. 20. The Pope hath fulnesse of power . ibid. 21. As is the difference betweene the Sunne and the Moone . such is the difference between the Pope and a King. Li. 1. decre . Greg. tit . 33. solitae . 22. Persons vniustlie condemned and oppressed ought to seeke redresse and amends from the Church of Rome . Caus . 2. quaest . 6. c. ideo . Last of all , By these Mens Liues , Manners , and Doctrine new , Pen'd by the trauaile of my Pen ; O you , Who read the leazings of this false-mouth'd crue , Learne these their Liues , Words , Maners to eschue . CONTRADICTIONS MORE REAsonable , then Canonisticall . A Learned and noble preacher ( if any such be amongst the Iesuits ) being demaunded his iudgement concerning the opinion of Bozius ( a more peremptory Champian for the Canonists then any of his fellowes ) Eum vocabat Papalem parasitum , viz. termed him a Papall parasite . Gaguin a learned and religious historiographer , in his time , thus taxeth this their irregular vsurpation : Such is ( saith he ) at this day their haughtinesse and Lordship , that hauing small respect vnto Princes , they boast that all things are lawfull vnto themselues soly . Neither in my Age did any of them ascend the Papacy , but forthwith hee enriched his nephewes with infinit wealth , and honours . S. Bernard long before Gaguin : Doth not now ambition more then deuotion , possesse the Apostolicall succession ? Hereupon said Platina : In this maner dyed that Boniface , who studied more to terrifie , then to teache Kings , Princes , and nations . Who for his pleasure made it a matter of pastime , to giue and retake kingdomes , to interdict Nations , and absolue them afterwards . Gaguin againe ; Such was the end of Boniface , the scorner of all men : who hauing no remembrance of his Master Christ , did his vtmost , according to his priuate fancy , to take and to giue kingdomes . When meane time , he was not ignorant , that he was his vicegerent vpon earth , whose kingdome was not of this world , nether compounded of earthly , but of heauenly perquisits , &c. Pius the fift said vnto Martin Aspibeneta ; That the Lawyers ( meaning the Canonists ) accustomed to attribute plus satis potestatis , more then reasonable supereminency to the Papacy . No wonder then , if I. Gers . termed them pusillos , that is , weake and simple Christians , who being deceiued ( his own words ) by vnlearned Glossors , doe esteeme the Pope onely to bee God , hauing all power in heauen and in earth . Certainly , tales adulatores , such Parasites haue corrupted the iudgement and dispositions of many Popes . As concerning whome , Iohan. de turre-cremata thus censureth . It is a wonder ( saith he ) that the Popes doe treat so modestly of their Patent of Power , and yet certaine Doctorculi , vpstart Doctors without any true ground will , to flatter them , euen equalize them to God himselfe . In the same list doth Cardinall Cusanus ranke certaine other Authors ; Who ( saith he ) indeauouring more then befitteth , or beseemeth holy Church , to make famous the Roman Sea ( in truth worthy all commendation ) spare not to ground themselues vpon Apocriphall writings . Verbum sapienti . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A14210-e840 John 18. Matth. 20 John 6. Luke 12. Marke 12. Matth. 17. Sanguis martyrum semen Ecclesiae . Plati . in the life of Iohn xiij . Platina in the life of Benedict the fif● . See also Krantzius lib. 4. cap. 9. Naucler . general 34. Plat. in vita Gregorij V. Cuspinian & Theod. de Nyem in the life of Otho the third . Cardinal Benn● of the l●fe and gests of Hildebrand . Benno . Plati . in the life of Siluester the third and Gregorie the sixt . Of this Matilda , whence and what she was , see Krantzius lib. 5. Saxon. Formula decreti extat . C. si quis deinceps . Vide formulam abrogationis apud Plat in . in vita Gregorij . 7. Be● no. Benno . Nauclerus generatione 36. Vrspergensis . Platina in loco ante citato . The Pope will deale surely . The forme of the Curse is extant in Platina . Vrsperg . fol. 238 doth witnesse this conference betweene the King and the Bishops . See the iudgement of God. Abbas Vrsperg . Ab. Vrsperg . Helmoldus in his 30. cap. of the hist . of S●lad Krantz . and innumerable others . I hope the Romanists of this age are not behind for shifts ▪ &c. Benno . A● . Vrsperg , Aue i●inus . Naucler . Krantzius li. 5. c. 22. Vrsperg . 362. Helmold . in the annals of Sclauony . li. 1. ca. 32. See more hereof D. Barlo 240. at full . See Krantz . lib. 5. Vrsperg . fo . 264 H. Mutius seuenteenth of his Cronicles . C. Adrian . c. in synodo 63. distinct . c inter vos . A Pretext for Periurie . Otho frising . li. 7. ca. 17. Nauclerus gen . 38. Nauel . gen . praeallegata , saith that this was done at Leyden , before his iourny into Jtaly . Otho Frising . and Naucler . in the fore alleged places . Cusp . in the life of Lotharius of Saxonie . Naucl. Gen. 38. Hominem fieri . Cuspin . in the life of Conrade . Naucler out of Antoninus and Godfridus Gen. 38. Nauc . gen . 38. & 32. Bartolus in a peculiar book of the Guelphs and Gihellines . Panorm . in c. Lucanis & Pisanis de rest . spol . Cuspin . in the life of Fred. the second . Plati . in the life of Bonef . the eight . Naucle . gen . 44. Nauel , vbisupra . Raaouicus li. 3. Funcius li. 10. Chro. Barnus de vitis Pontif. Helmold . in the Cro. of Sclauony ca. 81. Barnus in vita . Hadriani , ex Johan . de Cremona . Frising . li. 2. cap. 21. If the Pope can not haue Apulia presently , he must haue gold without excuse . Cronicon Hersaugiense in vita Hartuigi abbatis . Radenious li 3. num . 3. & 10. Nauel . Gen. 39. Radeuicus li. 3. ca. 9.10 . Radeuicus vbi supra . Nauel fo . 761. Gen. 39. Nau. fo . 792. The Epistle is to be seen in Radeuicus li. 3. c. 15. Notable policy cunning and hypocrisie . Iacob . Spigelius in annotat . ad Ligurinum Gunthori . li. 6. fol. 143. Epist . extat li. 3. ca. 16. in Radeuicus . Auent . li. 6. Annal . Boior . so . 636. Nau. Gen. 39. Auenti . loco prae allegato . Rade . li. 3. cap. 17. Nau. Gen. 39. ex Joh. Cremonensi . Radeuicus li. 4. ca. 40. & 4. Guntherus in Ligucinoli 9. circa finem . Ab. vrsperg . Plat. in vita Alex. Nauc . Gen. 39. Rad. li. 4. ca. 54. Behold the Emperiall iurisdiction solicited . Radeu. li. 4. cap. 58. Generall councels ominous to Popes . C. Patet . & canemo 9. q. 3. Item 17. q. 4. ca. Si quis suadente in extremo . Item dist . 40. c. si papa . Naucl. gen . 39. Nauc . gen . 39. Naucl. vbi supra . Nauc . gen . 40. Vrspergens . Nau gen . 40. Abbas vrspergensis . Tritemius in Cronico Hiersaug . sub abbate volmaro . so . 175. Nau. ge . 39. fol. 765. Platin. in vitae Alex. Nau. gen . 41. Blondus & alij . Io. Cremonensis . Barnus Author vitae Frederici Germanice scriptae . Did not the Bishops of England so by Henrie the fift . Haec subsequentia Naucl. gen . 40. narrat . vt et alij pontisicij , praecedentibus tamen omissis . Naucl. generat . allegata . Platina in the life of Celestin the third . Bergomensis in supplemento & eum sequens Nau. gen . 40. Nauel . gen . 40. Cuspinian in vita Henrici & Philippi . Naucl. gen . 41. Vrsperg . fo . 323. See Guicciardine . Naucl. gen . 41. Vrsperg . in the life of Otho the 4. Naucl. gen . Cuspinian in vita Frederici . Pandulphus Collomitius . Pandulfus in vita Frederici . Vrsperg . & Alij . O Rome . Cuspinian in the life of Fredericke . Cuspinian . Platina in the life of Gregory . Naucl. gen . 41. Platina citans . Collomitius , quem prae caeteris , vide . Platina in vita Gregorij noni . Petrus de vineis li. 1. ep . 33. Collenutius & Cuspinian in vita Frederici . Hieron . Martius . Cusp . in vita Frederici . Nauc . gen . 42. Epi. extat in epistolis Petri de Vineis . epist . 32. De hac coniuratione vide ep . 10. & 52. li. 2. Rursus epi. 19. & 62. li. 3. See D. B. 290. So did it in the powder treason . Platina in vita Clementis quarti . Nauel . gen . 43. So alwaies Pap. cauill . Herein let all Christians note the beginning , progresse and sequell of all Popish practises . Mutius . li. 21. Naucl. gen . 44. Naucl. vbi supra . Paralip . Vrsp . Cuspi . in vitae . Alberti . Paralip . V●sperg . Naucl. gen . 44. Doct. B. fo . 68. S. E. H. fo . 48. Mutius lib. 23. Cuspinian . Vide C. pastoralis , desententia & re iudicat . in Clement . Rhithmi de morte Henrici impressi hunc proditorem veneficum Paulinum vocant . Cuspin . in vita Ludouici Pulchri . Naucl. gen . 46. Naucl. gen . 45. Plati . in vita Benedict . 12. Cusp . in vita Ludouici . Apud . Na Decretum hoc extat gen . 45. Naucl. gen . 45. Naucl. vbi supra . Cuspin . Marius . Cuspin . & Paralip . Vrsperg . Paralip . V●sp . Parap . vrsp . Naucl. gen . 45. Cuspin . in vitae Guntheri . Idem in vitae Caroli . Auont . li. 7. Theodor. de Nyem . Zeigl . de viris illustribus Germaniae . ca. 91. Krant . li. 1. c. 3. Tritemius in Cron. Hirsang . Aeneas Siluius ca. 3. hist . Bohemic . De his & alijs quam plurimis prolixè vide Theod. de Nyem in nemore suo iam edito . c. 71. Zeigl . de viris illustribus Ger. ca. 83. Naucl. gen . 47. Theod. de Nyem . li. 2. ca. 14. Theod. de Nyem . li. 3. ca. 53. Naucl. gen . 48. Parap . vrsp . Cuspinian . Platinan vita Martini quinti , praeter alios . Plat. in vita Eugenij . 4. Vuimphelinagus in Epit. rerum Germani carum . Naucl. gen . 49. Epist . extat . infine clemangis in fasciculo rerum repetundarum ante aliquot annos Coloniae impressa . VVork layd out on another frontier by the Court of Rome , when reformation is spoken of . Vide Paralip . Vrsp . Munster . in Cosmog . Naucl. in vlt. gen . Note . Note againe . Hubertus Golt . & Hutenus . Naucl. gen . 49. Mutius li. 29. Cuspinian in vita Maximil . & Zelemi Othomanni . Mut. li. 3. Hubertus Goltz . Paral. Vrsp . Hubert . Goltz . Mutius lib. 3. Paralip . Vrsp . Arnoldus Feronius in vita Francisci Valesij . Catal. testium veritatis . Jouius li. 4. de vita Leonis decimi . The Pope is now French. A truer Prophesie , then the Pope was aware of . Appendix ad Plati . Sleid. vbi supra . Now Imperial . Resp . Caesaris ad breue Apostolicum . Againe French. And lastly Imperiall . Gerardus Moringus in vita Hadriani vi . Iouius in vita eiusdem . Feronius in vita regis Francisci . Resp . Caesaris ad breue Apostolicum . Feronius . As Leo : So Iulius . As Leo and Iulius , so the residue : viz. wethercocks , for aduantage . Sleyd . li. 4. Feronius in vita Francisci . Iouius li. 7. in vita F. Daui . Sleyd . li. 6. Feronius vbi supra . Like for like , by Caesar to the Pope . If such the men continually , thē what their Religion ? Haec omnia exposita exstant apud Sleyd . li. 17. vsque ad lib. 23. To winne time . Mamb . Roseus li. 4. appendicis ad Historiam Neapolita . Pādulphi Collenutij haec latè explicat . Sleid. li. 21. l. 26. M. Roseus li. 4. append . ad Hist . Neopolit . Hiero. Rosellus de bello Romano . Guil. Zenocarus de vita caroli . 5. At Saint Quintins . No true Popish motion : but in these dayes the Turk is growen too neere a neighbour . Mustipha ac Famagusta . Tunc tua res agitur , &c. Read the Turkish Historie for the bottome of their inforced lenities . Vide de hoc constit . Lodouici 4. apud Alberic . de Rosate L. Benè a Zenone C. de quadrien . praescript . Lib. de concord . Cathol . cap. 4. Strange conclusions in Poperie . Note the Euasion . Inseruiendum est tempori . VVitnesse France , Belgia , and Hungarie . Onely because it reformed Popery . For the more credit , you shall haue his owne words . Lib. 5. cap. 11. See the text . As Lewes the eleuenth in France . 2. King. 15. 2. Paral. 26. Saunders . 2. Kings 4. Spaine . 1568. Chro. Belg. Portugal . 1578. Chro. Bel. France . 1572. Hist . Gal. Anno. 1572. Hist . G●● Anno. 1589. Chro. Bel. Anno. 1594. Cat. Ies . 482. Chro. Belg. Eug. 1588.1594.1597 . Cat Ies . 436. & 448. Anno. 1607. Sweueland . 1593. Or Pol. b. 4. Praef. cat . Ies . Polon . Moscouia . Netherland . a By Boniface the eight . b By Iulius the second . c By Clement the seuenth and Paul the third . d By Pius the fist . Notes for div A14210-e36990 Lib. 3. cap. 2. cont . ep . parmeniani . Can. Non potest . 23. q. 4. In Cronograph . Anno. 1085. Sig. In Cronograph . Anno. 1085. One of the Popes best benefactors . A good Pope , that would not in those daies touch an Emperor before he had become a priuate person . A Popish miracle . Note what persons the Pope bindeth to his seruice . Note . Notes for div A14210-e45730 If it were a true confession , no doubt . Notes for div A14210-e47760 B. De potest . pa pae . so . 6. Li. 10. Hist . Fr. in vita Caroli vij . Lib. 3. de Consid . ad Eug. In vita Bonisacij . Li. 7. hist . in vita Philippi Pulchri . Nauar. in Com. Can. Non liceat Papae . 12. q. 2. In Cano. Coniunctio . 35. q. 2. 
A26860	----	An answer to Mr. Dodwell and Dr. Sherlocke, confuting an universal humane church-supremacy aristocratical and monarchical, as church-tyranny and popery : and defending Dr. Isaac Barrow's treatise against it by Richard Baxter ; preparatory to a fuller treatise against such an universal soveraignty as contrary to reason, Christianity, the Protestant profession, and the Church of England, though the corrupters usurp that title. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. 1682 Approx. 401 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 88 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26860 Wing B1184 ESTC R16768 11733763 ocm 11733763 48440 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . 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Papacy. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSWER TO Mr. Dodwell and Dr. Sherlocke ; Confuting an Universal Humane Church-Supremacy , Aristocratical and Monarchical ; as Church-Tyranny and Popery : And defending Dr. Isaac Barrow's Treatise against it . By Richard Baxter . Preparatory to a fuller Treatise against such an Universal Soveraignty , as contrary to Reason , Christianity , the Protestant Profession , and the Church of England ; though the Corrupters usurp that Title . LONDON : Printed for Thomas Parkhurst , at the Bible and Three Crowns , at the lower end of Cheapside , near Mercers Chappel , 1682. READER , THough the difference between Mr. Dodwell ( and Mr. Thorndike , and such others ) , and those condemned by them , be very great , I would not have it seem greater than it is . The sum of it is as followeth : 1. Mr. Dodwell thinketh that there is no true Ministry , Church-Sacraments , nor Covenant-right to pardon and salvation , but where there is a Ministry delivering the Sacraments , who were ordained by Bishops ( in his sense of Bishops ) , who had their Ordination from other Bishops , and they from others , by an uninterrupted chain of succession from the Apostles . We know , that by this Doctrine he condemneth , or unchurcheth , not only the Reformed Churches , the Greeks and other Easterns , but the Church of Rome it self , and leaveth no certainty of the very being of any one Church on earth . And we maintain , that the sacred Scripture is the universal Law of Christ , in which he hath described and instituted the office and work of the sacred Ministry , and appointed the way of their continuance in the world , by necessary Qualification , Election , Consent , and ordinarily regular Ordination . That as Presbyters now lay on hands with the Bishop , so senior Pastors are the Ordainers , as the Colledg of Physicians license Physicians , and the Convocation of Doctors make Doctors ( and man generateth man ) . But to avoid contention and division , the Churches have used to make one of these Presbyters or Pastors a President , and partly a Ruler in each Colledg and Church , and given him a Negative voice in Ordinations ; against which we strive not , but maintain , 1. That his consent is not so necessary , as that no one can be a true Presbyter that hath it not . As the Clergy at Rome in Cyprian's days long governed when they had no Bishop ; so if the Bishop be dead , or refuse to ordain , or would ordain none but Here●icks , or uncapable men , or would tyrannize and impose men not consented to , the Ordination is valid that is made without him . And 2. That the true chief Pastor of every particular formed Church , is a true Bishop , though Diocesans should deny it . 3. And that even Ordination it self is necessary but for Order where it may be had , and not to the Being of the Ministry where it cannot be had on lawful terms , no more than Coronation to the King , or publick solemnization to Marriage . 4. And we are assured , that if Regular Ordination were interrupted by death , heresie , refusal , neglect , e. g. at Antioch , Alexandria , Constantinople , Jerusalem , &c. Christs Charter , or Scripture-Law would presently restore it to persons duly qualified , chosen and ordained by the fittest there that can be had . 5. If this were not so ( as multitudes of schismatical and unlawful Popes Ordinations at Rome would be invalid , e. g. John 13. and 21. and 23. and Eugenius 4th deposed as a Heretick by a General Council , &c. ) so every usurping Bishop that pretendeth falsly , that he was himself lawfully ordained , would nullifie Churches , Ministry and Sacraments of all ordained by him . And many have falsly pretended to Orders . 6. And that if men must refuse the Government and Sacraments of all Bishops and Presbyters that do not prove to them a Regular Ordination uninterrupted for 1600. years , all the Ministry on earth may be refused : and none for so doing should be called Schismaticks . I never yet heard or saw a Bishop prove such a succession , nor ever knew one that would take his Oath on it , that he was a true Bishop on such terms . II. Mr. Dodwell thinks that the Presbyters , yea and Bishops , were not given by God. Pag. 60. saith he , But where do they find , that God ever gave Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons ? Where note , that it is of the Office in specie that we speake . But we think that God hath made or instituted the Office and its work . And if he did not , 1. Who did ? If men , was it Clerg-ymen or Lay-men ? If Lay-men , was it Christians or Infidels ? And by what Authority ? Do the children beget the fathers , and yet may not Presbyters propagate their species ? If Clergy-men , who were they ? If not Apostles , or Prophets , or Evangelists , they were none . If these , then it seems the Apostles did it not as Bishops ; for it is the making of the first Bishops that we question . And what the Apostles did ( not as Bishops , but ) as commissioned Apostles , Christ did by his Spirit . And they that will do the like , must have the like Office , Authority and Spirit . If God gave not Bishops , because the Apostles made them , then God gave us not the Scripture , because the Apostles and Evangelists wrote it . And is not this the same or worse Doctrine than that which the Italian Iesuits would have had pass at Trent , against Gods making Bishops or their Office ? And if God gave not Bishops or Presbyters , they that reject them , reject no gift or institution of God. And if men made them , how come they to be essential to the Church ? Did not Christ and his Spirit in the Apostles , institute so much as the Church-essentials ? And if men made Bishops and Presbyters in specie , may not man unmake them ? III. Mr. Dodwell maintaineth , that the power of Presbyters is to be measured by the intention of the Ordainers who give it them , and not by any Scripture-institution , charter or description . We maintain the contrary , that God having instituted and described the Office of Bishops , Pastors , Presbyters , Gods Law in Scripture is the Rule by which the office-power , and obligation , and work in the essentials , must be known . Otherwise , 1. It would be supposed , that God made not the office of Bishops or Presbyters ; which is false . 2. That Ordainers may make new Churches , Bishops or Presbyters in specie ; yea , as many species of them as they shall intend . 3. That they may abrogate or change the ancient species . They may make one office only for preaching , another only for praying , another only for Baptism , another only for the Lords Supper , and others for new work of their own . The Papists themselves abhor this Doctrine . 4. Then no man can know the measure of his Authority , not knowing the intentions of the Ordainers . Perhaps three or ten ordainihg Bishops may have three or ten several intents . 5. Then the Bishop may put down Gods Worship or Sacraments , by limiting the Priests power . 6. It 's contrary to all Ministerial Investitures . The Investing Minister is not the Owner or the Donor , but delivereth possession of what the Owner and Donor contracted for , or gave . If the Archbishop , Crowning the King , would infringe his Prerogative , it 's a Nullity , because he is not the Giver of it ; nor is his intention , but the Kingdoms constitution , the measure of it . If the Priest would make the man whom he marrieth to a woman , no governour of her , it 's a Nullity : for it is not his intent that makes the power . 7. If this were otherwise , I call and call again ( but in vain ) to Mr. Dodwell , and all his party , to tell me , how the Bishops and Priests of the Church of England in the days of Henry the 8th , and Edward the 6th , and Queen Elizabeth came to have power to put down the Mass , to set up the Liturgie , to take down Images , and to reform as they did , when it was certainly contrary to the intention of their Ordainers ? 8. And setting this point together with the other , ( that Ordination of Presbyters is null ) I ask them , ( and ask again , but all in vain ; ) 1. Do not Bishops generate their Species , and make Bishops their equals ? 2. Who then can give his Office to the Archhishop , if he have no Superior in England , unless his Inferiors give it , or you fly to a Forreign Iurisdiction ? 3. Whose Intention is it that giveth power to the Pope , if he be greatest ? Or to the General Council , if it be greatest ? If there be none above them , either God or Inferiours give them their power ? 4. And what if these Inferiours that make Popes , Primates , or Councils , by Intention would take down half their power ? Is it then done ? What self-contradiction and confusion would some men rather run into , than grant Christ to be Christ ? that is , the only Vniversal Head and Legislator to the Church on Earth . IV. Accordingly Mr. D. holdeth , that there is a supreme Authority in man over the Universal Church , from whose intention and sense it is not lawful for us to appeal so much as to the Sacred Scripture , no nor to the Day of Iudgment , for any practice different from them . See his Reply , p. 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85. Though we hold that no unjust Appeal should suspend the authorised Acts of a Governour , this Doctrine seems to me to be worse than Antichristian , and to put down God. If God indeed be the Vniversal Soveraign Lawgiver , and the final Iudge ; if God be God , and man be man and not above him , to say that we must not obey him before man , and disobey man that commands what he forbids , or that we must not appeal from mans subordinate Law to his supreme Law , nor from mans judgment to his final judgment ; and to say , ( as he and Thorndike do ) that to do so , and practise accordingly , is inconsistent with all Government , are things that I had hoped my ears or eyes should never have seen or heard delivered by a sober Christian. Papists most commo●ly abhor it , save some few Flatterers of the Pope . If ●his be so , a man must not only worship Images , swear to the Pope , and do all that Councils command ; but also curse Christ if the Turkish Rulers bid him , blaspheme God if Heathen Rulers bid him , and condemn all the Martyrs as Rebels that did subvert all Government , by practising contrary to it and appealing to God. And then man must be every where of the Rulers Religion , and do whatever wickedness he commandeth , Dan. 1. and 3.6 . and the Church for three hundred years and more tell us of other kind of Examples . V. Mr. D. holdeth this Absolute Destructive Power to be essentially necessary to the Vnity of the Catholick Church : which is the sum of Thorndike's Book . I would not go further from them or the French , in the point of Vnity , than I needs must . I shall therefore tell you what is our judgment of it . 1. We grant them , that Christ's Church on earth is one , and its Vnity is part of its very essence ( as the Vnity of the parts of a House , Ship , &c. ) 2. We hold that this essential Vnity consisteth in the Vnion of all Christians with Christ , the only unifying Vniversal Head ; and that the Vnity described Ephes. 4.4 , 5 , 6. sufficeth to it , viz. One Body ( of Christ ) one Spirit , one Hope ( of Grace and Glory ) one Lord , one Faith , one Baptism , one God and Father , &c. And that all this is prescribed in the Gospel , and every true Christian hath all this . 3. That all must endeavour to keep this Vnity in the bond of peace , and to be in every lesser matter of one mind , as far as they can : And the Pastors of the Churches to beautifie and strengthen the Church , by as much concord as they can well obtain . 4. But that perfect concord being the fruit of personal perfection , will never be had on earth : And the differences of the infirm that cannot be cured , must be tolerated in tender Brotherly Love. And to persecute or destroy Christians , who unite in Christ and the Essentials of Christianity , because they are not of one size of knowledg , and differ in lesser things , is the work of Satan the Enemy of Love , and the great Destroyer . 5. We believe that Synods or Councils are so far good and useful , as they are needful to the foresaid strength and concord of the Churches : But that they are for Agreement , and not for direct Regiment , as Archbishop Usher was wont to say , Councils are not for Government of the several Bishops by the Majority , but for Consultation and Concord : And they that cannot in all things consent to them in Accidentals , or lesser matters , are not therefore cut off from Christ's Vniversal Church : But it is a fault peevishly and causelesly to dissent and be singular , a breach of Christ's general Law , of doing our work as much as we can in Love and Concord . Plainly , Reader , do you know the difference between the Senate of Rome or Venice , and the Assembly at Nimmegen , Ratisbone , or Frankford ? The said Senate is una persona Politica , though plures naturales , and hath the Supreme Government by Vote in Legislation and Iudgment ; and it is Rebellion there to disown their Power , and a Crime not to obey it . At Nimmegen , Ratisbone , &c. many Princes or their Agents meet for Peace and Christian Concord . It is a sin for any of them to be causelesly against any Vote that is useful to those ends . But no one of them , nor the major Vote , is Governour of the rest ; nor is any one to be dispossest of his Dominion , that seeth reason to dissent . This is plain truth ; Though Dr. Sherlock find fault with the Learned and Iudicious Dr. Barrow , for asserting it in his Treatise against the Papacy . And it being not Regiment but Concord that is the end of Synods ( as over Bishops ) there is no more use than possibility of an Vniversal Council , or one Vniversal Colledge ; But the necessity and aptitude of Councils for strengthning concord , must measure their extent . What Mr. D's opinion is of the degree of corporal punishment , which he would have used to his ends , I know not : Mr. Thorndike is against Death and Banishment . For my part , the two greatest things that have alienated me from Popery are ; 1. That it cherisheth Ignorance , and I am sure that is the soil of all wickedness ; God , Christ , the Spirit and Scripture , are Light ; and Satan is the Prince of Darkness . 2. That it liveth like the Leech on blood , hating and destroying the most holy persons who differ from them : To these my Soul is unreconcilable . I hate cruelty to Papists or Infidels , much more to godly faithful persons , that do hurt to none . And I think I have convinced Mr. Dodwell himself that I am not inclined for the avoiding of Popery , to run into any contrary Extreme ; nor to imitate them tha● ignorantly call Truth , or harmless things , Antichristian or Popish . The name of Popery doth not affright me from any truth of God : What I have written in many Books , especially in the last part of my Catholick Theology , and what censures I have suffered for it , ( which never moved me to comply with the Censurers ) I think prove it . I again and again profess , That if the Papists , or such as I now deal with , would but prove , that God ever made or allowed such a Church as they plead for in the world , that is an Vniversal Church , constituted or unified by any one Head or Supreme Governing p●r● ( Monarchical or Aristocratical ) under Christ , the Dispute whether it be Pope , or Council , or Cardinals , or Colledge of Bishops in all the world , shall not hinder me from a chearful and joyful declaring my self a Papist without partiality , fear or shame , in the sense that the word Papist hath still signified with such as I converse with . These things I have taken the boldness to ask some of the greatest , that on the fore mentioned terms appropriate the name of the Church of England to their Sect or Party , and I could get no answer from them , viz. Whether they took the Councils of Constance and Basil for Papists ? And whether they now take the Bishops and Church of France for Papists ? And whether they took Gerson , Cusanus , Cassander , Erasmus , for Papists , or not ? 2. If yea , What is the difference between the said Papists Church-Form and Government , and that which these call the Church Catholick , and Dispute for ? 3. If not , Then is not the Controversie de nomine , Whether the French Bishops and Church , and the said Councils being of the same Form and Religion with the Church of England , ( as called by these men ) ought to be called Papists , or not ? And for that I shall strive with none : Let every man call them as he seeth cause ; or if he will , as they will call themselves . Let them be Papists in France , and Protestants in England ; I contend not for names . But I wonder not at these Church-men , if they unchurch the French Protestants , and condemn their Ministry and Sacraments as none ; How else could their Persecution be justified ? And , O that they would tell us , what Churches they be that they live in communion with ? Whether the French , Spanish , Italian , Greeks , Nestorians , Jacobites , Copties , Abassines , be in their Communion , or not ? If yea , Whether the Reformed Churches be not as worthy of their communion ? If not , whether the Church of England be all the Catholick Church in their account ? O that we could long more for God's righteous final Iudgment , ( to which we appeal , though Mr. Dodwell be against it ) and for the world of perfect Light , and Love , and Union ! Dated Septemb. 2. 1681. ( appointed a Publick Fast for the burning of London . ) I have not time to gather the Errata of the Press ; I cast my eye on these , Pag. 9. l. 19. for natures , r. names . p. 10. l. antep . dele and. p. 11. l. antep . r. is in . p. 17. l. 1. for or , r. over . p. 5. l. 29. after excommunicating , r. Christ's servants for not forsaking their faithful Pastors . p. 10. l. ult . for of , r. by . p. 16. l. 32. for our r. one . p. 90. l. 12 r. temerity . p. 139. l. 17. for by , r. to . pag. 151. l. 4. for by , r. my , &c. THE CONTENTS . A Late Letter of Mr. Dodwell's , with the Answer , written since the rest was printed . Chap. 1. Of Mr. Dodwell's displeasure against me , as if I accused him to be a Papist , and wronged the Councils of Bishops . p. 1. Chap. 2. His schismatical Church-destroying Scheme , the sum of his great schismatical book confuted . p. 7 Chap. 3. The consequents of Mr. Dodwell's foresaid Doctrine . p. 21 Chap. 4. My words of Gods Collation of Ministerial Authority vindicated from the forgeries and fallacies of Mr. Dodwell . p. 27 What my assertion is of the cause of Church power . p. 29. The contrary , p. 32. The truth proved , p 33 , &c. His objections answered , p. 36. &c. Bishops are of God , p. 46. &c. His sad qualification of Ministers , p. 48. Preferring God is no wrong to Government , p. 54. What succession we have , p. 54. Of Aidan and Finans Episcopacy , p. 57. His assertion of supreme Church-power , from whom there is no appeal to Scripture , to God , or the life to come , and whose intention is the measure of the power of all ordained by them , examined , p. 57 , &c. Whether the Church on earth be one visible society under one visible humane Government , p. 59. Whether Divine Authority may not be pretended for practising contrary to some superiors , p. 60 Chap. 5. Wherein Mr Dodwell's deceits , and their danger lie . p. 63. Whether there be but one sense of all terms , which causes obliging men to mean , all that have skill in causes are to understand , p. 63. Twelve great doctrinal Articles in which we differ from Mr. Dodwell , p. 65. Some questions put to him , p. 68 His second Letter to me from Ireland , p. 70. My Answer to it , p. 75. proving the impossibtlity of just Discipline in the Diocesan way , which I dissent from . The short Answer to Mr. Dodwell's long Letter ( which Dr ▪ Sherlocke and Mr. Morrice extol ) , which is fully answered in my Treatise of Episcopacy , p. 90. A Letter sent to Mr. Dodwell Mar. 12 1681. A Letter to Mr. Dodwell Nov. 15. 1680. Anoth●r to him of July 9. 1677. opening many of our chief differences . p. 100. Another after a personal conference sent to him , but returned , because he was gone into the Country ; debating with him eleven of our great differences : in which Mr. Dodwell may be known . p. 118. An Account of my dissent from Dr. Sherlocke his Doctrine , Accusations and Argumentation ; specially about the essence of the Universal , a National and Single Church , and the nature of Schism , &c. CHap. 1. The Historical Proem . Chap. 2. My ●etter and Couns●l to Mr. Sherlocke many years ago , advising him to expound or retract his words , which seem to deny the three Articles of our Baptismal covenant , our belief in God the Father , the Son and the Holy Ghost , p. 162 His Answer , p. 173 Chap. 3. Of the ill manner of these mens Confutations . p. 174 Chap. 4. The main part of our difference , viz. what is the essential form of the Catholick , National and single Churches , p. 182 Chap. 5. What is the Catholick Church , as described by Arch-Bishop Bramhall , Bishop Gunning , Dr. Saywell , Mr. Thorndike , Mr. Dodwell , Mr. Sherlocke and the French Papists , p. 193. Some notes on Dr. Saywell's Communion , p. 198. More on Dr. Sherlocke's . p. 203 Chap. 6. What is the Vnion and necessary Communion of the Catholick Church , according to this accusing Defender ? p. 207. His unsatisfactory solutions manifested , and Dr. Isaac Barrow's excellent Treatise of Church-Vnity , published by Dr. Tillotson , defended against his vain exceptions . Chap. 7. Of the rest of his book . p. 228. A late Letter from Mr. Dodwell , calling for more Answer , with the Answer to it , written since the rest was Printed , though it be here placed . Reverend Sir , I Am now in the Country , and as yet in so unsetled a condition , as obliges me to be a Stranger to new Works . However , by the short view I have when I come into Shops , I find you put me off for a Reply to Mr. Clarksons little Pamphlet concerning Diocesan Jurisdiction : I have got it and perused it , and the design of my writing at present is , to acquaint you with the reason why I think my self unconcerned in it , if that be all I must expect from you in Answer to my yet unanswered Letters . You must excuse me , if I cannot think that Book an Answer , which as it was written before them by your own confession , so neither doth it foresee the accounts given in those Letters , nor provide against them : Whether it do so , let the Reader judge . But to return to the account intended , why I cannot think my self concerned in this new Pamphlet of Mr. Clarkson's , be pleased to understand , that the excellent Dean of St. Pauls being engaged against you on the same Argument of my Letters , was pleased to put himself to the trouble of perusing my Papers , as they came from the Press , purposely that he might avoid repeating what had been said by me . This being so , you may easily understand how far I am concerned in what is said to him , when it was indeed wholly distinct from mine . Not that I should have been unwilling to serve that great Person , but that I know he is in much better hands already . Mr. Clarkson in this Pamphlet , as he has only mentioned Dr. Stillingfleets name , so he hath confined himself to his Arguments , and hath taken notice of nothing in my Letters not considered by the Doctor . If he will be pleased to engage further , I confess I like his temper better than any I have seen of your late Brethren , except Dr. Owen . Such an Adversary I should desire , as would confine himself to the Cause , without digressing to personal Slanders . There is one mistake in him , which you may be pleased to acquaint him with , and that is his translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thousands more than once , and sometimes where his Argument is grounded on it , that it may appear to be his mistake rather than the Printers . The mistake is small and separable from the main Cause , but withal is very evident . But according to his candour in acknowledging it , so I shall see what candour I may expect from him in the main Cause , if he think fit to engage with me in it . As to your Answers to my Objections against your Ministry in our Oral Debates , had they been unproved Assertions , I should then have thought them sufficiently answered with Denials . But you know the Assertions are proved in the body of my Book ; and till I see my Principles unravelled , and Answers more distinctly applied to the junctures , where the proof may seem to fail , I am not likely to see any reason to change my minde . Till you attempt this , I am content the Reader judg , whether what you have done , or shall hereafter do in the like way , deserve the name of a Confutation . If I must never expect any further satisfaction from you for the Slanders you have raised against me , all the return I intend , is my hearty Prayer to God , to qualifie you for your forgiveness , not only of that sin , but of the many others of your late writings , by your re-union to the Church from which you are fallen , on which account alone I have proved that you can expect forgiveness . I am obliged not only on my own account , but to the Publick , to which you have shewn your self an Enemy on this occasion , to reflect on you ; but I desire to leave no monuments against you to Posterity . God may yet have mercy on you , and let you see the mischief you are doing , before it be too late . That he will do so , is the most unfeigned request of him , who , notwithstanding your many and great provocations , will still endeavour to approve himself Shrewsbury , Sept. 19 , 1681. Yours , as far as is consistent with his Duty to the Publick , Henry Dodwell . When you have occasion to write to me , send your Lettrs to be left with Mr. Took Sir , I Received not yours of Septemb. 19 , 1681. till Octob. 21. through the miscarriage of one that should have delivered it . What you have to say to Mr. Clarkson , write to himself and not to me : As to your call for more Answer to your Books , you shall have more . I had wrote one long ago , and cast it by : Men are weary of our Controversies , and had rather all of us gave over . But if I should shew the errour and impertinency of every such word in your great Book , it might be a years work ; when I look not to live so long ; and it might make so great a Volume in Folio , that few I think would buy or read ! And what great good will it do the world , to tell them how grossly you abuse the Chuch , and how confidently and voluminously you err ? As to your charge of Slandering you , and wronging the Church , and being unqualified for forgiveness , I have the same Accusations from Quakers , Anabaptists , Antinomians and Papists , almost in the same words : Within these two hours an ancient Doctor sent me as hard words [ As being a self condemned person , to be forsaken , as opposing the Commands of God , and the Faith of Iesus , ] for not yielding to his [ asserting of the Seventh-day-Sabbath , and condemning the Lords-days observation . ] I have these thirty six years lived under such Accusations : It is no new thing for Seducers to use affrighting words instead of proof , and to say , [ Except ye be circumcised and keep the Law of Moses , you cannot be saved . It 's the cry of most Sects , [ You cannot be saved but in our way ] Sir , No man living hath more cause to be loath to err , and to be willing to know the Truth . I am as sure , as I can be , if I know any thing of my own minde , that I am not only willing to know the Truth , but to know it at a far dearer rate than it was ever like to cost me in this world . I am sure that I have not been slothful in seeking it : I am sure that I would joyfully recant any Errour that you or any man can convince me of , with hearty thanks for so great a benefit . I have considered your Books ; you are confident of my erring and wronging the Church ; and I am as confident of yours : that you are a Misleader of an extraordinary size , that would set up an Vniversal humane Supreme Government , which Protestants have taken for Popery and Treason against Christ ; and who falsly unchurch the Reformed Churches , and deny them all Covenant-right to Salvation , while you tol● me your self , that It is not for the Christian Interest to hold , th●● the Roman Bishops Ordination ( as you require it ) hath had an intercision . Is it a crime to speak truth of you or a slander to say , That the Doctrine of an Humane , Absolute , Vniversal Soveraignty , is the most Fundamental part of Popery ? And is it no Sin or Slander for you to condemn so many Millions falsly , even the purest and holiest of the Churches on Earth ? if not the whole ( by self-contradiction ? ) is it a damning sin not to feed , cloath , and visit in Prison one of Christ's little ones ? And is it a meritorious virtue in Mr. Dodwell to unchurch , or unchristen , or degrade , if not condemn to Hell all the Reformed Churches , ( nominally but not really excepting England ? ) Yea , and to go about with a persecuting Spirit and Diligence , to provoke Magistrates to lay them in Jayls with Rogues , because they dare not give over Preaching the Gospel , to which they were devoted in their Ordition ? Reproach●ng those Magistrates as Contemners of Religion , who will not punish us as Deceivers , as if it were not you that is the Deceiver ? Should I presume to judge , that so many and such men through Christendom , as you condemn , were all so ignorant and so bad , as not to know the common Verities necessary to the essence of the Ministry , and to Salvation , and that 't is I that can teach it them , by such media as Mr Dodwell useth , ( while he knoweth that Voetius hath answered a far abler Defender of his Cause ) I should sure be reputed a man so extremely proud , as that no complemental humble deportment would excuse . As for the Question , Whether you are a Papist , what obligation lieth on me to decide it ? Why should you expect that I should say you are none ? Do you not better know your self ? And is not your own word fitter to tell your minde ? I do but tell what your Doctrine is . And I will speak so much plainer than I did , as to say , That 1. to hold a humane Universal Church-Supremacy , Aristocratical or Monarchical . 2. And that this Power is so absolute , that there is no Appeal from it to Scripture , or Gods Judgment . 3. And that this Power doth make universal Laws for all the Church by General Councils . 4. And that the Pope hath the Primacy or Presidentship in those Councils ordinarily . 5. And that he is the Principium Vnitatis . 6. And that it belongs to the President antecedently to call Councils , and to him alone ; so that they are but unlawful Routs , or rebellious , if they assemble without his Call. And that they are Schismaticks , who dissent and disobey this Supremacy . 8. And that the Reformed Churches , for want of your Episcopal Ordination uninterrupted from the Apostles times ▪ are no true Churches , have no true Ministry , or Sacraments , or Covenant-right to Salvation ; but by pretending them , do sin against the Holy Ghost . 9 But that the Church of Rome , by vertue of an uninterrupted Episcopal Succession , is a true Church , hath a true Ministry , and Sacraments , and Covenant right to Salvation . 10. And that the French-Church ( which we call Papists ) are safer than the Protestants there . 11. And imply , that the said French Clergy , and the Councils of Constance and Basil were no Papists . 12. And that the said Protestants being Schismaticks , and sinning against the Holy Ghost , the Magistrates that will not be Contemners of Religion , are bound to punish them . ( As if in England and France your bellows were needful to blow the fire . ) These things asserted among you by Bishop Bramhall , Heylin , Mr. Thorndike , and you and such others , the Protestants have been hitherto used to call Popery : But I will not dispute with you a mere question of the fitness of the name . If you had rather , call it Church Tyranny , Cruelty , or Diabolism . And is all this a Virtue in you ? And is it a sin in me to defend Christ's flock , and the true Unity of his Church , and to detect such Deceivers , and bear my testimony for Truth , Love and Concord against such Dividers and Destroyers ? It 's a hard case then , that such as ● are in , that the more unfeignedly we desire to know God's Will , and the more diligently and impartially we study it , and the more it costeth us , the greater sinners we are : And no sins have been so loudly charged on me , as Praying , and Preaching the Gospel , and laborious vindicating God's Truth and Servants . It doth not follow , if you hate them , or would have them ruined , that every man sinneth that doth not as you do ▪ And whereas you would get some countenance to your Writings ▪ by the name of Dr. Stillingfleet , as having perused them , &c. Either he is , or is not of your mind ? If not , this doth but adde to your deceit . If he be , your Cause will do more against the Conscience and Reputation of Dr. Stillingfleet , than far greater Parts and Reputation than his can do for your Cause . And Sir , what should I get , should I give a Voluminous Answer to all your books ? When I have confuted you as far as I have done , I have but lost my labour . The Church-men that I hear from , despise it , and say , What is Mr. Dodwell to us ? He is an unordained man ( he knoweth why ) , and his book was rejected by the Bishop of London . His opinions are odd , and the Church of England is not of his mind : Yea , Mr. Cheny would perswade us , that you are a singular contemned fellow . But it 's a useful way , to set such an one as you to do mens business , and to boast , as Dr Sherlocke and Mr. Morrice do , of your performance , and yet to disown you when their cause requireth it . But it is an abuse of us that dissent from you , to connive only at your published Books , and then to boast of them as unanswerable . And when we have lost our precious time in shewing their deceit and schismatical Love-destroying tendency , then to say to us , You have done nothing : VVhat is this to us ? Mr. Dodwell is an odd disowned man , and none of the English Clergy . If God and Conscience would give me leave , I could presently be a good man , and a pardoned sinner with you : It is but honouring you , and saying as you say ; I could so be extoll'd by almost any Sect , Papist , Quaker , &c. But it must be but by one : for all the rest would nevertheless revile , accuse me and condemn me , as you do the Protestant Churches . And the Quakers , like you , say , we sin against the Holy Ghost . The old Sabbatarian Dr. before-named , in his first Letter accused me as aforesaid ; and when I profest my self willing to learn of him , as his Disciple , I was in his next , The unwearied Labourer in Christs harvest , and his marvellous joy , &c. And in the rest , when I could not receive his reasonings , I became worse and more m●serable than ever . It 's a wonderful meritoriou● excellency with such men , to become their Proselytes and admirers . As true Charity and Piety would fain propagate Tru●h , Goodness and happiness ; so Pride , Self-conceit , and a Sectarian Spirit , are like the inordinate lust of fornicators , impatient longer than they are propagating their spurious kind . And indeed the inordinate height of your self-conceitedness and confidence in gross confounding error , will make chast souls afraid of your procacious sollicitations . Had you sought my corporal destruction , and not the Churches ruin , for which you profess a zeal , I might silently have let you take your course . But the sober world so well knoweth , that Satan and Papists are so much against the plain and serious preaching of the Gospel , and so much for blood or cruelty towards Dissenters , how faithful and truly religious soever , that if you go on to be like them , 1. In la●bouring us to cease preaching . And 2. To call for punishment ( we know what ) to those that will not cease , you will cherish men in the opinion that you are a Papist , more than all your friends and talk can make them believe that you are not . Sir , when sin groweth crying and common , I am one that dare not preach impenitency by hiding it , and saying , it is a doubtful or a little thing , though I expect that guilt should be impatient , and some Doctors should go on to say behind my back , that less than this is unchristian and intemperate passion or abuse . Methinks you who judg millions of true believers , and lovers of God and holiness , to damnation ; and by Printing this , go about to have all men think them such , and consequently to love them no better than the damnable should be loved , should never be so partially tender , as not to endure to be but told what you say and do . And will you be angry with sober Christians for startling at such a Doctrine , that All our other qualifications , though we believe and love God , &c. will not save us , unless we have the Sacrament from a Minister ordained by a Bishop of your described species , and he from such another , &c. to the beginning ? Can Christian ears relish the description of such a Hell as containeth the believing Christian lovers of God and Holiness , who call'd upon his name , and sought first his Kingdom and Righteousness , and forsook all for Christ , but were damned for want of an uninterrupted Diocesan Ordination of the Priest that gave them the Sacrament , and all his predecessors ? Sure Christians hitherto han't believed that Diocesans Sacraments will make a Heaven of wicked ungodly men , nor the want of them make a Hell of Saints . And will you be angry with me , for not believing that God is such a one , as will for ever hate and damn in Hell the souls that loved him above all ? Will he take that love from them when they die ? Or do they continue in Hell to love him , while he hateth and tormenteth them ? Were not that to call him worse than the Devil , whom they do not love ? You only tell us , that they cannot be saved for want of your species of Sacramenters . But if you meant not by this their Damnation , but a Purgatory or Annihilation , it 's meet you should deal plainly , and tell us what it is . They are Articles of our Faith and Religion , That whoever believeth ( sincerely ) in Christ , shall not perish , but have everlasting life : And that there is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth : And that eye hath not seen , &c. what God hath prepared for them that love him . When Dr. VVilkins once preached in Pauls Church an excellent Sermon for peace and concord , on mutual forbearance , on Rom. 14.17 . The kingdom of God is not meat and drink . but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost ; For he that in these things serveth Christ , is accepted of God and approved of men , he accosted me at the Pulpit foot with these true words , I am sure this Sermon pleased you . If Dr. Tillotson will publish that Sermon , as he hath done Dr. Isaac Barrow's , those two books will more shame your love-killing , schismatical doctrine , than all that I have said against you . And if the fore-mentioned moderating Doctors , go on to publish me to be a man of unpeaceable provoking language , for saying , that such doctrines and practices are great sins , they will seem to me , to take the preaching of Repentance for reviling , and that he is the sinner that tells men of sin ; and that the Laity are far happier men , who may be called to Repentance for their vices , than the Clergy , or Church-corrupters , who are heinously wronged if their sins be named , and they be but intreated to consider and repent ; yea , if we but tell the reason , why we dare not do as they , in a time when we have cause to study such Texts as Ezek. 9.4 . Perhaps God may permit your principles to get the upper hand . But if he do , I shall love them never the better , but the worse , and shall better love the world which forsake not God , nor is forsaken by him . Mr. DODWEL's LEVIATHAN , or Absolute Destructive Prelacy , the Son of ABADDON APOLLYON , and not of IESVS CHRIST , &c. CHAP. I. Of Mr. Dodwel's displeasure against me , as if I accused him to be a Papist ; and accused unjustly the Councils of Bishops . § . 1. WHEN Mr. Dodwell , in a tedious Volume , did null the Reformed Churches , their Ministry , Sacraments , and Covenant-title to salvation , meerly for want of uninterrupted succession down from the Apostles , of Ordination , by such as he appropriateth the name of Bishops to , I aggravated his fault , as being one that professeth himself a Protestant . He took this to be an accusation of Popery : I Published , to satisfie him , that I meant no such thing ; but de nomine will call him what he calls himself , and de re will be no judg of any thing but his books and words , to which I leave the Reader to know him : This satisfieth him not , but he continueth so much concerned , that I doubt he will make men think there is some tender place that is so impatient of a mis-supposed touch . I have nothing to do with him , or his Religion , as his , further than he assaulteth us by his Writings : And he is the Accuser , and the Accusation is of no less moment than aforesaid , and sinning against the Holy Ghost , and of Schism , and subverting all Government , if we do but practice differently from the Prelates will , and alledg Scripture and Gods Authority for it , and appeal to Christ. I am but on the Defence against all this . § . 2. I profess it is not meer education , prejudices , custom , or worldly interest which keep me from Popery , or his way of absolute obedience to Prelates . I have studied what may be said for it as well as against it ; and I never met but with Two Objections , which seemed to me worthy of much further search : One was , that seeing de facto Popery and high Prelacy have so far and long ruled in the Church , whether it be credible that Christ would so permit it , if he hated it , and give his Church , de facto , no better government ? 2. Whether mens great proneness to discord , make not Popery ( Italian , or French ) a prudent course . And to these , 1. I am sure that Christ came to destroy the works of the Devil , and save his people from their sins , and make them holy , a peculiar people , zealous of good works , and gather a Church of such out of the world , and rule them in a Communion of Saints , till he bring them to perfection . Therefore I have great reason to suspect those men , and that order and course of government , which cherisheth ignorance and sin in Ministers and People , and hunteth , and silenceth faithful Ministers , and suppresseth , persecuteth , tormenteth , burneth the most conscionable Christians , that for fear of offending God , disobey them , that turn serious Religion and spiriritual Worship of God , into bodily exercises , and meer Conformity to their wills , and outward taking Sacraments , and using commanded Ceremonies and words ; under the shadow whereof , for 1000. years , piety hath withered , and impiety prospered . Christ promised to be with his servants to the end of the world , Mat 28.30 . And I cannot but think that he is most with those that are most acquainted with his Gospel , and most love him and obey him , and are most holy and heavenly , and walk not after the flesh , but the spirit , rather than with the ignorant , fleshly , worldly malignant Persecutors , that set them against serious godliness and godly men . § . 3. And I take not any notices of the time present from any thing but certain experience ; nor of the Ages past , from enemies , or suspected , but of the eldest times from all our common Church-history , and of the last 1000 , or 1200 ▪ years , as to the worst part of their actions , from their own greatest friends and flatterers , such as Baronius , Binnius , Platina , Petavius , and others . § 4. And the matter of fact , I confess , hath had much power on my judgment : Had the Popes , and Lording sort of Diocesans been promoters of love and holiness in the Church , and not the woful scandal of it , and the enemies of good men , and serious piety , I should have been stronglier tempted to own their form of government to be of God ; though I am assured that Nature maketh one man , or one Council uncapable of proper government over all the earth ; I should never have opposed that which doth good . But destruction , silencing , persecuting , cruelties , rebellions , worldliness , ignorance , malignity , and cherishing sin , and suppressing piety , and the very word of God , I am sure are all the work of the Devil , what name or titles soever are pretended for them . § . 5. And the fact being to me past dispute , I quietly submit to the dreadful providence of God that permitteth it , considering , 1. The Church on Earth is no better than the Angels ; of Heaven were ; and if so many of the Angels kept not their first estate , but fell by Pride , what wonder if many Bishops do so ? 2. If Adam and Eve both fell from Innocency , and that so soon , it is not incredible that the Serpent should beguile some Bishops to depart from the simplicity that is in Christ. 3. And if the first born man , Cain , murdered his righteous brother by malignant envy for his true Religion , it 's no wonder if some Clergy-men are such . 4. And if the whole world so soon was drowned in wickedness , that only Noah and his house were meet to be saved from the flood , what wonder if the Church had too great a deluge of iniquity ? 5. And to be short , if Noah himself fall after such deliverance , and a Cham be cursed that had been saved , and their posterity proved so bad , that all the Canaanites , &c. must be destroyed ; if Sodom's flames too , better warned Lot , or his Wife and Children ; if Abraham have an Ismael , and Isaac an Esau , and Iacob envious Sons , and two Murderers , and two Adulterers ; If Israel sin , and die in the Wilderness ; if Aaron after that he had seen , make them an Idol ; if Nadab and Abihu die , as they did ; if Eli's and Samuel's Sons proved all so bad ; and in the days of the Judges there were so many revolts and ruins ; if the first King , Saul , so soon revolted ; if David so fell , and Absolom so sinned , and Solomon himself : If Ten Tribes so quickly broke off from David's house , and left him but Two ; if those Two proved as bad as the Prophets tell us , and went into Captivity : And if the Nation rebelled against Christ , and be cursed and scattered over the Earth , what wonder if the Pope and proudest Prelate did corrupt the Church of God ? If Christs chosen Twelve had a Iudas among them ; if the rest strove who should be greatest ; if Peter denied him , and they all forsook him and fled ; if Heresies swarmed in the Apostles days , and Iewish Teachers would have subjected the Gentiles to Moses's Law ; if all forsook Paul in his Tryal , and many accused him before , and such as Diotrephes cast out the Brethren , and prated maliciously against Iohn ; if Christ tell us of a little flock , and not many Noble and great are called ; if it be as hard for the Rich to be saved as Christ saith ; if for Three hundred years the Church was a persecuted people ; and if the Patriarchs and Bishops themselves , for many hundred years after accused one another in Councils , and accused such Councils themselves of Heresies , and other crimes , as much as is yet visible they did , why should I be scandalized at the badness of Bishops and Councils , and the woful corruptions of the Church ? Especially considering , 1. That it was chiefly but the worldly proud domineering sort that thus miscarried , as the very Angels did . 2. That God kept up still a great number of humble and holy Bishops and Presbyters , that joined not in usurpations and pride with the rest . 3. And that God blest their labours to the saving of so many Millions of souls , and propagating true serious Religion to this day . Yea , some of the great Patriarchs themselves have been holy humble men . 4. And when God preserved , by an humble Ministry , so many Christians , as the Albigenses , Waldenses , and many among the Papists themselves , from the liking and guilt of the Roman corruptions . 5. And when God hath raised so learned , humble , and holy a Ministry to reform the Churches , and blest their labours in Europe , and specially in England , as he hath done ; even those that Mr. Dodwell degradeth ; yea , many pious Diocesans here and elsewhere , who yet cannot prove their title by his pretended way of successive Canonical Ordinations ; nor durst have sworn that they had such a call . § . 6. I am sure that the work of Christ is the restoring of Gods Image , holy life , and light , and love ; and that the destroying of these , by hiding the Scriptures , unintelligible worships , Imagery , dead hypocrisie , silencing , and persecuting , and killing Gods servants , making dividing engines to tear , and Canons to batter the peace of the Church , and this by an ignorant , ungodly , worldly Ministry , seeking not the things of God , but of men ; all this is the Devils work ; and to do the Devils work against Christ , is not a sign of Christs servants ; he bids us judg of our selves and others by the fruits ; His servants we are whom we obey : If a Peter once give Christ such worldly fleshly counsel , he shall hear worse than I said of Church-Tyrants , get thee behind me Satan , thou art an offence unto me ; for thou savourest not the things that be of God , but those that be of men , Mat. 16.22 hating the good , silencing thousands of faithful Ministers , excommunicating , and sinning against God , in obedience to Prelates , and for using the needful means of their own salvation , and serving God but as Peter and Paul did ; this is the Devils work , if he have any in the world . And Mr. Dodwell must trust more to swords than words to keep it up ; for there is a spirit in true Christians that will never suffer them to believe that it is pleasing to God , what name soever is pretended for it . § . 7. I will reverence the Iews visible Church , to whom were committed the Oracles of God , but will not say , that they sinned not in persecuting Christ and his Apostles ; nor say , that they are not now under their own curse , and cut off from the Church , who once cast out Christians from their Synagogues . I will give due honour to Primogeniture , and yet not equal Cain and Abel , Ismael and Isaac , Esau and Iacob , &c. but expect , that as he that was born after the flesh did persecute him that was born after the spirit ; even so it will be now : And the world was the world still , when it was taken into the Church . The Heathen Romans were less Persecutors than the Iews , and so are the Turks than the Papists . § 8. I shall , in due place , take notice of Mr. D's confining the Essence of the Ministry to transacting between God and man , in covenanting , requiring essentially no more skill than any man is capable of , who is but capable of understanding the common dealings of the world , p. 73 , 74. And that Immoralities of such mens Lives excuse us not from Schism , for turning from such to better Teachers , p. 72. contrary to the Epistle of the Carthage Council , in the case of Martial and Basilides , and even of Popes and Councils , that forbid hearing Mass from a Fornicator . And his denying the ●cripture to be intended or designed to be a Charter to appeal to for all future generations , and for the extent of Offices , and preventing litigious dispute about government and subjection , p. 80 , 81. But that recourse ought now to be had to the intention of the Ordainers for these . And what he saith , p. 81. against appealing to Writings ( as he calls them ) , against the sense of all the visible authority of this life , as unreconcilable to the practice of any visible government on earth , p. 81. And that subjects cannot preserve their subordination to their superiors , if they practice differently , and defend their practices , and pretend Divine Authority for them , where he speaketh indefinitely , and excepteth no practices . And if we may not appeal from man to God and Scripture , we may appeal from Scripture to man. And if mans Law be above Gods , it is not from him ; for the inferior maketh not his superior . And the root of all this i● , p 82 ▪ That God hath made his Church ( and not only particular Churches that are parts of his Church ) a visible Society , and constituted a visible Government in it . Did I know what Mr. D. taketh this one visible Government to be , whether General Council , or Pope , or all the Bishops of the world by a major vote , or all the people of the Christian world , or what , I should know what to say to him . But for this I must not hope . § . 9. But I shall after speak to his securing subterfuge , p. 90. That there is but one sense of all terms , which causes oblige men to mean ; and that every one ought to know who pretends to skill in causes . Which I am so defective in , that I know not at all what his cause is till he tell me : Nor know I among many senses of most of his chief terms , which it is that he meaneth . I know not what he meaneth by a Papist ; and whether he take those for Papists that are , as the Councils of Constance , and Basil , and the French , for the supremacy of a Council , the Pope being President , or Principium Vnitatis , and Patriarch of us in the West . I know not who he meaneth by the Supreme Church-power in the visible Universal Church . I know not by what he essentiateth the very Episcopacy which he so much pleads for ; no , nor their Ordination . I know not what he taketh to be the Supreme Church-power over the Church of England . And how can I know by the bare general name , when Dr. Stillingfleet denieth any such thing ? CHAP. II. His Schiswatical Church destroying Scheme Confuted . § . 1. BEcause he dealeth so falsly with my Doctrine , by pretence of putting it into his words and order , I will deal better with him , and deal with his Scheme word by word as he hath laid it down . As for his exceptions , th●t I refel not his charge of the sin against the Holy Ghost , &c. I am not yet so idle , ( having formerly written a Treatise of that sin . ) His wilful refusal to answer Voetius de desperata Causa Papalus , when he knoweth that this Plea is the Papists chief strength , and Iansenius is so fully answered , is but a dishonourable tergiversation . And it 's like he knoweth how Melancthon in his Epistles copiously shameth Mr. Dodwell's cause as trusted to by the Papists ; when yet the Protestants here plead Melancthon's judgment for their Reformation . And though Mr. D. told me , that it is not for the Christian Interest to hold that the Roman successive Ordination hath been interrupted ; I think they that believe their own most flattering Historians , must believe that the intercision there hath been more notorious , than in those Reformed Churches which Mr. Dodwell nulleth , or than those German and Danish Bishops whom Bugenhagius a Presbyter ordained . But I will briefly examine the words of his destructive deceiving Frame . 1. That all are obliged to submit to all unsinful conditions of the Episcopal Communion where they live , if imposed by the Ecclesiasiastical Governours thereof . And , 2. That the nature of this obligation is such , as will make them who rather than they will submit to such conditions , either separate themselves , or suffer themselves to be excluded from communion by such Governours for such a refusal of submission , guilty of the sin of SCHISM . Here are two parts . a 1. That all are obliged to submit to all unsinful conditions of the Episcopal communion where they live , if imposed by the Ecclesiastical Government thereof . This proved by these two degrees . 1. That the supposition of their being less secure of salvation out of this Episcopal communion than in it , is sufficient to prove them obliged to submit to all terms not directly sinful , however unexpedient , rather than separate themselves , or suffer themselves to be excluded from this communion , chap. 1. § . 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 2. That there is indeed less security of salvation to be had even on performance of the Moral conditions of salvation , out of this Episcopal communion , than in it . This proved from two things . 1. That they cannot be so well assured of their salvation in the use of extraordinary as of ordinary means ; nay that they being left to extraordinaries , is a condition either very hazardous , or at least very uncomfortable at present , whatever it may prove hereafter , Ch. II. 2. That these ordinary means of salvation are , in respect of every particular person , confined to the Episcopal communion of the place he lives in , as long as he lives in it . This proved from Two things . 1. That these ordinary means of salvation are confined to the external Communion of the visible Church . This proved from Four things . 1. We cannot be assured that God will do for us what is necessary for our salvation on his part , otherwise than by his express promises that he will do it , Chap. III. § . 1 , 2. 2. The ordinary means how we may assure our selves of our interest in his promises , is by our interest in his Covenant , by which they are conveyed to us , Chap. III. from § . 5. to the end . 3. The ordinary means by which we may assure our selves of our interest in this Covenant with him , is by our partaking in these external solemnities , by which this Covenant is transacted and maintained , Chap. IV , V , VI , VII . 4. The participation in these external solemnities , with any legal validity , is only to be had in the external Communion of the visible Church , Chap. VIII . B. ( II. ) That this visible Church , to whose external Communion these ordinary means of salvation are confined , is no other than the Episcopal Communion of the place where any one lives , whilest he lives there . This proved in Two parts . a ( 1. ) That the visible Church , to whose external Communion these ordinary means of salvation are consined , is the Episcopal Communion . This proved by these degrees . ( A. ) 1. That salvation is not ordinarily to be expected without an external participation of the Sacraments . 1. Negatively , Not by those other popular means , which ordinary persons are apt to trust in , to the neglect of the Sacraments ; that is , 1. Not by hearing the Word Preached , Chap. IX . 2. Not by private Prayer , nor indeed by any out of the Communion of the Church , Chap. X , XI , XII , XIII . XIV . 2. Positively , That salvation is ordinarily to be expected only by this external participation of the Sacraments . 1. Proved concerning Baptism , Chap. XV. 2. Concerning the Lords Supper , Chap. XVI , XVII . II. That the validity of the Sacraments depends on the Authority of the persons by whom they are administred , Chap. XVIII . III. No other Ministers have the Authority of Administring the Sacraments , but only they who receive their Orders in Episcopal Communion . This proved by Four degrees . 1. That the Authority of Administring the Sacraments must be derived from God , Chap. XIX . 2. That though it be derived from God , yet it is not so derived without the mediation of those men to whom it was at first committed , Chap. XX. 3. That it cannot be so derived from those men to whom it was first committed , without a continued succession of persons , orderly receiving Authority from those who had Authority to give it them from those first times of the Apostles to ours at present , Chap. XXI . 4. That this Authority is not now to be expected any where but in the Episcopal Communion , Chap. XXII , XXIII , XXIV , XXV . b. ( 2. ) That the Episcopal Communion , to which every particular person is obliged to joyn himself , as he would enjoy the ordinary means of his own particular salvation , is the Episcopal Communion of the place wherein he lives , whilest he lives in it , Chap. XXVI . b. II. That the nature of this obligation to unsinful conditions of their Episcopal Communion , is such as will make them guilty of the sin of SCHISM , who rather than they will submit to such Conditions , either separate themselves , or suffer themselves to be excluded from Communion by their respective Diocesan Ordinaries , Chap. XXVII . Here is Episcopal Communion talkt of , without telling what is the Episcopacy , or what the Communion which he means , and how both are known . Confusion 1. There are usurping Bishops not truly called or chosen . 2. There are Heretical Bishops . 3. There may be divers Bishops in one City or County ; which of these mean you ? 4. He may be one fit for others , and not for me , nor am I to take him for my Pastor . As the Greek Bishop in London , and many Latine Bishops , that spake not English heretofore ; or his faultiness may make it my duty to chuse a better . 5. What if the King and Law command the contrary ? 6. All this is nothing for submitting to sinful conditions . 2. As it is a duty to refuse sinful conditions , so of many particular Churches to chuse the fittest for our communion . The French , and Dutch , and Greeks in London , are not Schismaticks for not being subject to this Bishop , or locally communicating with him . 2. You tell us not how a man shall know he is of the Bishops communion among a thousand Parish-Churches that differ in many things , and own the Bishop in some things , and not in others . 3. Few of the Diocess ever locally communicate with our Bishops ; and mentally the Nonconformists communicate in Essentials at least . 4. Most Christians on earth are guilty of Schism , and yet are not prevalently Schismaticks , but still members of the Catholick Church . 5. The Bishops , e. g. in France , are more guilty of the Schism than the Protestants . See Dr. Stillingfleet's Defence of Laud. 1. This is false in the fore-excepted cases : 1. If he be a Bishop to others , and not to me ( unless communion include not subjection ; for so we communicate with many other Bishops ) . 2. If the condition imposed be a thing which a Superior Power forbiddeth , ( King , or in some cases Parents . ) The matter and consequences are so weighty , as tell us it is not well done to abuse dull Readers thus with the deceitful unexplained nature of Episcopacy , and Communion . The love of truth and souls forbid such deceit . 1. If some receive only Parish-bishops ( of the old sort ) and others also their Archbishops , and others such Diocesans as put down all Parish-bishops , which of these have Episcopal communion ? 2. When of old , many Ages , Voting , and Fighting , could not tell men which was the true Bishop among many competitors , and when at Rome there were oft two or three at once ; and when the worst oft carried the possession ; and Councils themselves were for divers ; whih was the Episcopal communion ? 3. Is communion and subjection all one with him , or divers ? If divers , I have communion with many Bishops that I am not subject to ▪ If the same , how many must each man be subject to ? and in what order and cases ? 4. Communion is 1. mental or local ; and the first , 1. In essentials . 2. Integrals . 3. Accidents of Christianity . I have communion with all Christians in Essentials , with the best in most integrals ; with none in all , nor in all accidents . 4. I am more secure in the mental communion of many Bishops , than of some one , and of All in Essentials , and certain things , than of some one in suspected things , especially in universal communion with Christ and his whole Church . 2. He that hath no communion with any true Bishops of Gods institution , in his judgment , will , and profession , hath no communion with Christs Church : But if they are , 1. of a false species , 2. incapable , 3. unordained , 4. obtruders not consented to by the Clergy and the Flock , it 's safest to disown them . 5. And ●f they turn wolves , thorns , and thistles , or hereticks . 2. It 's dangerous to refuse communion with the true Episcopi Gregis , but not with such as depose them . 3. And its doubtful as to the Episcopi Episcoporum . 1. It 's but deceit to distinguish only ordinary and extraordinary , in speaking of the necessity of means . The Gospel written or preached , is an ordinary means , which to want is hazardous indeed ; so is meditation , prayer , and sacraments , where they may well be had , and Pastors to administer them . But there are many lesser means that may be wanting or ignorantly refused , where salvation is safe . The Church of England thinks preaching to be such , which forbiddeth men to go for Preaching , and from a bare Reader in his own Parish . And the Indians converted by Frumentius and Edesius , might have certain salvation before they had any Pastor . And so may they that cannot know among contenders which is the true Pastor either as to the species or individual . But 2. Comunion in every lawful thing is no ordinary requisite means of salvation . Mark Reader that he said , that suffer themselves to be excluded from Communion by such Governours , for refusing submission to unsinful things . And Dr. Saywell , Bishop Gunnings Chaplain , and this man , make such refusal and schism damnable . Now mark here , how they make all indifferent imposed things consequently necessary to salvation , and make all such indifferences to be Articles of faith , or necessary to salvation to be believed . E.g. if Organs , the Cross in Baptism , Surplices , Church-images , Exorcisms , and five hundred such , be indifferent , and commanded by the Bishop , he that is excommunicated for not conforming to them , or withdraweth for it , is a damnable Schismatick : Ergo , it is necessary to salvation to conform to every one of them in that case : Ergo , it 's necessary to salvation to hold them to be lawful ( or else to use them while I verily take them to be sins ) . To what a mass now have these men brought the A●ticles or necessaries to salvation ! Doth any living man know all lawful things to be such ? 1. Then in Abassia , where there is but one Abuna Bishop , local Communion with him is impossible to most . 2. And how is the Patriarch of Alexandria , who ordaineth him of that Place that is another Kingdom . 2. Then in one Place-Communion with Papists , in another with Greeks , Moscovites , Abisines , Armenians , &c. is necessary in unsinful things . 3. Who will judg , but the Excommunicator , what is unsinful as to his act ? 4. What a case were men in at Rome , under Formosus Stephen , Sergius , Eugenius 4. Iohn 12. and 22. &c. and at Alexandria under Peter , Meletius , Paulinus , Flavianus , and so oft in other Schisms , and Nullities ? 5. The Novatians , and Ioannites had the ordinary means of salvation in Constantinople , under separate Pastors . But it 's true , that the ordinary means are confined to the visible Church , and its external Communion where it may be had . Of which more anon . 1. Some think that if God had only commanded men to love him , call upon him , hate sin , seek life eternal , without an express promise , one might be sure it should not be done in vain . 2 But God hath expresly promised salvation to all that truly love , trust , and obey him , and seek first Gods Kingdom , and are pure in heart , holy , and love all men , though they were excommunicate for not crossing , subscribing , or thinking Diocesans unlawful . Chap. 3. The Promises of God , and his Covenant on his part , are all one . Those that God promiseth to save , shall certainly be sav●d : who those are , the Gospel fully t●lls us , yea , and told men before the particular Churches were fixed under their proper Pastors , called Elders and Bishops in the Scripture . 3 Transaction is an ambiguous word . 1. It was transacted by making the promise by Christ on Earth . 2. It is transacted by giving the consenting penitent Believer a Right , before God , to Christ and salvation , when he first truly so consenteth . 3. It is transacted by a solemn M●nisterial Investiture , sealing and delivering that Right for the fuller comfort of the consenter , and in soro Ecclesiae , to give the Right of external Communion , as a Tessara , when the person is baptiz●d . 4. It is transacted by renewed confirmation , and for further grace , daily in the Eucharist . I love not to offend you ; but I must be true to truth and souls , and therefore tell men , that these Generals and Confusions are but Cheats . 3. Would you have men believe that external solemnities are necessary to the Right of Heart ▪ Covenanters before God , as to salvetion ? Or that all external solemnities are of the same necessity ? The Church of England takes Confirmation to de an external solemnity , for assuring men of Gods favour , by the sign of Imposition of a Diocesans hands ; and yet bind you to profess that it is not necessary to salvation , but the baptized Infants are certainly and undoubtedly saved without it . Litanies , Processions , and many external solemnities are not essential to external Communion with the visible Church . Chap. 8 O tremendous ! Is it no other ? Is not the universal visible Church , consisting of all professed Christians , Headed only by Christ , the only universal Church visible in the world ? Is there no Communion with this as such ? Had the baptized Eunuch ( by Philip the Evangelist ) no Communion with the visible Church , nor promise of salvation ; nor the Iberians , Indians , and many others that were baptized before they knew , or had a Bishop ? Do not baptizing Presbyters ( and Lay-men say , Turtullian and the Papists ) assure men of salvation , though they should not hear of a Bishop ? Why was not Diocesan Episcopacy in the Creed , if the belief and obedience be necessary to salvation ? a ( 1. ) 1. Apostles and Evangelists took men into the visible Communion of the universal Church , before they had particular Church-Bishops . 2. Fixed Church-Communion was exercised universally under Congregational , or Parochial Bishops or Pastors , without such as our Diocesans . It must be Pastoral , or true Episcopal regular Communion . 3. Many Individual Bishops , separating from one another , have been , and may be in one City . 4. If e. g. the Bishop of Lincoln , have many Counties , and one differing from him , were chosen by the Clergy at Leicester , Hartford , &c. as he was by the King , which of them is the Bishop on the place ? If Gloucester Clergy and People had chose another when Goodman , a Papist , was Bishop , which was the Bishop ? 1. 1. Salvation is pronounced by Conformists to be certain upon Baptism , without any other Sacrament . 2. Popes and Papists are as much as any for tying salvation to Sacraments ; and yet a Pope Victor and his Council , at Benevent , 1078. decree , that rather than Communicate with a Simonist , they should persist without visible Communion , and in mind joined to Christ , have his Communion . 3. What shall they do ordinarily in Italy , Spain , France , &c. that have none but Papist Bishops . 1. Wilful neglect of any known means , sheweth wilful disobedience against God. But many means may be ignorantly neglected without destroying assurance of salvation . Turtullian thought children should stay from Baptism , unless in danger of death : and Nazianzen was for some years delay . This ignorance damned not the practisers . Apocryphal books , divers Sacraments , Ceremonies , Church-Offices , Doctrines , have been controverted means among true Christians . 2. Faith comes by hearing , Rom. 10. Christ blesseth them that hear and do it : Thousands are mentioned as believing by hearing , and salvation is promised to Faith. 2. 1. Whoever shall call on the name of the Lord , shall be saved : Ask and ye shall have . True faith and conversion , wrought by hearing Gods word , and working by true love and prayer , hath many a promise of pardon and salvation . 2. Is a baptized praying believer out of the Communion of Christs Church , though he doubt of Diocesans , or Patriarchs ? He is not . 2. 1. Ordinarily faith comes by hearing , and hearing by preaching ; and he that truly believeth shall be saved , Iohn 13.16 . 2. I think many Score , or Hundreds of Protestant Divines have proved that Baptism giveth not the first Right to life , but only solemnly confirmeth , sealeth , and by Ministerial investiture publickly delivereth that which true Faith received before . See Gataker's two Tracts on Dr. Ward 's and Dr. Davenant's Theses . 3. What 's Baptism to Episcopacy ; till King Iames alter'd it , Women might Baptize in England , and Priests still may . And are men Baptized into the Name , or Belief of Diocesans ( as Bellarmine saith , Baptism binds them to the Pope ) . Prove this if you can . 2. If Baptism undoubtedly save , at what Age doth the effect cease ? 2. The Lords Supper is necessary for corroboration , and for expressing true obedience , and living by Faith on Christ , where it can lawfully be had , and the need and use of it is understood . ( B. ) This is false : If they be given by a Lay-man , falsly pretending Orders , or by one who hath no Authority through uncapacity , or usurpation ; yet the receiver loseth not his Right ; he taketh it as from God : and if his ignorance be not culpable , there is not so much as disobedience in it . 2. If I prove that Papists have no such Authority as you plead for , are all their Baptisms and Ordinations null ? III. Episcopal Communion is the Cothurnus , the Hose drawn over your ulcer and snare . 1. We have mental Communion , in Essentials , with all true Bishops in the world . 2. We have Subject Communion with true Parish-Bishops . 3. And with their Ruling Bishops , at least as Magistrates . 4. Novatians , Luciferians , Donatists , and others , in time of Schisms , had all Orders in Episcopal Communion , and so have Papists , Greeks , Moscovites , Armenians . 5. Parish-Bishops have more proof of Authority from Christ than the Diocesans , or many hundred Congregations that have no other Bishops . 6. Authority may be given by God , without any Ordination , where it cannot be had , or not without sinning . 1. No doubt but all true Authority must be derived from God. 2. Those to whom it was first given , were the Twelve Apostles . They are considered , 1. As the Inspired Prophetical Declarers and Recorders of the Laws , and Doctrine , and Promises of Christ. 2. As chief Pastors of the Church , to gather and rule it . All Gods gifts and graces that come to us by the mediation of the Gospel , come by the Apostles mediation in the first sense , as declaring Christs Will , how Ministers shall be made in all Ages . And as chief Pastors , gathering , and setling the first Churches , which , by Christs Charter , shall call their Pastors , and so others , to the end of the world ; they may be said to be Mediators herein . 3. But they mediate not as the Donors of the Pastoral power , as being Pastors themselves , but only as Ministerial investers . The Sacraments come not to us without the mediation of the Apostles , but they made them not , nor make them effectual , nor make new Apostles to deliver them . 3. This is deceitful confusion . 1. Authority to Administer Sacraments , and Authority to call others to administer them , are different things . 2. And so is succession of Apostolical power , and succession of common Ministry . 3. And so is giving power , as the Donor , and giving it as an investing servant . 4. And proper giving it , and improper , which is but qualifying the persons to receive it . 1. Apostolical Prophetical conveyance harh no such succession . 2. The Flock that have no Authority to Administer Sacraments , partake of the Authority to call others to do it . 3. Inferiors may have Authority to call Superiors ( else the highest could not be made ) 4. None of these people give the power , but their Election is part of the receivers qualifications , to whom God giveth it by his Law or Charter ; And then as ser●ants , they solemnize the Investiture . 5. The power of this Law or Charter is never interrupted : But if all Pastors were dead an Hundred years , it would renew Pastoral power in the Church , without uninterrupted Donors or Investers . 4. This conveying power is where-ever Gods Law , and capable receivers are : A capable receiver is , 1. One personally qualified with sufficiency and willingness . 2. And that hath the Churches and Ordainers necessary consent , when ordinary for order sake , the Ordainers then must invest him by declaring him authorized by God , &c. The regular Ordination ( like publick Matrimony after contract ) is to be by authorized Ordainers ; and most Bishops , Diocesan , Papists , Greeks , Moscovites , Armenian , &c. are of more doubtful Authority than Congregational , or Parish Bishops , though the former usurp the name , as appropriated to them . b. 2. 1. Then men in Rome , Italy , Spain , France , &c. must be of the Papists Prelates Churches and Communion . 2. Paulinus and Flavian , Donatists , Novatians , Arrians , &c. may have Bishops in the same place . And the Orthodox , two , or more at once : Grotius thought as many as there were Synagogues in a City . 3. Then if I prove the chief Pastor of a Parish , or City-Church , to be a true Bishop by vertue of Gods Law ; and if he have better Qualification , and Election , and Ordination , to be of surer Authority than the Diocesan , it 's his Communion that we must prefer . 4. But indeed Baptism and Salvation are ordinarily given before Episcopal Communion of any sort . 5. They that thought the Pope Antichrist ( as most Protestant Bishops long did ) , thought it a duty to reject the Communion of the Bishops of the places where they lived : And Denmark , and other Countries set up others against them that were ordained by Bugenhagius , and other Prsbyters . 6. Parochial and Diocesan bounds are humane mutable institutions . 7. If the Bishop of the place be a Schismatick , the Communion of a better near is better . b. II. 1. All causleless separation from any Christians , or causleless disobedience to any Pastor , or neglect of any Christian duty , needful to the Churches peace and concord , and every opinion and practice that is against them doth make a man guilty of sinful Division , or Schism in some degree . And while every Christian hath many errors and sins , which all tend to some sinful breach ( as the least sore is solutio continui ) , I cannot see but every man living hath some guilt of Schism ; nor that there is any Church on earth that hath not some such guilt : But every degree of guilt denominateth not the man , or Church a Schismatick , in a predominant or mortal sense . And in Charity , I hope that even some of those heinous Schismaticks may be saved , that divide the Churches by their usurpation , obtrusion , sinful impositions , and worldly domination ; yea , some that in blind zeal put down Parish-Bishops , and smite and silence the Pastors , and scatter the Flocks . And if I must have Communion with none that 's guilty of Schism , with what Church or Bishop should I joyn ? And if their Sacraments be invalid , what a case is Italy , Spain , France , yea and England in ? Must all be baptized again that they baptized ? 2. But it 's no schism but a duty for the people as far to forsake a sinful Bishop ( much more an usurper ) as Cyprian and that Council advised them to do in the case of Martial and Basilides . 3. And after all this deceitful confusion , note Reader , that he denieth not our disobedience to be lawful in case of sinful conditions imposed . And if we fully prove not this to be our case , let our accusers silence us , and let our guilt be our shame . 4. And if people that had Parish-Bishops on the place where they lived , lawfully called , shall forsake them to obey a Diocesan that is not on the place , but perhaps Forty , or Fifty , or Sixty Miles off , and never saw them , and was obtruded contrary to the ancient Canons , which nullifie such , and sets himself to silence faithful Pastors , and persecute them , and other godly Christians , for not sinning heinously upon deliberate choice and covenant , doth not even this man conclude such to be Schismaticks that are out of the ordinary way and hope of salvation . CHAP. III. The consequence of Mr. Dodwell's foresaid doctrine . 1. THOSE that live under the Popish Bishops in Italy , Spain , France , &c. must live in their communion , and under their command in all unsinful things . 2. The Protestant Churches that have not Episcopal Ordination , are no true Churches , and have no true Ministers or Sacraments , nor any Covenant-right to salvation . 3. The Protestant Churches are in the same unchurched damnable case that have Bishops , if they have not an uninterrupted succession of such from the Apostles canonically ordained . 4. Therefore the Churches of Denmark , Germany , &c. that have Superintendents ordained at the Reformation by Bugenhagius , Pomeranus a Presbyter , and all the rest whose succession was interrupted , are in the same case . 5. It is Schism , and rejecting Sacraments , and Covenant-right to salvation , in all the people that continue in such Protestant Churches , and communicate with them . 6. It is better for the Protestants in France to joyn with the Papists , than to live as they do without Sacraments or Church-communion . 7. Yet ( by self contradiction ) it will follow , that certainly the Church of Rome , and all that derive their ordination from that Church , have no true Bishops , Ministers , Sacraments , Churches , nor Covenant-right to salvation ; for it 's certain their true succession hath been oft interrupted , 1. By such utterly uncapable persons as all History describeth , and even Baronius calleth Apostaticos non Apostolicos ; and such as divers General Councils judged Hereticks , Infidels , Simoniaks , &c. e g. Eugenius 4. who yet kept in . 2. By such whose false ordination the Canons expresly null . 3. By many Schisms , two or three Popes at once , of whom none can tell who had the right , or whether any . 4 By the Popes taking on him to be Christs Universal Vicar , an Office in specie usurpt , which he maketh his Episcopacy , and as such giveth his orders . And all his Presbyters have turned the true Ministry into the false one of Mass-Priests ; and being no true Ministers , can give no true Sacraments by his rule . 8. Yea it is certain , that few , if any Churches on earth , can prove such an uninterrupted succession as he and the Papists describe , and most it s known have no such thing . 9. Therefore if any have such a succession , they cannot know it , it being a thing that cannot be proved ; and so cannot be sure that they are true Churches , &c. 10. For the certainty of any true Ministry , Church , Sacraments and Salvation , dependeth on such knowledg of History as is not in the world : viz. To know that this Bishop and his Ordainer , and his Ordainer , and his Ordainer , and so up to the Apostles , were every one true Bishops , and truly Ordained ; which no mortal man can know . 11. Men that by a Prince , against even the Nullifying Canons , can but get possession of Patriarchal and Diocesan Churches , without the Clergy or peoples choice , have thereby the power of damning men that fear God , at their pleasure . For , 1. they must pass for the Bishops of the place . 2. They may command any unsinful thing , and excommunicate him that doth not obey . 3. He is a Schismatick that suffers himself so to be Excommunicate , and so is in a damnable state . 4. He cannot hinder it , not knowing the thing to be unsinful . 12. For by this whoever will escape damnable schism , must be one that knoweth the unsinfulness ( as he speaks ) of all things in the world that are such , which a Prelate may command ; or else he must do any thing which he judgeth sin , if a Prelate command it . But that is wicked Idolizing man. 13. And therefore by this rule , no man living can be saved that a Prelate hath a mind to damn ; or from his damning impositions . For no man living knoweth the lawfulness of all lawful things , and therefore may take a commanded thing for sin that is not : and then if he wilfully do that which he judgeth sin , he rebelleth against God ; if he do it not , the Prelate may excommunicate him , and unresistibly make him a damnable schismatick . 14. And hereby there are as many hundred new Articles of Faith made , as there are things lawful which a Prelate will command . For though all is not to be done that is to be believed , yet all must be believed to be lawful and duty which must be done as such : e. g. We cannot love God , worship him , hear and read his Word , &c. as by Divine obedience , unless we believe it to be our duty by a Divine command . Therefore when as Mr. Dodwell , Dr. Saywell , and such others tell us what damning schism it is to disobey such commands of the Bishops , or to suffer our selves to be Excommunicate , it plainly includeth that it is as damning a sin to take any lawful thing to be a sin , and not to believe it to be lawful whatever the Bishop shall command . And so to how many hundred indifferent things may the Articles of our Faith be extended , while it is made ordinarily necessary to Salvation to do them , and therefore to believe them to be lawful ? 15 ▪ By this he confoundeth Communion and Obedience : I may have communion with many Bishops whom I am not bound to obey : But I cannot hinder them from Excommunicating me without obeying them . 16. Yea , he maketh Communion and Salvation to lye not only on such obedience , but on such perfection of obedience as reacheth to every lawful indifferent thing . Whereas God himself under the Gospel accepteth of sincerity , instead of perfection which the Law required of perfect man. 17. This is the way to make Bishops absolute Lords of Kings and States , and all the world , if they can make them believe that on pain of damnation for schism , all must obey them even in every indifferent thing . 18. If you would ferret him out of his Burrough , ask Mr. Dodwell , what if the Bishop of the place where I live contradict the Archbishop , or the Synod , or most of the Bishops in the land , which must I obey to escape damning schism ? Doubtless he will allow me to disobey my Bishop . But what if the National Synod gainsay the Provincial ? He will say , I may disobey the Provincial ? But what if a Council of many Nations , called General , gainsay the National ? and it be known that our National Church is gainsayed by the far greatest part of the Bishops in the world ? which must I obey ? If the National , why not a Provincial against them ? And why are not they Schismaticks for disobeying a General Council ? If it be the greater Council that I must obey , 1. What 's become then of his doctrine of obeying the Episcopacy of the place where we live ? 2. And then we are brought under a foreign Jurisdiction . 3. And who but the Pope must call that General Council , preside , approve , & c. ? 4. And among all the erroneous and contradicting Councils called General , how shall all Christians know which of them to obey ? We see whither all will come at last . But saith Bishop Bilson , To such Councils called General , we owe respect for concord , if they abuse us not by error or usurpation ; but subjection and obedience we owe them none . 19. How hardly will these men ever resolve one's conscience which is to be taken for the Episcopacy of the place , when there are in the same place both different species of Bishops , and also divers Bishops of the same species , and all pretending to be right . In Ireland both the Papist and Protestant Bishops pretend to just succession ; and so they did in Bohemia , Poland , Transylvania , Hungary , &c. And doth salvation lye on mens knowledg who hath right ? 20. And how contrary is it to the way of Christ , and the ancient Church ( that made the Baptismal covenant the terms of salvation ) for men to make it necessary for every poor man and woman that will have Covenant-right to salvation , and escape damning schism , to be able to decide the controversies between all such pretenders , and to know whether their Bishops be of a true species , and have true Ordination , and to be such rare Historians as to know that all the line of Ordainers down from the Apostles to their Bishops , were truly ordained ? O difficult terms ! 21. Doth he not condemn all those Ancient and Modern Christians as Fautors o● damning Doctrine , who thought that when there were none of the Clergy to do it , lay-men might baptize and give the Lords Supper ? Grotius told us his judgment for it in Dissertat . de Caenae administrat . ubi Pastores non sunt : And he hath vindicated Tertullian's judgment for it , confessed by Rigaltius . Anton. Govea tells us it was the case of the Christians of Malabar , &c. called of St. Thomas , whose Bishops being all destroyed , they caused a Deacon to administer the Eucharist , as the Bishops and Presbyters had done ( which Grotius also repeateth ) . Ionan . Antiochenus magnified by Socrates , lib. 6. cap. 3. when at Antioch there were two Churches , with two Bishops , Meletius and Paulinus , stuck to Meletius till he died , and after , for three years , would communicate with neither . Did he by this become a damned Schismatick , or lose his Covenant-right to salvation ? 22. Many of old were chosen for Bishops before they were baptized ( the cases of Ambrose , Nectarius , Synesius , &c. are known ) : If the Church thought them all to be in a state of damnation , for want of the Sacrament , it 's strange that they would choose them to be their Bishops ( though it was irregular ) . Indeed it 's true that Grotius saith ( ibid. in fine ) , that Chrysostomes , Nazianzenes , and others cases tell us , that it was ordinary in the Greek-Church to delay baptizing even the children of the faithful , till at full years ( about Twenty ) . Were they all that while without any promise of salvation , or ordinary hope ? 23. What a task will it be for Mr. Dodwell to tell us what state the baptized are in till they receive the Lords Supper ? Baptism saveth them once ; but yet till they receive the Lords Supper by a Minister , in successive Episcopal Orders , they have no Covenant-title to salvation , by his way . But some Communicate not till Thirty years old , some not till One and Twenty , and in England scarce any before Sixteen . Are they all this while the children of God , or of the Devil ? And when is it that their Christianity ceaseth for want of the other Sacrament ? I believe that if they truly believe , they are Gods children before they come to the second Sacrament ( or the third , as some call it . ) Was Constantine Mag. in a state of damnation , who was not baptized till near his death ? Or the good Emperour , Valentinian , who died unbaptiz●d , but taken by Ambrose for a blessed man ? What absurdities are men fain to use , to get the Mastery of the Christian world , by making men believe that they can save or damn them by the power of Sacraments ? 24. And how is this man for Conformity , by which they subscribe assent to the certain salvation of Infants , so dying without Confirmation ; and ordain that the Lords Supper be not Administred to any till they are ready to be Confirmed , by learning the Catechism , and recognizing the Covenant ? &c. 25. Doth he not make the chief Bishops and Reformers of the Church of England , to be the promoters of the Doctrine which he accounteth so damnable , when Dr. Stillingfleet in his Irenicon recites the words of Cranmer , and others of them , at a Consultation , down-right against not only the necessity of his uninterrupted succ●ssion , but also even of Episcopal Ordination it self ? And I have elsewhere cited about Fourteen of them , for the validity of Ordination without Bishops : And Dr. Stillingfleet , Bishop Edw. Reignnolds , and many more , held that no Form of Government was of Divine determination . Did all these plead for damning Schism , against all title to salvation ? 26. And what could more directly contradict the main tenor of the Gospel , which tells us of the saving power of the Word Preached , how it converteth souls , and promiseth salvation to all that truly believe and repent ? Insomuch that Paul thanks God that he baptiz●d few of the Corinthians , because God sent him not to baptize , but to Preach the Gospel ? 27. But his Doctrine feigneth , that God will damn them that truly believe , repent , love God , forsake sin , for want of the Sacrament : or else that the Word converteth none , but only Sacraments convert men . 28. And then it will follow , that none but unbelievers , impenitent wicked men should be first admitted to the Sacrament ; for if that only converteth , then it is only the unconverted that must first be received to it . 29 When all 's done , he doth but contradict his end ; for it 's hard to find a National Episcopacy on earth , which imposeth no unlawful thing on Ministers or people : And with all such he speaketh not for our Communion . 30. Either Ordination , and Collation of Church-power , must be given by Superiors , or by Equals : if by Equals , why may not Presbyters make Presbyters ? If by Superiors , then who shall give the Pope his Power ? Or if you think any other be the highest , who makes them such ? Who giveth the Archbishop of Canterbury his Power ? 31. In short , as far as I can understand , these men deny all Covenant-right to salvation to all men living , and all true Sacraments and Church-Communion , or at least , all knowledg of any such thing ; seeing , as it is certain , that in most Churches such Ordination as they describe , hath not had an uninterrupted succession , so no man is sure that any one Church or man hath had such . And they that silence us for not subscribing , declaring and swearing obedience to our Diocesans , and other Ordinaries , are bold men , if they dare swear themselves , that they are true Bishops , and have any Authority to rule and command us , by an uninterrupted succession of a Canonical Episcopal Ordination down from the Apostles . But I have already in my Book of Concord , Part 3. Chap. 9. opened so many palpable , and pernicious absurdities , and ill consequents of Mr. Dodwell's Doctrine , which he dare not undertake to answer , but s●ly passeth by , that I must expect the Reader will there peruse them , who will judg uprightly between him and me ; and therefore will hear what both have said . And those that will judg falsly upon partial trust , to save themselves the labour of tryal , are out of the reach of ordinary means to be saved from deceivers . CHAP. IV. My words of Gods Collation of Ministerial Authority , Vindicated from the forgeries and fallacies of Mr. Dodwell . § . 1. CHRIST hath taught me to judg of Prophets , or Teachers , by their fruits more than by their cloathing , Mat. 7. And the fruits which are of God , are those which express the Divine Nature and Image , viz. holy Light and Truth , holy Love , and holy Life and Practice , and the promoting of these in the world . And Christ hath taught me , that the Devil is , 1. Against holy Light and Truth , the Prince of Darkness , and a Lyar , and the Father of Lyes . 2. Against holy Love , accusing , slandring , and rendring as odious the servants and ways of Christ. 3. Against holy , righteous , and sober living ; and an opposer of it , and a persecutor and murderer of the Saints . And those that are likest Satan in these three parts of his Image , and whose works are more certainly the works of these three Diabolical Principles , I am taught by Christ to judg of by their fruits ▪ So much as there is in Mr. Dodwell's labours , of holy Truth , holy Love , and helps to holy living , so much sure is of God. But so much as there is in his , or any of his Parties cause , of deceit and falshood , and defence of ignorance , so much as there is of Malignity , Calumny , or making odious the servants of Christ ; so much as there is of cruelty and destruction , and silencing faithful Ministers , and promoting ungodliness , by upholding its defences , I am obliged to resist , as being from him , against whom in my baptismal Covenant I was engaged . § . 2. He giveth his Reader the sum of my doctrine in this point , p. 29 , &c. a chain of forgeries , or putid falshoods . Either he knew that he wrote falsly , or he did not ; if yea , then it seems he thinks that God or his Church needed his lyes : if not , how unfit is he to write against what he understandeth not ? But what made him devise a frame of his own words of above six pages , to express my words by , if he meant not to deceive those that would believe his writing without reading mine ? § . 3. And whether it be from the Lord of love , or the enemy of love , that he goeth so far to the unchurching and damning of so many of the Reformed Churches , besides the Churches of the Southern and Eastern parts of the world ( if not of all Churches on earth ) let the sons of Love consider . § . 4. And whether his endeavours to persuade all the Nonconformists to give over preaching Christs Gospel , and all publick Worship of God , till they can conscionably conform , and his reasonings for that frame that hath long excluded true discipline , and sheltered ignorance and ungodliness , be of God , and all his copious discourses to that end , are to save souls , or to starve and murder them , I leave to mens impartial trial . § . 5. I so often and fully repeated my judgment of the Calling of the Ministry , as leaveth his Forgeries inexcusable . The sum is this . 1. There is no power but of God. 2. Gods universal Laws are the prime Laws , and the only universal Laws of the Church or world . 3. In his Laws God hath established or instituted the work and the species of that Ecclesiastical Ministry which he will have to teach and guide his Church to the end of the world . And therein signified his owning of them as sent by him , and promised them his help and blessing . 4. In that Law he hath told us what men they are that he will thus own and bless , and described the Essentials and the Integrals of their Receptive disposition or qualifications . 5. He hath in that Law told us who shall be the tryers and judgers of the personal qualifications ; and that ordinis gratia , ordinarily their approbation , choice , or consent , shall be a relative part of their Receptive qualification . 6. God himself giveth all the personal qualifications . 7 He is ready to help the approvers and chusers to discern all these , and to judg aright of them . 8. The person being thus made a capable Recipient by personal qualifications and relative ( due Approbation , Election and Consent ) God's Donation or Law doth give him Right , and oblige him to the office-work . And the Electors , Approvers , and Consenters , are none of the proper efficient Donors or causes of this right and obligation , but only efficient causes of his relative receptive capacity . 9. That therefore the right and obligation is immediately from Gods Law by resultancy , as the established medium of Gods conveyance ; but not immediately without any means of his receptively , to make him materiam dispositam . 10. That all this is true both of Soveraign Civil Power , and of Church-power in Bishops and Pastors . 11. That yet besides Approbation and Election , God hath for the publick notice and order of the Church , appointed a Regular Ministerial Investiture , by which the Approved shall be solemnly put into possession ( as Kings are crowned , and Ministers instituted ) : and Ordination usually containeth both the approbation , part of the election , and the investiture . 12 But this Investiture being but a Ministerial delivery of possession , proveth not the Investor to be any Donor of the Power to the King , or to the Bishop or Pastor . 13. Nor is it necessary save ordinis gratia , and in foro ecclesiae , to avoid intrusion and confusion ▪ but not when it is set against the end , or the end may and must be sought without it . 14. Who it is that hath the power of this Ordination ( Approbation and Investiture ) is much of the controversie of these times : some say it is the Magistrate : but those that say it is the bishops , are not agreed what species of bishops it is ; whether the chief Pastors of each particular Parish true Church , or only a Diocesan that is the sole bishop of many parishes that are no true Churches ; or only Diocesans that are Archbishops over many true Parish-churches and bishops . 15. But the Fundamentum juris being Christs Statute-Law or Grant , and all that is left to man being but qualitatively or relatively to make the person an immediately capable Recipient , and ministerially invest him ; therefore it follows , that if at Alexandria , Antioch , Ierusalem , Cesarea , Constantinople , London , all the old bishops were dead or hereticks , a just title may be restored without the ordination of one that had successive canonical ordination ; because there needeth no efficient donor but Christ and his Law , and the receptive capacity may be without such ordination where it is not to be had ( as among Papists that will not ordain one on lawful terms , &c. ) for Order it self is but for the thing ordered , and not against it : And I will have mercy and not sacrifice ●morals before rituals ) ; and all power is to edification , &c. are certain rules . And God never made men judges in partem utram libet , whether there shall be Churches , and Pastors , and Worship , or none ; or whether there shall be Civil Government or none ; no , nor of what the species the Church-Offices shall be . 16. I use to explain this by many expository , similitudes . 1. If the Laws of God authorize Soveraignty , and the Constitution of the Kingdom say it shall be Monarchy ; were it Elective , the Electors are not Efficients of power , but determiners of the Recipient : And if it be Hereditary or Elective , the Investers by coronation , are no efficients of the power ; but Ministerial deliverers of possession , and that but necessary ad ordinem , and not ad esse potestatis . 2. If the King by a Charter to the University , state the power of the Chancellor , Vicechancellor , Proctors , and all the Masters of Colledges , and then tell them who shall be capable , and how chosen , and how inve●ted ; here his power is immediately from the Kings Charter , as the efficient Instrument ; and all that others do is but to determine of the Recipient , and invest him . 3. So it is as to the power of the Lord Mayor of London , and the Mayors and Bailiffs of all Corporations . 4. So it is in the essential power of the Husband over the Wife ; the woman chuseth who shall have it ; and the Parson that marrieth them , investeth him in it ; but God only is the efficient donor of his Law. 17. Therefore it is not in the power of the Electors , Approvers , or Investors , to alter any of the Power established by God. If both the woman and the Priest say , that the man shall be her Husband , but shall have no government of her , it is a nullity ; Gods Law shall stand . If the City and the Recorder say , You shall be Lord Mayor , but not have all the power given by the Kings Charter , its vain , and he shall have all that the Charter giveth him . If the A Bp crown the King , and say , You shall be King , but not have all the power stated by the Constitution on the King , this depriveth not the King of his power , ( unless he give away that which God hath not stated on him , but men ) so if an Ordaining Prelate , Patron , or Parish say , This is a true Parish Church , and we choose , and Ordain you the true Pastor of it , but you shall have but part of the true Pastoral Power stablished on the office by God , it 's null : Gods Institution shall be the measure of his power . 18. But I confess , that if God had left Church-Officers as much to the will of men as he hath done the Civil , the case had been otherwise ; for Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy , are all lawful : And the King , or other supreme power may make new Species of Judges , and Magistrates , and Officers , and alter them as they see cause . And it would have been so in the Church , if as the Italians at Trent would have carried it , Christ had immediately Instituted only the Papacy , and left it to the Pope to make Bishops , and to Bishops to make Priests : And yet I would not wrong the worst . I cannot say , that they would have empowered the Pope to change the Species of Priests or Bishops . But God hath fixed the Species , by making a setled Law for all the work , and all the Authority to do it , though Accidentals may be altered in work and Office. § . 6. This is the clear state of my assertions , which how grosly Mr. Dodwell hath falsified in his forged description , I will not stay to open . But it is a great stress and fabrick that he layeth on the contrary supposition , that his Species of Bishops are the givers of the Powers , and so we can have no other , or more than they are willing to give us : And let him that thinks he spoke a sentence of truth and sense , to prove it , enjoy his error . I would quickly prove the contrary to him , if I knew what he denieth . § . 7. I. If he deny that God hath Instituted the Office of the sacred Ministry , and Pastorship in his Law , 1. The Scripture will shame him to all that believe , and understand it . 2. And if it be not divinely established , men may alter it ; and what is all this stir about , to keep up their Domination ? § . 8. II. If he think that God hath only Instituted Teachers , or Rectors , in genere , but not in Specie , then I give him the same answer as before . Scripture will shame him , and men may make new Species of Church-Pastors , and unmake , or alter them ; and how many , or how oft , who knows ? And who be the men that have this Office-changing-power , that we may know whether , and how far , and how long we are bound to obey them ? § . 9. III. If he think that Gods Law hath not described the Essential Qualifications of the Recipient , then Prelates may make Pastors of Infidels , Mahometans , Bedlams , or Blasphemers , if not of Horses or Dogs . § . 10. IV. If he think that Gods Law hath determined of no way of Election , Approbation , or judging who is capable , then every man may make himself a Bishop or Priest , and the Turk may make Bishops for Christians , or a company of Lay-enemies and persecutors may do it ; and then the Bishops Judgment and Ordination will have no Divine Authority . § . 11. V. If when the Recipient is duly qualified , and chosen , and capable , he does not think that Gods Law , or Grant , is a sufficient signification of his Donative will , and a fundamentum juris , and an obliging instrument , 1. He must deny the very nature and force of Gods Law , and Grant. And 2. He maketh it less effective than the Laws , Charters , and Donations of men are ; For which he cannot have the least shew of true reason . § . 12. VI. Can he devise any other sort of power in the Ordainers , than I have named ? What is it ? If he say , that they give the Office-power ; I ask , Is the controversie about the word [ Give ] or the Act ? If that which I have named be called giving , let him use his liberty , and call it how he will. 1. But as to the Thing , what is it more than I have described ? It is God , and not man that made the Office in genere & specie . Did our Bishops make the universal Law , which stablisheth the Office in the world ? 2. And the Bishop never had that power , and therefore cannot give that which he had not : It 's Dr. Hammond's reason against Presbyters ordaining , N●mo dat quod non habet . The word Office or Power and Duty , signifieth an Accident , which cannot transire a subjecto in subjectum . The Orda●ners have their own power , but they have not another mans . 3. Do they give it as Masters and Owners , or only as the Donors Ministers ? No doubt they will say as his Ministers And do I need to prove to Mr. Dodwell , that servants are not the Donors , and give not their own , but deliver their Masters ? Stewards themselves are but entrusted with the performance of their Masters will , in delivering his Goods as he requireth them . § . 13. And this is so evident a truth , that the Papists themselves , who would fain have all power flow from the Pope , are yet forced to plead for it , ( as you may see in W Iohnson's , alias Terret's answer to my first ) because else they cannot defend the Papal Power . For the Pope hath been sometimes chosen by the Roman people , sometime by the Roman Presbyters , sometimes by people and Presbyters , sometime by the Italian Bishops , sometimes by Emperors , and now by Cardinals ; and none of all these were Popes , nor had Papal power ; and if they were the givers , must give what they never had : Whereupon the Papists are fo●c't to grant that the Electors do but determine who shall be the Recipient , but that the power floweth to him ●m●edi●tely from Gods Law or Institution . § . 14. And the Prelatists must needs say the same , or else grant , that Inferiors , that never had Superior power , may yet give it others ; for how else shall the supreme Ecclesiastical power , in every National Church , be given ? If it be in a Primate , or a Synod , those that have not the supreme power must give it ; for there is none above them , or equal to do it : And so Archbishops are chosen , and Councils called . § . 15. And thus almost all Societies , by contract , are formed . e. g. The King giveth Commission to several men to List voluntary Souldiers , and be their Captains , and command them : Every Souldier chooseth his own Captain , and thereby subjecteth himself to him ; but it is not by giving him his power , for that floweth immediately from the Kings Commission ; but by making himself a subject to it , and so ma●ing the Captain Relatively , a Recipient of power from God , and the King , over this particular man ; for the Soldiers have no governing-power to give , nor are superiors to their Captain ▪ § . 16. And thus Servants imprope●ly only make men their Masters , not by giving them a Domestick Ruling-power ( which they never had themselves ) , but by making themselves the Correlate Subjects , and so putting their Masters into the Relation , to which Gods L●w immediately giveth the Ruling-power . All the power is from God : and God doth not first give it the Servant , Souldier , &c. to give the Master , or Captain , but the Servants , or Souldiers consent is , a Causa sine quae non , dispos●tiva Recipientis , to make the Receiver capable of it from God. § . 17. And indeed all Kings and Soveraigns thus hold their Soveraignty from God. Though God hath not made the form , in Specie , necessary ; all power is of God , and the Soveraignty from him , by no mediate Efficient below his Law : It 's a falshood in politicks to say ▪ that the people , as such , efficiently give the Soveraign his power , and that he is universis minor in Authority , though he is not universis melior ; and therefore their common good is more than his , the finis regiminis ▪ Nor is it true , that Richard Hooker saith , that in defect of Heirs it escheateth to the people ; but only that it belongeth to the people to choose a new Recipient , to whom the power shall flow from Gods Law , and not from them . I do not think that the King of France , Spain , or England , will believe that their power is given ●fficiently by , and floweth from their People , Parliaments , or the Prelate that Crowneth them . And the case is evidently the ●am as to the Ministry . § . 18. And the French Papists ( by some called Protestants ) , who are for the Ecclesiastical Soveraignty of General Councils above the Pope , do not believe that the Pope giveth them their power , though he may call them : But whoever calleth them , or chooseth them , they suppose that God only giveth them their power . § . 19. And in all these cases , it is notorious , that an interr●ption of due Election and Investiture , hindereth not the restoration of interrupted power . If the Law say , whoever is thus and thus chosen to be Lord Chancellor , Lord Chief Iustice , Lord Admiral , &c. shall have such , and such power , and be thus , and thus invested in the place , if there were an intercision of an hundred y●ars , the next person , so chosen , will from the Law immediately receive his power . And the Investiture is but for publick Order , and the Investers regular succession ( no nor the act it self ) , never necessary , ad esse , where it cannot be had , as I proved against Mr. D. in my Book of Concord . The Archbishops succession that Crowneth him , is not necessary to the power of the King. § . 20. And obligation to the Office-work , is as essential to the Officer , as is the power to do it : And it is only the Governours that lay on another an obligation to duty ( except what by contract a man layeth on himself ) : and none are the obliging Governours of the highest Powers , Civil or Ecclesiastical , but God ; therefore theirs must flow only from God. Therefore the thing is not unusual . And if Bishops were as much superior to Parish-Pastors , as the Lord Chancellor is to a Constable , yet they were but Governours of them , in tantum quoad exercitum , and not Donors of their power : The Constables power is immediately from the Soveraigns Law , and so is the Ministers from Christ ; for he is the only universal Soveraign . § . 21. Mr. Dodwell saith , These are bare similies . Ans. These are plain explications of the conveyance of power from the Soveraign of all . He saith , That the power is not properly given by the Ordainer , is but begged by me . Ans. A begging affirmer may easily write Books at that rate . But saith ●e , They connot give an instance from humane Charters , where the acts of men , not invested , are valid in Law. Ans. 1. Will you tell the King so to his saace , that before his Coronation no act is valid that he doth ? 2. No doubt but ( as publick Matrimony after secret Marriage is necessary , in foro civili ordinis gratiâ , where it may be had , and yet when it was done by a Justice , without a Priest , yea , or by the persons publick contract only , it was no nullity , no , nor coram Deo before , so ) to regular order , the most orderly Investiture is needful , but not ad esse , much less that all the Investers circumstances also , and all his predecessors , have been regular . 3. Investing here , is the act of a servant only , solemnizing the entrance , or delivery of possession : But such a servant is not the Owner , and Don●● of th● power . 4. The Papists and Protestants confess that the power of Inv●sting is so humane and mutable , that it cannot be necessary , ad esse potestatis . I told you how oft the power of choosing ●nd investing Popes hath beeen changed . And the old Canons make the Act of three Bishops necessary to Invest , or consecrate one . But did God determin● of three ? Or can you prove on● Bishops Ordination a Nullity ? 5. In the Civil State some Officers are made without any Investiture ( as Constables , Headboroughs , Church Wardens and others ) , and some the Charter imposeth Investiture on : But whether if Recorders , Stewards , Town Clerks , that by Charter are to Invest , be dead , or refuse their Act , the Mayor , Bayliff , or other Officers be therefore none , and the Government be dead , let Lawyers tell you . 6. Sure I am that Hen. 4. and the rest of the Germane Emperors , who fought , and strove so long against Hildebrand , and his Adherents , for the Investing-power , were no Bishops ; and all the Councils of Bishops , who stood for the Emperors , never took them for B●shops ; and therefore thought not that Ivesting was an Act proper to Episcopal-power . 7. I have before proved , that ancient Writers , and Papists , and many Protestants agree , that Baptism is valid administred by Lay-men , that I say not women . 8. Mr. Dodwell , self-condemningly saith , that a presumptuous Ordination of the Priest serves to the validity of Sacraments , though indeed he were not Ordained ; and that God is bound to make such Acts to the people good . 9. Mr. D. must beg belief instead of proving it , if he tell us , that the stated teaching of Gods Word to a Church , is not as truly the work of the Pastor , as is the Admistring the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper . It is one of the principal of the Jesuits jugglings , to make the people think , that till they can prove their Teachers the rightly Ordained Ministers of Christ , they are not bound to hear them , or believe them . Our Parents ( mostly ) were never Ordained Bishops , or Priests : Must not Children therefore hear them , and believe them ( fide humanâ ) ? And hath not that God , who appointed Parents to teach his Law to their children , lying down , and rising up , and to educate them in the nurture and admonition of the Lord , thereby signified , that Parents instruction is the first ordinary means appointed by God for the conveying of saving knowledg , and faith ? And if the help of Parents , though unordained , be Gods ordinary means of the first saving faith , shall We say with such men as Mr. Dodwell , that we have no Covenant right to salvation , till we have the Sacrament from the hand of a Minister that had a regular Ordination , uninterruptedly down from the Apostles ? 10. Did the Three hundred , Act. 2. and the Eunuch , Act. 8. refuse Baptism till they were satisfied by proof , that the Baptizers were rightly called Ministers ? Paul tells those that questioned his Apostolick power , that he was an Apostle to them whatever he was to others ; and that they should know first , whether Christ were in them , and so whether he were not a true Minister , and not begin at the trying of the Ministry , 2 Cor. 13.4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Gal. 3.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. &c. 11. The Acts of the Parliament , called irregularly by General Monk , were they that restored King Charles the 2 d and were confirmed by him as valid , through the defect of a Regular Summons , and by necessity . 12. I have fully proved in my Treatise of Episcopacy , that the Species of Bishops , which Mr. Dodwell pleaded for , is not the same which the Churches had for 200. or 300. years . And then where is his regular succession from the Apostles ? § 22. He saith also , p. 37. They cannot give an Instance ( of any power setled by Charter ) , whereupon the Acts of any persons , lawfully Invested , though confessedly less qualified , are not thought valid : A plain sign that their Investiture doth properly confer such power . Ans. Words fitted to deceive . 1. He that is unqualified is not lawfully Invested , and yet the Act of the Invester may be right , had the Recipient been lawful . 2. He saith , Less qualified ; when he knew that our question is of the unqualified . 3. Investiture giveth it , as the Act of the Power and Donor , by a servant delivering orderly possession , but doth not make , or prove the Investing Minister the Owner , or Donor , no more than he was that from the Emperor Henry delivered the Bishops the Staff and Ring ; or the Priest that Marrieth the persons 4. Burroughs and Cities choose , and return Burgesses for Parliament by Charter ; yet if they are unqualified when they come thither , the choice is judged null . If a City choose , and Invest a proclaimed Rebel for Mayor , I will believe it null , or invalid , though Mr. D. will not : And if he write Forty Books with such streams of confident words , to prove , that the Election , and Investiture of the d●●lared Heretick Bishops at Alexandria , Antioch , Constantinople , and most of the Empire in many Ages ( Arrians , Eutichians , &c. ) were yet judged valid by the Councils of the Orthodox , no man that ever read the Councils will believe him . 5. Nor will I believe him , that any Bishops Ordination can make a true Bishop , or Priest , of a Woman , an Infant , or a professed Heathen , Infidel , or proper Heretick , or any uncapable person , any more than he can make a Woman to be a Husband , or a dumb man the University Orator . § . 23. He saith , They cannot give an Instance of any Power setled by Charter , whereupon a failure of all who are by the Charter empowred to dispose of Offices , the power must devolve to those who are not by the Charter empowred to dispose of them and where such a Charter is not thought in Law to fail , by becoming unpracticable , till the supreme power interpose , &c. Ans. Still the same fraud : If all empowred to dispose of Offices , is an ambiguous word . The Prince disposeth of them , by giving the Power , and the Electors by choosing the Receivers , and the Minister by delivering the Insignia : If Electors , and all die indeed , there are none to determine of the Receiver : And yet if the Plague kill most of the Electors at Age , and leave not a due number , when the rest left come to Age , and choose , the Charter will renew the Office-power . 2. But if it be only the Ministerial Invester that faileth , the sense of the Lawgiver must be judged of by the words , and by other notices , and the light of common Reason . e. g. Whether it be the meaning of the Charter which saith , that the Recorder shall give the Oath , or the former Mayor shall deliver the Insignia , that if the Recorder , or Mayor be dead , or sick , or mad , or wilfully refuse , the City shall have no Mayor ; or if no Priest will Marry folks , all England must live unmarried ; or if the Archbishops and Bishops will Ordain none but Hereticks , all the Churches must have no other Ministers . And here Nature and Christ teach us , that the Means is only for the End , and Order for the thing ordered ; and God will have us understand his own Laws so , as that Rituals give place to Morals : I will have mercy , and not sacrifice . And sure if the King of Spains Charter , for the making of Governours at the West Indies , should not express , or reasonably imply a Remedy , in case of the failure of circumstances of meer Order , his Countrey might be lost before they could send to Spain for a new Charter or new power . And Mr. D. saith , Which is the very case impugned by me of the Nonconformists : And so judg whether he must not turn a Seeker , and say , that all Ministry , Churches , and Sacraments cease , till a new Commission comes from Heaven , upon the failure of every such circumstance ; yea , when almost all the Churches charge each other with failures and intercisions , and the very species of the Ordainers is so much altered . If the King send his Army into the Indies ( or his Navies ) , and mention no power but the Generals , as chief , or no way of choosing a new General , but by the Field-Officers choice , and giving him an Oath by the Secretary , &c. yet no man doubteth but it was his meaning , that if the General die , or turn Rebel , yea , and the major part of the Field-Officers , or the Secretary , the Army should choose another General , rather than perish , and the Kings service miscarry . § . 24. He addeth , They cannot give an Instance of any humane Charter , that ever allows any person empowered , to extend his own power by a private exposition of the Charter , against the sense of all the visible supreme powers of the society . Ans. This opens the Core of the Aposthume . 1. We deny , as confidently as any French , or Italians affirm , that there is any such thing at a supreme visible power over the universal Church , under Jesus Christ ; and therefore none such is disobeyed , or contradicted . 2. And we maintain , That by Divine appointment there is no visible National supreme Church-power , but that of the Civil Christian Soveraign ; and therefore none such disobeyed . 3. And we hold , that no man can extend his own power further than Christs own Law extendeth it . False expositions give no power . 4. And therefore we prove by your own Rule , that ( Christ being the only supreme universal Ruler , and having described and specified the Office of a Pastor , and order of a Church ) no Bishops can by their private exposition ▪ turn a single Church into a Diocesan , or a Presbyter of Christs description into an half Presbyter of their own making : But if they make a man a Pastor , his power and work shall be what Christ saith , and not what the Orda●ner will. Investing-Ministers Acts are null , if they contradict the Order of the Donor : If the King give you a Parsonage of 300. l. a year , and the Instituter say , you shall have but 100. l. out of it , it 's vain ; he instituteth you but as the Donors instrument in the same Benefice , and power given by him . § 25. He addeth , p. 38. Where can they find such a Charter for the power of Presbyters in Scripture as they speak of ? Ans. Nay , then we are far from agreeing , if you think that the very Species of a Pastors Office is not found in Scripture , as of Christs institution . Th●n it seems , the Bishops make the very Species : The Italian Bishops at Trent scarce gave so much to the Pope . Then why may not the Bishops put down Presbyters , if they make the Species , or make as many Species as they please ? Indeed Dr. Hammond thought that there was no evidence of the Order of Subject Presbyters in Scripture-times . And if God instituted none , let us have none . But I have told you before , and often , where in Scripture the true Pastors Office is described . § . 26. He adds , They may find some actual practices ; but will they call that a Charter ? Ans. This is indeed to strike at our foundation . If we prove not Christ to be King , and Lawgiver , and that his Laws , or Governing-precepts , were partly given by himself , and partly by his Spirit , in his Commissioned Apostles , and these Recorded , Sealed , and Delivered in Scripture : If we prove not , that these , as the authorized Agents of Christ , delivered his Will by words and practice , in setling , and describing the Pastors of his Churches , then take the Ministry , and spare not for mans invention . I cited you before , the Texts that are our proof . But if the Office , which you call Priestly , be of mans making in specie , I doubt the Diocesans will prove so much more ; for many Papists doubt of the Divine right of Prelacy , that doubt not of the Divine unalterable right of the Priestly , or Presbyter-power and work . And will this cure men of Schism , to tell them , that God hath not so much as made , and specified the Parish-Pastors Office , and it is but a humane invention which you forsake ? § . 27. And I would crave of this confident man to consider , whether he reach not high , and horrid Sacriledg , if he make the Invester to be first the Owner , and then the Donor ? Did we devote our selves to Patrons in our Ministry , or to Diocesans , or immediately to God ? If we covenanted only to be Gods Ministers , for the Churches good , then let them take heed that claim propriety in us as Priests . And if Tythes and Glebes were devoted to God , and not to Princes , or Patrons , I doubt he that maketh Patrons the Proprietaries , and proper Donors , will prove Sacrilegious , and be convinced at last , that he should only have taken Princes and Pastors for such Trustees as determine of the Receiver , but give not the things . § . 28. If it be otherwise , Princes , Patrons , and Prelates , are greater and richer than I ever thought them 1. Then , all the Bishopricks in England are the King 's , till he give them . 2. Then all the Tythes , Glebes , and Temples in England , are the Patrons , till they give them ; or else the Bishops , or Chancellors , who investeth men in them by institution and induction . And the Patron and Bishop may have a hard suit to determine which is the Proprietor . 3. And then a Bishop that Ordaineth a thousand Priests , was the Owner of all their Relations before ; and so as they that are for the pre-existence of souls , dispute , whether they pre-existed individually , or only in animâ universali ; so these that are for the pre existence of Priesthoods in the Diocesans , must dispute , whether they were in the Prelate a thousand individual Priesthoods before , or but one common Priesthood , that fell into individuals by Ordination . If they say , that they were but virtually in the Prelate , that kills their Cause ; for then they did not pre-exist ( for existere est esse extra causas ) . And this only saith , that the Prelate had an effective vertue that could make them . But the species was made before ; and so was the obliging , and Donative Law ; therefore the Prelate had not power to do what God had done before . § . 29. I take it for granted ( because I know him ) , that all this is nothing to Mr. Dodwell ; but to me it is moreover something , 1. That the highest esteemers of Diocesans Ordination , make it but a Sacrament . 2 And that the Investing Minister is not the Owner and Donor of the Relation and Gift in any of their Seven Sacraments . 1. In Baptism God only giveth the Right and Relation , which the Minister by Investiture solemnizeth , but giveth it not as his own : Else every Lay-man and woman by their judgment , should have multitudes of Christendoms of their own to bestow . 2. In Confirmation the Priest never pretendeth to be the giver of the Spirit , but by his act to fit the person to receive it : The Holy Ghost is said to fall on them that heard the word ( before Baptism ) , Act. 10.44 , 45 and they were after baptized : He fell on them , Act. 11.15 . And Peter and Iohn prayed for the Samaritans , that they might receive the Holy Ghost , Act. 8.15 . and they laid hands on them , and they received the Holy Ghost , v. 17. but not that they gave the Holy Ghost , though by the laying on of their hands , and their prayers , he was given , as he was on them without , Act. 2. 3. And in Matrimony it 's confessed , that the Priest is not the Owner and Donor of the Husbands power , but a Ministerial Invester . 4. And in the Eucharist , even they that think the bread is made God , take not the Priest as the efficient cause , but a disposing instrument ; nor that he giveth God to the Receiver , as the Owner , or Donor , but delivereth him as a Minister . 5. The same is true of Penance , Extreme Unction , and therefore must be so also in Ordination . If the King send a thousand Commissions to Captains , Judges , Justices , &c. the Messenger is not the Owner , or Donor of them all ; nor may make any alteration of them : yea , if he intrust the Chancellor to name all the Justices , he doth thereby but determine of the person that shall receive the Commission , but altereth nothing of the Office , nor is the Donor of it . All this is plain to us , but not to Mr. Dodwell . § . 30. Saith he , p. 39. Are not many actual practices grounded on circumstances ? Are not many of those circumstances obnoxious to great mutability ? Are not ordinary Governours the competent Iudges of their actual change ? Ans. 1. And did not Christ promise , his Spirit to his Apostles , for the performance of their Commissions ? And were not those Commissions to gather , and settle his Churches , and teach them all that he commanded them ? And did not Christ by that Spirit make Pastors and Teachers , as is before proved ? And did not the Apostles faithfully perform their trust ? 2. And doth he not see , that by this he also subverteth his foundation of Prelatical power also , as having no better institution than the Priesthood ? And then who are those Governours of the Church that he talks of , that must judg ? And how prove they their jugding-power ? 3. And it were a kindness , if he would tell us what change it is that th● Diocesans may make in the Priestly Office and work , and tell us the bounds of their power , if it have any ? And whether they may put down the Preaching part , the Praying part , the Sacraments , or which of them ? And whether this be the power that hath put out the Sacramental Cup , and made all the changes that are made in the Church . To tell us of these ordinary Governours changing-power , is a hard word to us , that took Christs Laws , delivered by his Spirit , to be perfect , and unchangeable ; However , some circumstances are changed , which were noted to be but occasional . § . 31. To return his Consequence , p. 40. Since it is certain , that the power of O●daining others , was not given to , nor for some hundred years exercised by that species of Diocesans , who were neither the Bishops of single Churches , associated for personal present Communion , nor were the Overseers of such Bishops , but the Bishops of Diocesses , that have many score , or hundred unbishoped stated worshipping Assemblies , it will follow by his arguing , that these never had their Office from the Apostles , and much less a continued succession of it . § . 32. He next pleadeth the Nullity of the Presbyterians Ordination . 1. Because if they had Ordaining power , it is only in Assemblies where Bishops are Presidents , and Edict them . 2. And because they carry it not by Plurality of Voices . But I am a weary with answering such trifling things , and the later part is a known mistake . I never heard of one contradicting Voice against the Ordination of any that was Ordained in our Synods . § . 33. And he hath half disabled me to answer him from p. 50. forwards , where he feigneth me to maintain , that Authority must necessarily result from true qualifications : For it is taken for uncivil to give his words their proper name . But if the Reader will pardon the Repetition , I may remind him , how probable it is , that Mr. Dodwell trusted that his Reader would believe his words without perusing what I wrote ; where he might have seen , 1. That I say , that the Authority resulteth not from the qualifications , but from Christs Law , Grant , or Charter . 2. That personal qualifications ( of gifts , or grace ) are but part of the necessary Dispasitio Recipientis ; but that moreover there is needful , 1. Opportunity . 2. And need of his Office. 3. And to a Bishop the flocks consent , if not election . And ordinis gratia , ( where moral necessi●y dispenseth not with order ) the Ordainers approbation and consent . 5. And to regular possession , where it may be had , a due Investiture ; so that there is a Relative part as well as a Qualitative of the Receptive disposition necessary . And all the following leaves in which he disputeth against me , as maintaining a power resulting from meer qualities , are so unbeseeming a Divine , and a C●ristian , that I will not soul my paper with their due confutation . But they are suitable to that man who thinks himself wise , good and fit enough to Unchurch and condemn so much as he doth of the Christian world , on pretence of pleading for obedience to the Diocesans . § . 34. And where he adds , p. 50. [ Or that it so depends on them ( qualifications ) as that where the persons ordained may want any of them , there the whol : Ordination must be null , because of the incapacity of the matter . ] This also he denieth . Ans. 1. I still distinguish between the Qualifications necessary ad esse , and those only ad bene esse , or integral . If he would perswade the Reader that I null Ordination for want of the latter , his weakness , or designed ill intent is such as warneth his Readers to take heed of believing him . If he mean it only of the former , as I speak , I have before confuted him that dare say that no qualification is necessary ad esse . Then a Pope Ioan , or woman-Priest or Prelate , or a professed enemy of God or Christ may be a Priest. And he may be a Pastor of a Church to feed them by the Word , who never heard or know what was the Word or Church . Cannot the best believer go to Heaven , if all your Priests will but deny him the Sacrament ? and yet may a man be validly a Bishop , and the Key keeper of Heaven that believeth not that there is a God , a Christ or Heaven , and so professeth ? This maketh me remember the old Roman Canons , how no Bishop must be deposed for lying with his own Sister , unless a great multitude of Witnesses testifie it ; and the Councils that decreed no Layman shall witness against a Clergy-man , &c. But Election , consent , the Ordainers approbation ( ordinarily ) are part of my Qualifications . And if these be unnecessary , what doth the man plead for ? And is a false approbation of a man that wanteth Essentials , more necessary than having them ? How contrary is this to the Doctrine of the Council of Carthage in the Epistle in Cyprian , of Martial and Basilides ; and to many honest Councils ? § 35. P. 90. At the end of this insinuated false accusation , he asketh , [ Where do we find that God ever gave Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , ( though he gave Apostles , Pastors and Teachers ) ? those extraordinary Offices indeed seem to have been made neither of man , nor by man , but by God immediately , &c. Ans. 1. Hath he said a word to prove that Pastors and Teachers are not ordinary Officers , contrary to the common judgment of the Church in all ages ? 2. Whether he mean [ Bishops ] in the Dative Case , or the Accusative , I know not . If the later , let him speak out and say , God gave not Bishops . But how proveth he that Presbyters ( and Bishops ) are not Pastors or Teachers ? 3. The Text tells you , Ephes. 4.14 , 15 , 16. that these offices were given for the continued stated use of the Church : For the perfecting of the Saints , the work of the Ministry , for the edifying the body of Christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and the knowledg of the Son of God , to a perfect man , &c. Was this temporary ? 4. It seems he disclaimeth Bishops being made , in making Apostles . 5. Christ by his Spirit in the Apostles ordered the Churches . § . 36. P. 65. he saith [ They never find any of those Officers to whom succession is at present pretended , made immediately by God , but by the intervention of men , &c. ] Ans. Still deceiving confusion : 1. Intervention is a word of fraud , and may signifie only that act which determineth of , and qualifieth the receiver ; and it may signifie the Donation , or making of the office . It is this that we speak of . 2. The Intervention of infallibly inspired men , commissioned to deliver and record Christs own will , hath an efficiency instrumental in making the office , in that the Spirit in them doth it , and they do make instrumentally the Charter or Law which giveth the power ; and Christ doth what they did by his Commission and Spirit . If you can prove that our Diocesans have this Commission , spirit and power , if they write new Sacred Scriptures , or make new Sacraments , and Church-forms , and offices , we will obey them . But prove it well . 3. Did any man but Christ send forth the Seventy ? Yet most Prelatists hold , that those were the predecessors of the Presbyters . 4. By this it seems he again denieth , that Christ himself instituted the Order of Bishops , by making Apostles . And if so , he will sorely shake his standing ; for then they must prove all their power from the Apostles ( or following persons ) institutions , and not make them successors of the Apostles own Office ( for they made not their own Office ) . And Dr. Stillingfleet thinks there were no Bishops , or few made in the Apostles times , as Dr. Hammond thinks of subject-Presbyters . And if Christs Spirit in the Apostles made not these Offices ( who made the Scripture , which is Gods Law ) , I despair of seeing it proved , that any since them were authorized to make them . And if men only made the Episcopal and Presbyters Office , men may unmake them . § . 37. A case put to me within this hour , remindeth me , how much these men prefer Ordination , not only in it self , but in this circumstance of Prelatical uninterrupted succession , before Baptism , which is our Christning . There are some godly young men that have Communicated in the Lords Supper , that were the children of Quakers and Anabaptists ; some were never baptized , and some know not whether they were , or not ; and being born near Two hundred Miles hence , cannot learn or come to any certainty . The question is , Whether these that have Communicated , should yet be baptized ? which is to make Christians of Christians ? Or whether the higher Sacrament do not eminently contain the lower , as making a man a Bishop , containeth making him a Presbyter , and that containeth eminently his Deaconship ( as some say ) ? If they must be baptized , yet , it implieth the Nullity of their Sacramental Communion before : And if so , Mr. Dodwell must confess , that Priestly exhibition , or investiture is null to an uncapable Subject . But I think most will say , that he should not be baptized , it being done interpretatively . And if so , is his Prelatical mode of Ordination more necessary than actual Baptism ? Besides , that ( as is said ) they make Lay-mens or womens baptizing sufficient ad esse . And yet the Church of England professeth , that only the Two Sacramens , Baptism and the Lords Supper , are generally necessary to salvation . § . 38. Pag. 67 , 68. He would persuade us that the Imposition of hands in Ordination signifieth what he asserteth . But he giveth us not one word of proof of it . Was it the Holy Ghost which was in the imposing Apostle or Prelate that was given by him , and out of him into the Ordained ? No , he was never in Scripture said to be the Ownor , Donor , or efficient conveyer of the Holy Ghost . But Gods will made the Imposition of the Apostles hand , a conditional act to qualifie the recipient to receive the Holy Ghost immediately from God , as the Texts before cited , and many more prove . What if it be once said that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] when many other Texts expound it ? It 's well known that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth many other causes , mediums , conditions , as well as efficient conveying causes . Is it like to signifie more here than in the Doctrine of Justification , when it is so oft said that we are justified by faith ? And yet faith there , is no efficient instrument conveying or giving us pardon and relative Justification , but only a necessary qualification of the Recipient ( called by Dr. Twisse , Causa dispositiva , which is part of the Materialis ) upon which Gods Covenant immediately pardoneth and justifieth the believer ; so both there and here it is by or through the Act of man , as a moral qualification of the Recipient , made a condition by God. § . 39. After all this , the man cometh himself pag. 72. to distinguish of Qualifications necessary to the being of the office , and to the well-being ; yea , and hath the face to say , that I should have distinguished them ; as if I had not ever done it . Is it not an unprofitable toil to dispute with such men that will pretend that a case by me constantly stated was not stated , and then will long dispute himself for the unqualified without distinction , and after all distinguish in the fag end ? This beseemeth not any man that will pretend to plead for truth . But yet he will not be over-liberal to us ▪ he saith p. 13. All the skill that is requisite essentially , is only in general to know the benefits to be pe●formed on Gods part , and the duties to be promised on mans , and the nature and obligation of Covenants in general ; and the particular solemnities of Ecclesiastical Covenanting . And of this how can any one be uncapable , that is but capable of understanding the common dealings of the world ? Ans. 1. And yet must we have Universities ? and must the Holy Ghost be given by the Bishops for this ? And is there any need to open the Bible to know it ? and must so much riches and honour maintain this much ? and all be damned Schismaticks that turn to better ? 2. Set this qualified Ministry and his great zeal to perswade the Nonconformists to cease Preaching , and his Unchurching the Reformed Churches altogether ; and it 's easie to see what this humble diligent man is labouring for . 3. Do not many millions understand the common dealings of the world that understand not the Gospel ? The natural man receiveth not the things that be of God , for they are spiritually discerned . 4 Is not this a plain design to set up a carnal Kingdom of ignorant , vicious Clergy-men , such as St. Paul saith , Rom. 8 neither are nor can be subject to Gods Law , instead of a holy Catholick Church and Communion of Saints ? and to make Mahometans think that they are Saints in comparison of us , and that Christians are an unholy sort of men ? 5. Either he includeth all that is necessary to the things named by him , or not . If not , then his Priest must know the benefits of Gods Covenant , without knowing what God is , or that Christ is the Purchaser , Covenanter , &c. If yea , ( which I doubt not he will say ) then , O what an excellent body of Theology is included in these few general words ! Then he must know all those Attributes of God and his Relations to man , by which he is said to be our God. He must know all the necessary articles of faith , about the Person of Christ , as God and man in two Natures and one Person , his Incarnation , Birth , Life , Sufferings , Death , Burial ! his Doctrine , his Merits , his Resurrection , Ascension , Glory , Intercession , Kingly and Prophetical office , and last Judgment , and Glorious Kingdom . He must know what Covenant God formerly made , and man broke ; and what sin , original and actual , and what curse and condemnation followed on mankind . And Oh how many great and mysterious things are contained in Gods Covenant-benefits ! On Union with Christ , Reconciliation , Justification , Adoption , Sanctification ; The Doctrine of the Holy Ghost as the Third person in the Trinity , and as the Inspirer of Prophets and Apostles , and Inditer and confirmer of the Scriptures , and the Witness of Christ , and the Sanctifier and Comforter of the Elect , besides Resurrection , Glorification , &c. And what a deal is contained in mans necessary qualification ( Faith , Repentance ) , and promised duty ? And the true nature and use of the Sacraments themselves ? And is all this such a small or easie matter as he seems to intimate ? 6. But hath he yet proved that a true Minister of Christ hath no necessary work but thus to administer Sacraments ? I will yet believe , 2 Tim. 4.1 , 2. that he must preach the Word in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort , partly to convert the unconverted , partly to confirm and guide believers ; and that the people should ask the Law at his mouth as being the messenger of the Lord of Hosts . And that the very essence of his office is to be a Minister under the Teaching , Priestly and Ruling office of Christ. 7. And if he had proved that a sorry Priest hath all that is essential to his office , that proveth not that I must take him for my Pastor , no not though the Diocesan command me . Souls are more worth than to be wilfully made the Priests and Prelates merchandize . If a man have all essential to a Physician , and no more , I will not trust my life to his skill , which is less than my soul , though the Bishop bid me . If a woman have all that 's essential to a woman , he is a fool that will take her for his wife , because the Bishop bids him , if she have no more . The Priests that the Pope sent from Italy into England ●hat could speak no English , knew what you mention perhaps . But it 's necessary also that the Pastor teach all this knowledg to all the flock , which is not done with saying few words . This man minds me of the saying of an Atheistical Ph●sician , What needs there all this Preaching and stir ? I can tell them all in three words , it is but think well , and say well , and do well . Dr. Saywell , and Mr Dodwell that are so much for our silence , seem to be too near to this mans mind . But saith St. Paul , Who is sufficient for these things ! 8. Yet this sort of men that can accept of so little of God in the Priests , so be it they will but be ruled by the Prelate ( who I suppose need ad esse be no wiser or better himself in their opinion ) are the rigidest silencers and excommunicators of others the wisest and holiest Pastors and Christians , as Schismaticks , or Hereticks , if they obey not the Diocesan in every indifferent thing , or be not of their mind in what they decree ; such odds is in their demands for God , and for the Prelates . He that doth but understand the common dealings of the world , is capable of saying over the Liturgy of the Sacrament ; and a little knowledg , and no honesty or piety , may serve ad esse . But if the Councils of Prelates , yea or his single Diocesan command him never so many things as indifferent , which the poor Priest feareth are perjury , lying , false worship , or other heinous sins , he is to be Excommunicated from Christian society , and cast out of the Ministry , and as a Schismatick not only to be silenced , but to be damned , if such as Mr. Saywell and Mr. Dodwell , and their Masters be to be believed . § . 40. But saith he , P. 74. How can they prove that Preaching is at all any essential part of the Office ? &c. Ans. 1. From Christs own practice , and his command to those whom he called and sent , and from their practice , and the Holy Ghosts determination by them , Mat. 4.17 . & 10.7 . & 11.1 . Mar. 1.4 , 38. & 3.14 . Luk. 4.18 , 19 , 43. & 9.2 , 60. Act. 5.42 . & 10.42 . Rom. 10.8 , 10 , 14 , 15. Mat. 28.19 Mar. 16.16 , 20. Act. 30.20 . & 8 5 , 2● , 40 & 9.20 . & 13.5 , 42. & 20.7 , 20 , to the end . Phil. 1.17 , 18. 1 Tim. 3.16 . 2 Tim. 3.16 . 2 Tim. 4.1 , 2. 1 Cor 1.21 . 2 Tim. 2.2 , 24. Tit. 2.3 . Where do you find that ever any one in the New Testament was ordained a Mass Priest , or Sacrament Priest , and not a Teacher ? 2. When did you prove that actual giving the Sacrament was essential to a Bishop or Presbyter ? not only ; Paul baptized few , but many Parish Priests leave that work to their Curates , and some Bishop● leave both the Sacraments to their Chaplains or Priests . I suppose you know that in the ancient Churches one Assembly had usually a Bishop with many Presbyters and Deacons ; and usually the Bishop did both preach and celebrate the Eucharist ? Can you prove that the rest did any 〈◊〉 celebrate than preach ? 3. But if you are willing , you may easily know that we take Preaching to ●ave more modes than making a set Sermon in the Pulpit . The Presbyters of old were all Preachers ; Sometimes in the Pulpit when the Bishop or chief speaker was absent , sick or required it ; Sometimes to smaller parties in Houses or Chappels , or lesser meetings ; sometime by conference , as Christ preached to the Woman , Iob. 4. And if you think otherwise , yet I am confident by experience , that it is an easier thing , and requireth less skill to make a Pulpit studied Sermon , than to deal convincingly in conference with particular persons that need our teaching . And a man may learn to say Mass or Liturgies , that hath no tolerable fitness to teach . 4. But if Preaching and Teaching be all one with you as they are with me , is it not a strange question to ask , How we prove that Preaching , that is , Teaching , is at all essential to their Office ? As if you should ask , How we prove that Teaching is essential to a Schoolmaster or Tutor ? or that to Rule is essential to a Ruler ; or to give Physick essential to a Physician ? What can you take the Office to be that includeth not Teaching ? Neither Christs Apostles , nor the ancient Church ever ordained any to give Sacraments without Teaching , ( however Papists make the essence of the Priesthood to be in the power of making the body and blood of God. ) Nay , how can they celebrate the Sacraments without Preaching or Teaching ? Can they justly baptize the adult , and not teach them the great Articles of the Creed which they must profess ? and the great and many duties to be done ? and the great and many benefits to be received ? And doth he think it such a small and easie matter to teach men all the Articles of the Creed , the sense of the Lords prayer , the Ten Commandments , and the nature of the Sacrament of Baptism , and the Lords-supper ? It may be h● will say , that it is some other Preaching that he meaneth . But he speaketh to me , who ( in the hearing of D● Warmstrie , and of Mr. Th. Baldwin , who is yet living ) did offer Bishop Morley when he ●orbad me to preach in his Diocess , to promise him to preach only the Catechism-Doctrine , on Baptism , the Creed , the Lords prayer , the Ten C●mmandments , and the Lords supper . Archbishop Vsher in his ●ermon before King Iames , on Eph●s 4 3. boldly affi●●●th , That l●t the learneds● of them all try it when they will , they shall find that it requireth greater skill to open to the ●gnora●t intelligi●ly these Cat●chism common truths , than to handle points of controverted School-Divinity . § . 41. It may be objected , 1 Cor. 12. Are all Teachers ? and Rom. 12. He that teacheth on teaching . Ans. It 's evident that Teachers or Doctors are there put for some eminently gifted above others in opening and defending sound Doctrine , and not for all Teachers in general . For Exhortation is distinguished from it , which yet is the greatest p●rt of most Sermons . Paul was the chief Speaker , yet Barnabas was a Teacher . We are more than he is , for many Ministers in each Church , where the chief Speaker shall usually preach ; but the other as assistants in their time and place , and not to be meer Sacramenters . § . 42. His next recollections run all upon such intimated or expressed untruths meerly forged by him contrary to my copious Explications , and against the rules of common honesty , that I will not lose my own and the Readers time in particular answers to them . He would perswade the Readers that I affirm that power immediately results from gifts , who never had such a thought , but say it neither resulteth from them , mediately nor immediately . This dealing is so grosly false , that it is neither credit to his cause nor him . Would he make men think that I take him to have most authority or power , that hath the best gifts ? As if the wisest and best man had right to the Crown or Church-power ? If copious discourses to the contrary will not hinder such busie disputers from such inhumane slanders , are they meet to be disputed with ? I have over and over said that , 1. Gifts , or the best abilities . 2. And due election or approbation of the Ordainers . 3. And the peoples election and consent , all set together , do but make up the Qualification or Receptive disposition of the Recipient . 4. Yea , and his consent conjoined ; and that where all these in the necessary degree concur , the power resulteth to that cap●ble person from none of them all , but immediately from God Law , which is his instrument giving power to persons so qualified . And that besides all these , Ministerial Investiture for Orders sake , when it may be had , should introduce him into possession ; yea , and the Magistrate must be judg whom he will countenance , protect or tolerate . But the case of Ordination and Investiture are necessary only where they may be had lawfully , and without crossing their end ; as sacrifice was compared with mercy , and the Rest of the Sabbath compared to works of charity and necessity . § . 43. And as it is the trick of such dealers , p. 81. he must have Governours to do his work ; and therefore must not leave out that which may make us odious to them ; but tells men , that our Hypothesis is unreconcilable with government in this life , in that it permits persons to assume Authority , and to extend it as far as they think fit , by appealing to Writings against the sense of all the visible authority of this life . Ans. 1. But ●f this Hypothesis be none of his Adversaries , but come out of the Meal-Tub , or forge of Inventers , what shall such men be called ? 2. We permit no person to assume Authority . But Writings are not so contemptible to us in comparison of that which you take to be all the visible Authority of the Church . It is your Richard Hooker that saith , that the Law maketh the King , and giveth and measureth his power , and that it's usurpation which obligeth no mans Conscience , when power is taken , and us●d which the Law never gave . What I think of this , I have elsewhere shewed . The Statutes are not so contemptible in this case , but the great Lawyers think they may be appealed to from visible Rulers in several cases . And you must talk at other rates than you have done in your tedious fallacious Vagaries , before wise Christians will believe that we may not appeal from Prelates to the written Word of God , when the power used by them is justly questioned . If not , how ca●e the Reformed Churches to justifie their Reformation ? Was it not by appealing to Scripture against the visible Church Rulers , that were commonly against them ? Were not P●pes , Council , Prelates , and Priests against them , for the far greatest part ? Did it overthrow all Government of the world to appeal from these to the ●cripture ? I hereby undertake to prove , that neither Popes , Prelates , or Priests , have any Church-Authority , b●t what God hat● given them by his Word ▪ And is it not th●● necessary to try it by that Word ? Must we take th●●r own words for all that Popes , or Prelates c●●im ? And it will put the Pope and Council hard to it , to prove any Authority from God , if the Scripture do not give it them : And if it give it them , it may give it others . § 44. And wh●n 〈◊〉 , done , we are far from granting , that we have les● to sh●● for our succession from the Apostle● , than Popes or 〈…〉 have . 1 We are 〈◊〉 that we have the same ●aptism , Eucharist , Creed , L●●ds Pra●●r , D●calogue , and Script●re , delivered down from the A●ostles . 2. We are sure that we have a Ministry of the same species which Christ and his ●pirit in the Apostles instituted . 3. We know that our Churches , and Worship , and Doctrine , are the ●ame that are described , and setled by the Apostles . 4. We know that our present Ministers are qualified as the Apost●●● requi●ed . 5. And that they are Elected , or 〈◊〉 to by the 〈◊〉 , is the Apostles required . 6. And that they have as good an Ordination , and Investiture , as the Apostles ever made necessary to the Ministry : That is , 1. They have the Approbation of senior Pastors , and many of them of Diocesans . All that were put into any places by the Parliament , when the Bishops were down , were to have the Westminster Assemblies Approbation under their hands . And that Assembly , as called , consisted of many Diocesans , with many score grave Eminent Divines , though the Diocesans were not actually present . And a signed Approbation , and Allowance , hath the Essence of all that is of absolute necessity in Ordination . 2. They were Ordained by true Bishops . 1. All true Presbyters are Episcopi gregis , and joyn in Ordination here in Enggland . 2 The chief Pastors of City-Churches , having Curates under them , are Episcopi Eminentes vel Praesides , such as Ordained for above Two hundred years after the Apostles . And 3. The chosen Presidents of Synods were such Bishops . But all these concurred in the Nonconformists Ordinations when the Diocesans were down . They were Ordained at , and by a Synod of Presbyters in some great Town , or City , where the Moderator , and the chief City-Pastors were part . 3. Many of them were Ordained by Diocesans . 4. Many Ordained , as aforesaid , were after approved by Diocesans , some by Imposition of Hands , and all by Word , or Writing ▪ for Archbishop Vsher did in my hearing by Word and in Writing more publickly declare his opinion of such Presbyters Ordination as valid ●though he excused not such as deposed the Diocesans from the guilt of Schism ) ; and so did the many other Bishops , whom I formerly cited ; yea , even Bancroft himself . And surely all this hath all that is essential to Ordination . 5. And we know that such a Ministry hath continued to propagate the Church and Gospel in the world since the Apostles days . But we confess , 1. That we cannot prove , that such Ministers have still succe●ded in the same Towns. 2. Nor that no one , from whom their Ordination came down from the Apostles , did pretend to have Orders , or Authority when he had none . 3. Or that no one of them in 1660. years was an Heretick , or a Schismatick , or a Papist . 4. Or that no one Ordained in wrong words . 5. Or that no one Ordained contrary to the Canons , out of his own limits , or without three Bishops , or without the Presbyters . 6. Or that no Competitors were Ordained by several Bishops . Mr. Dodwell is a great Historian ; when he hath proved all this of all , or any of his Clergy-friends , he hath done something more than multiply words . § . 45. But on the other side , we can easily prove , and have proved , 1. That our Diocesans are not of the same species with those of old . 2 That the Apostles did not make them . I think Mr. Dodwell will say , that the Presbyters first made them by consent ( the Children begot the Fathers ) . 3 And Dr. Hammond will defend it , that there is no certainty , that any Subject Presbyters were made by the Apostles in Scripture times . So that the very species of their Clergy hath no such succession , as distinct from ours . 4. And he that will read the Church-History , and Councils , declaring the multitude of doleful intercisions in East and West by Heresies , the Patriarchs of Alexandria , Antioch , Constantinople , Ierusalem and Rome , and most of the chief Seats of Bishops , having been judged Hereticks , Simoniacks , or no Bishops by General Councils ; yea , Roman Bishops judged some of them Infidels , and Diabolical by the Councils of Constance Bas●l , &c. I say , he that knoweth this History , must know , that the Diocesans that from these derive their succession , have certainly had frequent and notorious intercisions . § . 46. And this leads me to another part of Mr. Dodwell's work : viz. his proof that Aidan and Finan were Bishops . As if this had been a great part of his Cause . Such diverting noise is a great part of the art of deceiving . Because I had said , that Aiden and Finan were not Bishops , but Presbyters , that is , when they came out of Scotland into Northumberland , I apprehended that some men of his g●●ius and design , would be willing to mistake me , and therefore Printed an Explication of the Words in the end of my first Answer to Dr. Stillingfleet . But Mr. D would have men think that I said , that they were never made and called Bishops at all ; and that I read not Beda , from whom alone ( near Five and Thirty years ago ) I took almost all that I assert concerning them . Let the Reader see my foresaid Explication . If Mr. Dodwell will give us more than noise and mist about this matter : 1. Let him prove that it was Diocesan Bishops that Ordained these Scots before they came into England , when Beda saith they were sent from those Monasteries that were ruled by Presbyters , and which would not so much as eat or communicate with the Roman Bishops . 2. Let him prove that any Bishops in England Consecrated hem , or made them Bishops here , when Beda tells us that they were the first in the North , and therefore had none here to Ordain them . 3. Let him prove that they were here made true Diocesan Bishops of our species : When , 1. they had no Presbyters at first under them , and therefore ruled none , and had but one Congregation ; for one man can be but in one place at once . 2. Their Church in Lindisfarne was not made of stone , but of wood , covered or thatcht with reeds , and they are not said to have any other Church under them . 3. They went indeed to preach all over the Country , but not as to a Church , but as to Heathens to convert them . 4. Let him prove that ever they took themselves to be of a distinct order from Presbyters . 5. At a Synod ( Bed. c. 25. ) we find no more but the King and his Son , and Hilda a woman-Abbess , and three or four of this sort of Bishops , ( far below our Ordaining City-Presbyters and their Synods . ) But unlearned men that value Books by interest and preconceived opinions , may think that by such talk Mr. Dodwell hath done some great matter . § . 47. But ( saith he , p. 81 , 82. ) Our Hypothesis obliging inferiour Governours to prove their title to their office , and the extent of it , from the intention of their supream Governours , does oblige all to a strict dependance on the supreme visible power , so as to leave no place for appeal concerning the practice of such Government ( which as it lasts only for this life , so it ought not to admit of disputes more lasting than its practice ) , &c. Ans. Alas for the poor world and Church that will be cheated at so gross a rate ! 1. Did you not know that the grand error that Protestants charge Papists with , is the asserting of any such thing as a supreme visible power over the Church universal besides Christ. And did you think that your roteing over the name to them that deny the thing , would make a wise man change his Religion ? 2. By your Hypothesis then no man can prove his title to his Office , who either believeth not that there is any such universal Supreme , or that knoweth not who it is ( I know no Competitors but the Pope , and General Councils , unless the Patriarch of Constantinople be one . ) 3. And he that knoweth not the intention of this Supreme power , is still unable to prove his office . 4. And he that knoweth the intention of the Ordaining Diocesan , is never the better if he know not the intention of the Supreme . And what if the intention of the Supreme , and of the Diocesan are contrary ? 5. But by your Hypothesis the Governours may alter the very species of the Priesthood as they please ; and what ever God saith of it in his Institution or Law , it must be to us no other in kind or extent , than the Governours intend . If they say , I ordain thee to baptize , but not to teach ; or to do both , but not to celebrate the Lords-Supper ; or to do that , but not to pray or praise God ; or not to use the Keys of the Church , our power is limited accordingly ; Then if the Prelates make Mass-Priests , their intention is the measure of their power . Answer the Papists then that ask , Was it ever the intention of the Pope and his Prelates , that the English Bishops should disclaim the Pope , or the Mass , or reform without them as they did ? 6. Seeing the English Bishops , by you , derive their succession from Willfred , and Augustine , and Rome , is not the Church of Rome the ●ittest Judg of the extent of their power , as knowing their own intentions ? Nay , if they were so blind as to intend them power to pull down themselves , may they not recall it ? 7. Did ever Protestant preach this Doctrine , That there is no appeal from the supreme Prelates , to God ? O dreadful ! what may men come to ? and what error so great that a former may not introduce ? Disgrace not the Church of England so much as thus to intimate , that they set up themselves so as that there is no appeal to Scripture , or God himself from them ? God hath commanded Preaching , Praying , Praises , Baptism , the Lords-Supper , holy assemblies , &c. if the supreme Prelates interdict and forbid all these , is there no appeal to God ? I have told you how much Robert Grosthead abhor'd this Doctrine , and so told Pope Innocent the 4 th . What absolute blind obedience to Prelates is this ! 8. And what a reason brings he , That the practice lasteth only for this life , and therefore , & c ? Doth any of our actions here last longer than while they are doing ? Praying , Praise , Sacraments , obeying the King , doing good to the poor , &c. and so swearing , cursing , adultery , rebellion , atheism , blasphemy here , last only for this life . Must we therefore obey men without appeal to God , if they forbid us all duty , and command all sin ? 9. And what did the man mean when he said , That it ought not to admit of disputes more lasting than its practice . Is this the rate of these mens wise disputations ? 1. A murderers practice may be disputed at the Assizes when his act is past . 2. Shall not all the actions of men in this world be examined and judged of by Christ hereafter ? What ? no men judged according to their works , or for any thing done in the body ? 3. Or did he mean that God will justifie us for any Villany that we shall do in obedience to the Supreme Clergy ? 4. Or did he think that by appealing to Gods judgment , we challenge them there to dispute with us ? What to make of this mans demonstrations , little do I know . § . 48. He adds , P. 82. For how fallible soever they may be conceived to be in expounding Scripture , yet none can deny them to be the most certain , as well as the most competent Iudges of their own intentions . Ans. 1. That 's true . And if their intentions may make Doctrine , Worship , and Priesthood , what they please , it much concerneth us that they conceal not their intentions ! But I would I knew whose intention this must be ; whether the supreme Clergies , or the Ordainers ; and what to do if divers mens intentions differ ; and what bounds are set to their intentions ; and how many hundred sorts of Priests Doctrine or worship they may make . 2. You touch their fallibility tenderly , as a thing that some may conceive . But it seems let them never so falsely expound Scripture , their own intentions still shall prevail against all the word of God ? I would you would answer Dr. Stillingfleet's Rational Account , which confuteth you . § . 49. He proceeds , As certainly therefore as God hath made his Church a visible society , and constituted a visible Government in it , so certainly it is to be presumed that their Hypothesis must be false , &c. Ans. 1. Trifle not at this deceiving rate with plain men that love the light . If by a visible Society with a visible Government , you mean ( as we have great reason to think ) , With a visible Government over it besides Christ , do not thus as Mr. Thorndike and others of you do , go on to beg it , and build vast structures on it , but prove it to us and we will yield ; prove to me that the Vniversal Church is a Society that must have one vis●ble supreme Government under Christ , and I here declare to you , that I will turn Papist presently , and will not wrangle against any man for calling me a Papist ( though I may not own all that Popes say and do , as those do that Grotius called Papists . ) I will not talk with Bishop Gunning of a Collegium Pastorum , governing all the Christian world per literas formatas ; nor be so moderate as those French Papists that make an Vniversal Council ( which never was , nor ever must be ) the supreme Church-power . I will presently be for the Pope , though not as absolute . But why answer you not what we have said against it ? particularly my Sermon in the Morning-Lectures against Popery . 2. But if by a visible power in the Church , you mean not one over the Church , the Independents deny it not ; while every City hath its proper Mayor , ( and so every Church its Pastor ) it is a visible power in the Kingdom , but not over it as a Kingdom . All the Justices of Peace are visible powers in the Kingdom , but not Supreme , nor as one Aristocracy over the whole . Seeing all my dissent from Popery , and from you , is founded in my judgment against any one universal Supreme besides Christ , ( Monarch , Aristocracy , or Democracy , I seriously intreat you to write your strongest arguments on that subject to convince me , and answer what I have said to Mr. Iohnson , and you may spare all the rest of your labour as to me . This will do all . § . 50. P. 83. He adds , How can subjects preserve their due Subordination to their Superiors if they practice differently ? and while they defend their practices , and pretend Divine authority for them ? Ans. 1. As the three Confessors did , Dan. 3. and as Daniel did , Dan. 6. and as the Apostles did , Act. 2. & 3. & 4. And as all the Bishops and Churches did for three hundred years . And as the Orthodox did under Valens , Constantine , Theodosius junior , Anastasius , Philippicus , &c. 2. They may defend it by proving , that there is a God , who is supreme , and that there is no power but of him , and none against him ; and that man is not God , and therefore hath no power but limited ; and that to disobey usurpation , is not to disobey power ; and that God must be obeyed before man. 3. This is high language , and harsh to Protestant and Christian ears , What! are you serious ? Must none in Rome , Italy , Spain , France , &c. practise contrary to their Governours ? nor in Turky neither ? Nor in China , Iapan , & c ? Is it unlawful to read the Scripture , to pray , to worship God , to be baptized , to profess our selves Christians , to speak a good word , or do a good deed , to feed our Children , or relieve our Parents , &c. if Governours forbid us ? This is far worse than to forbid the Scripture in a known tongue , if when we know it , we must not obey it if Governours forbid us , nor so much as plead Divine Authority for doing what Gods word commandeth us ? Is Gods authority so contemptible in comparison of Prelates . Or doth it so little concern us , as that we may not so much as plead it for any practice forbidden us by superiours ? This Doctrine must needs startle a Christians heart . It 's far unlike Bishop Bilsons of subjection , and such others . If you really mean so , that whatever God commandeth us in Scripture , we must do none of it if the Governours forbid us , or else we overthrow all Governments , speak it out , and prove it ; but Christians will abhor it . And yet this same man calleth the Martyrs Saints , when his argument makes them rebels . W. Iohnson would not have talkt at this rate . § . 51. And I would fain know , whether he that first saith , that it subverteth all Government , and after nameth [ supreme Church-Government ] do really mean it of all , or of Church-Government only ? 1. If of all , the man is no Papist , I will gratifie him to proclaim it ; for he is no Christian. He that thinks that men must not plead Gods Authority for doing any thing different from the wills of Turkish , Iewish , or Heathen Governours , surely is no Christian : No , nor if he had confined this power to Christian Governours . 2. But if he mean it only of Church-Governours , how come they to have so absolute a power more than Civil Magistrates ? May we plead Gods Authority against a King , and not against the Prelates ? What proof was ever given of this ? Then the Prelates is far above the Kings : Then the Prelate is an absolute Governour of the King himself . Let Kings and Parliaments but understand these men , and we fear not their deceits . Are they willing to give over all worship of God , and confessing Christ , and all duties of Religion , Justice , or Charity , if the Supreme Clergy will but forbid them ? See I beseech you , worthy Country-men , what sort of men and Doctrine you have to do with . § . 52. And why doth the man talk only against different practice ? Doth he not know , that Government commandeth duty , as well as forbiddeth the contrary ? Is not Omission against Government as well as Commission ? If the King command Taxes , Military service , &c. may we disobey , and call it Passive obedience ? What if the Bishops only forbid us to confess Christ , to come to Church , to Pray , to give Alms , to do any good ? May we forbear , sobeit we do not the contrary ? Doubtless if Gods Word and Authority may not be pleaded for any duty which God commandeth , and the Prelates forbid , neither may it be pleaded for the Omission of any Villany commanded by Prelates ( no , not Inquisition , Torments , or Massacres ) , which God forbids . But this man hath the Gramatical skill to call Omissive obedience by the name of Passive . § . 53. It 's like he will next say , that I make odious suppositions , That the supreme Church-power may command any Villanies , and forbid Christian duties . Ans. 1. I despair of getting any of these designers to tell me , which is the Supreme Universal Church-power , so as to be well understood . I never heard of any pretenders but Pope , and General Councils , and as Bishop Guning holds , the Colledg of all the Bishops in the world . And certainly Pope and Councils have set up Heresies , and decreed even the exterminating of all that will not dis-believe all their senses , and deny Bread to be Bread , and Wine to be Wine . They have decreed deposing Kings , absolving Subjects from their Allegiance , adoring Images , &c. And what is it that yet they may not do ? If they say with Peter , If all men deny thee , I will not ; how shall I know that they say true ? Doth not the Church of England tell us , that Councils have erred , & c ? § . 54. And be not these very honest Sons of the Church of England , that affirm it irreconcilable to Government , to alledg Divine Authority of any different practices , without exception , and at the same time to Subscribe to Art. 21.19.6.18 . of the sufficiency of Scripture . That the Churches of Jerusalem , Alexandria , Antioch , Rome , have erred in matters of Faith ; That the Church may not Ordain any thing contrary to Gods Written Word : That General Councils may err , and have erred ; and that things Ordained by them , as necessary to salvation , have neither strength , nor Authority , unless it may be declared , that they are taken out of the holy Scripture : And those are accursed that presume to say , that every man may be saved by the Law , or Sect which he professeth . And why not , if he must do all that the Governours require , or nothing divers to them ? § . 55. My Reason forbids me to trace such a Writer as this any further . To tell men of every vain Harangue , and confident discourse , that 's full of gross error , or false report , is work unworthy of time and labour ; but I will a little more open the Coar of his deceit . CHAP. V. Wherein Mr. Dodwell's deceits , and the danger of them do consist . § . 1. AS to his Method of disputing , that you may detect his fallacies , he hath got this absurd ptetence , p. 90. That there is but one sense of all Terms , which Causes oblige men to mean ; and that every one ought to know , who pretends to have skill in Causes . Ans. Would you have thought that ever a man should publickly use such a Cothurnus among the Learned ? What a man is obliged to mean , is one thing , and what he doth mean is another . And is there any one that knoweth what humane Language is , that knoweth not that almost all words have various significations ? Doth he not know by how good reason the Schools oblige Disputants , first to explain their Terms ? And what need there is of Definition to explain them ? He instanceth in the words Bishops , and the Church of England ; And might have added , the Catholick Church . And doth he not know that it is the species of Bishops that we differ about ? and will the general name here explain each parties sense ? When we are for one sort of Bishops , and against another ? And is it not such fraud as souls should not be abused by , to refuse wilfully to define the Episcopacy that he meaneth , and then plead that all should understand him ? And why is it not as much ignorance in him not to understand me , as in me not to understand him , when I use distinct explication , which he obstinately refuseth ? And doth not Dr. Stillingfleet's case shame what he saith of the Church of England , who was hardly brought to explain it , and at last denieth the very being of the Church in Mr. Dodwell's sense ? which of you was to blame to meddle with the Word till you had skill in Causes , to understand it without a Definition ? And doth not Dr. Stillingfleet take it as the Introduction of Popery , to hold a Constitutive Regent Church-Government , National , or Catholick ? and so he , and Mr. Dodwell mean not the same thing by the Church Catholick ( nor Bishop Guning , Mr. Thorndike , or the Church of Rome , who are all for an Universal humane Supreme power ) . And who is he that hath read Dr. Challoners Credo Eccles. Cathol . Chillingworth , Bishop Mortons Grand Imposture , Bishop Bilson , Dr. White , Dr. Whitaker , Dr. Sutliffe , Bishop Andrews , Bishop Carlton , &c. Chamier , Sadeel , Melancthon , Bucer , &c. who knoweth not that the Papists and Prorestants , by the name of the Catholick Church , do mean several things , and that we deny the very being of any such Church as they call the Catholick ? And is this the bold and happy Disputant , that will save the Schools and World the labour of explaining Terms , and foreagreeing of the sense , and put men on disputing , where the Subj●ct is denied , and fill a Book with tedious confident Harangues , and then hide all the fraud by saying , that there is but one sense of all Terms , which Causes oblige m●n to mean ; and that every one ought to know , who pretend to have skill in Causes ? When the Cause disputed is only managed by words , as they signifie the minds of the Speakers about the real matters ▪ § 2. And as to the material fundamental difference between Mr. Dodwell's party and us , it lyeth in these following things : I. We totally differ about the nature of Gods Government of man. II. And about the use of the Holy Scripture , and Gods Laws . III. About the nature and extent of all humane Government . IV. About the form of moral good and evil . V. About the essential form of the Catholick Church . VI. About Gods ordinary means of saving Grace . VII . About the use of Preaching . VIII . About the duty of worshipping God in Sacred Assemblies , or the Communion of Saints . IX . About the difference of Apostles , and the office of the Bishops . X. About the office of a Presbyter or Parish-Pastor . XI . About the Necessaries to Ministry , Churches , Christianity , and ordinary title to Salvation . XII . And about the final Judgment . If all these be little tollerable differences , why may not we be tollerated ? If not , judg Reader who they be that are intollerable , when you hear them plead against tolleration . § . 3. I. For the first , we judg that there is a God , who is the Governour of the World by an universal Law , which is above all humane Laws or will , and that he is the fountain of all power , and there is none but what he giveth and limiteth , and that no man is above him , nor hath true authority against his Laws . But Mr. Dodwell saith , That it is irreconcileable to Government in this life , or to due subordination of subjects to superiours , to practice differently , and defend it by pretending Divine authority , and appealing to writings , ( Scriptures is our word by excellency so called ) . And so God shall be God , and be obeyed , if the Clergy please . § . 4. II. As to the second , we suppose that the Holy Scriptures are Gods Laws , indited and recorded by the Holy Ghost to be the first obliging Rule of Faith , and holy living , which all men are to be obedient to , before and against all contrary Laws of men . But Mr. Dodwell as aforesaid , alloweth no such prime obligation as will warrant an appeal to the Word of God , from the visible Church-Governours that contradict it . § . 5. III. And for the third , we suppose that all humane Powers are derived from God , and have no authority but what he giveth them , and are more under him and his Laws , than the Justices are under the King and his Laws , and can oblige no man against the Laws of God. But how far Mr. Dodwell thinks otherwise , you have heard . He saith not indeed that we must break Gods Laws , but we must not pretend them , or appeal to them against our Governours . In charity I hope he meaneth no worse , but that we must take our Rulers word or exposition , and judg nothing to be in the Scripture , contrary to their commands . And whether he give them the same dominion also over the Law of Nature , let him tell you . Paul disclaimed dominion over mens saith , and the written Law of God. § . 6. IV. And for the fourth , We take moral good to be a conformity to Gods Law ▪ and moral evil or sin to be a breach of it . But Mr. Dodwell is for measuring them by the Clergies or Governours will , though Gods Law be against theirs . § . 7. V. And for the fifth , we take the Catholick Church to have no Supreme Government but God , and our Glorified Redeemer God and man ; and that there is no such thing as a Catholick-Church of Gods making under any other Supreme Rulers . But that as God is the invisible King of this visible world , and Kings are subordinate Supremes in their Kingdom , but neither one of them , or many conjunct in an Aristocracy , Supreme over all the earth ; so Christ is the partly visible , and partly invisible supreme Ruler of the visible Church of Christians , and each Pastor is under him over his proper flock ( bound to keep concord and peace ) ; but none under him Supreme over all , whether Monarch ( as the Pope ) or Aristocracy , as Councils , Cardinals , or ' others . But Mr. Dodwell is for a visible Society , with a visible humane Supreme . But who the Supreme is , I despair of getting him to acquaint us . § . 8. VI. And for the sixth , we suppose that God sent forth Preachers to convert the world , and turn them from darkness to light , and the power of Satan to God , and that faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word preached , and that whoever believeth shall be saved ; and the word of God is powerful to this end , and sufficient to make us wise to salvation . But Mr. Dodwell thinks that it is not Preaching , but the delivering men the Sacraments , that giveth them the first true saving grace and title to Salvation . And that none in the world have this Sacrament or Covenant-title to life , but those that receive it from a hand that had an Ordination by Bishops in his sense , of uninterrupted succession from the Apostles by the like Ordination . § . 8. VII . Accordingly we hold that Preaching is for the converting of souls , and the means of saving faith and holiness . But what he thinks it is good for , I know not well ; nor whether he would send the Indians the Sacraments instead of Preachers . § . 10. VIII . We take it to be our duty , though men forbid us , to confess Christ , and assemble for Gods worship , to read and hear the Scripture , and to praise God : But he thinks we must not practice differently from the ruling Clergies will , if they forbid us , nor alledg Divine authority for it . § . 11. IX . We suppose that the office of a Prophetical Ministry bringing new Doctrines or Laws from God , and the office of the Teachers and Rulers by these Laws , are greatly different , and must necessarily be distinguished . Moses was a Prophetical Mediator in Legislation , and he confirm●d his Mediation by uncontrouled Miracles . The Prophets afterward came but on particular applicatory messages . But the Priests and Levites as such were no Prophets , nor had power to make any new additions or alterations of the Law , but only to teach it the people , and as guides apply it to their several cases ; so Christ and his Apostles commissioned to deliver and record all his Doctrines and Commands to the following ages , did by the Holy Ghost Prophetically deliver to the world that body of Doctrine and Law , which must rule them to the end , and judg them ; and thus sealed and confirmed all by a multitude of uncontrouled Miracles ; but all following Bishops and Pastors are not to do the like , nor add or alter , nor are such Legislators , being not Prophets nor workers of Miracles , but only to teach and apply the Laws already recorded in Scripture , and guide their Congregations in variable circumstances ( time , place , translations , &c. ) according to the general rules of Gods Law. This is the truth . But how much Mr. Dodwell equals the Bishops and Apostles , and sets their words above the Scripture as to obligation , you have seen before . § . 12. X. And as he giveth Bishops power to silence Presbyters , and forbid the Preaching of the Gospel , and Gods worship , so how little knowledg or godliness , or common sobriety or honesty , he requireth to a saving Sacramenting Priest , who must not be separated from , you heard before , contrary to Cyprian , and many a Councils Canons . But we know that Paul had no power to destruction , but only to edification . And they have no more . § . 13. XI . We suppose that we must love , honour , and communicate with all such as true Ministers or Churches , who have true faith and repentance , and sincere obedience to Christs Laws , and are able , godly , willing Pastors , chosen or consented to by the flocks , approved and ordained by senior Pastors , ( especially in Synods where City-Pastors preside ) , and especially if also authorized by the Christian Magistrate . ) But he thinks if they have not also successiv● Ordination from the Apostles by Bishops of his species , they are no Ministers , or Churches , and have no Sacrament , and Covenant title to Salvation , but are Schismaticks , and by their Ministry sin against the Holy Ghost . And so destroyeth all certainty of title to Salvation , and of Church-communion , Ministry and Sacraments , to all the Christian World. § . 14 XII . Lastly , we think that men shall be judged by their keeping or breaking Gods Law , and according to what they did in the body . But he would have us obey the Supreme Clergy , and not plead Scripture or Divine authority for our different practice ; because the Government that lasteth but for this life , ought not to admit of disputes more lasting than its practice . § . 15. I conclude with a request to him to resolve me these doubts . 1. Whether Prophets having immediate messages from Heaven , were not differenced from the teaching Priests and Pastors . 2. Whether false Prophets were not grievously threatened among the Iews ; and whether Christ did not command us to beware of false Prophets ? 3. Whether he be not a false Prophet ( worse than a false teacher ) that falsely pretendeth to that which is proper to a Prophet ? 4. Whether it be not proper to a Prophet to deliver as immediately from God , new Laws to the universal Church , yea or to any Church , which are not in the Scripture , nor are revealed by it as Gods means , ( besides the determination of circumstances left to humane prudence variable pro re nata ) if Moses and the Apostles in Legislation acted as Prophets , do not they so that pretend to do the like ? 5. Whether the General Councils of Bishops and the Pope have not done the work proper to the Prophetical office , when they have made Laws for the unversal Church , and this as by Divine authority , and undertaken to give all the Church the sense of Scripture , which only shall be obligatory to them thereby ? For it is the maker of the sense that is the maker of the Law ; especially when they pretend to Infallibility , or to be secured from erring in faith , by Divine inspiration , how ignorant or bad soever they be singly . Is not this pretended authority and inspiration that of Prophets , as different from meer Teachers and Guides by Gods Law already made ? 6. If it be so , how many such Papal Councils , arrogating such power , have been false Prophets ? 7. But if they pretend not Inspiration , nor Prophetical authority from God , nor yet authority given them by the Scriptures , or Laws of God already made , ( or falsly pretend such ) then is not this to usurp Christs own authority , and so instead of being false Prophets , to be partly Vice-Christs , ( or Law-givers to his universal Church ) called commonly Antichrists ? I would willingly have things so cleared , that men may be freed from all such suspicions . But if you are still confident that the universal Church hath a visible supreme Government besides Christs , I should be glad , 1. To see it proved . 2. To know whose it is , and how we may know them . 3. And to know its true extent . If you intend no fraud , you cannot refuse me this , when I promise you , if performed , I will let fall the suit , and no more trouble you with lesser Controversies . I have no Copy of my first Letter to Mr. Dodwell upon a Book which he sent me . This is his Answer . Reverend and Worthy Sir , I Have received your very kind Letter , wherein I hardly know whether I should be more thankful for your approbation or your reproof , both of them being in their kind so useful , and both of them being by you performed with so great civility . I am confident that if our modern disputes had been moderated with that candor , men would certainly have been more peaceful , and very Orthodox , than now we find them . I could very heartily have wished that the opinions wherein we differ , had not been of that nature as to s●parate Communion , ( for this I look upon as the only circumstance that can make such differences grievous to a pious person ; for as for those others which exasperate many that Dissenters are not so wise to discern the truth , or so fortunate in avoiding prejudices , or lighting on faithful informations , in a time when they are cap●ble of receiving them ; or that they are not so submissive as themselves expect to that Pope which Luther has long since observed in every mans ●eart , &c. are reasons either sinful , or at least insufficient to excuse the sin of uncharitableness upon such an account ) but as they a●e , considering them as tempered with that piety and moderation which may expiate their other malignities , that they are rather alledged as Apologies for your selves , than as obligations on others , rather to excuse your deformity in assisting at our Altars , than erecting others in opposition to them ; that you are still i●quisitive and desirous of further information , and ready to lay down your mistakes where you are convinced that they are such ; that still you preserve a p●aceable mind , and embrace our Communion it s●lf in voto , though perhaps not actually ; these are so valuable considerations , even before God as well as man , for excusing from the guilt of error , as that whatever I may think of your op●nions , I hope it shall not hinder me from a cordial respect and veneration for your person . As I do very much esteem the good opinion of so great a lover of p●●ce and piety as your self , and should have been sorry to have given any ju●t occasion of offence to you ▪ so I am not a little glad that upon a review of the particulars mentioned in your Letter , I find my self so very innocent . For as for my Preface , the main parts of it wherein the disrepect of the Clergy is shewn to have been an Introductory to the Atheism of the age we live in ; and that the Conformable Clergy , that is , such as would answer the design of the Church not only as to their exterior demeanor in publick solemn Assemblies , but also as to the qualifications of their persons , and the conduct of their whole lives , could not prove either trifling in their Preaching or scandalous in their examples , and therefore that the Church is not responsible for their misdemeanors where they prove otherwise ; and that the Laity are in their proportion obliged to the same duties with the Clergy , and therefore may make use of the advices there prescribed ; or where the errors of our modern School-Divinity are touched , and some Proposals made for their reformation ; in these things , I say , I can see no occasion of offence , but rather some preservatives against it . The only thing I suppose you aim at , is my taxing some opinions of Nonconformists , and that with as little personal reflection as I was able , which I conceived prejudicial to Church-authority ; which because you seem to disown , I do not see why you should apprehend your self as particularly concerned , especially there being nothing in the discourse whereby you could conclude either your self or any of your moderate temper to have been intended . I will assure you I intended none but such as were guilty , and with being so , I charged none particularly . But that not only the old Puritans and Separatists of Queen Elizabeths times , &c. but also very many of ours now are guilty of them , is too notorious to suppose you ignorant of it . I could heartily wish that the number of better principled and more peaceable dissenters were greater than I fear it is . Nor do I see that what is there said can make it unuseful even to the persons truly concerned , that value truth more than any , however beloved party ; seeing it may either let them see the ill consequence of their Principles , and their influence on that Athei●m and Prophaneness which I am confident themselves do most cordially detest , which I conceive to be more likely to prevail with them than other arguments , as being more suited to their pious disp●sitions ; or supposing that my fears were indeed groundless of the introduction of prophaneness by the contempt of Government , or of contempt of Government by their disobedience to it , yet might it at least warn them from confining on such dangerous consequ●nces , or from coming to them unawares by an abuse of Principles generally true , but obnoxious to particular inconveniences when unwarily managed . I mean it may put them in mind of the greater momentousness of good Government and peace than many of their differences , and consequently of the great engagements incumbent on them for their preservation ; and that they would therefore so take care to oppose the particular abusive Constitutions of Government , as not to bring their Government into contempt , nor to sugg●st unanswerable Apologies to factious persons for the future , when they are unwilling to be obedient . These are abuses which I believe your self would wish redressed in the Causers of our Church-divisions . But if it could not be useful to them , yet could it not be prejudicial to them , nothing being urged , either invidiously , or imperiously , and therefore no harm being done if I should prove utterly mistaken . That you should marvel how Reviving Discipline could by me be expected from the constitution of our present Ecclesiastical Government , does seem no less marvellous to me , especially as to the exception you make against it ; for if it were impossible to maintain Discipline under a Government so far Monarchical , as to appropriate the Decretory power of the Government of many to a single person , though the execution be intrusted to many ; then it would follow , that the secular Discipline under a secular Monarch of any extent , were impossible also to be observed , seeing it is as impossible for any such Prince to have a particular cognizance of every particular Cause , much more of every particular person in his Dominions , as for a Bishop in his Diocess . As there it appears by experience ( I shall instance in a Scripture-example , because I know that will be liable to least exception ) , that David in an extent more vast , and a people more numerous th●n that of the largest Diocesses , 120. Miles in length , and 60 ▪ Miles in bre●dth , and rather better in David's days , where were accounted 1300000 men sit for War , besides Artificers , and such others , not coming under that account , was yet able to give a go●d account of his Government , without particular inspection into all Causes , or Communication of his pow●r to numerous co-ordinate Presbyteries ; so I do not see , why it may not as well hold for a possibility of Discipline , under an Ecclesiastical Monarch of a much narrower extent ; for the reason produced by you , seems to proceed from the nature of Government in general , and therefore must proceed with the same force in seculars as Ecclesiasticals , there being no ingredient peculiarly rela●ing to Religion , much less to Christianity ▪ which might alter the case , or argue a disparity ; for certainly Princes , as well as Bishops , are responsible for the miscarriage of their particular ●ubjects ; for they may be prevented by moral diligence , and yet you will not thence conclude that every particular must come under his immediate personal care and cognizance ; nor is it proved , that the Bishop is otherwise obliged to such a care upon pe●uliar respects Besides , that it is plainly against experience , even in Ecclesistasticals ; for as it has fallen out in some places , where there were many Cities , the Bishops were propor●ionally multiplied , as in Affrica and Ireland ; so that it was not upon account of the impossibility of managing the charge of much greater multitudes than the Inhabitants of those small Cities , appears , in that even in the very same places the greatness of no City was thought sufficient for multiplying the Bishops , though it was for the Inferior Clergy . I need not tell you how great Rome was ▪ and how full of Christians , even in Decius's time , under Cornelius , which required the united endeavours of above a Thousand Clergies , as appears from the said Cornelius's Epistle to Fabius , of Antioch , in Euseb. yet was one Bishop thought sufficient for all ; nay , the erecting another in the same See , was thought to be formal Schism , as appears from the controversies of those Ages , betwixt Cornelius , and Novatian , and St. Cyprian , and Felicissimus The same also might have been shewn in several other Cities , exceeding numerous , and abounding with Christians , as Antioch , and Alexandria , and Carthage ▪ &c. which even in those early Ages , when Discipline was at the greatest Rigour , were yet Governed by single Bishops : Nay ▪ whole Nations were sometimes Governed only by one , as the Got●s by Vlpilas , and the Indians by Aedesius , and the Arabians by Moses , which is an Argument insisted on by some Presbyterians , for shewing the probability of Ordinations by bare Presby●●rs . Y●t are there no complaints of dissolution of Discipline in such places , upon account of the greatness of their charge , which to me seem sufficient convictions , that the multitude of persons governed , is not the reason of our present neglects in that particular . When I said , that Ignatius's Epistles were questioned by the Presbyterians , I never said , nor intended it concerning all ( for I knew of Vedelius's Apology for them ) , much less did I lay it particularly to your charge : so that if you had here forborn assuming to your self what was spoken of others , many of whose Opinions I am confident you will not undertake to justifie , there had been no occasion of this exception . That other Presbyterians , and those by far the greatest number , have denied them , cannot be questioned . As for the Reasons for Nonconformity alledged by you , and your Brethren , of the Savoy Conference in 1660. if I might without offence , presume to interpose my own thoughts , they are as followeth : 1. For the approving , not only submitting to such things as you disliked , and that by an Oath , I am sure there are many Conformists themselves , that understand no more to have been intended by the Church , but only an Exterior submission , not an Internal Approbation of the Particulars . And particularly , I have been in●ormed by a Letter from a very worthy credible person , who pretends to have had it from the Bishop himself , that Bishop Sanderson , who was a Member of your Conference , interposed those words in the Act of Parliament , where it is required , that Ministers declare their unfeigned assent and consent to the use of all things in the Book of Common-Prayer , &c. designedly that this Objection might be prevented . The new Article of Faith , inserted in the Rubrick , I do not know , nor can I now get the Books that past betwixt you at the Conference , to find what you mean. That Lay-Chancellors were put down , and that the Bishops did more consult their Presbyteries , I could for my own part h●artily wish . But ● cannot think abuses momentous enough to warrant a Schism , and I know your self are for bearing with some things that are not so w●ll liked of , rather than that the Church of God should be divided for them . In brief , I do not understand any of the Six Particulars mentioned as the Reasons that keep you off , though indeed you disapprove them , both because you do not undertake to determine what they might be to others , but only what they are to persons of your mind ( though I confess , this may be understood as a modest declining to judg of others ) ; and because you conceive piety the most likely means to unite us , which could not be if we imposed any thing on you against your Consciences . So that the only one may be presumed to have been thought sufficient by you to this purpose , seems to have been another , which because you intimate somewhat obscurely , I do not know whether you would be willing that it should be taken notice of . But however I suppose that it self does I suppose only deprive us of your Clerical , not your Laical Communion . God give us all to discern the things that belong to peace . As for other Questions , we may patiently await our Lords leisure , who when he comes shall tell us all things ; and in the mean time preserve Charity , and be wise unto sobriety . I hope , Sir , you will excuse my freedom , and let me know whether I may in any thing be serviceable to you ; and above all things reserve a portion in your Prayers for Trin. Col. near Dublin , Decemb. 14. 1672. Your unfeigned Well-wisher , HENRY DODWELL . For the Worthy and much Honoured Mr. Henry Dodwell , at Trinity Colledg near Dublin in Ireland . Worthy Sir , I Heartily thank you for your patience with my free expressions , and for your grave and kind reply . As to the main cause of the Nonconformists , should I enter upon that which I cannot prosecute , I should greatly injure it , my self and you : I must again crave your patience with my freedom . The sins which they fear ( whether justly is the question ) are so heinous , that they dare not mention them , lest their condemners and afflicters cannot bear it ; and so many , that to open them justly , will require a great Volume , and therefore not by me to be done in a Letter . Only to what you have said , let me mind you in transitu . 1. That you mistake me if you think that I excepted against your Preface as medling with me , any otherwise than as I am one of those Nonconformists with whom I am acquainted , who are mostly of my mind . ( And I suppose you would take it for no honour to be thought to be better acquainted with the most of them in England , than I am . ) 2. That your intimations about the old Nonconformists are not to our business , seeing the name of Nonconformists maketh not , nor proveth all or many so named to be of the same mind . Nor is your mention of our Treaty or Papers of 1660 , more pertinent , it being the old Cause only that we had to do with , the new Laws of Conformity being not then existent , which have made it quite another thing . Only I assure you , if my superiours would not take it for a crime and inj●ry to do what Iustin , 〈…〉 for their mistaken Cause ) , 〈…〉 it , I would endeavour to shew another 〈…〉 , and Nonconformity , than is commonly taken 〈…〉 also to give you ( who so well understand Antiquity ) 〈…〉 evidence of our Conformity to the ancient 〈…〉 300 , and mostly for 600 years after Christ. 〈◊〉 ( ●hat I may not say nothing to you ) 〈…〉 only employ 〈◊〉 lines about your sug●●●tions concerning the possibility of tru● Disc●pline by D●●●esans as they are with us . And still you m●st pardon my 〈◊〉 of speech . I must say , that it is the c●●amity of Churches , when their Prelates and Pastors are men that never were acquainted with the flocks , but spend one half 〈◊〉 their days in Schools and Colle●ges , and the other in Noblen●●●● or Gentlemens houses , and then talk confidently of the p●or people whom they know not , and the Discipline which they ●●ver tryed . Even you whom I honour as a person of extraordinary worth , constrain me by this your Letter to think that I di●pute as about war with one that never stormed a Garison , nor fought a battel ; or as about Navigation with one that was never one month at ●ea . I. Our first question is , What the Pastoral Office is , and especially Discipline ? II Our next is , Whether it may be delegated to , or done by one that is not of Gods Institution for the doing of it . III. And then we shall soon see whether it be possible for our Diocesans to do it , or any considerable part of it ? I. If the Erastians be in the right , that none of our Discipline is necessary besides that by the Sword , ( and our Preaching ) then we may put up the Controversie on both sides . But if that be the work of Bishops now , which was so in Scripture-times , the matter will hold no long dispute . To shorten th●t work , I desire you to peruse ( its like you have done ) Dr. Hammonds Paraphrase on all the Texts that mention Bishops and Presbyters , with his Treatise of the Keys , where he will tell you , that it was the Bishops Office to be the ordinary Preacher , to Pray , to celebrate the Eucharist , to visit the Sick , to keep and distribute the alms and offerings of the Church , as Curators for the Poor , with much more work . And that every single Congregation had such a Bishop , that ever met to celebrate Gods publick Worship ; and that there was not a mee●ing of a Christian Church without such ( for the said Worship in Scripture-times ) for he saith that there is no proof that there were any other Presbyters in Scripture-times . And for Discipline , it is past doubt : 1. That as to the matter of 〈◊〉 , i● must consist of a personal watch over each member of ●he 〈◊〉 ; that every one in it that liveth in gross sin , or Infidel , or Heathenish , or Her●tical error and ignorance , be orderly admonished , first m●re privately , afterward more openly , and last●y most 〈◊〉 ; and that he be by convincing reasons and ●xhortations perswaded to repentance . That the penitent mu●t be 〈◊〉 and confirmed , the obstinately impenitent rejected , as u●meet for the Communion of the Church . And for the manner , it is agreed that it must be done with condescending tenderness , patience , plain evidence , earnest exhortations , no means left untried to reduce a sinful miserable soul. And all this with the time and patience which so great a work requireth . ( And sure if the Congregation must avoid the sinner , they should know why . ) One such person will hold the Pastor work from first to last many an hour and day . N●xt , let us think how many such as by Christs Law must be th●s dealt with , are in a Diocess . I had the most reformed people ( as to sins of commission and omission ) that ever I knew in England . Our custom being to have each family come by turns to us to be personally Catechised and instructed . I had full opportunity to know them all . Many score of them that came daily to Church , knew not the Essentials of Christianity and Baptism . When I came first to them , I suppose some thousands lived in gross ignorance , open impiety and prophaneness . And even at last some scores I fear lived in gross sin . Some were notorious drunkards , raging weekly twice or thrice in the open streets . Some quieter drunkards . Many profane Swearers . Too many railers , fighters , slanderers , &c. Three or four Apostate-Infidels . The Parishes about me were far worse . A great part of the people know not who Christ is , nor what he doth , as the Saviour of the world , nor understand one of many Articles of the Creed , or Petitions of the Lords Prayer ; much less do any thing like Christians for Children or Servants in their Families . The Diocess that I now live in , hath above 1100 Parishes , some have half as many ; some Parishes have 3000 , some 10000 People . in London some 20000 , 30000 , and the Country smaller Parishes usually about 400 , 500 , or 1000. I do warrantably conjecture that in the Diocess where I now live , there may be about 50000 souls that by Christs Law should be admonished and disciplined for gross sin . And about 80000 , or 100000 that are grosly ignorant of Christianity . It 's ten to one ( experience tells it me ) that five Conventions will scarce serve with each obstinate sinner , to bring the work to the issue of a due Excommunication or Absolution . Some parts of the Diocess that I am in , are about 120 miles from other parts . The Diocesan then that doth all this himself , ( but there is no such ) if he sit half the year , must either speak to 10000 , or 20000 persons at once , or in a few minutes , or else he must let all the rest lye and rot in their sins , till he hath done with the first . And indeed ( I have tried it ) a sober Pastoral course of conviction and discipline with each one , will take up so much time , that seven years are not enough for him to go over all this Diocess if he did as much in a month as ever I knew a Bishop do in his life , except against Godly Nonconformists , or Conscientious Dissenters . But if you consider how far every accusing Minister and Churchwarden , and every accused sinner , have to travel , some 20 , some 40 miles , &c. ) and that Witnesses also must travel as far ; and how long they must attend , and how few can bear the charge of this ; and that the old and weak sort of sinners are unable for the journey , and who shall do the Parish Ministers work the while ; and how likely it i● that of 10000 such sinners , 5000 may be dead , or the Witnesses at least , before the re●t are tried and well dispatched ; or t●e case grown old , and the same m●n drunken twent● times again , before he can be judged for the first . 〈◊〉 al●o how strange a course this is to humble , convince , and save a soul — wonderful ! — that it should with any man living be a controversie , Whether one Bishop be sufficient for all this ? And what need we more than common experience ? The work is every where undone . Lay the blame where you will , not one common gross sinner of a thousand is disciplin'd or judged as in question . That which can be done , and should be done , some one good Bishop will do But none that ever I knew did ever see the face , and speak to one of a thousand gross sinners of his Diocess , ( unless perhaps as he preached to one or few Congregations ) nor do I know any that take it for their work , ( if they could do it ) , but leave it to the Lay-Chancellor as his part . If you say that Excommunication must not be on many : I answer , 1. The Bishops trying and conviction of gross sinners is first for their Repentance , and not their Excommunication , except in case of the last obstinacy , which cannot be foreknown till tried . 2. If Christ would not have such Discipline at all , there needs no Bishop to do it . If he would , when twenty drunkards , fornicators , &c. are notoriously guilty , is it his will that one of these only be admonished , convinced , excommunicated , and all the rest let alone that are equally guilty ? Sure the Law of God doth not so distinguish , but say of all alike , If any called a brother be a fornicator , &c. And will such partiality either reform men , or honour Religion , or rather make it a scorn , and make him that is singled out , hate the partial Prosecutor . If you say it 's long of Churchwardens that accuse not men : I answer , 1. And it will be so , while the thing is unfeasable ; who will be hated to do no good ? 2. Some Churchwardens of late to some Articles have presented all the Parish without ▪ exception . And so no man heard of it any more . II. And whether the Bishop may delegate his Office , or do his work per alios , would be no controversie if Scripture were our Rule , or it were known what a Pastors office is . If he may delegate it , either to a Layman in sensu composito , or to a Clergy man : If to a Layman , than a Layman and a Clergy-man are all one . For there is nothing but the work to define the authority and obligation by , which constituteth the Office. A Bishop is one authorized and obliged to do the work of a Bishop , and so is a Layman too by this supposition . If to a Clergy-man , either to one of the same order and office with the Bishop , or of another . If of the same ( before or now made so ) datur quaesitum , then he is not the sole Bishop . If of another in sensu composito , then another Clergy man is not another ; For he that is Authorized to the same work , is of the same Office. If you say that he may not delegate the whole work , de specie , but a part ; I ask which part ? either the Essential part , or but an Integral common part . If the former ? 1 Either ●o such as God in Scripture by office authorizeth to that part , or not . If the former , then the Bishop cometh too late to that which God hath done already . And then that is no proper work of Bishops which God hath made common to another Office. If the later , than a man may make new Priestly O●fices and Orders , even to the same work that God hath ●ade Officers to do already . And then we need not say , ●that Orders are Iure Divino ] if the Bishop may make more at his pleasure ; but quo jure ; and what shall set his bounds and end ? This seemeth more ( in kind ) than the Italians at Trent would have given to the Pope over Bishops . An● if they do not themselves also that same Essential part of their Office which they give to others , they degrade themselves For the ceasing or alienation of an Essential part , changeth the specie● . But I suppose you will say 〈◊〉 is Pre●byters to whom they may delegate this work . And 〈◊〉 , either it is a wor● which God hath made part of the Presbyters Office , or not . If it be , then that Presbyter doth his ow● 〈◊〉 appointed him by God , and not another 〈…〉 not , 〈◊〉 he maketh a new Officer , who is ●either 〈…〉 . But the 〈…〉 the Office 〈◊〉 , that it may not be 〈◊〉 ( tho●gh Bishop may Ordain men to an Office of 〈…〉 the King or Church may make new Officers 〈…〉 , Clock keepers Ostiaries , &c. ) ; 〈…〉 , and obligation to personal duty , to be done 〈◊〉 person●l abi●●ty ] as is the Office of a Physician , a Judg , a School 〈…〉 , a Pilot , &c where he that Author●zeth and oblig●th another statedly to do his work , doth thereby make that other a Physician , Judg , School-Master , Pilot , &c. This is but Ordin●tio● . And if a Bishop be but one that may appoint others to do the Episcopal work , then 1. Why is not every King a Bishop , for he may appoint men to do a Bishops work ? And why is he not also a Physician , Musician , Pilot , &c. because he may do the like by them ? 2. And then the Bishop appointed by the King , is no more a Bishop indeed than one appointed by a Bishop is . But this delegation that I speak against , is a smaller sin than such men choose . To depute others to exercise Discipline , whom God appointed not de specie thereto , is but Sacriledg and Usurpation , ( by alienating it from the true office , and setting up a false one ) : But yet the thing might some how be done , if any were to do it . But the almost total deposition and destruction of the Discipline it self , and letting none do it , by pretending the sole authority of doing it , is another kind of sin . Now to your answer from the similitude of Civil Monarchs , I reply , It is no wonder if we never agree about Church-offices , if we no better agree of the general nature of them , and their work . Of which if you will please to read a sheet or two which I wrote the last year to Ludov. Molinaeus , of the difference of Magistracy , and Church-power , and also read the Lord Bacons Considerations , you will excuse me for here passing by what is there said . I. The standing of the Magistrates Office is by the Law of Nature , which therefore alloweth variety and mutations of inferior Orders , as there is cause . But the standing of the Clergy is by Supernatural Institution . Our Book of Ordination saith there are three Orders , &c. Therefore man may not alter them , or make more of that same kind . II. Kingly power requireth not ad dispositionem materiae , such Personal ability as the Pastoral-office doth . A child may be a King , and it may serve turn if he be but the head of power , and give others commission to do all the rest of the Governing work . But it is not so with a Judg , a Physician , an Orator , or a Bishop ; who is not subjectum capax of the essence of the office , without personal aptitude . III. God hath described the Bishops office in Scripture as consisting of three parts , viz. Teaching , Priestly , ( or about Worship and Sacraments ) and ruling ; as under Christs Prophetical , Priestly and Kingly Office. And he hath no where made one more proper to a Bishop than another ; nor said this is Essential , and that is but Integral . Therefore the Bishop may as well allow a Layman to administer the Sacraments , &c. as one not appointed to it by God , to Rule by the Keys . IV. The Bishops Pastoral Rule is only by Gods word upon the Conscience ( as Bishop Bilson of Obed. sheweth at large , and all Protestants agree ) , and not by any mulcts or corporal force . If he use the sword , or constraint , it is not as a Bishop , but as a Magistrate . But the Kings is by the sword . And will it follow that because the King may appoint another to apprehend men , and carry them to prison , &c. that therefore a Bishop appointed by God to Preach , Worship and Rule , and therein to draw the Impenitent to Repentance by patient exhortations , and reproofs , &c. may commit this to another , never appointed to it of God ? V. Either it is the Bishops work ( as was said ) that is delegated by him , or some other . If properly his own , than either he maketh more Bishops , ( and that 's all we plead for ) , or else a Presbyter or Layman may do a Bishops proper work . And then what need of a Bishop ( to pass by the contradiction . ) VI. But my chief answer to you is , the King as Supreme Magistrate doth appoint and rule by others that are truly Magistrates : They have every one a Judicial power in their several places under him , even every Justice of Peace . But you suppose the Bishop to set up no Bishops , nor no Church-Governours under him at all . A King can rule a Kingdom by Supremo Judgment , when he hath hundreds of Judges under him who do it by his authority . And if this had been all our dispute , whether a Patriarch or Archbishop can rule a thousand Churches by a thousand Inferior Bishops , or Church-rulers , you had said something ? But doth it follow that your Church Monarch can over-see them all himself without any sub-oversees , or rule them ( by Gods word on the Conscience ) without any sub-rulers ? You appropriate the Decretory Power to your Monarch ; and communicate only the executive . Hold to that . The whole Government is but Legislatio & Iudicium ; Legislation now we meddle not with , ( yet our Bishops allow it to the Presbyters in Convocation , for they take Canons to be Church-Laws . ) It is a lower power that is denied to them , that they grant the higher to . Bare execution is no Government . A Hangman is no Governour . A Governour may also be Executioner , but a meer Executioner is no Governour . The People are Executioners of Excommunications , while they withdraw from the Excommunicate , and with such do not eat , &c. as 1 Cor. 5. And the Parish-Priest is an Executioner , while he ( as a Cryer ) proclaimeth or readeth the Chancellors Excommunication in the Church , and when he denieth the Sacrament to those that he is bid deny it to . I grant you that this is Communicated . But it is the Judicial power it self which I have been proving the Bishop uncapable of . Exploration is part of the Judicial work . I know you include not that in execution ( which follows it ) If you did , it would be a sad office for a Bishop to sentence all men , upon other mens trial and word . As if the Bishop must Excommunicate all that some body else saith he must Excommunicate . This turneth Decreeing into a Hangman-like Execution . And the nature of the cause forbiddeth it . No man is to be Excommunicate for any other crime as such , but for Impenitence in some crime ; nor to be absolved after , but upon Repentance . Now if it were , but whether a man de facto have been drunk , or fornicated , or perjured , &c. it were hard judging sententially meerly on trust from others ; but yet perhaps that might sometimes be done : But when the case is , Whether the man be penitent , Personal trial is necessary to a Rational and Ecclesiastical administration of the sentence . I conclude therefore , that as a King can judg by many hundred Judges , and a General command an Army by many hundred Commanders , but not without any one by himself alone , having Executioners under him . So is it here . VII . And I pray you note one other difference : In the Kingdom it is not one subject of an hundred , or many hundreds , that hath Law suits with others once in a year , or seven years , or his life . Nor one of some hundreds ( where I have lived ) that findeth the Magistrate work as Criminal . And in this we differ even from the Physician , who in a City hath not one of many that is sick , but we are all of a sinning corrupt disposition , and the Pastor hath few of his flock that need not some personal applications in one degree or other . And even as to gross sins lived in , and ignorance or heresie against the very essence of Christianity , it is a good Parish where a considerable part of it are not guilty ; so that it is easier for one Justice of Peace to send two or three thieves in a year to a Gaol , and bind two or three to the good behaviour , than for one Bishop to admonish , exhort , convince and judg 10000 impenitent sinners in a little time , and hear all the Witnesses , &c. If you should have said , that the Parish Priest is to reprove , exhort , convince them first , till he prove them impenitent , and he is to instruct the ignorant , Infidels and Hereticks : I answer , 1. That is more than an executive power . 2. We desire no more at all from Bishop● or any , and know no other Episcopal power over the people , but thus personally to convince men , and declare to the Congregation upon proof , the fitness or unfitnss of men for their Communion , by penitence ▪ or impenitence . But this is it that the Ministers are hindred from , or denied . They have no power to speak with any one ignorant , Heretical , Infidel , or scandalous sinner in the Parish , but such as are willing . And few of the guilty are willing . They will neither come to the Minister , nor suffer him to come to them , but shut their doors on him if they know that he cometh on such a work , or else they will not be within . Or if they be , will tell him , that they will not answer him . When I came first to Kederminster , the rabble multitude curst me in the streets , and rose up against me , but for saying , That Infants Originally have that sin and misery which needs a Saviour ; yet such ( if they scorn to speak with us ) must be our Communicants for want of Pastoral power . There is no Law or penalty that I ever knew of , to constrain any to come to us , receive us , hear us , or answer us , if we had never so much cause to question them of , or fortifie them against infidelity , heresie , ignorance , or wicked lives . And if any other accuse them to us ( as few will ) we must not judg them without trial . It may be you will say . Would you have them constrained by force to speak with the Pastor , or give him any account of their faith , life , or knowledg , besides coming with others into the Church ? I answer , No , we would have no force , as we have none . But then we would not be forced our selves by the Church-Lords and Monarchs to take our selves for the Pastors of such as refuse our Pastoral office , and to give the Sacrament , and all priviledges of Church-Communion , to every one in the Parish , who upon just suspicion of gross scandal , heresie , infidelity or ignorance , obstinately refuseth to speak to us , and give us any account , or to be tried . I that have yearly tried my Parish by Personal Conference , know that thousands and thousands among us know not ( and therefore believe not ) whether Christ be God or man , or Angel , or what ; nor who the Holy Ghost is , or why Christ died , rose ; nor scarce any supernaturally revealed article of the Christian faith . And that many that understand them , believe them not . And I desire no Church-power , but not to take those , 1. For Christians ; 2. And for my especial Christian flock , 1. Who are no Christians ; 2. Who themselves refuse it . Without their consent the Minister is forced on them . They a●e forced by the sword to say that they are Christians , and to come to Church and Communicate . The old Christian Profession was , I will be a Christian , and hold Communion with the Church , though I go to prison or death for it . The Prelatical Christian Profession is , I will rather be a Christian and Communicate , than I will lye in Gaol , and have all my Estate confiscate . Seeing then that we have not the due power of a Pastor to deny our Office-administrations in Sacraments to those that refuse us in the other parts aforesaid , we are utterly disabled from so much as preparing men for the Bishops , or Chancellors Examination . 3. But if it were otherwise , that must not satisfie the Church-Monarch , who must judg himself , and therefore must hear by himself . But you tell me , It is plainly against experience in Ecclesiasticks . Ans. It 's hard then to know any thing . For I dispute all this while , as if the question were , Whether men in England speak English. And if I herein err , I am uncurable , and therefore I allow you to despair of me . You say , The greatness of no City was thought sufficient to multiply Bishops . Ans. 1. Gods Institution was , that every Church have a Bishop , Act. 14.23 , &c. 2. A particular Church then was , A Society of Neighbour-Christians , combined for Personal Communion in Gods Worship , and holy living , consisting of Pastor and flock . 3. For 250 years I think , you cannot prove that any one Bishop in the world , save at Alexandria and Romr , had more such Congregations and Altars than one ; nor these for a long time after the Apostles ; nor in many Churches of ome hundred years longer . 4. At Antioch ( the third Patriarchate ) Ignatius professeth that every Church had one Altar , and one Bishop with his Presbyters and Deacons , fellow-servants . And that in this one Church the Bishop must enquire of all by name , even Servant-men and Maids , and see that they absented not themselves from the Church . Why is not Ignatius confuted if he erred ? Vid. Mede on the Point . 5. Alexandria and Rome by not multiplying Bishops as Churches or Converts needed it , began the grand sin and calamity which hath undone us , and therefore are not to be our Pattern . Orbis major est urbe . 6. Were Bishops necessarily to be distributed by Cities , the Empires that have few , or no Cities , must have few , or no Bishops ; and an Emperor might , aliud ag●ndo , depose all the Bishops by dis franchizing the Cities . 7. But every Corporation , oppidum , like our Market-Towns , was then truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And if you will but procure every such City with us , to have a Bishop , and the Office of such Bishops to be to drive men from sin , and not to it , and to silence Blasphemers , and not faithful Preachers of the Gospel , all our controversies of Prelacy are then at an end . 8. And you must remember , that great Cities had long but few Christians , in comparison of the Heathens ( till Constantine's time , and mostly long after ) . And when Patrick with his own hand Ordained Three Hundred and Fifty Bishops in your Ireland , they were but Ecclesiarum fundatores , and with them he founded but septingentas Ecclesias , and Ordained Five Thousand Clerks , if Ioceline be true , Vit. Patri● . cap. 185. and not rather the far more credible report of Antonin . in Chr●n . tit . 11. cap. 18. § 2. and Vincent . specul . histor . lib. 20. cap. 23. who say , that Ecclesias fun●avit 365. ●rdinavit Episcopos eodem numero 365. et eo amplius in quibus spiritus Dei crat . Presbyteros autem usque ad 3●00 ▪ ordinavit A● Vsher ●●ceth them , de primord . Eccl. Br. p 9●7 . which is Ninius number there . So that here is no more Church●s th●n ●ishops ▪ and about Nine Presbyters to a Bishop . You tell me of above One thousand Clergy-men at Rome , in Cor●elius's 〈◊〉 . Ans. 1. This was above Two hundred and Fifty years after Christs Birth . 2. I never took all the impotent persons , poor , and Widows in the Church , to be Clergy-men , and Clergy-women . Cornelius his account is , that there are Six and Forty Presbyters , Seven Deacons , Seven Sub-Deacons , Two and Forty Acolytes , Two and Fifty Exorcists , and Readers , with Porters , Widows , and impotent persons , above One thousand and Fifty souls , considering , 1. How their Meetings were then obscure , and small , in Houses ( as the tolerated Churches in London ) . And in so vast a City , in how many distant places . Besides the sub-urbicarian Assemblies ▪ 4 ▪ And how many Presbyters used still to be with the Bishop in the same Assembly ? 5. And that here are in all but Seven Deacons . 6. And that many then were Presbyters that used not to Preach , but for privater over-sight , and as the Bishops Assessors . 7. And that the poorer sort most commonly received the Gospel . 8. And that none of these , but the Six and Forty Presbyters , had any power in the Discipline . 9. And that by all this reckoning , the whole Church maintained not , besides the Officers , near a thousand poor ; we may probably conjecture , that the whole Church of that Bishop was not bigger than some one London-Parish ( Stepney , Giles , Cripplegate , Martins , &c. ) where are about Fifty thousand souls . 10. And when none were Christians but persecuted Volunteers , they were the holiest , and best of men ; and I have tryed , that Six hundred such make less work for Discipline , than Ten of the Rabble that are driven into our Churches , and choose them rather than the Goal . But when all 's done , Two Cities under the power of great temptation , are not to be our Rule against Gods Word , and the state of all other Churches in the world , and undeniable experience . It 's true that you say , that to erect another Altar was counted Schism ; that is , Altare contra altare ; because when the Phrase came up , no Church had more than one Altar . Your Instances intimated of Antioch and Carthage , I believe not ; and can give you ( had I liberty ) a Volume of proof from Antiquity , that for Two hundred and Fifty years , if not much longer , Ignatius's Rule was true , that every Church had one Altar , and one Bishop , at least , except the two aforesaid . Vlphilas was but an Arrian Bishop , of a few Goths newly turned Arrians , and the first that translated the Scriptures into the Gothick Tongue ; so that no Churches among them had the Scripture , till after his translating ; and these few were presently persecuted to rhe death by Athanarichus ( ut socrat . lib. 4 cap. 32. ) You may call these few , a Kingdom , if you please . How few of the Indians were converted when Frumentius ( not Aedesius , as you say ) was made their Bishop , it 's easie to gather by the History . Scythia and Persia used to have each a Bishop , and he lived in the Roman Empire , as near them as he durst , as not being tolerated usually in their Land. And as few , it 's like , Mos●s had among the Arabians ; there being no mention in the History of any thing to perswade us , that he had many Churches under him , that I remember . And the work of these B●shops was to ordain Presbyters , who had the power of the Keys , & exceptae Ordinatione , did all that Bishops did , as Hierome saith . So that then a Diocess had not one sole Church-Governour ; and therefore where you gather that yet Discipline was not dissolved : I answer : 1. In all this you leave out a matter of chief consideration : viz. That all the Presbyters then were assistants in Discipline , and had a true Church-Government over the people , which now they have not . 2. It 's strange that we that have eyes and ears must be sent to the Indians and ancient History , to know whether one Bishop can hear , and try , and admonish so many thousands at once , as we see by experience are those Objects of Discipline which the Scripture describeth , and when we see that it is not done . And after all this , we have talk't but of a ●hantasm ; for it is not one Bishop , but one Lay man , a Chancellor , that useth this Decretory power of the Keys , over all these fouls , so far as they are used , as to the ordinary Court-tryals and exerci●e ; and the Bishop rarely medleth with it . Again , Nonconformists doubt not to prove , that the Diocesan frame , whi●h they dare not swear to , 1. Doth depose the species of Churches of Gods Institution . 2 And the Discipline it self almost totally . 3. And the species of Presbyters . 4. And the old species of Bishops . And instead of each of these , setteth up a new species of man's invention , wholly different , and inconsistent . And that they are not willing to Swear , Subscribe , or deliberately and solemnly enter into a Church-Covenant , That in their Places and Callings they will never endeavour any alteration of this , no not by a request or word , you may less wonder than if some were then loath to Swear or Covenant never to endeavour to take down the Priests of Dan and Bethel , or reform the high places . It 's dangerous making a solemn Ministerial Covenant , Never to obey God in any one great matter , and never to repent of so doing . Again , our Reasons at the Savoy were , 1. About another ma●ter : 2. Few of them received , or ever published to the world . And all that I have said to you is very little of our Cause ; which I will not touch , unless I might prosecute it . Your information about Bishop Sanderson , and the word , Vse of all things , &c. is as the rest , to conquer our sense and experience . 1. The words in the Act are most plain , and Bishop Sanderson de Iuram , concludeth , That Oaths ( and Covenants ) must be taken in the plain and proper sense . 2. It is notorious , that after the Lords in a Proviso of another Act , would have so expounded the Act of Uniformity , ( that it is meant but of consent to use , &c ) and the Commons rejected it as intolerable , and upon a meeting of both Houses satisfied the Lords by their Reasons , who acquiesced in the rejection of that Exposition . And shall we still stretch our sense against the plain words , when the Parliament long after hath rejected such an Exposition ? Sir , it is much more ( especially about Separation ) which your lines invite me to say , and the cause requireth ; but I fear I have wronged you by prolixity already ; and much more by my freedom of speech , which is from my inclination to speak of things as they are , and is truly joined with a very great respect and honour of your self , commanded by your excellent Book , and judicious peaceable stile and temper . I rest , Jan. 5. 1672. Your unworthy Fellow-servant , ( worthy to be Silenced ) , RI. BAXTER . The short Answer to Mr. Dodwell's long Letter , fully answered in my Treatise of Episcopacy . For the Worthy and much Honoured Mr. Henry Dodwell , at Trinity Colledg near Dublin in Ireland . Worthy Sir , I Thankfully received yours of 28 Pages , from the hand of Mr. Teate . That I may not be again guilty of such hastiness in writing as you take notice of , I premise this to acquaint you , That your warning , with my backwardness to such work , and the multitude of Employments in which I am pre-engaged , shall keep me a while from that error , and you from the trouble . And if I take not your concluding counsel to avoid both timerity and partiality in this Cause , I shall notoriously contradict mine own interest . I have studied the point as diligently as I could , almost thirty years longer than you have lived in the world , ( if the bearer of yours give me a true account of your age . ) And yet I truly think it very possible that one of such admirable parts and diligence as your self , ( evident in your great reading and accurate stile ) may know much more in half that time . But if I can know my own thoughts , I have studied with a desire whatever it cost me , to know the truth . I dare not say , ( Impartially ) altogether . For I have flesh and blood , and who can choose but have a little partiality for that way which all his worldly interest pleadeth for ? Could I have proved Conformity lawful ( not to have contained a Covenant against the Church-form , Church-offices , and Church-discipline of Christs Institutions , and for upholding that Church Usurpation and Tyranny which began and still continueth the Divisions of the Christian World ; nor the deliberate Ministerial owning of the Perjury of many thousands , &c. ) I need not have undergone the common scorn and hatred that I have born , nor to have been deprived of all Ministerial maintenance , and silenced for eleven years of that part of my life , which should have been most serviceable ( to add no more ) ; my Reputation with those on the other extreme , I did voluntarily cast away , by opposing them ( when I could as easily have kept it as most I know ) lest it should be any snare or tempting interest to me . I assure you , That I have not wanted bread , is a thing that I owe to thanks to any party for , either Prelatists , Presbyterians or Independents , &c. I confess I have read what the Antiprelatists say , such as Beza , Gerson , Bucer , Didoclav . Parker , Bains , Iacob Blondel , Salmasius , &c. But I have more diligently studied , since I was twenty years of age , the chiefest on the other side , Saravia , Bilson , Downham , Hooker , Burges , Covel , Bridg , Bancroft , VVhitgift , Spalatensis , and since Petavius , Hammond , and multitudes more . And I have now , as you desired , read over all yours , that I might see the end , before I past my judgment on the beginning . But our apprehensions are various , as our preconceptions are ; I find that we are all forestalled , and readiest to learn of our selves , who are not always the happiest Teachers of our selves . What we have first laid in , is usually made the standard of all that followeth ; and all must be reduced into a due Conformity and subserviency to our former sentiments . You have shewed great learning , ingenuity and piety , and in a very fluent stile expressed what was in your mind ; and made me remember what one answereth him that said , Hooker was yet unanswered , viz. Reduce what you would have answered , to Argument , and it will soon be done . I find , that it had been much better to have said nothing , than to have begun in such a manner of dispute , in which the further we go , the less we understand one another , and make each other molestation , instead of edification : For plainly I find , that ( though much may be learned out of so rare a discourse as you have vouchsafed me , yet ) it doth very little at all to any dispatch of our pres●nt controversie , but might easily deceive me by avocation , if I would forget what it is that I dispute about : For I perceive , 1. That we agree not in our sense of the terms which we make use of : And from thence you infer some great and dangerous errors in my judgment . 2. We agree least of all in common and obvious matters of fact , which are before our eyes , and the things of which I have had almost an Ages experience . 3. I find , that a very great part , if not the far greatest of all your discourse , is written upon a mis-understanding of my Words and judgment . And if one were to publish such kind of Writings , how tiresome would it be to the Reader , should I set down a particular account of all your passages that are besides the question , and all that proceed from such misunderstanding ? I speak not by way of blaming you ; for we are not competent Judges of other mens actions , till we know the Reasons of them : that may be laudable , which crosseth our desires . Perhaps you had Reasons to pass by the chief part of my explications of my sense , and of the matter of fact , and say nothing to them : And perhaps you had Reasons when I had told you our Country-distribution of Acts of Government , into Legislative , and Judicial , and Executive , to make use still of the Equivocal word Decretory , and to understand by it ( as you saw cause ) only the Legislative power , and to leave out the Iudicial , which was all that I controverted : It may be you had Reason , when I talk of a single , or Parochial Church , to say , I supposed in it but a single Pastor : You are not accountable to me for such errors , be they never so causless in my opinion . It may be you had Reason to write against the old Nonconformists that are in another world ; and to think , that for the Names sake it concerned us : and to plead , that Conformity to all the present Covenants , and Oaths , and Subscriptions , is necessary , because you could wish the Discipline more Regular , as if we were to Subscribe to what is in your wishes . It may be you had Reason to suppose the Parish-Priests to have the Government of the People , even the power of the Church-Keys ( and yet sometimes to unsay it again ) , without answering my Proof to the contrary , when I take it for the chief supposition that causeth my Nonconformity : And to prove copiously , that a Bishop may govern a Diocess when he hath a Governor under him in every Parish , without answering my Proofs , that he hath no such under him , but hath , quantum in se , half degraded the Presbyters . And when I said , that Discipline is not possible under such Diocesans as are with us , you might have Reason that I know not of , to leave out , as are with us , and to prove it possible with other Diocesans that have governing Presbyters under them . Perhaps you had Reason to confound the Convincing , Perswasive , Declarative Power of a Iudg , with that of a private man , and thence to raise the supposition which you raise . Perhaps you know some Medium between corporal force , and Mulcts , proper to the Magistrate , and Authoritative perswasion , and prevailing on the Conscience by the Reverence of Gods Laws , though I know none : And you were not bound to teach me what you know . Perhaps you had Reason to think that I may Subscribe , That no man in Three Kingdoms that hath Vowed it , is bound to endeavour to alter our Church-Government by Lay-Chancellors , because you defend it not , but wish it altered : And it may be you have Reasons unknown to me , that none but Irregular endeavours are there disclaimed , and that our Lawgivers spake universally , and would be interpreted particularly , with many such like . But abscondita & quae supra nos , nihil ad nos — What I may not pretend to understand , I will not presume to censure , but only say , That I am uncapable of being informed by them . This I am satisfied of , that my Schismatical Principles take into Church-Communion such as you , and those that are in knowledg below , not only you , but me , even the weakest true Christians But upon your Catholick terms , no man of my measure of knowledg must be tolerated to be a Preacher , or a Christian in Church-Communion , nor live at least out of Goal , or some such penalty . And if one at Muscovy can get a Courtier to make him a Bishop , he and such other are the Church ( which why you still put it in the feminine Gender when it consisteth of Masculine Court-Bishops , I know not . ) And if he command us to do that which we account the most inhumane perjury , if he think it to be but the renunciation of an unlawful Oath , as I understand you , we are Schismaticks if we obey him not . Whether in cases of commanded blasphemy , and all other crimes , we must accordingly renounce our understandings , I know not . Though there be somewhat of Irony in all this , there is nothing but what is consistent with the high estimation of your extraordinary worth . And I must say , that our different Educations , I doubt not , is a great cause of our different sentiments . Had I never been a Pastor , nor lived out of a Colledg , ( and had met with such a taking Orator ) I might have thought as you do . And had you converst with as many Country-people as I have done , and such , I think you would have thought as I do . My great deceiver is Sense and Experience . I am inclined to look near me , in judging of present matters of fact : As if our Controversie were , Whether one Schoolmaster can govern a thousand Schools without any but Monitors under him , and Teachers that have no Government . And your way is from old Histories , to prove that some body did so 1400 years ago , or a thousand , in some places of the world , if stories deceive us not ; and therefore it may be so now . Though none of those excellent men do it , who are put into the places of the silenced Schismatical Ministers , nor none of the excellent Bishops that are over us , who are so good that one of them no doubt would do it , were it possible . But seriously I take it for a great mercy of God , that honest Christians of little learning have that experience in the Practicals of Religion , which the studied accurate plausible Orations of contradictors cannot overcome , though they are not so well skill'd at the same weapons as to answer them . Sir , pardon and accept this short and thankful acknowledgment , that I have received your Learned Tractate , till I take the leisure ( if I so long live ) to return you an answer suitable to your discourse and expectations . I rest , Aug. 5. 1673. Your Servant , RICH. BAXTER . Mr. Dodwell desiring me not to make haste in answering him , I sent him only this , intending more ; but want of time , and the quality of the task , ( being put but to answer a multitude of words ) delayed it till he came to London , and then I thought we might talk it out , which we oft tried to little purpose . His great proof of large Churches , of many Altars , from the only two that swelled first , Rome and Alexandria , are so fully answered in this annexed Letter which worthy Mr. Clerkson wrote to me , that I think he needs no other answer ; since published by me : As is a f●ll discourse on the Subject , by Mr. Clerkson himself , against Dr. St●llingfleet . A Copy of the Letter to Mr. Dodwell , March 12. 1681. SIR , SInce your Speech with me , I have thought again of what you insisted on , and find it consist of these four Points : 1. Whether I charge you with Popery , or at least , do not vindicate you when so accused . 2. Your reasons against answering Voetius and me . 3. Your desire to know my terms of concord . 4. Your perswading me to give over Preaching . Lest words be mis-understood , or forgotten , I send you my Answer to each of these . I. I take it to be none of my business , to tell what Religion other men are of , till I am called to it : And then I take my self bound to judg every man what he professeth to be , till I can disprove it . 2. I distinguish the Name ( e. g. of Protestant , or Papist ) from the Thing . Accordingly , 1. I am sure you deny your self to be a Papist , and I believe you . 2. What you mean by the word , I refer all men that talk of it to your Books , which are fitter to tell your mind than I am , that know no mans heart : Grotius took a Papist to be one that flattered Popes , taking all to be just which they said and did , and not one that consented to all the General Councils . 3. You shall chuse what Name I shall call you by : If it be Protestant , far be it from me to deny it you ; But as your Book publisheth your judgment to the world , you will give me leave to tell men what is in it : And to profess my self , that I am no such Protestant , as takes the Church of Rome to be a true Church of uninterrupted succession , which gave our Bishops their Office and Power ; and that all the Reformed that have not Diocesan Bishops , are no Churches , no Ministers , have no Sacraments , no pardon of sin , or hope of salvation , by promise , and known ordinary grounds , which the Roman Church hath . Yea , that they sin against the Holy Ghost : Yea , and that this is the case of the Episcopal Protestants , that have not had an uninterrupted succession of Episcopal Ordination ; and that the French Protestants were better turn Papists , than to continue such Protestants as they are . I take all this for your judgment : But I vindicate you so far as to say , that you oft contradict your self , and so possibly may yet come off . If you should say , that neither such Protestants , nor Papists , have Sacraments , and part in the Covenant of grace , pardon , and salvation , you would leave so few for Heaven , and so many for Hell , as I will not imagine you to be guilty o● . II. As to the Second , I must tell all , that I take it but for trifling , to call us to answer the same things again , which are answered so long ago , and have no reply from Papists , or any other . And I doubt not , but you know that it is the main charge which the Papists assault the Reformed Churches with , and put their chief trust in , which you also bring against them : And we still believe , that Iansenius did it much stronglier than you ; and much more than yours , is by Vo●tius against him fully answered ; and your denial moveth us not . III. To satisfie your Third demand , I remember a small Script , which I published 1659 , or 1660 , and therewith send it you ; by which ( with what I read to you ) you may conjecture at my terms , specially if you joyn my Preface to Cathol . Theologie , I take it for granted , that it will not satisfie you . But pardon my freedom for saying that , while I perceive your Confidence ordinarily to go quite beyond your Proofs ; and while my Principles call me to love more as brethren , than yours do , and engage me not to justifie persecution of men better than my self , I shall think never the worse of them for that . IV. As to your judgment for my ceasing to Preach , I dare not obey it : I think if I say , these men forbid me , God will not take it for an excuse , after such charges as Scripture layeth down , and such promises as in Ordination I made , and such necessity of souls as I am sure of , and such encouragements as God hath given me . I fear hearing , Thou slothful servant , &c. as much as the guilt of other heinous sins : I have not lived idly ; and if I silence my self , I invite God by death to silence me , and judg me , as obeying man against him . I am past doubt , that Satan and my flesh give me the same counsel as you do . I have abundant arguments for my Preaching , which I never heard a ●ational answer of , and which such a poor Objection as , Then there will be no Order , will not confute , especially when all the Ministers of England are bound to be Nonconformists , and consequently to ●ease Preaching , if I am so bound . And why not next , all Christians to cease hearing , and praying , if so forbidden ? If it be only Christs Gospel that I Preach , I cannot but suspect the voice that saith , Give over Preaching . Accept this account of the sense of Your Friend , Rich. Baxter . To Mr. Dodwell , Nov. 15th 1680. SIR , YOurs of Oct. 16 th I received , Nov. 11 th , which intimateth the Second Edition of your Letters , which I hear not of ; your last Letter to me , signifying your purpose to publish your long Letter from Ireland to me , caused me to Print an old Treatise of Episcopacy , which I had cast by , and now send you as an answer to that Letter . I thank you for your admonition , and desire of my repentance : It shall make me , if I can , search yet more diligently ; but I find no probability of being able ; the like lamentations of my sin , and wrong to the Church , I have long had from Papists , Antinomians , Anabaptists , and Separatists , and some Quakers , and Seekers ; and I despair of satisfying them ; nor can I be of all their minds : and I find here but one Argument to draw me to yours , ( viz ) my taking the Oath of Canonical obedience . And 1. You know not that I took it : Many Ordained men did not . To tell you the truth , I entered so rawly , that though I well remember my Subscription , I remember not that I took that Oath : I remember I took it not for my Ordination , but at the same time taking a License for a School , some Oath the Register suddenly thrust on me , and I remember not what it was ( which was , and is my sin ) . 2. If I took it , surely I never intended to bind my self to any but my true Ordinary . And when he is dead and the very Order for near Twenty years publickly ( though culpably ) put down , and none existent where I lived , I never saw it proved , that I am sworn to all that after are set up over others , by the King , without the Clergies , or Peoples choice , or consent , contrary to the Judgment of the Church for One thousand years , and that without , and against my own consent : And that he that sweareth obedience to his present Ordinary , is thereby sworn , though he never dream't of it to all that ever shall succeed him , what changes soever be made , and though judging them Usurpers , I renounce them . If it be said , that I virtually consent by the Convocation ; I deny it , nor did the City of London consent ; for they had not one chosen Clerk there . They chose Mr. Calamy and me , and we were both refused by the Bishop , and only the Dignitaries of the City admitted . What if I had sworn obedience in 1639. to the Presbytery in Scotland , or 1649. in England ; and after they are put down , and I find them to be an unlawful power , and they are restored again , doth my first Oath bind me to the latter stock against my consent ? 3. The English Ecclesiastical Law-Books , which I have read , do tell me , that the Chancellor , Official , Commissary , Archdeacons , and every Iudex Ordinarius is my Ordinary ( whatever you say against it ) : And some Bishops themselves have judged the Lay-Chancellors Judgment , by the use of the Keys , to be a great sin . Quest. Whether then an ignorant Oath to obey such Usurpers , repented of , do bind to obey them still ? What if in France I had sworn obedience to their Bishops , and after see that it was an unlawful Oath , quod materiam , am I bound by it till death ? 4. I swore to obey them but in licitis & honestis . And I do not know that ever I therein disobeyed those that I sware to ; no , nor the latter reduced stock : Either I have proved the degenerate sort , described in this Treatise , to be a heinously sinful depravation of the Church , and its Government , and an injury against Christ , by deposing his Church Form , Discipline , and Officers , or not : if not , evince it , and I will thank you ; if yea , to comply with such sin , or in any calling to forbear detecting it by writing , is an Omission which is not licitum vel honestum . An unlawful Oath against a thing indifferent , will not bind me , if the King do but command that indifferent thing ; much less will an ignorant Oath to obey Church-Usurpers , and corrupters , oblige me against Christs commands . Nor do I think it licitum vel honestum , to renounce my Ministry , sacrilegiously , and perfidiously break my Ordination-Vow to God , and forbear Preaching Christs Gospel to needy souls , because they forbid me . In a word , Sir , I unfeignedly thank you for your desire to save me from dying in sin . I have great reason to make it my greatest care . Constant pain and languor , call to me , neither to dissemble , nor delay : When I cannot know my own heart so well as you do , I may come to believe you , that it is unruly Pride . Till then I am past doubt , that could any abasement , any labour , any cost , help me to know that you are in the right , and I in the wrong , I would most joyfully undertake it : But such warnings as your's awaken my Conscience , so that I dare not die in the guilt of active , or omissive compliance with those men , 1. Whose degenerate state I confidently judg to be the dangerous Malady of the Church , and destructive to a right Church-state , Church-Officers and Government . 2. Whose Canons of Government are such as they are . 3. Who have since I had any understanding , done that against serious godliness in England which they did , and these ( near ) Twenty years , done what they have done , procuring the silencing , and outward ruin of about Two thousand such Ministers of Christ , as I know to have been the most pious , faithful , and successful in true Ministerial work , of any that ever I could know ; and such as I am fully perswaded no Nation under Heaven have Two thousand better . And yours , or other mens accusations , or contrary judgment , cannot make me ignorant of this , which experience , and great acquaintance have told me . 4. And Church-History , which tells me what such have done in former Ages , increase my fear of dying in the guilt of participating of their sin . I know of no other Motives that I have . The sum of my request to you is ; That instead of telling me what the Pope , or any Usurper may say , that I should be humble and obedient , you will but tell me what means I should use , which I have omitted , to get my judgment informed , if I err , and to become of your mind , and as wise as you . I again intreat you to tell me the way , and I shall give you most hearty thanks . Did I not know your judgment and mine to be so distant , as puts me out of hope of attaining my end , I would have sent you Nine or Ten Proposals , for the meer reducing of the Parish Churches to their necessary state , without altering any thing of the Diocesans power or grandure , save only their power of the Sword , which yet as they are Magistrates we submit to . That your former Letters brought me not to your judgment , you may see , by the book which I send you , cometh not to pass by hasty judging , nor without that which seemeth Reason to me after my long and best consideration . I am fully assured , not byassed hereto by worldly interest , which hath long lain on the other side . Accept this Account from Nov. 15. 1680. Your unfeigned , though dissenting Friend , Ri. Baxter . July 9. 1677 ▪ For my much honoured Friend Mr. Henry Dodwell . SIR , SINCE the writing of my last to you , your own words have acquainted me , 1. That you take my Principles to have some inconsistence or contradiction . 2. That you think I have not yet told you what Church-Government it is that I would have , or how it can attain its end . 3. That you suppose that denying men the Sacrament of the Lords Supper is a coercive power sufficient to force unwilling men to obey Church-Governours . 4. That you hold that all Religious Assemblies not allowed by the Bishops , are unlawful , and therefore that we must rather use none than such . I. As to the first , no reason obligeth me to believe you till you prove it ; which must be by citing the inconsistent words . How easie is it to tell you or any man , that you speak contradictions ? Is accusing , proving ? And you have told me by experience that mistaking Hearers and Readers understand not mens words so well as the Speakers or Writers do . When you so widely mistook a speech of mine , when I had told you that as far as I could learn by my own acquaintance , and the report of the Members themselves , there was but one known Presbyterian in the House of Commons when the Wars began , ( I named you a credible witness yet living ) , and you report that I said , there was but one Presbyterian in the Assembly of Divines ? May not my writing be as much mistaken by you ? Prove your Charge , and I will confe●s my contradictions , and give you thanks . II. As to the second I was afraid I had used more words than needs ; if all that I have said tell you not what I mean , you may excuse me from adding more , which are like to be no more significant ; you must name me the particulars that you are unsatisfied in , before I can know what is needful to be added . One particular you did name , viz. whether I hold a power in the Church to deny men the Sacrament that would have it ? I left you no reason to make a doubt of it . If this be it , pardon the repetitions which you make me guilty of , and I shall renew my account . 1. I believe that Christ hath instituted the office of the Sacred Ministry ( which the Ancients called Sacerdotium ) , as subordinate to his Teaching , Ruling , and Sacerdotal office ; and that being obliged to Disciple and baptize the Nations , and to teach them Christs commands , and to guide them in holy Doctrine , Worship and Discipline , they are authorized to all that they are obliged to ; and that it is their office-work to administer Baptism and the Lords Supper , and that they have the Church-Keys to judg whom to take in by Baptism , what food to feed the children of the Church with , and whom to cast out of its Communion . 2. I believe that this power is limited and regulated by Christs own universal Laws , and that they are not lawless or arbitrary ; but he hath bound them by a just description , whom to take in , what food to give them , and whom to cast out . And that he hath given them no power to cross or violate these his Laws . And if they do it notoriously , it is null and worse , and no act of authority but of sin . e. g. If Bishops baptize unconverted Infidels , or give the other Sacrament to such , or to notorious wicked impenitent persons . 3. I believe that if one or many Bishops or Priests do disobey these Laws of Christ , their sin doth not oblige all other persons to rebel or sin with them , or disoblige them from their duty . e. g. If some Bishops should refuse to receive penitent believers and their ●eed into the Church by Baptism , others are nevertheless bound to receive them , and not all the Bishops in the world to keep them out because some do it sinfully ? so if some Bishops would feed them with un●ound Doctrine , or corrupt Gods Worship , ( e. g. with Image-worship , or language unint●lligible , &c. ) others must not follow them , but do better . And if some Bishops turn Christs sheep out of his sold and pasture unjustly , denying them Communion , others must not do wickedly with them , but must receive such ; else one tyrant might oblige all the Churches to tyranny . 4. But while the power of the Keys is lawfully used , he that is justly cast out of the Communion of one Church , should not be received to Communion with any other that hath just notice of his Exclusion , till the cause be removed . 5. But the notice of it concerneth not those that living out of reach , are uncapable of Communion with that person . If a woman in this Parish be Excommunicated as a Scold , or a man as a Drunkard , &c. the Bishop is not bound to send notice of their names and case to Ethiopia or Armenia , nor to all the Christian World ; no nor to all England . Nor do they use to do it to all the Parishes in the Diocess , but only to that one where the person liveth . But I doubt not but all that Church should know of it , of which he was a Communicating member , ( by the way , why is not all the Diocess told of it , but that men are conscious that he hath not Personal communion with them ; and therefore need not be so Excommunicated ? ) 6. Therefore mens limited capacity allowing them Personal Communion but in a narrow compass , there needs no Confederacy of all the Christian World for the rejecting of those that one of them hath first rejected . 7. But in well-ordered agreeing Churches none should be received presently into the Communion of another Church , without due notice of his aptitude or capacity ; which regularly should be by the Certificates of the Church whence he came , called Communicatory Letters ; or if he was never before admitted to the Sacrament because not at age , his own Personal profession giveth him right ; and so it doth in the Countries where through neglect such Certificates or Testimonies are not in use , sobeit there come in no proof against him , that he stands Excommunicate , or deserveth it . A professing Christian hath right to Communion if he travel through all the Churches in the World , till his profession be disproved , or his claim disabled by just testimony . If a man be Excommunicate in , e. g. Lincoln-Diocess in one Parish-Church , above a thousand Parishes more of the same Church Diocesan , may receive him for want of notice , unless they are bound to receive no stranger of another Parish ; and that is a kind of Excommunicating of all Christians from the Communion of all the Christian World , except one Parish . 8. The Legal Excommunication , which is only a general pronunciation that such or such sinners in specie shall be actually excommunicate , is done already by God himself in his Universal Laws . And no man ought to make Laws to Excommunicate any that Gods Laws do not decree to be Excommunicate , save that when there is a difficulty in discerning whether this or that Doctrine or practice be indeed the sin so condemned in Gods Laws , mens Laws may expound it ▪ to remove that difficulty . If all were excommunicate that Gods own Laws do require to be excommunicate , alas ! how great would the number be ? So little need is there , that Voluminous Councils should excommunicate many more ; and that Councils should be added to Councils to the end of the world , to make new Laws for excommunicating men . 9. Where God hath commanded all Christians in his Laws , to avoid any sort of wicked men , and with such not to eat , the fact being once notorious , the person is so far , ipso jure , excommunicate , as that all are bound to avoid familiarity with that person , though no Bishop sentence him : But the Pastors having the Church Keys , we must not go out of the Church , because such a man is there ; for who shall be in the Church , is at his Judgment ; but who shall be at my Table , is at mine . 10. But if the Church it self be essentiated of such as God thus commandeth all to avoid , and this be notorious , every Christian must avoid that Church . The Essentials of a Church are the pars regens & pars subdita , the Pastors , and the Body of the flock . If either be so far corrupt , the Church is corupt : When any one essential part is wanting ▪ or depraved , then the Essence is wanting , or depraved : Therefore where many Pastors make up the pars regens of a particular Church , it is not the heresie , or wickedness of some one only that will warrant a separation ; because one is but an integral , and not an essential part : But where one Bishop only is the essential regent constitutive part , there that one mans heresie , or notorious wickedness ( such as we are commanded to have no Communion with ) will allow us to avoid that Church , as a Church , though not each Member of it , who are parts still of the Universal Church . If I knew what further explication of my thoughts it is that you desire , I should be ready to give it you . III. As to the coercive power which you talk of , it is strange if we can differ about the nature of it ; but we greatly differ , I suppose , about the extent of it . Pardon me , if to avoid confusion , I first speak of the Name , and then of the Thing . 1. Though our ordinary use of the words , coactive and coercive , be to signifie that which worketh either on the Body , and its provision only , or on the Mind by force upon the Body , or Estate ; yet if you will but tell me what you mean by it , so distinctly that we may not be entangled with Logomachy , take it in what sense you will. The words which you use are the signification of your mind : I desire but to understand , and to be understood : I follow Bishop Bilson ( of Christ. Obed. ) , and others commonly , that distinguish the power of Magistrates and Pastors , by the Names of the power of the Sword , and of the Word ▪ By the first , they mean all power of corporal mul●ts and penalties , directly such ( for he that griev●th the mind , consequently troubleth the body ) . By the latter , they mean all that Official power of Gods Word and Sacraments which worketh by the senses of hearing , seeing and tasting , upon the Conscience , that is , on the Understanding and Will , and by these reformeth practice . The word is thus de●ivered , either Generally , by common Doctrine , which is historical , assertive , precepts , prohibitions , promises or threatnings , or by personal application of these . 1. By meer words , as in personal instruction , precept , threatning , &c. and by declaration , that this person proved and judged guilty of impenitency , in such and such sin , is uncapable of Church-communion , therefore by au●hority from Christ I command him to forbear , and you to avoid him . And such a one being proved innocent or penitent , hath by Gods Law right to Communion with his Church , therefore I absolve him , invite him , receive him , and command you in Christs name to hold loving Communion with him . 2. Or it is the application of words and Sacramental signs toget●er , by solemn tradition and investiture ; or the denying of such Sacraments . Briefly , Magistrates by mulcts , prisons , exile , 〈◊〉 , &c. work on the body ; Pastors have no such power , b●t by General Doctrine and personal application by words and Sacraments ( given or denied ) work on the mind or conscience ; 〈◊〉 which some call a Perswasive power ; distinguishing ( as Camero 〈◊〉 ) between private perswasion of an equal , &c. and Doct●ral , Pastoral , Official , Perswasion , whose force is by the Divine authority of the perswader , used in Teaching , Disciplinary judging , and Sacraments . If you will call this last coercive , or by any other name , you have your liberty . I will do my part that you may understand me , if I may not understand you . 2. Now ad rem , can we disagree how far this constraineth the unwilling ? Not without some great neglect or culpable defect . I may suppose then that we are agreed of all these particulars : 1. That Gods Laws have told us who must or must not have Sacramental Communion , which we must obey , whatever be the effects . 2. That Excommunication is not only , nor alway chiefly , to bring the person Excommunicated to obedience ( no more than hanging ) but to keep the purity and reputation of the Church , and the safety of the members , and to warn others . 3. That the way by which it is to affect the offender , is , 1. By shaming him ; 2. By striking his Conscience with the sense of Gods displeasure declared thus by his Ministers . 4. So far as the Sacrament is a means of conveying grace , to deny it , is not to reform but to destroy . But when the person hath made himself uncapable of the benefit of the Sacrament , and apt to receive it abusively to his hurt , then it may possibly humble him to be denied it . 5. If the denial of the Sacrament work not on a mans Conscience morally ( as threatnings do ) it no way compelleth him to his duty , nor saveth him from sin . 6. De facto many hundred thousands of ignorant wicked members of Episcopal Churches are so far from being constrained to goodness by being without the Sacrament , that they are content to be without it , and loth to be forced to it . 7. The more sin and wickedness any man hath , the less true conscience ; and the less conscience , the less doth he regard a due Excommunication . 8. The Bishops themselves are conscious of the insufficiency of their Excommunications alone to compel any to obedience , while they confess that without the Secular power of the sword to back it , they would be but laught at , and despised by the most . Nor durst they ever try to govern by their Church Keys alone among us without the enforcement of the sword . And at the same time while they Excommunicate them from the Sacrament , they have a Law to lay them in Gaol , and utterly ruin them if they will not receive it . How loth are the Bishops to lose this compelling Law. 9. I think few of my acquaintance in England do believe that any great number are brought to holy reformation , no nor to Episcopal obedience , by the fear of being kept from the Sacrament , but that which they fear is the Corporal penalty that followeth ; lay by that , and you may try . 10. If you will trust to that spiritual power alone , & valeat quantum valere potest , without corporal force , few that I know of will resist you , ( but many thousands will despise you , as the Bishops well foresee ) bring as many to obedience by it as you can . But if you mean that you must needs have the Magistrate to second you , as your Lictor or Executioner , and to imprison , fine , banish , burn , &c. it would be too gross hypocrisie to call the effects of this coercive power , the effects of Excommunication , and to call it coercive power to deny a man the Sacrament , because he feareth the sword . 11. De facto , there are supposed to be in the Parish that you dwell in , above 60000 souls , suppose 10000 of these yearly receive the Sacrament ( though some say it is not 5000. ) Are the other 40000 compelled to obedience by not communicating . 12. All those forbear your Sacrament without any sense of coercion or loss , 1. Who believe ( as you do ) that Sacramental Communion is a sin , where it cannot lawfully be had ( that is , say you , where the Bishops forbid it ; say they , where Gods Laws forbid it , by reason of adherent sin . 2. And that , take the Bishops who forbid it them to be Usurpers , that have no true calling ( as all the Papists do of our Bishops , and many others . ) 3. Who take it to be more eligible , yea a necessary duty to hold Communion with purer societies . 4. Besides all those Sectaries that make light of Sacraments in general . What Papists , Quakers , Anabaptist , Separatists , &c. are compelled to any good by the Bishops denying them the Sacrament ? 13. Nothing but Ignorance or Impudence can deny that the difficulty of knowing whose Excommunication it is that is to be dreaded as owned by God , hath encouraged professed Christians so confusedly to Excommunicate one another , as that this Excommunication hath been so far from constraining most to repentance , that it hath made Christianity a horrid scandal to Infidels and Heathens , by setting the Christian World in the odious confusion of Excommunicating one another . To give some instances how far Excommunication is not coercive . 1. Who but the Devil was the gainer of Pope Victor's Excommunicating the Asians about Easter-day ? Did it compel them to obedience ? 2. When the Orthodox Excommunicated the Arrians , did it force them to obey ? When they got almost all the Bishops for them , and Excommunicated and destroyed their Excommunicators ? 3. When the Cecilians ( or Orthodox ) and the Donatists for so many ages Excommunicated one another , meerly upon the difference which party had the true Ordained Bishops , did Excommunications force them to obedience ? 4. ( To pass forty other Sects ) when Rome Excommunicated , yea and prosecuted the Novatians , did it compel them to obey ? And did not Atticus , Sisinnius and Proclus win more by allowing them their own Communion , and living with them in love and peace ? Chrysostome since threatned the Novatian Bishop that he would silence him ; but he quickly recalled his word before they parted , and durst not do it . 5. Did Cyril's Counsel against the Ioannites win them , or harden them ? Was it not Atticus and Proclus love and lenity that ended that division ? 6. Did the Excommunicating of the Nestorians by Cyril , compell them to obedience , when so much of the East are Nestorians to this day , and requite the Orthodox with their Excommunications ? 7. Did the Excommunicating of those that rejected the Council of Calcedon , ( the Eutychians , and Acephali ) compel them to obedience , when many Emperours took their part , and the greater number of Bishops joined with them , and they equally damned those that received the Council for many Princes reigns . And when so great a part of Christians as are the Iacobites , Abassines , &c. own Dioscorus , and condemn that Council to this day ? 8. Did the Excommunicating of the old Hereticks , Gnosticks , Basilidians , Valentinians , Paulinists , Apollinarians , Eunomians , Aetians , Photinians , Macedonians , Priscillians , &c. compel them to obedience at all ? or did they regard it ? 9. Did the Excommunicating of the parties that were for silence ( the Acacians as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and those that were for Zeno's Henoticon ) compel them to obedience ? 10 D●d the mutual damnations of the Phantasticks , Iustinian's and G●mas party , and the Corrupticolae , force either to obedience ? 11. Did the Excommunications of the Monothelites compel them to obedience ? when in the days of Philippicus they had a Council , saith Binnius , of Innumerable Bishops ? And he saith , that the General Council at Trul called Quini●extum was of the same men that were in the approved sixth General Council , and that they were Monothelites . 12 Did the several Excommunications of the Constantinopolitan Bishop , by the Roman , and of the Roman again by them , and the Alexandrian , &c compel either party to obedience ? 13. Had the Pope Excommunicated the Africans in the long fraction in the days of Aurelius and Austin , would it have compeled them to obedience ? 14. When the Pope ( at last ) joined with Iu●tinians General Council against the Tria Capitula , and condemned the refusers of it , did it compel his own neighbour-Bishops to obedience , when they so generally forsook him , that there were not three Bishops to Consecrate the Pope , but he was fain to use a Presbyter ; and when they set up a Patriarch at Aquileia as their chief , and condemned or forsook the Pope for near an hundred years ? 15. Did the Popes Excommunicating of the Goths in Spain and and other parts , compel them to obey him ? 16. Did Augustines rejection of the Britains , and the Britains and Scots long refusing Communion with the Romanists , compel either party to obey ? 17. Did the Excommunicating of Leo Isaurus , Constantine , and the rest of the Iconoclasts , compel them to obey ? 18. Did the Excommunicating of the Albigenses and Waldenses , bring them to obedience ? Or was it not ( say some Historians ) the murder of about two Millions , that solitudinem fecit , quam vocarunt pacem ? 19. Did the Excommunications of the Emperours , Frederick , Henry , &c. and their adherents , as the Venetian Interdict , compel them to obedience ? 20. Did the Excommunicating of the German Protestants , and Queen Elizabeth , and the English Protestants , bring them to obedience ? How many such instances may I give you ? If you say , To what purpose is all this ? I shall say , No doubt so knowing a man can tell . It is to tell you why I expect no more coercive power from meer Excommunication than experience and reason will allow me to expect . And no such perfect obedience and universal concord by it , as your words import . And some questions I here crave your Answer of . Qu. 1. The same that you so much urge on me : Seeing this matter of fact is undeniable , and Excommunication hath done no more than it hath done , Is all Church-Government therefore vain ? Or what is your own way of remedy ? Qu. 2. Seeing it is Bishops themselves , that for so many hundred years excommunicated one another as Hereticks and Schismaticks , how shall they , or their flocks be certain which Bishops they be , whose excommunications they must take , as Gods act , and which not ? I pray answer it plainly . 1. If any say , It must be the Majority , or greater number , then so were the Arrians too long , so were the Eutychians , so were the Monothelites , so were the Iconoclasts ; so the Papists say they are now . If you say , The Bishops in a General Council , that 's almost all one . What Wars were there between many General Councils ; and how long was it the Religion of one side , to be for one , and curse the other ; and of the other side , to curse all that did not receive that ? How shall we know which Council to obey ? If you say as Binnius , that all Councils have just so much power as the Pope giveth them , how shall we know that this is true ? But I suppose that will not be your answer . If you say , we must obey that which is Orthodox , who is the Judg ? If every man , then they that judg the excommunicating-Bishops , or Councils , not Orthodox , will not obey them . Truly I know not what answer to expect from you . Qu. 3. Can that man expect , that excommunicating should set all right , and bring men to obedience now in the end of the world , who is constrained ( against his will ) to be certain , that abused excommunications have been the great means of setting the Christian world into pernicious Sch●sms and Confusions ? Qu. 4. At this day , when the Papal Church unchurches all the Christian Churches that are not Subjects to the Pope ; and when the Greek Church excommunitcateth the Papal , and most continue damning one another , can you think , that even excommunicating is the remedy to cure these Schisms , and set all right ? Qu. 5. If denying men the Sacrament , will constrain men to obedience , why do not the Episcopal Churches through the world , cure the Peoples sins by keeping them from the Sacrament , when so great numbers are prophane , and sensual , and worldlings , and wicked , how easie a means of Conversion were it to forbid them all the Sacrament ? Qu. 6. Is it no contradiction to say , that the Sacrament is Gods means of giving Sanctification ? and yet that keeping men from it is the means ? Qu. 7. But if you mean not constraining to obey God , but only to obey the Bishop , and not God , what good will such obedience do the mans soul , that will not save him ? I confess the Magistrate that hath the Sword , may compel men to the use of the necessary suitable means of Conversion and Grace ; and those means may further Sanctification . IV. As to the Fourth Point , I have said enough of it to you heretofore . 1. If no Religious Assemblies for Preaching , Praying , and Sacraments , be lawful , but what the Bishops allow , then God hath put it into the Bishops power , whether he shall have any such publick worship , or any shall be obliged so to worship him , or not . But the Consequent is false ; Ergo , So is the Antecedent . True Pastors have but the power to promote , and order Gods worship , but not to exclude , or forbid it to any ( much less to all , or 1000. ) without necessary cause . 2. And then if Preaching , and Hearing , and Sacraments , be ordinarily necessary to mens salvation , then God hath left it to the will , or power of the Bishops , whether any of the people shall be ( ordinarily ) saved . But that is not so . 3. And then if the King should license , or command us to Preach , Pray , and Communicate , and the Bishop forbid it , it were sin . But that I will not believe , unless the Cause , more than the Authority , make the difference . To cooclude , I hold , that just use of the Keys is very necessary , and that it is the great sin of England to reject it : But that a false usurped use of excomunication hath been the incendiary of the Christian world , which hath broken it to pieces , caused horrid Schisms , Rebellions , Treasons , Murders , and bloody Wars . I. The just use is , 1. When a scandalous or great sinner is with convincing evidence told of his error , and with seriousness , yet with love and compassion , intreated to repent , and either prevailed with , and so absolved , or after due patience , Authoritatively pronounced uncapable of Church-Communion , and bound over to answer it at the Bar of Christ , in terror if he repent not , and this by the Pastor of that particular Church , which either statedly , or pro tempore , he belongeth to . 2. And when this is duly notified to such Neighbour-Pastors as he may seek Communion with , and they agree not to receive any justly cast out by others , but to receive and relieve the injured and falsly condemned . 3. And when the King and his Justices , permit not the ejected violently to intrude , and take the Sacrament , or joyn with the Church by force , but preserveth forcibly the Peace and Priviledges of the Churches . II. The excommunication that hath turned the Church into Factions , and undone almost East and West , is , 1. When a Bishop , because of his humane Superiory , as Patriark , Primate , or Pope , claimeth the power of excommunicating other Bishops , as his Subjects , whose Sentence must stand because of his Regent power . 2. Or at least , gathering a Council where he shall preside , and that Council shall take themselves to have a Governing power of the Keys over the particular Bishop , not only to renounce Communion with them themselves , but to oblige all others to stand to their judicial Sentence . 3. When Bishops shall meddle causelesly in other Bishops Churches , and make themseves Judges either of distant , unknown persons , and cases , or of such as they have nothing to do to try . Yea , judg men of other Countries , or so distant , as the Witnesses and Causes cannot without oppression be brought to their Bar. 4. When they disgrace Gods universal Laws of Communion , as ins●ffici●nt , and make a multitude of unnecessary , ensnaring , dividing Laws of their own , according to which they must be mens Judges . 5. When these Laws are not made only for their own flocks and selves , but for all the Christian world , or for absent , or dissenting persons . 6. When men excommunicate others for hard words , not understood , that deserve it not as to real matter . 7. Or do it to keep up an unlawful usurped power over those Churches that never consented to take them for their Pastors , and to rule where they have no true Authority but such as standeth on a forcing strength . 8. When Lay-Chancellors use the Keys of the Church . 9. When men excommunicate others wickedly , for doing their duty to God and man , or unjustly without sufficient Cause . 10. When unjust excommunicators force Ministers against their Consciences to publish their condemnations against those that they know to be not worthy of that Sentence , if not the best of their flocks . 11. And when they damn all as Hereticks , Schismaticks , &c. that communicate with any that they thus unjustly damn . 12. When they dishonour Kings , and higher Pwers , by disgracing excommunications ; much more when they depose them . 13. When they tell Princes , that it is their duty to banish , imprison ▪ or destroy men , because excommunicate , and not reconciled ; and make Kings their Executioners . And so of old , when a Bishop was excommunicate , he must presently be banished : And they say , the Scots horning is of the same nature . If all had been either banished , or imprisoned , that were excommunicate , a●d unreconciled in the pursuit of the General Councils of old , how great a diminution would it have made of the free Subjects of the Empire ? And if Princes must strike with the Sword , all that stand excommunicate , without trying , and judging the persons themselves , it is no wonder if such Prelates , as can first so debase them to be their Lictors , can next depose them . He is like to be a great Persecuter , that will imprison or banish all that a proud contentious Clergy will excommunicate . As corruptio optimi est pessima , I doubt not but a wise , humble , holy , spiritual , loving , heavenly , zealous , patient , exemplary sort of Pastors is the means of continuing Christs Kingdom in the World , and such are the Pillars and Basis of Truth in the House of God ( as it is said of Timothy , not of the Church as is commonly mistaken ) . So an ignorant , worldly , carnal , proud , usurping , domineering , hypocritical sort of Pastors , have been the great plagues , and causes of Schism , confusion , and common calamity : And that when Satan can be the chuser of Pastors for Christs Church , he will ( and too oft hath ) ever chuse such as shall most succesfully serve him in Christs Name . And I doubt not , but such holy Discipline , as shall keep clean the Church of Christ , and keep off the reproach of wickedness and uncleanness from the Christian Religion , and manifest duly to the flock the difference between the precious and the vile , is a great Ordinance of God ( which one man cannot exercise over many hundred Parishes , and unknown people ) . But an usurped domineering use of excommunication , to subdue Kings , Princes , Nobles , and people to the Jurisdiction , Opinions , and Canons of Popes , Patriarchs , Prelates , or their Councils , I think hath done not the least part of Satans work in the world . And I must tell you , that I have lived now near 62. ( now near 66. ) years , and I never saw one man or woman reformed or converted by excommunication ( and I hope I have known thousands converted from their sin by Preaching , even by some that are now forbidden to Preach ) . All that ever I knew excommunicate , were of two sorts . 1. Dissenters from the Opinions of the Bishops , or conscientious refusers of their commands : And these all rejoice in their sufferings , applying , Blessed are ye , when they cast out your names , &c. say all evil of you falsly , &c. or they take their censure for wicked persecution . The Papists laugh at their Excommunicators , and say , What an odd conditioned Church have you , that will cast us out that never came in , and because we will not come in ? 2. Ungodly impenitent sinners : And these hate the excommunicators for disgracing them , and are driven further off from godliness than before : But they will say , they repent at any time , rather than go to the Gaol . I never saw one person brought to publick confession in the Assembly , by the Bishops Discipline ; but I heard I was young , of one , or two , that for Adultery stood in a White Sheet in the Church , laughing at the sport , or hating the imposers . When there were no Bishops among us , about 1650. many Episcopal , Presbyterians , &c. agreed , where I lived , to exercise so much Discipline , as we were all agreed belonged to Presbyters . Hereupon I found good success , in bringing some to repentance by admonition , but never of any one that stood it out to an excommunication ( so far as we went , which was only to admonish , and pray for their repentance publickly , and after to declare them unmeet for Christian Communion , and to require the people to avoid them accordingly , till they repent ) . After this they hated us more than before ( and one of them laid hands on me in the Church-Yard , to have killed me ) . And I am sure that they reverenced those Ministers more than now Lay-Chancellors ( if not Bishops ) are by such reverenced : So that experience convinced me , that the penalty of excommunication is much more beneficial to others , than to the excommunicate . And how many thousands in your Parish do now voluntarily excommunicate themselves from the Sacrament , and Church-Assemblies , and find no Remorse , or Reformation by it ? And if all of both sorts ( conscientious Dissenters , and prophane despisers , and sinners ) were excommunicated now by the Church of England , without any corporal penalty adjoyned , what do you think it would do upon them ? Would they not laugh at you , or pity you ? Do not the Bishops believe this , and therefore will not trust to their excommunications at all without the Sword ? I cannot magnifie the Discipline of such men as count themselves the Power of the Keys to be but a Leaden Sword , a vain thing , without the annexed enforcement of corporal penalties : If it be but outward obedience to their commands , which they drive men to ▪ without the heart , 1. Men of no Conscience will soonest obey them , as forced against their Consciences . 2. And why do they abuse the name of the Keys , as if it were the cause of that which it is no cause of , but is done only by the Magistrates Sword ? It is the Writ De excom . cap. that doth it , and not the Keys . And they that think unwilling persons have right to the great benefit of Church Communion ; yea , all that had rather come ●o Church than lie in Gaol , shall never have my assent . If really your meaning be to set up the power of the Keys by themselves , to do their proper work , and not expect that Magistrates must joyn their forcing power , to punish a man meerly because he beareth the Bishops punishment patiently , without changing his mind ; Let it prevail as far as it can prevail ; who will fear it ( save for the Schism that it may cause ) ? But if it be your meaning all this while , that under the name of denying the Sacrament , it is Confiscation or the Gaol that must do the work , I should wish for more of the Spirit of Christianity , and less inclination to the Inquisition-way . Persecution never yet escaped its due odium , or penalty , by disowning its proper name . I am more of St. Martin's mind than of Ithacius's . V. One word more I add , That I like not your making so light as you seem to me to do , of the badness of some Ministers and People that are in the allowed Churches . I know that the Papists speak much of the holiness of a Pope , when perhaps a General Council saith , he is a Murderer , Adulterer , Heretick , &c. and so call their Church Relatively holy . I deny not that Relative holiness , which is founded in meer profession : But I believe , that Christ came to gather a people to another sort of Godliness , and by his Spirit to fill them with Divine and Heavenly Life , Light , and Love ( to God and man ) . And I believe , that all that have this ( though excommunicate ) shall be glorified : And that without this , all the obedience to Bishops that they give , will never keep them out of Hell. And I take it to be no great priviledg to march in an orderly Army to damnation , or to be at peace in Satans power . Hell will be Hell which way ever we come to it . I confess , were these Bishops in the right , that Sancta Clara citeth , that say , The ignorant people might merit by hating God , as an act of obedience , if their Pastors should tell them it is their duty ; then this external obedience to them were more considerable : But I had rather go in the Company that goeth to Heaven ( as all do that are true Lovers of God and man ) than in that which goeth to Hell ( as do the most Regular of the ungodly ) . And yet I account true obedience , and regularity , a great duty of the godly , and a great help to godliness . And therefore I value the Means for the End , Concord for Piety and salvation . And I cannot think , that there is not now in London , a very laudable degree of Concord among all those that , though in different Assemblies , and with difference of opinions about small matters , do hold one Body , one Spirit , one Lord , one Faith , one Baptism , one Celestial hope , and one God and Father of all , and live in Love , and Peace and Patience towards each other : This is far greater Concord than the thousands of people , that deserving excommunication for their wicked lives , do hold in the bosom of the Church , which receiveth them as children thereof . And O! were it not for that uncharitable impatience , which an ill selfish Spirit doth contain , why should it seem to us a matter of such odium , envy , or out-cry , for men to hear the same Gospel from another man , which for some differing opinion they will not hear from us ? Or for men to communicate , e. g. standing , or sitting in a Congregation of that mind , that ( weakly ) scruple to kneel at it with others ( the old Canons countenancing their gesture of standing , more than kneeling ) What harm will it do me , if ( under the strictest Laws of Peace ) men worshipped God by themselves , that scruple some word , or action in our worship ? E. g. a Nestorian that should think , that it is improper to say , that the Virgin Mary was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that the denomination should be a ratione formali , rather than a materiali : Would Liberty in such matters , with Love and Peace , do more hurt to the Churches than Schismatical excommunications have done ? And indeed it is hard to make people able to reconcile a Conjunct earn●stness , in driving the same men into the Church , and casting them out ; yea , of excommunicating them , ipso facto , by divers Canons ( sine sententia ) , and accusing them for not communicating . If it be for not repenting , 1. Can you bring all the sinners about us to repentance , by excommunications ? Why then are the openly wicked so numerous ? 2. Do you think men can change their judgment , meerly because they are commanded , or excommunicated ? If a man study , and pray , and endeavour to the utmost , to know the truth , and you say , that yet he erreth , will a censure cure his understanding ? E. g. a Nestorian , a Monothelite , an Anabaptist , &c. much less when a man knoweth that he is in the right , and the censurer fighteth againd truth and duty . Men in some diseases will rage at the sight of certain things , which would not much trouble them , if the disease were cured . Macedonius , and Nestorius , that were judged Hereticks themselves , could not bear the Bishops , and meetings of the Novatians ; But Atticus could , and they lived together in Christian Love. I know those places now in England , where a Conformable and Nonconformable Minister , live in so great love , and the latter go still to the Parish-Churches , and the former sometimes come to them , as that no considerable trouble ariseth by their difference : And I know other places , where the publick Ministers cannot bear any that hear not themselves , yea , or that constantly hearing them , hear any other that dissenteth . But they seek to win Dissenters , as Fowlers would bring Birds to the Net , by showting , and throwing stones at them ; and Anglers would catch Fish , by beating the Waters . VI. I will tell you also , that I much dissent from you , in that when I told you , that the Tyranny of Prelates hath done more hurt than the disobedience and discord of the People towards them , you said , you do not think so . Qu. Do you think that Thieves have killed as many men as Wars have done ? If it be true , that Iulius Caesar , and his Armies killed 1192000. persons , besides those that he slew in the Civil Wars . That Darius lost at once 200 000 , and abundance of such instances in lower degrees may be given ; sure poor Thieves and Murderers come far short of this account . And so it is in the present case . Gregory Nazian ▪ was a wise , and good man , who saith , the people were factious , and too unruly , but ( at Const. ) were honest , and meant well . But how sadly doth he describe the Bishops , as rage●ing even in their Councils , and as the far greater causes of all calamity ! Judg by the Twenty instances that I before gave you , about their excommunication : How few Heresies , or Schisms , were there of old , that the Bishops were not the notorious causes of ? The Samosatinians , Apollinarians , Macedonians , Nestorians , Acephali , the Monothelites , yea , the Donatists , Novatians , the Phantasiasticks , and almost all : The Arrians began by a Presbyter ; but if Petavius cites them truly ( as he doth ) too many Bishops led him the way , and most of the Bishops followed , and were the men that kept up , and increased the Heresie , far beyond the people , or the Presbyters . Eutychus , a Monk , began his Cause ; but he was quickly contemned by his followers , and did little in comparison of Dioscorus , Severus , and many hundred more Bishops . And is it the People , or the Bishops , that now keep East and West in mutual damnations ? Have the Peoples divisions done more harm than the Papal Schism , and Usurpations , and Cruelties , killing about 2000000. as is said of Albigenses and Waldenses , the Inquisitions , bloody Wars against the Germane Emperors , and many English Kings , the Rebellion against the Greek Emperor , Leo Isaurus , and destruction of the Eastern Empire , our Smithfield Bone-fires , and innumerable other Cruelties , Desolations , Heresies and Schisms ? Are all these less than the abuse of Liberty by Inferiors , in Praying , Preaching , or Disorders ? Judg Hale saith , That he had a friend that stored a very great Pond of Three or Four Acres , with a great number of Fish , and at Seven years end only put in Two very small Pikes , and at the draught of his Pond , there was not one Fish left , but the Two Pikes grown to an excessive bigness , and all the rest with their millions of fry devoured by the pair of Tyrants . Hale of the Orig. of Man , Sect. 2. cap. 9 pag. 208. The Block had been a better Ruler . The Lord forgive the Presbyterians their over-keenness against Sects , before the Pikes have made an end of them . Pardon truth to Your Servant , Ri. Baxter . For the Learned Mr. Henry Dowell ( after a personal Conference with him ) . SIR , COncord and Peace are so very desirable to the ends of Christianity , that I am glad to hear you speak for them in the general , though I take your way to be certainly destructive of them ; and because you think the like of mine , and so while we are agreed for the end , we greatly differ about the means , I shall here perform what I last offered you , viz. I. An explication of my own sense of the way of Church-concord ( because you said I am still upon the destructive part ) viz. 1. My fundamental Principles . 2. The way of concord , which I suppose to be sufficient , and only likely ( as appointed by God ) to attain that end . II. The reasons of my utter dissent from your way . III. A Proposal for our further debating of these differences . I. I hope if you are a man of charity or impartiality , it will be no hard matter to you to believe that I am willing to be acquainted with healing truth ( that I say not as willing as you ) ; and if I be unhappy in the success of my Enquiries , it is not for want of searching diligence . And your parts assure me , that it is so with you . But it is the usual effect of one received error , to let in many more ; and it is so either with me or you . And lest it should prove my unhappiness , I shall thankfully accept your remedying informations . 1. The Principles which I presuppose , are such as these . 1. As God as Creator , so Christ as Redeemer is the Universal King and Head over all things to the Church , which is his body , Ephes. 1.22 , 23. Ioh. 17.2 , &c. 2. He hath made Vniversal Laws to be means of this Universal Government . 3. His Universal Laws are in suo genere sufficient to their proper use . 4. There is no other Universal King or Ruler of the world , or of the Church , whether Personal or Collective . And therefore none that hath power of Universal Legislation , or Jurisdiction . 5. Much less any that hath a superiour power to alter Gods Universal Laws by abrogation , subrogation , suspension , or dispensation . Nor will God himself alter them , and substitute new ones . As Tertullian saith , We at first believe this , that no more is to be believed . 6. These Laws of our Universal Governour are partly of natural Revelation , and partly of Supernatural , viz. by himself , and by his Spirit in his Apostles given in an extraordinary measure to this end , to lead them into all truth , which is delivered to us in their Scripture-records . 7. Some local precepts , whose matter was narrow and temporary , even the mutable customs of that time and place were also narrow and temporary ; ( as the washing of feet , anointing , vailing women , the kiss of peace , &c ) which maketh nothing for the mutability of the Universal Laws . 8. No Pastors since the Apostles , are by office or power appointed to make any Universal Laws for the Church , nor any of the same kind and reason with Gods own Laws , whose reason or cause was existent in the Apostles times , but only to explain the word of God , and apply it to particular persons and cases , as Ministers under Christ in his Teaching , Priestly and Governing office ; nor have the Apostles any other kind of Successors . 9. Christ made not Peter or any one of his Apostles Governour of the rest : But when they strove who should be the chief , rebuked that expectation , and determined , That among them Preeminence should consist in excelling in humility and service . 10. When the Corinthians were sick of the like disease , Paul rebuked them for saying , I am of Cephas , and determineth that Apostles are but particular members of the body , of which Christ only is the Head ; and not the Lords , but Ministers and helpers of their faith . 11 ▪ No Pastors ( as such ) have forcing power , either to touch mens bodies , or estates , or inflict by the sword corporal penalties , or mulcts . But only by the word ( by which the power of the Keys is exercised ) to instruct men , and urge Gods precepts , promises and threats upon their Consciences . 12. The Apostles were Bishops eminenter , in that they called , gathered , and while they stayed with them , governed Churches . But not formaliter as taking any one particular Church for their proper charge : But setled such fixed Bishops over them . And though they distributed their labours about the world prudently , and as the Spirit of Christ guided them ; yet we find not any probability that ever they divided the world into twelve or thirteen Provinces , or ever setled twelve or thirteen chief Metropolitical seats in the world , which their proper Successors as such should govern in preeminence . Nor doth any History intimate such a thing ; nor yet that any Apostle took any City for his proper Diocess , where another Apostle might not come and exercise equal Power . 13. It seemeth that Christs sending out his seventy Disciples by two and two , and the Apostles staying together much at Ierusalem , and Paul and Barnabas's going forth together , and after Paul & Silas , and Barnabas and Mark , & Peter and Paul ( supposed ) to be together at Rome , &c. that the Spirit of God did purposely prevent the intentions of any afterward of being the Metropolitical Successors of single Apostles or Disciples of Christs immediate sending , in this or that City as their proper seat . 14. As Grotius thinks that the Churches were instituted after the likeness of the Synagogues , of which one City had many ; so Dr. Hammond endeavours to evince , not only that Peter and Paul were Bishops of two distinct Churches of Rome , one of the Iews , and the other of the Gentile Christians ; but also that it was so in other Cities . Dissertat . 15. The Patriarchs were not 12 or 13 , but three first , and five afterward ; and none of them pretended to any power as especial Successors of any one Apostle , but Antioch and Rome of Peter ; ( and that was not their first claim or title , but an honorary reason why men afterward advanced them . ) Alexandria claimed Succession but from St. Mark , and Ierusalem from Iames ( no Apostle , if Dr. Hammond and others be not much mistaken ) and Constantinople from none . 16. The 28 Canon of Calcedon tels us enough of the foundation , title and reason of Patriarchal power , and all Church-History that the Metropolitical Powers were granted by Emperours , either immediately , or empowering Councils thereto . 17. These Emperours having no power out of the Empire , neither by themselves , nor by Councils , gave not any power that extended further than the Empire , or that could by that title continue to any City which fell under the Government of another Prince . 18 A● the●e never was a Council truly Universal , so the name Vniversal or Oec●menical was not of old given them , in respect to the whole Christian world , but to the whole Empire ; as the power that called them , and the names of the Bishops subscribed , &c. fully prove . 19. Before Christian Princes did empower them , Councils were but for Counsel , concord and correspondency , and particular Pastors were bound by their Decrees only : 1. For the evidence of truth which they made known : 2. And by the General Law of God , to maintain unity and peace , and help each other . But afterward , by vertu● of the Princes Law , or Will , they exercised a direct Government over the particular Bishops , and those were oft banished that did not submit to them . 20. While Councils met but for Counsel and Concord , and also when afterwards they were but Provincial , or National under Kings , where none of the Patriarchal Spirit and Interest did corrupt them , they made excellent Orders , and were a great blessing to the Churches : Of the first sort , e. g. were divers African , and of the latter divers Spanish , and French , when neither Emperor , nor Pop● ▪ did over-rule them , but the Gothish , and French Kings moderately govern them . But though I deny not any good which the Councils , called General , did , especially the fir●● Nicene ; yet I must profess , that the History of the Patriarchal Seats , and the History of the General Councils , and the Church-Wars then , and after them managed by Four of the Patriarchs especially , and their Bishops ▪ the confusion caused in most of the Churches , the Anathematiz●ng of one another , the blood that hath been shed in the open streets , of Monks ▪ and common people ; yea , the fighting , and fury of Bishops at the Councils , to the death of some of them , their ●iring out the endeavours of such Emperors , and their Officers , that would have kept Peace and Concord among them , do all put me out of hope , that the Peace and Concord of the Christian world , should ever be setled by Popes , Patriarchs , or such kind of Councils , which all have so long filled the Christian world with most calamitous divisions , contentions , and blood-shed , and made the snares , which continue its divisions and distractions to this day . II. I conceive , that the means of Church-concord , appointed by God , is as follows ▪ But I premise , 1. It must be pre-supposed , That no perfect Concord will be had on earth ; yea ▪ that there will unavoidably be very many differences , which must be born . So great is the diversity of mens natural Capacity and Temper , their Education , Company , Teachers , Helps , Interests , Callings , Temptations , &c. that it is not probable that any Two men in all the world , are in every particular of the same mind : And every man that groweth in knowledg , will more and more differ from himself , and not be of the same mind as he was when he knew less . 2. Yet must our increase in knowledg , and Concord , be our continual endeavour ; and it is the use of teaching to bring these differences , caused by ignorance , to as small a number as we can . 3. There is scarce a more effectual means of Division , and Confusion , and Church-ruin , to be devised , than to suppose a more extensive Concord to be possible , and necessary , than indeed is ; and so to set up an impossible End , and Means , and to deny Concord and Peace to all that cannot have it on those terms . If all should be denied to be the Kings Subjects , who dare not profess Assent , Consent , and approbation of every law , and part , or word of the laws , or that agree not of the meaning of every law , or that differ in any matters of Religion , what a Schism , Confusion , and Ruine would it unavoidably make in the Kingdom ? and how few Subjects would it leave the King ? Even as if none but men of the same stature , visage , or wit , should be Subjects . 4 ▪ The necessary Union and Concord of Christians , is a matter of so great importance , that it cannot be supposed , that Christ is the sole Universal Lawgiver , and yet hath not ordained , or determined what shall be the terms of necessary Christian Unity and Concord : And indeed he hath determined it . Viz. I. He hath ordained Baptism himself , to be our Christning , or our visible Investiture in the Church Universal ; that is , our Relation to Christ , as the Head of his Universal Kingdom , or Body . And every rightfully baptized person ( till by violating that Covenant he forfeit his benefits ) , is to be taken by us as a Member of Christ , a Child of God , and an Heir of Heaven ; and we are bound to love him as a brother , and use him accordingly , in all due Offices of Love. And because the Church , into which Baptism entereth us , consists of Christian Pastors and People , Apostles and Prophets , having been as Foundations , infallibly delivering us , now recorded in Scripture the Word of Life ; and ordinary Pastors being appointed to teach , and guide the people in holy Doctrine , Worship , and Conversation ; therefore it is implied , that the baptized person at Age , understandeth this , and consenteth thereunto ; that is , to receive , as infallible , the recorded sacred Doctrine of the infallible persons , Apostles and Prophets , and the ordinary Ministry of such ordinary Pastors and Teachers , as he shall discern to be set over him by the Word and Spirit of Christ. Whether this consent to the Pastoral-Office , be necessary to the Being of a Christian , or only to the Well-being , is a controversie with which I need not stop , or length●n in this account . But Baptism , as such , doth not enter us into any particular Church . II. 1. Christ ( by himself , and his ●pirit in the Apostles ) hath ordained , that Christians shall be associated into particular Churches , consisting of the aforesaid Ordinary Pastors and their Flocks , for Personal Communion in holy D●ctrine , Worship , and Conversation ; in all which these Pastors are their Guides , according to the Laws , or Word of Christ , already delivered by the in●allible Ministry of the Apostles and Prophets ; against , or beyond which , Christ hath given them no power . Their Office is of his own making , and describing ; and their power to determine undetermined useful circumstances in Gods Worship , and Church-discipline , is but a power to obey Christs general commands ( to do all thing● in Love , Peace , Order , Decency , and to Edification ) , which they may not violate . 2. Every Christian that hath opportunity , should be a Member of some such particular Church ; Statedly , if it may be ; if not , yet transiently : But some may want such opportunity ( as single persons converted , or cast among Infidels ; Travellers , Embassadors , Factors , and other Merchants , ( among Infidels ) or where Christianity is so corrupted by the P●stors , as that they will not allow men Communion without sinful Oaths , Covenants , Professions , Words , or Practices . 3. No one at Age can be a Member of the Universal , or of any particular Church ( and so the Subj●ct of that Pastor ) against his will , or without his own consent ( however Antecedent Obligations may bind men to consent ) . 4. Every such Church should have its proper Bishop ; and in Ignatius's time , its Unity was describ●d by One Altar , and One Bishop , with his fellow Presbyters , and Deacons . 5. Such B●shops , or Pastors were to be ordained by Senior Bishops , or P●stors , and received by the E●ection , or Consent of the whole Church ; and for many hundred years no Churches received their Bishops on any other terms . The Ordainers , and the People or Church receiving him , having each a necessary consent , as a double Key for the security of the Church ; to which afterwards the Christian Magi●●rates consent was added according to Gods word , so far as protecting and countenancing of the Bishop did require , The senior Bishops must consent to his Ordination , the people must consent to him as formally related to themselves as their Pastor ; and the Magistrate as to one to be protected by him . 6 As without mutual consent the relation of Pastor and flock is not founded ; so Gods Providence must direct every man to know what particular Church he should be of , and whom by consent to take for the guide of his soul. In England men may freely chuse what Church and Pastor they will stand related to ; every man having liberty to dwell in what Parish or Diocess he please , without asking leave of the Bishop to remove . 7. The individuating or distingu●shing of particular Churches by peculiar Circuits , or proper spaces of ground , is no further of Gods institution , than it is the performance of the general commands of doing all in order to edification , &c. And as in prosperous times under godly peaceable Princes , it is greatly convenient and desirable ; so in several cases of Division , Church-corruption by Heresie , or Tyranny , Persecution , &c. it is inconvenient , and it becomes a necessary duty to gather Churches in the same space of ground where only some other Pastor had a Church before . The cases in which this is lawful , and the cases in which Separation is unlawful , having written largely in another paper , I shall offer it to you when you desire it . 8. It is not of absolute necessity that all the members of a particular Church , do always or usually meet in one place , ( though it be very convenient and desirable where it may be done ) ; for Persecution may prohibit it , or want of a large capacious place , or the great d●stance of some of the Inhabitants , or the age , or weakness of others ; and therefore in the ancient Churches , though at first they usually were all assembled in one place , yet after when they encreased , the Canons required all the people to assemble with the Bishop but at certain chief Festivals in the year , having Chappels or Oratories in the Villages where they m●t on other days . And with us many Parishes of great extent have many Chappels of ease . 9. But that the end of the Association be not only for distan● communion by Delegates or Letters , or meer relation to one common Ruler as all the Empire had to the Emperour , but for PERSONAL COMMVNION of Pastor and Flock , so that they may at least per vices meet together , or live within the reach of each others personal notice , and converse , and Communion in Doctrine , Worship and Discipline , this is essential to a partiicular Church , primi ordinis , of Divine Institution , of which I now treat . III. 1. As Christians must gather into particular Churches , under their proper Bishops ; so these Churches must hold a certain Communion among themselves , so much as is necessary to their mutual Edification and Preservation , of which Synods , and Communicatory Letters and Messengers , are the means . 2. An association of several Churches for Communion of Churches , doth tota specie differ from an association of individual Christians into one Church primae speciei . And it differeth in the matter , end , and kind of Communion . 3. If these several Churches agree in the same Baptismal Covenant , in the same ancient Creed or Articles of Faith , and in the same love and holy desires summed up by Christ in the Lords-prayer , and in taking the commands of Christ for the Rule of their conversation , and receiving Gods Revelations recorded in the holy Scriptures so far as they understand them , renouncing all contraries to any of this so soon as they perceive them so to be , this should suffice to their loving and comfortable communion , without any desires of Domination or Government over one another . And though I will not do any thing unpeaceably against Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Archbishops or Diocesans , if they govern according to the Laws of God ; yet I know no Divine right that any of them have to be the Rulers of the particular Bishops and Churches . Though a humane presidency for order we deny not , nor that junior Bishops do owe some respect and submission to the Seniors . 4. Though the General Laws of Christ ( for concord , edification , &c. ) do enable Magistrates by command , or Pastors by contract to chuse and make new Officers of their own ( which God never particularly instituted ) for the determining and executing such circumstantials as God hath left to humane prudence , ( as Presidents , Moderators , Churchwardens , Summoners , &c. ) yet I deny , 1. That any Officer of meer humane Institution hath a superior proper Ecclesiastical Power of the Keys , to be a Bishop of Bishops , and to govern the Governou●s of the particular Churches by Excommunications , Depositions , and Absolutions , seeing ex ratione rei , it belongeth to the same Legislator , who instituted the inferiour order , to have instituted the Superiour , if he would have had it . 2. And I peremptorily deny that any such pretended Superiour ( Patriarch , Primate , Metropolitan , Archbishop , &c. ) hath any power ( save Diabolical ) to deprive any particular Churches , Bishops , or Christians , of any of the Priviledges setled on them by Christs Vniversal Laws , or to disoblige them from any duties required by Christ. IV. It belongeth to the Office of Princes and Magistrates only to Rule all , both Clergy and Laity , by the sword or force ; even to drive Ministers to do their certain duty , and to punish them for sin . And they are to keep peace among the Churches ; and ( as bad as the Secular Powers have been ) had they not kept peace better than the Bishops have done , I am possest with horrour to think what a field of blood the Churches had been throughout the world , since the Exaltation of the Clergy . V. Christ only is ( as the Universal Legislator , so ) the Universal final judg , from whom there is no appeal . VI. Every Christian as a Rational Agent hath a Judgment of discerning , by which he must judg whether his Rulers commands be according to Christs commands or not . And if they be , must obey Christ in them . If not , must not obey them against Christ , but appeal to him . And if any do this erroneously , it is his sin ; if justly , it is his duty . These six Particulars I take to be the sufficient means which Christ hath appointed for the concord of the Church ; and that the seven points of Concord mentioned by the Apostle should satisfie us herein , viz. 1. One body . 2. One Spirit . 3. One hope of our calling . 4 One Lord. 5. One Faith. 6. One Baptism . 7. One God and Father of all . And they that agree in these , are bound to keep the Unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace ; as knowing that the Kingdom of God consisteth not in meats and d●inks , but in Righteousness , peace and joy in the Holy Ghost . And he that in these serveth Christ , is acceptable to God , and ( should be ) approved of men , Rom. 14.17 , 18. Ephes. 4.6 , 7 , &c. Nor is it lawful for any to hate , persecute , silence , or Excommunicate their Brethren that agree in these ; or to divide , distract , or confound the Churches for the interest of their several Preeminences , or Provinces , which have no higher than humane authority , perhaps questionable , at least unquestionably below the authority of God , and null when it is against it . I am sure by the Church-History of all ages since Christ , the great divider of the Christian World hath been the Pride of a worldly ( too ignorant ) Clergy . 1. Striving who should be greatest . 2. Striving about ambiguous words . 3. Imposing unnecessary things by their Authority upon the Churches ; to be ignorant of this , is impossible to me when once I have read the History of the Church ; which warneth me what to suspect as the causes of our distractions ; for the things that had been , are . And how unexcusable these three evils are , and how contrary to Christ , these Texts do tell me : I. Luk 22.24 , 25 , 26 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 1 Cor. 3.5 , 6 , 7 , 22. 2 Cor. 1.24 . II. 2 Tim. 2.14 , 16 , 23 , 24 , 25. 1 Tim. 1.4 , 5 , 6. III. 2 Cor. 11.3 . Act. 15.28 . Revel . 2.24 , 25 , Mat. 15.8 , 9. Rom. 14 , & 15 , throughout . To tell you , that I am not only as you say , on the destructive part , I have thus told you briefly what I assert as the way to peace . And now I shall destructively tell you why I differ from your Principles as truly destructive of truth , unity and peace . Some of the Principles which I have heard from your mouth , which I dissent from , are these : I. That the Church must have some Ecclesiastical Governours that are absolute , from whom no man may appeal to an invisible Power . II. That Diocesan Churches are the first in order of Divine Institution ▪ III. That Diocesan-Bishops by consent may make other Church-forms , as National , Patriarchal , &c. And that such Churches are not made by Princes , but by the consent of Prelates . IV. That these Church-forms of mans making , stand in a Governing Superiority over those of Gods making . V. That where by such consent of Diocesans such superior Jurisdictions are once setled , it is a sin for any to gather Assemblies within the local bounds of their Jurisdiction without their consent . VI. That you cannot see how those that do so , can be saved . VII . That if I preach on the account of my Ministerial office , and the peoples necessity , to such as else would have no Preaching , nor any publick worship of God , ( e. g. in a Parish where there are 40000 more than can hear in the Parish-Church ) , though I must conclude that according to the ordinary way of Salvation such could not be brought to Faith , Holiness and Salvation , for want of teaching , it is yet my sin to preach to them , and my duty to let them rather be damned , if I have not the Bishops consent to teach them ; and that because it is the Bishop and not I that shall answer for their damnation . VIII . That it is disputable with you whether those to whom Church power is given ( viz. Diocesans ) may not change ( not only the local temporary circumstances , but ) the very Church-forms , and suspend Laws of Christ. IX . That Baptism entreth the Baptized into some particular Church , and consequently under this fore-described Church-Government . X. That in the case of Preaching the Gospel , Ministers may in many cases do it , though Emperours and Kings forbid them , ( as in the days of Constantius , Valens , yea and better men ) ; but not if the Bishop forbid them , or consent not . XI . That circa Sacra , if the King command the Churches for Uniformity , one Translation of the Bible , one Version or Meter of the Psalms , one Liturgy , one Time , or Place of Worship , &c. and the Bishop another , we ought to obey the Bishop against the command of the King. XII . That the required Subscriptions , Declarations , Rubricks and Canons , are primarily the Laws of the Church , which the King and Parliament do confirm by their Sanction ; and therefore the Church is the Expounder of them . These are some of your Assertions , which I cannot yet receive . I. My Reasons against the first are these : 1. Because this maketh Gods of men , and so is Idolatry , giving them Gods proper Power and Prerogative . 2. Yea , it taketh down God ( or his Laws ) , and setteth them above him : For there cannot be two Absolute Governors that have not one Will. If I must not appeal from them to God , then I must appeal from God to them ; that is , I must break his Law , if they bid me , or else they are not Absolute . 3. This maketh all Gods Laws at the will of ma● , as alterable , or dispensible : Man may forbid all that God commandeth , and I must obey . 4. Then all Villanies may be made Virtues , or Duties , at the will of man : If they command us to curse God , or Blaspheme , or be perjured , or commit Fornication , Murder , or Idolatry , it would become a Duty . 5. Then the Power , and Lives of Kings would be at the Clergies mercy ; For if their power be Absolute , they may make Treason and Rebellion a Duty . 6. And all Family-Societies , and Civil Converse , migbt be overthrown , while an Absolute Clergy may disoblige men from all duty to one another . 7. Then the Council at Lateran , which you have excellently proved in your Considerations , to be the Author of its Canons , doth , or did oblige Princes to exterminate their Reformed Subjects , and disoblige Subjects from their Allegiance to Princes that obey not the Pope herein , and are excommunicate . So of Greg. 7 th's Council . Rom. 8. Then did the Church , or Kingdom of England well , to disobey , or forsake the Roman Power , that was over them ? 9. Were not our Martyrs rather Rebels , that died for disobeying an Absolute Power ? 10. How should two contradicting Absolute Powers ( viz. General Councils ) be both obeyed ? E. g Nicen. 1. and Arimini ▪ Sirm. and Tyr. or Ephes. 2 and Calced ▪ 11. How will this stand with the Judgment and practice of the Apostles , that said , Whether it be meet that we obey God , or man , judg ye ? 12. How will it stand with Conformity to the Church of England , that in the Articles saith , that General Councils may err , and have erred in matter of Faith ? &c. 13. Is it not against the sense of all mankind , even the common Light of Nature , where utter Atheism hath not prevailed ? Say not , that I wrong you , by laying all this odium on your self . I lay it but on your words : And I doubt not , but ( though disputing Interest draw such words from you ) on consideration you will re-call them by some limitations . II. My Reasons against your second , must pre-suppose , that we understand one another as to the sense of the word , Diocesan Church , which being your ●erm , had I been with you , I must have desired you first to explain . The word , Diocess of old , you know , signified a part of the Empire , larger than a Province , and that had many Metropolitans in it . I suppose that is not your sense . Sometimes now it is taken for that space of ground which we call , a Diocess ; sometimes for all the people in that space . And with us , a Diocesan Church , is a Church of the lowest Order , containing in it , a multitude of fixed Parochial Congregations , which have every one their stated Presbyter , who is no Bishop , and Vnum altare , and are no Churches , but parts of a Church , and which is individuated by one Bishop , and the measuring-space of ground , whose inhabitants are its Members . Till you tell me the contrary , I must take this for your sense ; For you profess to me , that you speak of such Diocesan Churches as ours ( and they have some above a thousand , others many hundred Parishes ) , and you say our Parishes are not Churches , but Parts of a Church , and so Families are . 2. Either you mean , that a Diocesan Church is the first in order of Execution and Existence , or else in order of Intention , and so last in Existence and Execution . I know not your meaning , and therefore must speak to both . I. That a Diocesan Church is first in Intention , is denied by me , and disproved ( though it belong to you to prove it ) . 1. Intentions no where declared of God in mature or supernatural Revelations , are not to be asserted of him as Truths . But a prime intention of a Diocesan Church is no where declared of God : Ergo , not to be asserted of him as truth . 2. It is the end or ultimum rei complementum , which is first in intention ( where there is ordo intentionis . ) But a Diocesan Church is not the end or ultimum rei complementum : Ergo , not first intended . The Major is not deniable : The Minor hath the consent as far I as know , of all the world . For they are all either for the Hierarchy , or against it . They that are for it , say that a Metropolitan is above a Diocesan , and a Provincial above a Metropolitan , and a Patriarchal above a Provincial , and a National ( which hath Patriarchs , as the Empire had ) above that ; and ●ay the new Catholicks , an humane universal above a National Church , as the complement or perfection ; and therefore must be first intended . But those that are against the Hierarchy , think that all these are Church-corruptions , or humane policies set up by Usurpation , and therefore not of prime Divine Intention . 3. If you should go this way , I would first debate the question with you , how far there is such a thing as ordo intentionis to be ascribed to God. For though St. Thomas ( as you use to call him ) assert such intentions , it is with many limitations ; and others deny it , and all confess that it needeth much Explication to be understood . II. But if it be a priority of Existence in order of execution . that you mean , it disproveth it self . For , 1. It is contrary to the nature of production , that two , or twenty , or an hundred stated Congregations , should be before on t ; as it is that I should write a page before a line , and a line before a word , and a word before a letter . 2. It is contrary to the Scripture-History , which telleth us that Christ called his Disciples by degrees , a few first , and more after ; and that the Apostles accordingly converted men ; from the number of 120 , they rose to 3000 more ; and after to 5000 , &c. And that ordinarily the Churches in Scripture-times were such as could , and often did meet in one place , ( though that be n●t necessary as I said before ) hath so copious evidence , as that I will not here trouble you with it . 3. Either the Apostles Ordained Bishops before subject Presbyters , or such Presbyters before Bishops , or both at once . If both at once as two Orders , it 's strange that they called both Orders promiscuously by the same names , sometimes Bishops , sometimes Presbyters , and sometimes Pastors and Teachers , without any distinguishing Epithete or notice . And it 's strange that we never find any mention of the two sorts of Congregations , one the Bishops Cathedral , and the other the Parish Presbyters Congregation . If you say that they were the Bishops themselves , and first Ordained only subject-Presbyters under them , that cannot hold . For doubtless there were more than twelve or thirteen Churches ( the number of Apostles in their times ; nor were they fixed Bishops , but indefinite gatherers and edifiers of the Churches . And either those Elders first Ordained by the Apostles were Bishops , or else there were Churches without Bishops , for they Ordained Elders in every City , and in every Church . And either the Elders first Ordained by the Apostles had the power of Ordaining others , or not . If they had , then either they were Bishops , or else subject-Presbyters were Ordained to be Ordainers ; yea to Ordain Bishops ( if such were to be after ordained . ) And so indeed it would be suitable to your concei● , that the inferiour order of Diocesans do by consent make superior Metropolitans , Provincials , Nationals , and Patriarchs to rule them ; and with Hieromes report ad Evagr. that the Alexandrian Presbyters made the Bishops , as the Army doth a General . But this making of Children to beget Fathers , is so commonly denied , that I need not more dispute against it . 3 ▪ But I think most of the Hierarchical way will say , that the Apostles first Ordained Bishops , that those Bishops might Ordain subject-Presbyters . And if so , the Churches could be but single Congregation at the first till the subject-Presbyters were Ordained Yea , Dr. Hammond ( as aforesaid ) asserteth ( in Act. 11. and in Dissert . &c. ) that there is no proof there were any of the Order of subject-Presbyters in Scripture-times ; and he thinketh that most of his party were of his mind ; and that the name Bishop , Elder and Pastor in Scripture signifie only those that we now call Bishops . And in this he followeth Dion . Petavius , and Fr. a Sancta Clara de Episcop . who saith that it came from Scotus . And if this be so , then in all Scripture-times there was no Church of more than one worshipping Congregation . For we are agreed that Church-meetings were for the publick Worship of God , and celebration of Sacraments , and exercise of Discipline , which no meer Lay-man might lawfully guide the people in , and perform as such assemblies did require . And one Bishop could be but in one place at once . And if there were many Bishops , there were many Churches . So that according to Dr. Hammond and all of his mind , there was no Church in Scripture-times of more than one stated ordinary Worshipping Congregation , because there were no subject-Presbyters . If you say that yet this was a Diocesan Church , because it had a Diocesan Bishop ; I answer , why is he called a Diocesan Bishop if he had not a Diocesan Church ? If you mean that he was designed to turn his single Congregation into many by increase : 1. That must not be said only , but proved . 2. And that supposeth that his one congregation was first before the many . And I hope you ●ake not Infidels for parts of the Church , because they are to be converted hereafter . Those that are no members of the Church make not the Church , and so make it not to be Diocesan . One Congregation is not an hundred or a thousand , because so many will be hereafter . If you mean that such a space of ground was assigned to the Bishops to gather and govern Churches in . I answer , 1. Gathering Churches is a work antecedent to Episcopacy . 2. The Ground is no part of the Church . It is a Church of men , and not of soil and houses that we speak of . 3. Nor indeed will you ever prove that the Apostles measured out or distinguished Churches by the space of ground . So that the first Churches were not Diocesan . III. As to your Third Opinion , 1. Officers are denominated from the work which they are to do . There are works to be done , circa sacra , about the holy Ministerial works , as Accidental : as to 〈◊〉 to Church buildings , Utensils , and Lands , to Summon Synods , and Register their Acts ; to moderate in disputations , and to take votes , &c. These the Magistrate may appoint Officers to pe●●orm ; and if he do not , the Churches , by his permission , may do it by consent . And there are works proper to the Magistrate , viz. to force men to their duty by mulcts , or corporal penalties . I deny none of these . But the works of Ordination , Pastoral Guidance , Excommunication and Absolution , by the power of the Keys , are proper to the sacred Office , which Christ hath instituted . And I shall not believe , till I see it proved , that any men have power to make any new Order , or Office of this sort , which Christ never made by himseelf , or his Spirit in his Apostles ; much less that Inferiors may make Superior Offices : For 1. It belongeth to the same power to make one ( especially the Superior ) Church-Office , which made the other of the same General nature . If without Christs institution , no man could be Episcopus gregis , and have the power of the Keys over the people , then by parity of Reason , without his institution no man can be Episcopus Episcoporum , and have the power of the Keys over the Bishops . 2. Dr. Hammond's argument against Presbyters Ordination is , Nemo dat quod non habet ; which though it serve not his turn on several accounts ( both because 1. They have the Order which they confer . 2. Because Ordination is not giving , but Ministerial delivery by Investiture ) ; yet in this case it will hold ; For 1. This is supposed to be a new institution of an Office. 2. And that of an higher power than ever the Institutors had themselves : The King giveth all his Officers their power , but all of them cannot give the King his power . The Patriarch cannot make a Pope , nor the Metropolitans a Patriarch , that shall have a power over them , which they never had themselves . And what I say of Superior Orders , and Offices , I say of Synods ; For whether the power be Monarchica● , or Aristocratical , or Democratical , there is need of the same power in the Cause that maketh it : No man can give that which he hath not to give . If you should fly to such popular Principles , as the Episcopal Champion , Richard Hooker , doth , and the Jesuites in their Politicks , and many ; yea , most other Writers of Politicks , and say , That as the people are the givers of power to the Soveraign , though they are no Governours themselves , so the Bishops give power to the Episcopi Episcoporum ( personal , or Synodical ) , I answer , The Principle is false about Civil Policy , as I have proved against Mr. Hooker , in my Christian Directory , and as Dr. Hammond hath proved in the Kings Cause , against Iohn Goodwin . The power every man hath over himself , doth so specifically differ from the power of Governing-Societies , that the latter is not caused by all mens Contribution of the former ; and much more in Church-Government , which God hath left less the Will of man ( as Mr. Dan. Cawdr●y hath proved ) . To conclude , I grant the Superiority of Magistrates , and of their Officers , circa sacra , but not that Inferior Clergy-men may by consent , make a Superior Species of Rulers ( or Episcopos Episcoporum ) by the Keys , in eodem genere . But I confess , that how far Christ himself hath made Apostolick Successors , or Archbishops , as to the ordinary part of governing many Churches , is a question to me of much more difficulty , and moment . As for the Patriarchal , and other Superior Church-power in the Roman Empire , that it was made partly by the Emperors themselves ( as the instances of the two Iustiniana's , and many others shew ) , and partly by Councils , Authorized thereto by the Emperors , is past all doubt . IV. As to your fourth Opinion , I include the reason of my denial of it , in the description of it . Whether you confess particular worshipping Churches , that have each unum altare , to be of Divine Institution , I cannot tell : but that you take the Diocesan to be so Divine , you have told me ; and that you take the Superior Ruling-Churches , to be made by them . Now that Churches of mans making ( Universal , or National , or Patriarchal , &c ) should be the rightful Governors ( by the Keys ) over the Churches of Gods making , must be either jure Divino , or humano : not jure humano ; For 1. Man cannot give the power of the Keys without God. 2. And mans grant cannot over top Gods. Indeed there is no power but of God. 2. Not jure divino ; For if God give them the power , God maketh that Species that containeth that power . For God not to make the Office , and not to give the power , is all one . 3. At least , what satisfying proof you will give us , that indeed God giveth power to Church-Officers of his own making , themseves to make nobler superior Officers or Churches than themselves , I cannot foresee . And till it 's proved , it is not to be believed . 4. Yea it confoundeth the Inferiours and the Superiors . For the Diocesans are so far the Superiors to the Provincial , National , Patriarchal , &c. in that they make them ▪ or give them their power , and yet inferior in that they are to be subjects to them . More Nonconformists do deny the power of men to make new Species of Churches , and Church Rulers , than their power to make new Ceremonies . V. Your next mention'd Opinion , ( that it is a sin to preach and congregate people within the local bounds of Diocesan or Provincial , or other superior Jurisdictions without their consent ) falleth of it self , if those foregoing fall , which it is built upon . 1. If it prove true that they that made these superior Jurisdictions had no power to make them , but gave that which they had not to give , then your foundation faileth . 2. If it be proved that neither Christ nor his Apostles ever made a Law that Bishops Jurisdictions shall be limited , measured and distributed by space of ground , as our Parishes and Diocesses are , so that all in such a compass shall be proper to one Pastor , much less did ever divide our Diocesses or Parishes ; ( which me thinks none should deny ) then Preaching in that space of ground is no sin against such an Order of Christ. 3. If it be proved ( as I undertake to do ) that this distribution by spaces of ground , is a work that the King and his Officers are to do , ( or the Churches by his permission by way of contract , if he leave it to them ) , and this in obedience to Gods General Laws ( of Order , Peace , Concord and Edification ) , then these things will follow , 1. That if the King give us Licenses to Preach within such a space of ground , we have good Authority , and break not the restraining Law : And yet such as you accused us of schism as well when the King Licensed us , as since . 2. That this Law of local bounds doth bind us but as other humane Laws do ; which is , say many Casuists , not at all out of the case of scandal , when they make not for the bonum publicum . But say others more safely , not when they notoriously make against , 1. Either the bonum publicum , which is finis regiminis : 2. Or the general Law of God which must authorize them , ( being against edification , peace , &c. ) 3. When they are contrary to the great , certain and indi●pensible Laws of God himself . And that in such cases patient suffering the penalty which men inflict is instead of obedience to the prohibition , ( and as in Daniels case , Dan. 6 and ●he Apostles , &c. ) Therefore I am 〈…〉 to give you , 1. My Concessions in what cases it 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 the Magistrate in Preaching where he forbiddeth 〈◊〉 . 2. 〈◊〉 in what cases it is a great duty . But to say that it is a sin because that the Clergy forbiddeth it , must have better proof ●●an I have seen , even , 1. That such Clergy-men are truly called by God. 2. And that they have from him the assignation of this space of ground . And 3. are by him empowered to forbid all others to preach on their land . 4. And that even when Gods general Laws do make it our duty , that they can suspend the obligation of such Laws , even the greatest : I am ready upon any just occasion to prove to you , that I were a heinous sinner , if I should have ceased such Preaching as I have used upon all the reasons that you alledg against it . And wo to them that make our greatest and dearest duties to pass for sin , and our greatest sin , Isa. 5.20 . Were it but one of the least commands , I would be loth to break it , and teach men so to do , much less one of the greatest ; when men whose consciences tell them , that they are totally devoted to God ; as Christians and as Ordained Ministers , deny their worldly interest and preferments , and serve him in poverty , beholden for their daily bread , and to the ruin of their worldly Estates , and the hazard of their lives in the Common Goals , endeavour nothing but to Preach Christs Gospel to save mens souls from ignorance , unbelief , sensuality , worldliness , &c. in case of the peoples undeniable necessity ; I say , when such meet with men of the same profession , who think not the Common Goals among Rogues , and the forfeiture of Forty pound a Sermon , as Enacted by Law , to be enough to restrain them , but also as in the name of Christ they will charge us with heinous sin unless we will perfidiously break our obligations to Christ , and sacrilegiously alienate our selves from the work which we are devoted to ( many of us under the Bishops hands ) and unless we will be cruel to miserable souls , and shut up the bowels of our compassion from them , while we see them in need and in danger of damnation , what fortitude do we need against such kind of Tempters , and such Temptations ? If Drunkards and boys in the street only scorn'd me as a Puritan , or Precisian , it were less . If Turkish Rulers did persecute me for my Preaching Christ , it were less . If mistaken Christian Rulers made me the scorn of the Nation , and stript me of all my worldly maintenance , and laid me with Malefactors in Prisons , it were a less temptation , than for a man to come in the name of Christ , to tell me that I sin against him , unless I will forsake my Calling , break my Vows , cease Preaching his Gospel , betray thousands of souls to Satan and damnation , and encourage all that endeavour it by yielding to all their temptations , and giving them success . But as Christ must be accused of sin , as well as crucified , and not allowed the honour of suffering as innocent , so must his servants . I will venture upon one argument on the by that may be somewhat by others , though nothing to you for the invalidating of your accusation . I saw from the hands of a Noble Lord , an excellent truly Learned Manuscript said by him to be the Bishop of Lincolns , to satisfie you who are said to judg it unlawful to subscribe to Athanasius's Creed . What else you refuse I know not ; but by that much I perceive you are a strange kind of Nonconformist . Now if it be unlawful for you to subscribe and conform , or unlawful for me , ( which I here undertake to prove before any equal competent Judges ) then it is unlawful for all the Ministers of England ; for none of them may do evil that good may come by it . And then all the Ministers in England ought to cease Preaching , if I ought to cease , when they are forbidden . The consequence will be denied by others , though not by you . ( And by the way , How can you take the Bishops for Absolute , from whom there is no appeal to an invisible power , and yet disobey them , if they bid you subscribe Athanasius Creed . ) If it be a sin in me not to cease Preaching when I am silenced for Nonconformity , and yet Nonconformity be a duty , then it is a sin in all the Ministers of England not to be Nonformists , and so not to cease Preaching . But the latter part of the consequent is false : Ergo , so is the Antecedent . 2. Yea , directly your assertion puts it in the power of one superior to put down the Preaching of the Gospel , and all Gods publick Worship , in whole Countries or Kingdoms , ( if not in the world ) , and so Christ must be at their mercy whether he shall have any Church , and so whether he shall be Christ ; and God , whether he shall have any publick Worship In Ethiopia ( though Brierwood saith that yet after the decay of the Abassine Empire , it is as big as Italy , Germany , France and Spain ) they have but one Bishop , called their Abuna And if he forbad all Preaching or publick Worship in the Empire , it is a sin to obey him . And it is a great duty to gather Churches within his Church . It is a sin in the Empire of Muscovie , that all their Clergy obey their Patriarch and Prince in forbearing to Preach . If all the Bishops of England should agree to reduce the Kingdom to one only Bishoprick , and one Church , and turn all the rest into Parish-Chappels , it were a duty to disobey them , and gather Churches in that one Church . If the Patriarch of Alexandria , Antioch , or Constantinople , had forbidden all in their limits to Preach and worship God publickly , it had been a wickedness to obey them . When Severus Antioch , the Eutychian , forbad the Orthodox to Preach in his Patriarchate , it had been their sin to obey him , ( yea or if Theodosius or Anastasius the Emperours had done it ) : yea , though a General Council of Ephes. 2. ( if not Ephes. 1. ) was on his side . If the Pope ( whether as Pope or as Patriarch of the West ) , Interdict all the Preachers and Churches in Venice , or in Britain , it were a sin to obey him . The reasons are , because their power is derived and limited ( to pass by the no power of Usurpers ) the greatest have it for edification , and not for destruction . None of them have power to make void the least ( continued ) Law of God by their Doctrines , Precepts or Traditions . All men must take heed of the leven of their false Doctrine , and must beware of false Prophets , and must prove all things , and hold fast that which is good . There is no true power but of God , and therefore none against him . It is better to obey God than men . But of this you may in season have larger proof , if you desire it . VI. Your excluding us from Salvation , that will not cease Preaching the Gospel of Salvation , and worshipping God , remembreth us : 1. What a mercy it is that neither Pope , nor any such condemner is made our final Judg. 2. How most Sects agree ( Papists , Quakers , &c. ) in damning those that dance not after their Pipe. 3. What various wiles of temptations Satan useth to hinder Christs Gospel , and mens Salvation . At once I have , 1. A backward flesh , that is the worst of all , that saith , Favour thy self , and expose not thy self to all this labour , obloquie , hatred , suffering , loss and danger of death for nothing , but that work which thy superiours think needless , and forbid . 2. I feel Satan setting in with the flesh , and saying the same . 3. Carnal and worldly friends say the same ( as Peter to Christ , Mat. 16. ) 4. Displeased Sinners and Sectaries wish me silent . 5. What Superiors say and do , I need not mention . 6. And to perfect all , some Preachers in Press and Pulpit , and you in Discourse , declare us in danger of damnation , as Schismaticks , unless we will give over Preaching the Gospel . O how easie were it to me to avoid that damnation ! And if I incur it , how dearly do I purchase it ! It is a sad case that such poor souls as we are in , that would fain know Gods will whatever study or suffering it cost us , and after our most earnest search and prayers , believe that if we forsook our trust , and office , and the peoples souls , we should be judged as sacrilegious , perfidious hypocrites , and yet we are told by wiser and greater men , that our labours and sufferings do but damn us ; may not a man be damned at a cheaper rate than Forty pound a Sermon , or the loss of all his worldly Estate , and lying with malefactors , and perhaps dying in a Goal , under the published sacred infamy of being Schismaticks and enemies of the publick Government and peace , & c ? But this also we must be fortified against . For Satan is sometime utterly impudent , and will say , Damn your selves by perfidiousness , and let the people be damned quietly , or else you shall be damned for Schismaticks . But the long noise of damning Papists and Quakers have somewhat hardned or emboldened us . It was an early trick , Act. 15. Except ye be circumcised and keep the Law of Moses , ye cannot be saved . When lands and livings will not prevail ; when profit , pleasure and honour fail ; when poverty , reproach and prisons will not serve , then comes , You cannot else be saved . How many Sects say , Say as we say , and do as we do , and follow us , or you cannot be saved ? But saith St. Paul , It is a small thing with me to be judged of man , or at mans day : I have one that judgeth me , even the Lord , ( to whom we will appeal whatever you say against it . ) But you must give me leave to think , that to draw men from their great duty , and the saving souls , to heinous sin , as in the name of Christ , and to frighten men into Hell with the fear of damnation , and the abused Word of God , hath heinous aggravations , which enticing men by sensuality to drunkenness , whoredom or theft , hath not . VII . To the next , the matter of fact , and antecedent Suppositions cannot be denied , viz. 1. That it is probably supposed that there are inhabitants more than can hear the Preachers voice in the Parish-Churches , in Martins Parish about 40000 , in Stepney Parish near as many , in Giles Cripplegate 30000 , in Giles in the Fields near 20000 , in Sepulchres , Algate , White-chappel , Andrews Holborn , and many other Out-Parishes very many thousands . The last Bill of Mortality that I saw , saith there died in Stepney Parish as many wanting one , as in all the Ninety-seven Parishes of London , and in Martins as many within six , and in Giles Cripplegate as many within eight , or thereabout . 2. How shall they call on him in whom they have not believed ? and how shall they believe if they hear not ? and how shall they hear without a Preacher ? If the Gospel be hid , it is hid to them that are lost : Where Vision faileth , the people perish , even for lack of knowledg . 3. Yet people by our Church Laws must be presented and prosecuted as Recusants if they come not to Church , and so 40000 or 30000 should be presented and punished for want of room ; but it is a greater punishment to be strangers unto the Gospel . 4. The Canon forbiddeth them going to , and communicating in other Parishes , and forbiddeth the Ministers to receive them . 5. The Children of Christians are born with no more knowledg than the children of Heathens ; and need teaching as well as theirs , to bring them to knowledg when they grow up . 6. God will not save any adult person that is an Infidel , impenitent , unsanctified , because he is bred up among Christians , and Churches , or born of Christians , and Baptized ; but it will go worse with such unholy persons in the day of Judgment , that have had the greatest means . 7. If you can cast the fault on the people , and say that they might remove their dwellings , or ( break the Law , and ) go to other Parishes , or read at home , &c. that excuseth us not . For the worse they are , the more need they have of help . If they were faultless , what need had they of us ? 8. As to my own case whom you condemn , I have told you , that I have the Ordination of a Bishop , and the License of the Bishop of this Diocess ( not nulled or recalled ) which by your principles one would think might serve if it had been against Gods own Laws . And yet Gods Law and the Bishops License will not serve . 9. Some other may say , What 's your case to many others ? I answer : To pass by a great deal not now to be said , Let it be understood that the case is this . Men are first silenced and excommunicated , and so forbidden the publick Churches , and all publick worship of God ; and then the Excommunicate are prosecuted and accused for not coming to Church . Divers Canons do ipso facto ( that is , sine sententiâ ) excommunicate all that do but say that any thing in the Liturgy or Discipline is unlawful , or may not be done with a good conscience ( which all Nonconformists hold ) . And it is not possible for us to repent of that as a wicked Error , which after all means that we can possibly use , appeareth unto us an undoubted truth , that so our Excommunication may be taken off . Now these silenced men are assured , that God disobligeth them not from the duty of Preaching ; and these excommunicate men are assured that God doth not disoblige them from the duty of publick worship and Church-communion . Therefore they must use it as they can , when they may not use it as they would . Men say the Papists should not call us Schismaticks , because they cast us out , and went from us ; and will you silence and excommunicate men , as they undertake to prove , for obeying God , and then call them Schismaticks for not communicating with you , or for worshipping God in such Church-communion as they can ? Indeed many of us communicate with you , because we think not our selves bound , tho' you excommunicate us ipso facto , to do execution on our selves , or to go further from you than necessity compelleth us ( tho' I must profess that Cyprians 68. Epistle , p. 200. and St. Martin's Separation from the Bishops , confirmed by Miracle , sometimes sticks in my stomack ) . But I cannot make so light as you do , 1. Of such Texts as 2 Tim. 4.1 , 2. I cha●g● thee before God , and the Lord Iesus Christ , who shall judg the quick and the dead at his appearing , and his kingdom , preach the word , be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort , with all long-suffering and doctrine . 2. Nor of the murderous famishing of thousands of souls , when to murder one child by famine deserveth death and hell . 3. Nor of Christs Law of preferring Mercy before Sacrifice , necessary Morals before Rituals , Circumstantials or Ordinals , which are all but propter rem ordinatam . I remember you have told me , That if the Bishop forbad all Gods publick worship in the Assemblies , we must forbear . Such sayings , and this , That I must let so many souls be untaught though they be damned , because it is the Bishops fault and not mine , do make me ready to tremble to think of them . If Christs works be saving , whose work is it to make so light of mans damnation ? Is it any wonder if such Principles be called Antichristian ? I cannot but perceive from whom they come , when the damnation of poor people must be so easily submitted to , if the Bishop do but command the means . Methinks you wrong the Bishops by such odious Suppositions and Assertions , as if you would make men believe that they are the Grievous Wolves that spare not the flock , and the thorns and thistles that are made to prick and rend the people . But I believe that the Bishops faultiness in mens damnation would be no exeuse to me if I be accessory . 4. And I doubt not but if you unjustly ipso facto Excommunicate men , it neither depriveth them of the right , nor absolveth them from the duty of publick Worship , and Church-Communion . And I am ashamed to read and hear Preachers publickly reproaching them for not holding constant Communion with the Parish-Churches , when it 's notorious that the Canon hath thus Excommunicated them , yea though it were their duty sometime to intrude . And I beseech you judg as a Christian or a man , whether you can think such Arguments should draw the people themselves to be of your mind : Go to them and speak out , Neighbours , I confess that while you live in ignorance and sin for want of teaching and publick worship , you are in the way to damnation ; but it is the Bishop , and not the silenced Preacher that shall answer for it . Will they not reply , And shall not the Bishop then he damned instead of us , as well as instead of the silenced Preacher ? VIII . Your doubt about mens power to change Christs setled form of Church-government , is but a consequent of your first , of mens absolute power . But 1. if they change Gods Laws , or instituted Church-forms or Government , may they not change their own ? And if so , there is some hope of a Reformation . But why then did the Canons of 1640. in the Et caetera Oath , swear the Clergy never to consent to change ? And why are we now to swear in the Oxford Oath , That we will never endeavour any alteration of Church-Government ( tho' the keys be in the power of Lay-Chancellors , and tho' the King may command us to endeavour it ) must the Nation or Clergy swear never ( in their own places ) to endeavour any alteration of the Bishops Institutions ( as you take them ) , and yet may the Bishops alter the very Form of Government , and Churches made by our Universal King ? 2. What an uncertain mutable thing may Christs Laws or Church-Government prove , while mutable men may change it at their pleasure . 3. To what purpose is Antiquity and Tradition so much pleaded by Hierarchical Divines , as if that were the Test to know the right Government and Church , if the Bishops may alter it ? 4. If thus much of Christs Laws and Institutions may be altered by Prelates , how shall we be sure that all the rest is not also at their will and mercy ? or which is it that they may alter , and which not ? 5. Doth not this set man so far above God , or equal with him , as will still tempt men to think that more are Antichristian than the Pope ? If you say that it is by Gods own grant , I wait for your proof , that God granteth power to any man above his Laws : Those that he made but Local or Temporary himself , are not abrogated or changed by man where they bind not ; for they never bound any but their proper subjects , e. g. The Iewish Laws , as such , never bound the Gentile world ; and the command of washing feet , bound only th●se where the use of going bare-leg'd with Sandals in a hot Country , made it an office of kindness ; and so of other Temporary precepts . 6. How contrary is this to the common Christian Doctrine , that we must obey none that command us to sin against God ? For by the first assertion , and this , it seemeth that it cannot be a sin which the Bishops command . 7. I pray you put in an exception for the Power and Lives of Kings , and the Laws of the Land , and the Property and Liberty of the Subjects ; and one word for the Protestant Religion . For we English-men think God to be greater than the King , or St. Patrick ; and Gods Laws to be firmer than the Statutes of King and Parliament . And yet I doubt that the King and some Parliament will be angry if you do but say that the Bishops by consent may change their Statutes , or lawful Officers and Powers ; And Bishops , if you say that Episcopacy may be changed . IX . Baptism , as such , entereth not the Baptized into any particular Church , but only into the Vniversal , headed by Christ ; yet a man may at the same time ; be entered into the Vniversal , and into a particular Church , but that is by a double consent , and not by Baptism as such . In this I know none that agree with you but some few of the Independents in New-England , and some of the Papists . I confess Bellarmine saith , That by Baptism we are virtually obliged to the Pope , being baptized by a Ministry , and into a Church , of which he is the Head. But the contrary is proved , 1. From the express form of the Baptismal Covenant , which only tyeth us to Christ and his Universal Church , and maketh us Christians . But to be a Christian dedicated to the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , is one thing , and to be a part of the Pastoral Charge of A. B. or N. N. is another thing . 2. What particular Church was the Eunuch , Act. 8. baptized into ? Not that of Ierusalem , for he was going from it , never like to see it more . Not that in Ethiopia , for there was none till he began it . If you say , of Philips Church : 1. I pray you , where was that ? 2. And how prove you it ? 3. Specially if it was Philip the Deacon that had no Church , being no Bishop . 3. May not men be baptized in Turkey , or among other Infidels , or Indians , where there is no Church ? And is the first baptized man among them , a Church himself ? Paul thanketh God that he baptized no more of the Corinthians , lest they should think that he baptized into his own name . And doth every Baptizer baptize to himself , or to his Bishop ? A man may baptize out of all Diocesses , or in another's . X. As to your next Assertion , I grant , that when a Bishop or a beggar speaketh the Commands of God , and a King speaketh against it , we must follow that Bishop or beggar , rather than the King , because this is but obeying God before men . But supposing that it is a thing indifferent , and but circa sacra , and not a proper part of the Agent Pastors Office , I confess to you , I will obey the King before the Bishop . 1. Because it is a thing that is under the Power of the King to command ; and if so , the King is the Supreme , and not the Bishop . 2. Bishops themselves are Subjects of the King , and owe him obedience . Therefore rule not over or before him in matters belonging to his Office. 3. Bishops are chosen by the King , ( for I suppose no man takes the Dean and Chapters choice for more than a Ceremony , that knoweth it ) ; if the King command me to Preach at one hour , or one place , and the Bishop at another , or to use for Uniformity such a Translation , Metre , Liturgy , Utensils , Garments , &c and the Bishops others , I will obey the King before the Bishop . But if either or both command me to sin , I will obey neither so ; and if they would take me off from that which Christ hath made a real part of my own Office ( as commanding that I shall preach and pray in no words but such as they prescribe , &c. ) I think neither hath power to do this . But Bishop Bilson of Christian Obedience , and Bishop Andrews in his Tortura Toetis , and Buckeridg of Rochester , and Grotius de imprrio sum ▪ Potest . circa Sacra , have said so much of the Power of Kings about Religion , as that I think I need not add any more . And by the same Arguments that you will absolve me from obeying if the King forbid me to Preach , by the same you absolve , if the Bishop forbid me . If I may disobey Constantius and Valens , I may disobey Eusebius Nicomed . Theognis Maris . If I may disobey Theodosius junior , Anastasius , Zeno , Iustinian , I may disobey Petrus Moggus , Dioscorus , Severus , &c. But you will much cross your ●nds if you tell the Londoners that they may preach and worship God though the King forbid them , but not at all if the Bishop forbid them . For he that exalteth himself , or is sinfully exalted by others , shall be brought low . If the reverence of the King were not greater in England than of the Bishops , the consciences of many thousands would stick but little at disobedience . There are so many cases first to be resolved . As , 1. Whether such Diocesans deposing all Parochial Churches ( and Bishops ) and reducing them to Chappels or parts only of a Church , be not against Christs Law ? 2. Whether they destroy not the ancient order of particular Churches ( Bishops ) and Discipline ? 3. Who made their office , and by what power ? 4. Who chose and called them to it ? 5. Whether their Commands be not null , as contrary to Gods ? 6 ▪ How far Communion with them that silence hundreds of faithful Ministers , and set up in their stead — &c. is lawful ? Many such questions the people are not so easily satisfied in , as you are . XI . And the three last all set together , look with an ill design : The Preface to Dr. Rich. Cousins Tables , tells the King , That the Church-Government here is the Kings , or derived from him , and dependant on him ; and Grotius de Imperio sum ▪ potest . proveth at large the Power of Kings circa sacra , as doth Spalatensis , and many more ; and that Canons are but good counsel , till the King make them Laws . And we know no Law-makers but the King and Parliament . But if the Church be the Expounders of the Liturgy , Rubrick and Canons , Articles and Acts of Uniformity , and out of Convocation-time , the Bishops be the Church , and the Archbishops be the Rulers of the Bishops , ( that swear obedience to them ) this hath a dangerous aspect : For then it is in the power of the Bishops ( if not of the Archbishops only ) to put a sense upon our 39 Articles , Rubricks , &c. consistent with Popery or Heresie , and so to change the Religion of the Kingdom , without King or Parliament , or against them at their pleasure . And thus Officers of mans making , who become a Church of mans devising , may have advantage by this and the former Articles , to destroy Godliness , Christianity and Humanity . Indeed by the Preface to the Liturgy , the Bishop is made the Expounder of any thing doubtful in the Book ; and by the Index the Act of Uniformity is made part of the Book . But this affrighteth me the more from declaring : 1. Because I must consent to all the Penalties and Impositions of the Act it self . 2. And the Bishop , Exposition is limited , so that it must be contrary to nothing in the Book . Thus I have given you the reasons of my destructive Conference . If I had been with you , and we had been to enter upon any dispute that tendeth to satisfaction , I would have endeavoured to avoid the common frustraters of Disputes , 1. By ambiguous words : 2. And subjects that are no subjects : Therefore if you desire any such dispute : I. I intreat you to write me down your sense of some terms which we shall frequently use , ( and I will do the like of any at your desire ) : As what you mean , 1. By the word Bishop . 2. By a Church . 3. By a particular Church . 4. By a Diocess and Diocesan Church . 5. By a National Church . 6. By the Vniversal Church . 7. By Church Government and Iurisdiction . 8. By Schism . I shall dispute no terms unexplained , lest one take them in one sense , and the other in another , and so we dispute but about a sound of words . II. I desire that the denied Subject of the Question may not be taken for granted , instead of being proved . On these terms ( supposing the common Laws of Disputation , especially avoiding words that have no determinate sense ) I shall not refuse whenever you invite me ; and I am able to debate with you any of these points that I am concerned in ; especially , whether my Preaching Christs Gospel as I do , be my sin , or my duty ? And if our great distance in Principles put either of us upon r●●sons that seem dishonouring to the person opposed , we shall I hope 〈…〉 that it is the opinion only that is directly intended . But 〈…〉 opinion is the persons opinion , if it be bad , is a dish●n●●r , whi●● the owner only is guilty of , and the opponent ca●not 〈…〉 must not forbear to open the evil of the cause , for avoiding the dishonour of the owner ; but must the rather open it , in hope that the owner will disown it , when he understandeth truly what it is . For I suppose it is evidence of Truth that we desire . In Conclusion , remember I pray you , 1. That it is not the ancient Episcopacy ( which was in Cyprians days ; yea , which agreeth with Epiphanius's Intimations , and Petavius excellent Notes thereon , in Haeres . 69. ) which I deny . And I conjecture that at this day in England there are more Episcopal than Presbyterian silenced Non-conformists . 2. That what sort of Prelacy or higher Rulers I dare not subscribe to , yet I can live quietly and submissively under , though not obey them by sinning against God , or breaking my Vows of Baptism or Ordination , and perfidiously leaving souls to Satan . Nothing more threateneth the subversion of the Church-Government than swearing men to approve of all th●t's in it . Many can submit and live in peace , that dare not subscribe or swear Approbation . It was the & caet●ra Oath 1640 , that constrained me to th●se searches which 〈◊〉 me a Nonconformist . It is an easie ma●●er for Overdoers to add but a cla●se or two more to their Oaths and Subscriptions , which shall ma●e almost all the conscionable Ministers of the Kingdom Nonconformists . 3. Whenever notorious necessity ceaseth by the sufficient number and q●ality of Conforming Preachers , I will cease Preaching in England ( But death is liker first to silence me . ) Though I take my Conforming to be a Complex of heinous sins , should I be guilty of it ; yet till I am called , I perswade none to Nonformity for fear of casting them ( occasionally ) out of the Ministry , preferring their work before the change of their judgment till such endeavours are clearly made by duty . ) But all your endeavour , as far as ever I perceived , is not so much to draw us to Conformity , as to persuade us to give over Preaching Christs Gospel , so contrary are our designs . 1 Thes· 2.15 , 16. Methinks is a fearful Text. And so are the words of the Liturgy before the Sacrament , If any of you be a hinderer of Gods Word — repent — or take not this Sacrament , lest Satan enter into you , as he did into Judas , and fill you , &c. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26860-e17060 This was written long ago . The Earl of Orery . ☜ 
A91186	----	An exact chronological history and full display of popes intollerable usurpations upon the antient just rights, liberties, of the kings, kingdoms, clergy, nobility, commons of England and Ireland Prynne, William, 1600-1669. 1666 Approx. 2248 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 204 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A91186 Wing P3962A ESTC R232177 99897847 99897847 137391 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91186) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 137391) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2536:8) An exact chronological history and full display of popes intollerable usurpations upon the antient just rights, liberties, of the kings, kingdoms, clergy, nobility, commons of England and Ireland Prynne, William, 1600-1669. [2], 400+ p. s.n., [London : 1666] Caption title. Imprint from Wing (CD-ROM edition). Text in English and Latin. Page 400 has catchword: "coma-". Wing (CD-ROM edition), reports title as "The fourth tome of an exact chronological vindication" by William Prynne, but has note: Fragment; actually first book of first volume. Reproduction of original in the Lincoln's Inn Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Great Britain -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Exact CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY AND FULL DISPLAY OF POPES Intollerable Usurpations Upon the antient just Rights , Liberties , of the Kings , Kingdoms , Clergy , Nobility , Commons of ENGLAND and IRELAND . THE design of this Chronological History and Display , being principally to remonstrate to the world , by irrefragable Testimonies and Records , the manifold unsufferable Vsurpations of the Bishops and See of Rome , from time to time , upon the antient indubitable just Rights and Liberties of the Kings , Churches , Nobles , Commons of England and Ireland , whiles they continued under their Foreign Jurisdiction : More especially by Excom●unications , Interdicts , absolving Subjects from their Oathes of Allegia●ce , raising Rebellions , dethroning our Kings , enforcing them to resign their Crowns , to become their sworn Vassals , Tributaries ; exempting Bishops , Clerks from their Homage , Judicatures ; collating Bishopricks , Monasteries , Ecclesiastical Dignities , Benefices , by Provisions to Aliens , or others ; translating , swearing Bishops , Abbots , to them and their Papal See ; vacating due Elections at their pleasures ; Appeals to Rome , Dispensations , Tenths , Procurations , First-Fruits , Bribes , Symony , Crossadoes ; varieties of Extortions , Oppressions , by their Legates and other Instruments : To discover their originals , progresse , growth , revivals , suppressions , with the manifold memorable Complains , Letters , Oppositions , Writs , Prohibitions , Declarations against them , both in and out of Parliament ; and the frequent Treacheries , Usurpations , of our Popish Prelates , Spiritual Courts , Officers , upon our Kings just Rights , Prerogatives , Regalities , Courts , Subjects Liberties , ( to the extraordinary d●●ger , mischief of the Crown , Realm , Church , Christian Religion , and peoples grievance . ) And what Soveraign Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction our Kings , as Gods Vicars , have exercised , from King Lucius his Conversion , Anno 183. till the total extirpation of the Popes usurped Authority , by King Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. by Histories , and memorable Records in the Tower and Rolls , for the most part unknown to our greatest Clerks , Antiquaries , worthy publick view ; yea adding much light to our Ecclesiastical and Political Histories , ( very defective in these Transactions of grand Importance : ) I apprehended it absolutely necessary , by way of Introduction ( like a (a) Wise Builder ) to lay a deep , sure Foundation , whereon to bottom this Weighty Structure , that so if any Floods shall hereafter come , or Windes blow , and beat upon it from Rome , or other Quarters , they may not be able to shake , or overturn it , because it is founded upon a Rock . To this end I shall ( by Gods assistance ) in one intire Book , Chronologically and Historically remonstrate , and ( where necessity requires ) Polemically examine , discusse the Original of Soveraign Jurisdiction ; in what Persons God himself hath setled the Primitive Right and Exercise thereof , as well over the Churches Militant as Civil State , from Adams Creation till Christs Ascension , and from thence till this present age : And irrefragably demonstrate , by Scripture , Heathen Philosophers , Fathers , Councils , Ecclesiastical Histories , Imperial Laws , Edicts , Popes own Epistles , Decretals , Bulls , Archbishops , Bishops , Popish Divines , School-men , Canonists , Protestant Writers , Testimonies , and Presidents , in all ages , That the Supreme Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , ( in governing , protecting , reforming the Church , and people of God ; maintaining , propagating the Orthodox Christian Faith , the true publike worship of God ; suppressing all Heresies , Errors , Blasphemies , Idolatries , Schisms , sinnes , against both Tables , in all Persons , as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal ; taking care of the souls , and salvation of men ) is originally vested by God himself , in Kings , Emperors , or Soveraign Princes , as Gods Vicegerents , and Christs Vicars upon Earth , as the principal part of their Royal Authority , Office , Trust ; not in High-Priests , Priests , Apostles , Popes , Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , or any other Ecclesiastical persons whatsoever ; who are all Subjects to , and subordinate Ministers under them , in the Churches Militant , within their respective Empires , Kingdoms , Dominions , as all inferiour Civil Magistrates , Officers of Justice , are in their Civil States , Kingdoms , Courts : And that the received Distinction of b two supreme Jurisdictions , Powers , specifically different from , and independent on each other in their very essence , nature , by Divine Institution , and ( at least ever since our Saviours Ascension ) immediately vested in two distinct callings , professions of men : to wit , the Soveraign Civil Jurisdiction in and over all secular persons , affairs , in Emperors , Kings , and Temporal Powers alone ; the Supreme Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction in and over all Churches Militant , Bishops , Priests , Church-Members , Divine and Ecclesiastical affaires , only in Popes , or Patriarchs , not Emperors , Kings , Secular Princes , States : is but a meer Popish Imposture , Forgery , Fancy , Stratagem , to cheat , rob , deprive all Christian Emperors , Kings , Princes , of the richest Pearl , Jewel , chiefest Branch and Flower of their Diadems , to exempt the Clergy from their Jurisdictions under this pretext , and to subject both their Persons , Crowns , Kingdoms , Subjects , to the Antichristian Usurpations , Tyrannies , Exorbitances , Oppressions of Ambitious Popes , Prelates , Priests , as Ecclesiastical Histories evidence , ever since this Heresie of two distinct Soveraign Authorities , delegated by Divine Institution to two several Functions , was first broached in the Christian Church : being the same in substance with that of Duo Principia , ( condemned by Popes themselves , and the greatest c Champions of their Universal Soveraign Monarchy , as a most dangerous Heresie ) invented first by d Marcion , Manes , Hermogenes , and other Hereticks , against whom e Tertullian thus long since argued : Quid erit unicum & singulare , nisi cui nihil adaequabitur ? Quid principale , nisi quod super omnia , nisi quod ante omnia , & in quo omnia ? Haec Deus solus habendo est , & solus habendo , Deus est . Si & alius habuerit , tot jam erunt Dii , quot habuerint quae Dei sunt . Quod summum sit , Deus est : summum autem non erit , nisi quod unicum fuerit . Unicum autem esse non poterit , cui aliquid adaequabitur . Veritas autem sic unum Deum exigit defendendo , ut solius sit quicquid ipsius est . Ita enim ipsius erit , si fuerit solius : Et ex hoc alius Deus non possit admitti , dum nemini licet habere de Deo aliquid . Ergo , inquis , nec nos habemus Dei aliquid . Imo , habemus , & habebimus ; sed ab ipso , non à nobis . Nam & Dii erimus , si & meruerimus illi esse de quibus praedicavit , Ego dixi , vos Dii estis : & stetit Deus in Ecclesia Deorum : sed ex gratia ipsius , non ex nostra proprietate , quia ipse est solus , qui Deos faciat . I may most aptly apply it to Emperors , Kings , who are Earthly Gods , made such by God in their own Kingdoms , as his Vice-roys . The Soveraign Power , Jurisdiction , over all persons , Churches , causes , as well Civil as Ecclesiastical , within their respective Realms , must be but one in●ire indivisible Soveraign Authority , incommunicable unto any other subject or person whatsoever , but by subordinate derivation and delegation by , from , or under them ; else they should presently cease to be Earthly Gods , had Popes or Bishops a distinct Supreme Ecclesiastical Power within their Realms , coequal with , underived from , or independent on them . Whence f St. Augustine thus resolves : Sicut terreni Imperatoris auctoritas currit per omnes , ut in omnibus ejus sit reverentia . Ita Deus instituit , ut ab ipso Rege Dei auctoritas incipint , et currat per cunctos . Quamvis frequenter mundus hoc non intelligit , & alii se subjiciat in potestate positus quam debet , tamen institutio est , ut unus sit qui timeatur . Ubi ergo haec institutio non est , ibi Cathedra pestilentiae reperitur : ( as it is at Rome . ) Nusquam enim unius Dei auctoritas abjicitur , nisi apud eos qui multorum Deorum praedicant metum . From hence our g Thomas Waldensis thus concludes : Ecce ab ipso Rege incipit auctoritas , & currit per cunctos executores justitiae ; & hoc instituit Deus : non ergo instituit Deus , ut inciperet à Summo Sacerdote , & sola executio potestatis manaret in Principem . h Ecce , inde est Imperator , unde & homo antequam Imperator : & unde homo antequam Imperator , nisi à Deo ? Quamvis a Deo per Sacerdote Christianus homo , tamen nec homo , nec Christianus homo , nisi a Deo ; Ita nec Imperator , nec Christianus Imperator , nisi a Deo , quamvis per Pontificem fidelis sit Imperator a Christo ; et inde potestas illi , unde et spiritus ; et nunquid spiritus illi a Pontifice ? Tertullianus intendi , Quod non , sed a Deo profecto : ergo non potestas illi a Sacerdotio provenit , a cujus dono animam non accepit . Potestatis Regiae primum initium in ipso Rege a Deo , et ab ipsius auctoritate manat in subditas potestates ; as well Ecclesiastical as Civil , as I shall here demonstrate , against all Papal or Pontifical pretences to the contrary . For methods sake I shall digest the sum of my First Book into these 5. Propositions . 1. That from Adams creation , till the Law given by God to Moses , ( and by him unto the Israelites , his peculiar people ) the Supreme Paternal , Regal , Magistratical , with that now stiled Spiritual , Pontifical , Ecclesiastical Authority or Jurisdiction , both in and over the Family , State , Church Militant , was by Divine and Natural Right vested , united in one person , not many ; to wit , First in Adam himself , but after his decease in the First-born , ( unlesse disinherited by God for sin ) or in the Patriarch , or Master of the Family , Tribe , who was both King and Priest , having the Priesthood annexed to his Paternal or Regal Office , not these to his Priestship . 2ly . That God , after the Israelites deliverance from the Aegyptian bondage , when he first new-modelled them into a Commonwealth , ( and afterwards into a Kingdom ) setled both their State and Church-government , dividing the Priesthood from the Supreme Civil Magistracy , Kingship , vesting the one in Moses , Josuah , David , Solomon , and their Royal Successors ; the other in Aaron , his Sons , and Tribe of Levi ; left the Soveraign Ecclesiastical Power , Jurisdiction over all persons , causes , still annexed to the Kingly or Supreme Magistratical Office , and residing in the King , or chief Civil Officer as before , transferring to Priests only the Ministerial Priestly Offices , not the Soveraign Spiritual Jurisdiction , the same in kind with , a real part of , and various dispensation only from the Civil Supremacy . 3ly . That the Supreme Government of the Church Militant , after Christs Incarnation , under the Gospel , was vested in Jesus Christ himself , God and Man , only as he is the King , not Priest or Prophet of the Church , his Priestly and Prophetical Offices being united to his Kingly , as the first , highest in dignity and order , not his Regal to his Pontifical or Prophetical Offices . 4ly . That Jesus Christ as Supreme King , Lord , Head of his Kingdom the Church , whilst on Earth , never claimed , nor exercised any Temporal Regal Jurisdiction , or Magistratical Authority over any of his Subjects , much less over Emperors , Kings , Kingdoms , Nations , or Soveraign Civil Powers , nor ever deprived any of them of their Crowns , nor absolved their Subjects from their Allegiance , nor cast down , pulled , or rooted up their Kingdoms , nor gave them to whomsoever he pleased : Neither did he either before , at , or after his Passion , Resurrection , or Ascension , derive any such Superlative Power to St. Peter , as his sole universal Vicar or Viceroy , nor to any other Apostle , Bishop , Priest , or Pope whatsoever : Nor yet delegate to them his supreme Spiritual Jurisdiction over his Kingdom in this world , the Church Militant , and all the Members of it : but only the Ministerial part of his Prophetical Office , ( his i High Priesthood being personal , untransferrable , incommunicable to any other ) to wit , preaching the Gospel publickly to all Nations , administring the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper , according to his Institution and Command , feeding his sheep with the sincere milk of his Word , teaching them ( as his Apostles , Ministers , Servants ) to obey whatsoever he hath commanded them ; beseeching , intreating them as his Ambassadors , in his stead , to be reconciled unto God : to declare , pronounce them absolved from their sins by God himself , upon their sincere Repentance , and to denounce damnation against them in case they do not repent and believe in Christ . 5ly . That Gods principal end and intention in ordaining Kings and supreme Civil Magistrates in the world , was not the bare external administration of Justice between man and man , the protection of their Subjects from violence , oppression ; the preservation of them in worldly peace , plenty , prosperity ; the punishment of Malefactors , the rewarding of Well-doers , encouragement of Arts , Vertue , Trade , Industry , or fighting their Battels in times of War against Invading Enemies ; though k considerable parts of their Regal Office , and Soveraign Authority : But the advancement of Gods honour , worship , service , glory , and spiritual Kingdom , whose Viceroys they are ; the suppression of all Idolatry , Blasphemy , Heresie , schisme , sin , wickednesse ; the promotion of the eternal salvation , felicity of their people , and to be l Kings for the Lord their God , by advancing his interest all they can . Upon which ground ( in order to effect these ends ) God himself , as well under the Gospel as Law , hath delegated the supreme Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction only to Kings , and other Soveraign Temporal Potentates , not to Popes , Bishops , Priests , who are subordinate to them as their Subjects , Ministers , not Copartners with them in their Soveraign Ecclesiastical Authority in point of Interest , nor yet in its actual execution , no further then they are pleased by their Laws or Commissions to delegate it to them , as their Substitutes . When I have Chronologically evidenced , and fully demonstrated the truth of these five Conclusions in so many distinct Chapters , in this First Book , I shall then wholly addresse my self to my intended Chronological History , in relation to the Kings and Crown of England , from Lucius our first Christian King , Anno Dom. 183. till the Popes extirpation , concluding my First Tome thereof , with the reign of King Henry the third , Anno 1273. THE FIRST BOOK . CHAP. I. Proposition 1. That from Adams Creation , till the Law given by God to Moses , and by him unto the Israelites , ( his peculiar people ) the Supreme Paternal , Regal , Magistratical , together with that now stiled Spiritual , Pontifical , Ecclesiastical Authority or Jurisdiction , both in and over the Family , State , Church Militant , was by Divine and Natural Right vested , united in one person , not divers ; to wit , First in Adam himself , but after his decease in the First-born , ( unlesse disinherited by God for some crime or cause ) or in the Patriarch , or Master of the Family , Tribe , who was both King and Priest , having the Priesthood annexed to his Paternal or Regal Office , not these to his Priestship . _●O evidence the truth of this Proposition , so far as the light of Scripture or Nature in the first remote obscure age of the world have revealed it , for the Readers satisfaction , I find it generally acknowledged by all or most m Divines , and Christian Authors , who have written of the Church , or the Original of Republikes , Jurisdictions , or Chronologies . 1. That as God ( the * Original of all power ) at the very Creation gave c Adam a Soveraign Dominion over the fish of the sea , & over the foul of the ayr , and over all the earth , the cattle and every creeping thing therin , to which he gave their several names , ( as a badge of his Soveraignty over them ) by Gods own direction ; So he likewise ordained him as well after , as before his fall , to be both a (d) King and Priest over the little world , his family , & posterity issuing from him during his life , not only to govern & correct them when they transgressed , but , to offer sacrifices , prayers to God for , and instruct them in his Worship , Laws , fear . Hence (e) Cedren makes Adam , the first KING & Governor , and that with reason enough , ( as (f) Mr. Selden notes , because he governed and commanded all mankind as long as he lived , who by the Law of Nature and Fifth Commandement , are enjoyned (g) To honor and obey their Father in the flesh , and he not only obliged to provide for , protect , defend and correct , as a Father ; but likewise to * instruct and educate them in the fear and admonition of the Lord , as a Priest : Now Adam being a King and Lord not only over all Creatures , but (h) (h) Eve his wife , before he was a Father , and over his Posterity ( by his Paternal right ) before they were capable of instruction ; And the Title of King , being alwaies prefixed before that of Priest , as most honourable and first in order , when ever mentioned , and meeting together in one person , as in (i) Melchisedec , (k) Christ , (l) Others , who were both Kings and Priests , and the High Priests alwayes inferiour , subordinate to the Chief Civil Governors and Kings of Judah , and in Heathen Nations . It thence most clearly follows , that the Priesthood and Spiritual Jurisdiction in Adam was at first united and subordinate to his Kingly , Soveraign Magistratical Office and Authority , and so continued whiles residing in one person ; from the Creation till the Law given in mount Sin●i . 2ly . That Cain , Adams first-born , having forfeited his birthright and life too by the murther of his Brother Abel , and thereby (o) Seth becomming his first-born , when Adam deceased , his Kingship and Priesthood descended first to Seth , and after him successively to the Patriarchs , who were not only the (p) Princes and Chief Governers of their Families , Tribes to rule , protect and correct them when they offended , but likewise their Priests , to erect Altars and Houses to God for his publique worship , to offer Sacrifices , prayers , vows to God for them , to blesse them in his Name , to teach them his Lawes , Fear , and the Covenants made by God to them and their seed , and commanded them to put away their strange gods and idols , ( as Jacob did . ) All which is evident by the examples of Noah , Gen. 8. 20 , 21. c. 9. 25 , 26 , 27. Abraham , Gen. 12. 7. c. 13. 4 , 18. c. 17. 1 , 2 , 8 , &c. 23 , to 27. c. 18. 19 , 23 , &c. c. 20. 7. 17. c. 21. 23. c. 22. &c. Melchisedec ( both King of Salem and Priest of the most High God ) Gen. 14. 18 , 19. Heb. 7. 1. Isaac , Gen. 26. 23 , 24 , 25. ● . 27. 21 , 28 , to 41. & of Jacob , Gen. 28. 8. to the end , c. 31. 54. c. 32. 9 , to 13. c. 33. 20. c. 35. 1. to 16. c. 43. 14. c. 46. 1. c. 47. 7. 10. c. 48. 3. to the end . c. 49. 1. to 33. Heb. 11. 21. and affirmed by St. Jerom , the Ordinary Glosse , with most other Commentators on these Texts , (q) (q) Alexander Alensis , and other Schoolmen , * Bishop Jewel , (r) Dr. Field , Jacobus Bouldoc , De Ecclesia a Mundi principio usque ad Mosen ; Salianus in his Annales Ecclesiasticae , and other Annalists in the times before the Law. 3ly . Upon this account , after the Law given and Priesthood vested in Aaron and the Tribe of Levi , the (ſ) firstborn ( though they lost this priviledge of exercising the Priests Office as before , yet they were still the Lords ) to redeem themselves with an oblation of five shekels by the poll , for their exemption from the Priesthood ; because God had taken the Levites from among the Israelites , instead of all the firstborn among the children of Israel , which redemption was given to Aaron and his Sonnes , who officiated in their steads . 4ly . That upon this original right , priviledge of Primogeniture , Christ himself as (t) Gods firstborn , was not only made Higher then the Kings of the Earth , (u) King of Kings , Lord of Lords ; but likewise (x) Head over all the Church , that in all things he might have the Preeminence . And had ( like the First-born before the Law ) the Supream Priestly Office and Power , united to his Kingly ; Yea in some sence Christ hath fully restored this antient Right to all who are spiritually Gods (1) First-born , and the (2) First-fruits of his Creatures , as the Gospel stileth them , having the (3) First-fruits of the Spirit growing in them , whom (4) he hath MADE KINGS AND PRIESTS UNTO GOD HIS FATHER , as the Marginal Texts resolve . 5ly . That the very Gentiles and Pagan Nations by the Law and Light of Nature , vested the Supream Ecclesiastical Authority , and oft times the Priesthood it self in their Kings , and chief Temporal Magistrates , who erected , consecrated Temples , Altars , Groves , constituted by their particular Lawes the several Orders , Offices of Priests ; the Number , Worship , Services of their Gods , and the Sacrifices , Ceremonies and whole manner of their Worship . To instance in some particulars . (y) Fanus the antientest of the Kings in Italy , was the first who brought in thither the form of Religion ; He cousecrated Groves , erected Temples , from whom they were called Fana ; ordained Priests and Sacrifices . Evander his next Successor , introduced many other Ceremonies in the Worship of the Gods. Anius , as (z) Virgil relates , was at once , REX IDEM HOMINUM , PHAEBIQUE SACERDOS . After Rome was built , Romulus the first King thereof , and Numa Pompilius who succeeded him , made several Lawes concerning the whole Worship , Service , Holy-dayes , Ceremonies of their Gods , instituted their distinct Orders of Priests ; as highest Priest , chief Priests , and lesser Priests , Vestals , Salii ; distinguishing and limiting all their respective Offices , Jurisdictions , habits , by special Laws , recorded by (d) Dionysius Halicarnasseus , (e) Plutarch , (f) Livy , and * others : Yea (g) Godwin observes , That it was A CUSTOME among the Graecians , as likewise afterwards among the Romans , THAT THEIR KINGS SHOULD PERFORM AS WELL THE CEREMONIES AND HOLY RITES OF RELIGION , as Civil businesses , being BOTH KINGS AND PRIESTS , till (h) Numa perceiving that foreign wars did often occasion the Kings absence , whereby the service of the Gods was neglected , thereupon ordained several Orders of Priests , ( as their Vicars generals or Curates ) to discharge their priestly function : Yet after this institution their Consuls , Censors , and some of their Pagan Emperors , as (i) Tiberius , Ve●●atian , Trajan , were created PONTIFEX MAXIMUS , their Highest Priest , ( or POPE ) and managed the Supream Civil and Pontifical affairs , and that by election of the Senate , and the people only , without the Priests ; as (k) Alexander ab Alexandro , and the Roman Histories record . I shall close this Chapter with that of the Roman Historian , (l) PRINCIPIO RERUM GENTIUMque IMPERIUM PENES REGES ERAT , populus nullis legibus tenebatur , arbitria Principum pro legibus erant ; and that as well in all Sacred , Religious , as Civil and Military affairs . BOOK I. CHAP. II. 2. My Second Proposition is , That God , after the Israelites deliverance from the Egyptian bondage , when he first new modelled them into a Commonwealth , and afterwards into a Kingdom ; setled their State and Church government , and divided the Priesthood from the Supream Civil Magistracy and Kingship , vesting the one in Moses , Josuah , David , Solomon , and their Royal Successors , the other in Aaron , his Sons , and the Tribe of Levi , did even then leave the Soveraign Ecclesiastical Power and Jurisdiction over all persons and causes , still annexed to , and residing in the Supream Civil Magistratical Office and Officers , transferring only the Ministerial Priestly Offices to the Priests , not the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction . being not different in kind from , but the very same with the Civil , varyed only by the Object , not Subject of it . THis I shall evidence as clear as the noon-day Sunne . 1. By Ten memorable particulars recorded in Sacred History , concerning Moses , ( the first Supream Temporal Governor in the Israelites Commonwealth , ) demonstrating his Soveraign Jurisdiction in all Sacred , Religious , Church affairs . 1. God himself by the Ministry of (a) Moses ( not Aaron ) instituted , described , celebrated the feast and Sacrament of the Passeover , and sanctified all the firstborn of the children of Israel unto God , and was to Aaron INSTEAD OF GOD , Exod. 4. 16. 2ly . (b) Moses , not Aaron , penned and prescribed that memorable Song of Praise which all the Israelites sang unto the Lord , immediately after their deliverance out of Egypt , and drowning of the Egyptians ●n the Red Sea. 3dly . (c) Moses , not Aaron , gave them instructions concerning the gathering , and for reserving of an Omer of Manna to be kept before the Lord , as a Type of Christ , the true Manna . 4ly . God himself immediately (d) appeared unto Moses in Mount Sinai , and by his Mouth and Ministry alone ( not Aarons ) delivered the first Covenant , and the Moral , Ceremonial and Iudicial Law unto his people Israel , the only rule of their Worship , Obedience , Government Sacred and Civil . 5ly . That when (e) Moses , Aaron , Nadab , Abihu and seventy of the Elders were afterwards called up into Mount Sinai by God ; Moses alone was called to come near to God , and Aaron left behind ; That Moses alone wrote all the words of the Lord , built an Altar for the 12 Tribes of Israel , read the Book of the Covenant to them , sprinkled the blood of the Covenant both on the Altar , Book , & all the people ; received the Tables of stone and Law written therein by God himself ; and the pattern of the Tabernacle , Mercy-seat , Altar , and all the furniture and utensils thereof , the garments of Aaron and the Priests , the manner and ceremonies of their respective Consecrations , and all the oblations , sacrifices , and parts of Gods worship to be therein performed both by the Priests and people , from God. Hence it is specially recorded both in the Old Testament and New , That these precepts concerning the Sanctuary of God , (a) Let them make me a Sanctuary that I may dwell amongst them , according to all that I shew thee , after the pattern of the Tabernacle , and the pattern of the instruments thereof , even so shall ye make it : And (b) look that thou make them after the pattern which was shewed thee in the Mount ; were given only to Moses , the Chief Temporal Magistrate ; ( Not to Aaron nor the Priests or Levites ; ) who alone directed all things to be made accordingly . And when all the work of the Tabernacle with the Curtains and the Priests Garments were finished by the Workmen , (c) Moses , not Aaron , survayed and looked upon all the work , and behold they had done it as the Lord commanded , even so had they done it , and Moses ( not Aaron ) blessed them . 6ly . After all the work was thus finished , (d) Moses , not Aaron , was particularly commanded to rear up the Tabernacle , with all its furniture , and to anoint and consecrate them unto God. 7ly . Which is most observable , Aaron and his Sonnes did not anoint Moses to be the Supream Civil Magistrate ; but on the contrary , God by Moses not only prescribed all the spiritual Offices , duties , qualifications , vestments , * wives , marriages , maintenance , and appurtenances belonging to Aaron and his sons , but also specially designed and commanded Moses , to anoint and consecrate them to their Priesthood , recorded in these words , Exod. 40. 12 , to 17. And the Lord spake unto Moses , saying , THOV shalt bring Aaron and his sonnes to the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation , and wash them with water ; and THOU shalt put upon Aaron the holy Garments , and anoint him , and sanctifie him , that he may Minister unto me in the Priests Office : And Thou shalt bring his Sonnes and cloath them with coats , and Thou shalt anoint them , as Thou didst their Father , that they may Minister unto me in the Priests Office : For their anointing shall surely be an everlasting Priesthood throughout their generations : Thus did Moses according to all that the Lord commanded him , so did he . So Moses finished the Work , without Aarons , or his Sonnes assistance . Never did Aaron nor his Sons consecrate or anoint any part of the Tabernacle , Ark , or utensils thereof , their own garments , oyntment , nor any one High Priest or Levite of their Tribe , but * Moses the Supreame Temporal Magistrate only , by Gods own special command , whose consecration alone for ever sanctified all their Successors to the High Priests and Priests respective offices : which I desire all Popes , and Romish Prelates , ( who now appropriate all consecrations whatsoever of persons or things , to themselves alone by a pretended Divine right , excluding the Civil Magistrate ) seriously to consider , and from thence * argue a superiority over Kings , Emperors as well as Priests , and exact Canonical obedience from them . 8ly . When (e) Aaron the High Priest during Moses his absence in the Mount , had at the peoples request , made , erected a golden calf , who committed idolatry with it ; Moses calls him to a strict account for it , to whom he made an excuse , with this memorable preface , Let not the anger of MY LORD wax hot ; which stile he likewise gave him Nu. 12 11. ) Yea Moses , not he , Pronounced the Judgment and punishment upon the people for this Sin of Idolatry , as likewise (f) on him that gathered sticks on the Sabbath day , the manner of whose punishment he inquired ( not Aaron ) and received from God. 9ly . When the Tables of stone formerly broken were renewed , redelivered by God to the people , it was alwayes done ( even after Aarons consecration ) by the hand , mouth , ministry of (g) Moses , who with his own mouth alwayes spake and delivered Gods Laws , Messages to all the Congregation , Elders , people , during all his Government , and gave them a special charge of things future , and a blessing at his death . 10thly . God made choice of Moses ( a Lay-man and Civil Magistrate ) to be the fir●● p●●man and Register of all his sacred Laws , and first Five Books of holy Scripture , not Aaron , or any other Priest ; And to shew that Kings and Temporal Magistrates were the principal keepers of both Tables , God particularly enjoyned when the Israelites came into the Land of Canaan , and had set a King over them , (h) that the King when he sate upon the Throne of his Kingdom , shall write him a Copy of this Law in a Book out of that which is before the Priests the Levites ; that it may be well with him ; and he shall read therein all the dayes of his life , that he may learn to fear the Lord his God , and to keep all the words of this Law , and these Statutes to ●o them ▪ That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren ; and that he turn not aside from the Commandement , to the right hand or to the left , to the end that he may prolong his dayes in his kingdom , he and his children in the midst of Israel . All which particulars laid together , relating to and acted by the very first Supream Civil Magistrat that God himself set up over his own peculiar people , Church , when he first instituted , modelled both their Magistrates and Priests , with their distinct Offices and powers , will infallibly clear the Superiour Jurisdiction of the Supream Civil Magistrate in and over all Ecclesiastical persons and causes , by Gods own institution ▪ and that the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction is united to the Temporal . The reason why God reserved the Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to Moses , the Chief Civil Magistrate , and afterwards to Kings , when he transferred the Priesthood to Aaron and his Sons , and severed it from the Kingship , was , because it would be inconsistent with Monarchie , and the Peace , Unitie of the Republike , Kingdom , Church , to erect two distinct Supream Powers independent on , unsubordinate to each other in one and the same Body Politick , Nation , Kingdom united under one Supream Civil Head , and a Cause of perpetual Wars , Schismes , Contentions between these different powers , by reason of mens Natural ambition , and desire to enlarge their Juriisdictions to the prejudice of each other . This we find experimentally verified in the Israelites themselves immediatly upon their division into two independent kings , kingdoms , of equal power unsubordinate to each other , which produced not only perpetual Warres between them all their dayes in their Realms , as sacred Story (a) oft records , but a more sad division in their Religion , Worship , Church ; (b) Jeroboam erecting two Calves and a new idolatrous worship , with suitable Priests , to promote it , and a new place of worship contrary to that prescribed by God himself , to keep his Subjects from Gods true worship at Jerusalem , and returning to their allegiance and obedience to their rightfull Kings of the seed of David ; which all his Successors persevered in till their final captivity and utter desolation for their idolatry . And it is infallibly evidenced by the manifold sad Divisions , Schismes , Wars , Rebellions in most Christian Empires , kingdoms , ever since the ambitious Popes of Rome and other Prelates , have claimed by a pretended divine independent right , and usurped to themselves the Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over all Persons , Causes , inseparably united by God himself to the Crowns of Christian Emperonrs and Kings . As God therefore out of his infinit Wisdom , at the very Creation , constituted but one natural head over every natural body of Men , Beasts , Fowls , Fishes , and creeping living creatures , though they consisted of two different substances , Soul and Body , not two distinct heads , the one corporal , the other spiritual , to govern each body ; because two Supream head● would have destroyed the unity , harmony , operations of these Creatures in their respective orbes ; and made * a Schisme in their bodies ; So he at first united the Supream Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdiction over Men at the Creation in one person , Adam , the first sole Monarch of the World ; And afterwards , when his Church and people multiplyed into such a vast dispersed multitude , that one person could not possibly execute or discharge the Kingly and Priestly Offices ( as at first he conveniently might , did whiles all united in one Tribe and Family ) so that there was an absolute necessity to divide them into several Hands , Tribes ; God did even then reserve the Supream Ecclesiastical Government and Jurisdiction , as absolutely necessary for , inseparable from the Supream Civil Head and Governor of his people , to prevent Schismes , Confusions , and preserve Unity , Tranquillity both in Church and State ; not transferr it from Moses to Aaron ; the Church with all its Officers , Members , being included in & branches of the Kingdom , Republike , not divided from it as a distinct independent spiritual corporation : Therefore still to remain under the sole Government and protection of the Supream Politick Head. (c) This is most clearly and significantly expressed by Ezechiels uniting the two divided sticks into one rod in one hand , typifying the uniting of the two divided Kingdomes of Israel and Iudah , into one Kingdom , Church , PEOPLE , under one King and Shepheard Jesus Christ , and making them all but ONE , in their Government and true Worship of God according to his Statutes . Hence it is most apparent , that the Civil and Ecclesiastical Powers , Authorities or Jurisdictions are not thus denominated , because they are vested in different persons hands , or flow from various fountains , or distinct in their natures , ( as the (d) Pontificians and others generally assert , and mistake ) but meerly because they are exercised upon or about different things or objects ; the persons wherein they originally and supreamly reside and from whence they flow , and the very Powers , Authorities , Jurisdictions themselves in their nature , being but one and the same , only the objects , matters , in , upon , or about which they are exercised , various and distinct , from whence they have these different Epithites . To evidence this truth past all contradiction , being the surest Oracle to resolve all future Controversies concerning these Jurisdictions , yea keenest axe to cut off that ambitious usurping Antichristian Power of Roman Pontifs , which (e) opposeth , exalteth it self above all that is called God , and trampleth under feet both the Crowns , Scepters of all Christian Kings ; I shall first clear and confirm it by Gods own distribution of various Gifts and powers to the Members of his mystical body the Church , and members , faculties of the bodies , souls of men by one & the self-same spirit , thus emphatically expressed , 1 Cor. 12 4 , to 12. Now there are diversities of Gifts , but the same Spirit ; and there are differences of administrations . but the same Lord ; and there are diversities of operations , but it is the same God which worketh all in all : For to one is given by the Spirit the word of Wisdom ; to another the word of Knowledge by the same Spirit ; to another Faith by the same Spirit ; to another the Gifts of Healing by the same Spirit ; to another the working of Miracles ; to another Prophecy ; to another Discerning of spirits ; to another divers kinds of tongues ; to another the interpretation of tongues ; But all these worketh that one & the self-same spirit , dividing to every man severally as he will , Compared with v. 18. 25. God hath set the members every one of them in the body ( natural ) * AS IT PLEASETH HIM , that there should be no Schism in the body , appointing them all their distinct Offices , places under one head the seat of the soul , which rules and directs all the other Members in the discharge of all natural , civil , moral and divine actions , diversified , denominated only by & from their various objects so stiled , not the person , power , head or facultie , by which they are all performed , being but one and the same . As God (a) the great King over all the earth , (b) whose is the Kingdom and the power , (c) from whom all Kings and Potentates of the Earth derive their Jurisdiction , as their Ordainer and Orderer , alwayes Soveraignly (d) ruleth in the Kingdoms of men , and giveth them to whomsoever he will ; he removeth Kings and setteth up Kings at his pleasure , (c) by his indivisible Supream authority ; And as by one and the self-same power , spirit , he also distributes varieties of Gifts , Graces , Offices , to the Members of his Spiritual body the Church , & distinct faculties to one and the same reasonable Soul in man in which they are united ( as vegetation , sense , reason , memory , will , judgment , affections , &c. ) with distinct offices places to every member in the body natural : without erecting any plurality of Supream Powers , parts , principles , heads , souls , in himself or them , from which these diversities of Gifts and their operations issue : So Kings and Soveraign Powers , ( Gods Vicars and Ministers upon earth ) by that one and the same Supream Authority vested in them by God for Government of all sorts of Subjects , and all sacred or civil Corporations under them , whether Pagans or Christians ; may and do exercise all sorts of civil and Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions under them in person , or by their Delegates and Substitutes ; without any real division in their Soveraign power , continuing still one the same , or erect●ng two distinct specifical Powers , the one Civil , the other Ecclesiastical in themselves or others . ●or , as their Soveraign Royal Power when exercised about Martial affairs , is stiled a Military power , and the Courts wherein it is judicia●●y executed are stiled Martial Courts , because the matters , persons in and about which it is exercised are such . And when employed in matters , Courts of Law and Justice is called a Civil or Legal Power , and their Courts , Courts of Common or Civil Law , because the businesses are such ; And when versed in Maritine affairs or causes , is called A Maritime or Admiralty Power , and Admiralty Court : and when in Civil matters of Equity only , it is then phrased a Chancery or Equitable Power , and the Court wherein it is acted , a Court of Chancery : So by the self-same reason when it is employed in or about divine , sacred , Ecclesiastical things or persons , it is then stiled An Ecclesiastical power , the Laws concerning them , and Courts wherein these Laws , powers are exercised , the * Kings Ecclesiastical Laws , * Courts ; without making any fraction , division , or distinction in the Supream power , which remains still but one and the same , residing intirely in the King himself alone , though the execution of it be distributed to sundry subordinate Courts , persons , who are but the Kings meer Ministers , and act ( or ought to act ) all in his Name , Right ; without claiming any share at all in the Soveraign Regal power as vested in themselves by this distribution : being thus distinguished , denominated only by and from the diversity of the respective objects , which make no more multiplications of nor divisions in the power it self , then diversities of colours , spec●es in the eyes , or varieties of sounds , tasts in the ears or pallate ; make so many distinct faculties in the Eyes , Ears , Pallate ; or as many different eyes , ears , pallats , as there are species , sounds , tasts discerned by them . All which doth evidently appear in this Or●ginal President of Supream Jurisdiction in Moses , the first Soveraign Governour over Gods people , when originally made both a Kingdom , & Church by Gods own institution ; wherein the High Priest Aaron and his Sonnes had no share at all in the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , though the Priesthood was setled on them , but Moses enjoyed , exercised it intirely , without any Partition made by God between him and Aaron , to divide these powers equally between them as Co-heirs . (1) Hostiensis , and out of him (2) Alvarus Pelagius , (3) Thomas Bozius , and (4) Marta resolve , That as it is Heretical to hold duo principia , Two Principles or Authors of the World : So it is Heretical to hold , that there are Two Vicars of God or Christ upon Earth , the one in Spirituals , the other in ●emorals ; Therefore it is of necessity , that Supream Temporal and Spiritual Jurisdiction should be intirely vested in the Pope , not in the Emperor or Kings , who derive all their power from him ; and it is of necessity to believe , that every creature should be subject to the Pope as well in Temporal as Spiritual things , to avoid the Heresie of duo principia , Dante 's the Florentine who held the contrary , being coudemned by the Pope for an Heretick after his death . Indeed their position , That there is but one Supream Head and Fountain of all Spiritual and Regal power on Earth in every distinct Kingdom and Church , is an undubitable truth , as these Pontificians and Popes themselves assert . But that it was ever vested in the High Priest under the Law , or Popes under the Gospel , but in Moses , Kings , and other Supream Magistrates ; and that they derive all their Temporal Authority from Priests , Popes , not they from Kings and Supream Civil Governors , is a notorious untruth , as this Original president of Moses and Aaron , with others following will irrefragably evince . This I the rather mention , and have more largely insisted on , because some Usurping Popes not only ground their (5) Pontifical Crowns , Priestly garments , with their power of consecration , on Aarons and his Sons , but likewise their (6) Papal Monarchy , Jurisdiction over other Bishops , Ministers , and Kings too , on Aarons high Priesthood , and imaginary Vniversal Supremacy , which quite subverts their pretences ; Aaron the High Priest being inforior to Moses , and he greater then Aaron , in administration , and in instruction and correction of the people , though not in consecration , ( wherein they were both equal ) as (a) Bartholomeus Buxiensis , Joannes Thierry , and other Canonists in their approved Glosses on Gratian resolve . (b) Whereupon to prop up the Popes tottering Supremacy as founded upon Aarons Priestood , Pope Anacletus , with others of his Successors , have bottomed the Popes Soveraign Jurisdiction in Spiritual and Temporal affairs too , upon Moses and Aaron joyntly , affirming Moses to be a Chief Priest as well as Aaron , from Psal . 99. 6. Moses and Aaron among HIS PRIESTS ; Whence they inferr ; That as Moses and Aaron were the chief among the Priests in the Old Testament : So Peter was ordained head of the Apostles , and Original of the Apostleship in the New , and the Pope as his Successor : And as Moses was constituted a God unto Pharoah , and judged the people of Israel : So the Pope is the God of the Emperor , the First Priest , the Vicar of Christ the High Priest , and the Cardinals assisting him , are Priests of the Levitical kinde , by whose assistance he Iudgeth all Criminal causes , not only Ecclesiastical , but likewise Civil and mixt ; Moses as a Priest being only a Type of the Pope , as were Melchisedec and all those that were Kings as well as Priests before the Law given ; as (c) Alvarus Pelagius and other Pontificians conclude , with very great confidence . To which I answer , 1. That Moses neither before his flight out of Aegypt , nor during his absence before his return thither , nor whiles he abode there to deliver the Israelites from their bondage , nor after their deliverance , was ever made or constituted a Priest , much less an High Priest , by God , ( for ought we read ) but only (d) Aaron , with his sonnes and Levites . 2ly . Had Moses been an high Priest as well as Aaron , as these assert , there had then been two high Priests at once , and so two Supream heads of the Church , not one : and so the high Priest could not be a proper Type of Christ , the (e) sole high Priest and head of his Church , nor of St. Peter , or the Pope , his pretended Vicar General by divine Right . 3ly . The Scripture is expresse , that Aaron only was the chief Priest , not Moses , and that there (f) neither was nor ought to be any more high Priests but one at a time ; Therefore Moses could be no high Priest . 4ly . Moses in the 99 Psalm , and all other Texts where he and Aaron are mentioned , is put and named in the first place before Aaron , and asserted by (g) Bartholomeus Buxiensis , Thierry , and other Glossers , to be greater then Aaron in two respects , in the very Priesthood it self ; Therefore he , not Aaron , was the chief high Priest : and so all Popes pretences for their Supremacy drawn from Aarons high Priesthood , must vanish into smoak ; The rather , because we frequently read in Scripture , that Moses not only COMMANDED AARON , but likewise stripped him of his garments , and girt them on Eleazer his Sonne and successor a little before his death . 5ly . Psalm 99. doth not evince Moses to be a chief Priest as well as Aaron , no more then the rest of the people ; as is evident by the coherence with verse 5 , 6. (h) Exalt ye the Lord our God and worship at his foot-stool , for he is holy ; Moses and Aaron among his Priests , and Samuel among them that call upon his Name ; these called upon the Name of the Lord and he heard them : this passage relates to Numb . 25. 6. when Moses and Aaron and all the Congregation were all weeping and worshipping God together promiscuously intermixed with Phinehas and the other Priests , (i) as also in Joel 2. 16 , 17. (k) So as the sole argument hence is this ; Moses and Aaron worshipped and called upon the name of the Lord at the door of the Tabernacle mixed promiscuously with the other Priests , as Samuel did with the people when they called on Gods name ; Ergo , Moses ( and by consequence all the people too ) were high Priests as well as Aaron : So that the Popes absolute Soveraign Monarchy as well in Temporal as Civil things being thus grounded on Moses his mistaken Priesthood , must needs fall to the ground , and be for ever exploded upon the premised considerations ; and because his Successor ( no high Priest nor Priest at all ) enjoyed , exercised the Soveraign Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as well as Temporal in the Israelites Church , and State. 2ly . I shall demonstrate this Propositions truth , by Joshua , who succeeded Moses in the Supream Civil Authority , to whom the Israelites not only (a) promised the self same obedience in all Spiritual as well as civil things , which they yeelded to Moses , but he likewise exercised the same Soveraign Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as Moses had done , as these Ten instances irrefragably prove . 1. He (b) commanded the people to sanctify themselves to morrow , and commanded , directed the Priests when to take up , and how to carry and dispose of the Ark of the Covenant and declared the words to the people which God himself immediately spake unto him . 2. He c circumcised all the uncircumcised Israelites with sharp knives , and kept the Passeover , formerly omitted , by special directions given to him from God ; not to the Priests . 3. By Gods special direction He commanded the (d) Priests to compasse Jericho bearing the Ark round about it , seven dayes one after another , which they obeyed , executed without dispute , marching seven times round about it the last day . 4. He ( not the Priests ) Ordained (e) a publike fast , sanctified the people when he discovered Gods wrath against them for Achans taking of the accursed thing against his command ; and examined , punished with stoning to death , even that , which Popes and Canonists stile (f) Sacriledge , appropriated by them to their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and Tribunals . 5ly . He (g) built an Altar unto the Lord God of Israel in Mount Ebal according to the Law of Moses , and he ( not the Priests ) there writ upon stones a Copy of the Law of Moses ; and read all the words of the Law of Moses , the Blessings and the Curses , before all the congregation of Israel , with their women , little ones , and strangers conversant among them ; there was not a word of all that Moses commanded which he read not unto them , and that in presence of the Priests and Levites , who there stood on both sides of the Ark , and bore it . 6ly . He (h) and the Princes ( not Priests ) descided a case of conscience touching the Oath and Covenant made with the Gibeonites by fraud and circumvention , to spare their lives , against Gods positive precept , and gave sentence against them to be Hew●rs of wood and drawers of water for the Altar of the Lord. 7ly . The (i) Sunne stood still and the Moon stayed till the people had avenged themselves of their enemies , at his ( not the Priests ) prayer to the Lord. 8ly . He ( not the Priests ) (k) assembled all the Congregation of Israel to Shiloh , and there set up the Tabernacle of the Congregation . 9ly . He by Gods special command , with advice (l) of the Heads of the Tribes of the children of Israel , appointed and set out the Cities of refuge , and the 48 Cities with their Suburbs given to the Priests and Levites out of all the other Tribes Lots . 10thly . Joshua a little before his death ( not the Priests ) (m) assembled all the Tribes of Israel to Sechem , and there calling all their Elders , Heads , Judges , Officers , who presenting themselves before God , he repeated the Histories of Gods great mercies to them from Terah his time till then , and commanded them to serve the Lord in sincerity and truth , and to put away all the gods which their Fathers had served , renewed the Covenant between God and them , set them a Statute and an Ordinance in Sechem , and wrote all the words thereof in the Book of the Law of God , and set up a stone for a witnesse unto them , lest they should deny their God. And penned the History stiled Joshua During all this time of Moses and Joshua's Governments , we find not one syllable of any Ecclesiastical Supream Authority , exercised or claimed by the High Priest , Priests or Levites , severally or joyntly , but only by Moses and Joshua themselves , in all the forecited particulars ; Which Popes and Popish Prelates would repute most strange and uncouth , should Christian Emperors , Kings , Princes now exercise the like Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , and confine them only to Preaching , Administration of the Sacraments , reading Masse or Common-Prayers , and those other essential Ministerial duties , which they delegate for the most part to poor Curates ; as they do their pretended Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and Judicatories to their Vicars Generals , Chancellors , Officials , Commissaries , and other such party Officers , the more to fleece the people , and ease themselves from Trouble or Clamors . 3dly . After the death of Joshua , though the High Priest , Priests and Levites were all setled in their possessions and offices in his life , yet we read of none of them in all the Book of Judges , when the people of Israel were very idolatrous , wicked and most needed Ecclesiastical censures to reform them , that did ever use the least Ecclesiastical Authority over them : Therefore doubtlesse they had none vested in them , or else were intollerably negligent , and blame-worthy . And to put it past Dispute , it is no less then four several times specially recorded in that sacred story , Judg. 17. 6. c. 18. 1. c. 19. 1. c. 21. 25. IN THOSE DAYS THERE WAS NO KING IN ISRAEL Every man did what seemed good in his own eyes . First , as the chief cause of (a) Micah , his making a graven and molten image , and setting them up in the house of God , and making an Ephod , Teraphim , and consecrating one of his sons , who became a Priest to his Idols , and after that in (a) consecrating a Levite to be his Idols Priest . 2ly . [ b ] As the occasion of the Danites plundring and taking away Micahs Idol god , and setting up his graven Image in the Tribe of Dan , and making Priests unto it all the time that the house of God was in Shiloh . 3ly . (c) Of a Levites taking to him a Concubine , ( instead of a lawful Wife ) and the Gibionites ravishing her to death . 4ly . (d) Of the Benjamites forceable taking away of the Virgins , who came up to the feast of the Lord at Shiloth , and making them their wives against their will , and that by the Israelites advice and concurrence , contrary to the curse and oath they had made . All properly spiritual and ecclesiastical Crimes , belonging rather to Papal and Pontifical , then regal Jurisdiction and Coertion as they are now reputed ; yet all and every of these are recorded to be perpetrated , but not corrected in the least , because in those days there was no King in Israel ; Therefore questionless , all the supreme , Civil , Ecclesiastical power to restrain & punish these offences , was wholly vested in the King ; not in the high Priest , Priests , or Levites , of which they had then store in Israel . And had this supreme spiritual Authority been in them , these Texts had been very impertinently inserted , and should rather have run in this Dialect ; In those days there was no high Priests or Priests in Israel , ( nor any Ecclesiastical Court or Judge , therefore ) every one did that which was right in his own eyes . If any object , that Ely the high Priest judged Israel forty years , Judg. 4. 18. and that Samuel , next high Priest after him , judged Israel all his days , till he was old , built an Altar unto the Lord at Ramah ; and when he grew old , made his two sons Judges over the people , Judg. 7. 15 , 16 , 17. c. 8. 1. to 8. Therefore the high Priests had then the soveraign Jurisdiction as Priests . I answer ; The Argument is most absurd ; for by the like Consequence they may argue , (e) Deborah a woman , the wife of Lapidoth judged Israel ; and the Children of Israel came up to her for Judgement , and she delivered them out of Sisera his hands , who sorely oppressed them with his Chariots and Army : Ergo , Debora as a woman had then Soveraign Jurisdiction over them . 2ly . They judged them not as Priests , but supreme Magistrates . 3ly . It seems the chief Ecclesiastical power was not in Ely , when he judged Israel , but in the Elders of Israel , by * their sending for , and fetching the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord out of Shiloh unto them in the Camp , to save them from the enemies , against Ely his Will ; 4ly . He was very remiss and indulgent to , inflicting no civil nor ecclesiastical punishment upon his sons , though sons of (f) Belial , whose wickednesse was great before the Lord , both in lying with the women that assembled at the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation ; and forceably taking away from those that sacrificed to the Lord , the flesh of the Sacrifices of those that came to offer , how much & when they pleased , without burning the fat presently , so that they made men abhor the offerings of the Lord ; His Sons presumed thus impudently to abuse the people , because their father judged Israel , who only gave them a mild Reprehension , when he heard of their evil reports from all the people : Which miscarriages of his sons in their Priest-hood , and himself in his Judicature , (g) sharply reproved by a man of God , were most severely punished of God (h) by their slaughter and untimely deaths , the ruine of their families , and loss of the Priest-hood , the taking of the Ark of God by the Philistines , and slaughter of thirty thousand footmen in one day . This was the Judgement befel the first Priest and his house , who took upon him the supreme civil power and magistracy . 4ly . Though Samuel himself was a (k) just Judge , (i) yet his sons were wicked , ( n ) turning aside after Lucre , perverting Judgement , in so much that all the Elders of Israel came to Samuel , complaining against them , and peremptorily desired him , ( o ) TO MAKE THEM A KING OVER THEM to judge them like all the Nations : not a Priest , being so weary of Priests supreme Government , that they would never permit him nor his sons to judge and govern them any longer , and were never satisfied till they had a King , which he made them by Gods direct on and Election much against his own will. 5ly . All the Priestly Offices and Jurisdiction he used towards them and Saul , was but to (l) pray without ceasing for them , giving them good instructions , and reprehending them for their sins , telling them , But if ye shall still do wickedly , ye shall be consumed both you and your King , his declaring Saul King by Gods election and the people 's doubled peremptory demand of a King , and approbation of Saul , when presented to them ; and his anointing David when a privat person with oyl King after Sauls rejection by God , they were only Acts of Ministry ; not of Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the High Priest above the King ; as I shall prove in its due place more largely in the cloze of this Chapter . 4ly . When God setled the Kingdom of Israel upon (l) David and his posterity , in performance of his (m) promises to Abraham , Sarah and Iacob , that KINGS should come out of their loynes , he translated the Supream Ecclesiastical as well as Civil Jurisdiction to them , which they enjoyed , exercised by Gods approbation ; not the high Priest , Priests , or Levites : as the Scripture Annals attest . 1. Davia ( (n) a man after Gods own heart , which fulfilled all his will ) not long after he was anointed King over Israel and Iudah , (o) assembled all the whole Congregation , Priests , Levites of Israel , and went and removed the Ark of God from Gibeah , with great triumph , joy and shouting , to the House of Obed-Edom , and afterwards into the place , tabernacle in the City of David which David had there chosen & pitched for it , and offered there burnt-offerings & peace-offerings before the Lord , and he blessed the people in the name of the Lord. 2ly . At the second removal of the Ark (a) he assembled not only the Elders , but the chief Priest and Levites ; informing them of their error in carrying the Ark in a cart at its first removal , contrary to Moses command , for which God made a breach upon them ; and that (b) None ought to carry the Ark of the Lord , but the Levites , for them had the Lord chosen to carry the Ark of God , and to minister unto him for ever ; For violating which precept , Uzza was smitten to death before the Lord ; Hereupon David commanded the Priests and Levites to sanctify themselves to bring up the Ark of the Lord God of Israel upon their shoulders , as Moses commanded ; and to appoint Singers with instruments of musick and lifting up their voices , to sing before it , when they removed it to the City of David ; which command they punctually obeyed . 3ly . He appointed & ordained certain of the Priests and Levits to minister by turns before the Ark of the Lord , (c) and to thank and praise the Lord God of Israel continually , prescribing them what instruments of musick they should use , what Psalms and Praises they should sing , ( most , or all of them compiled by himself ) what burnt-offerings they should offer upon the altar of the Lord morning and eveing continually , according to the Law of the Lord , and to minister before the Ark continually , as every dayes work required : And appointed others of the Priests and Levites to minister continually in like manner before the Tabernacle of the Lord that was in the high place at Gibeon . 4ly . He purposed , contrived , propounded to Nathan , and ordained the building of a standing House and Temple , instead of a moving Tabernacle and Tent , for the Ark and worship of God , and intended himself to build it , (d) had not God inhibited him , because he was a man of Warre and had shed much blood , and appointed Solomon his Son and successor to build it ; he provided all sorts of materials for the building , and exhorted all the Princes and Elders of the people to a liberal contribution towards it . 5ly . The Angel of the Lord commanded David , to go and set up an Altar to the Lord in the threshing-floor of Ornan , who accordingly went up at the saying of the Lord , and build there an Altar , and offered burnt-offerings and peace-offerings , and called upon the Lord , who answered him from heaven by fire upon the altar of burnt-offering . 6ly . When he was old , and had made Solomon King , he gathered together all the Princes , Priests and Levites , and when he had numbred the Priests and Levites , he appointed them their several Courses , Services , Offices , Duties they should perform before the Lord from time to time , as well before as after the Temple was built , all which he set down in writing . 7ly . He , as Moses , assembled all the Princes of Israel , and before all the Congregation , in the audience of God , gave Solomon & them charge to serve and fear God , (f) and build the Temple . Which done , he gave to Solomon the pattern of the Temple and of the Houses thereof , and of the Treasures thereof , and of the upper chambers thereof , and of the inner parlours thereof , and of the Mercy-seat , and the pattern of all that he had BY THE SPIRIT , of the courts of the House of the Lord , and of all the chambers round about , of the Treasuries of the house of God , and of the dedicated things ; AND FOR THE COURSES OF THE PRIESTS AND LEVITES , and for all the work of the Service of the House of the Lord , and for all the vessels of service in the house of the Lord. And David said unto Solomon , Be strong and of a good courage , and do it ; fear not , nor be dismayed , for the Lord God , even my God will be with thee , he will not fail thee nor forsake thee , untill thou hast finished all the work for the service of the House of the Lord : And BEHOLD THE COURSES OF THE PRIESTS AND THE LEVITES FOR ALL THE SERVICE OF THE HOUSE OF GOD ; and there shall be with thee for all manner of w●rkmanship every willing skilfull man for any manner of service , and ALL THE PEOPLE WILL BE WHOLLY AT THY COMMAND . 7ly . (1) David ( as King ) not the Priests , compiled all or most of the Psalms and Prayers afterwards sung or used in the Temple , recorded in the Books of Samuel , the Chronicles , and compiled together her in the Book of Psalms , continually read , sung , used not only in the Temple and elsewhere by the Jewish , but in all Christian Churches generally ; and more frequently read , sung , commented upon , then any other Book of Canonical Scripture . By all which memorable particulars , and * command to the Priests to annoint Solomon King , it is most evident , that the whole Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over persons , causes things , relating to Gods Worship remained intirely in David as King , and no part of it in the Priests . (2) 5ly . King Solomon his Sonne succeeding David , by his Supream Ecclesiastical power , First , (*) built and finished the Temple according to King Davids modell , and then commanded all the Elders and Princes of Israel , with the Priests and Levites , to carry the Ark and place it in the Temple . 2ly : The (a) King ( not the Priests or Levites though all present ) dedicated and consecrated the Temple with a most Divine heavenly from of Prayer , answered and approved by God , in sending down fire from heaven which consumed the burnt-offerings and sacrifices , and filled the House with his glory , so that the Priests could not enter into the house of the Lord , because the glory of the Lord had filled the Lords House . 3ly . He (b) also hallowed the middle of the outward Court by offering burnt-offerings and peace-offerings there . 4ly . He (c) appointed all burnt-offerings to the Lord after a certain rate every day , ( according to the commandement of Moses ) on the Sabbath , and on the New Moons , and on the solemn Feasts of unleavened bread , of Weeks and of Tabernacles . 5ly He (d) assembled all the Priests and Levites to Jerusalem at the Temples Dedication , not in their courses : But that solemnity ended , He ( as King ) (m) appointed ( according to the order of David his Father ) THE COURSES OF THE PRIESTS TO THEIR SERVICE , AND THE LEVITES TO THEIR CHARGES , to praise and minister before the Lord as the duty of every day required ; Porters also by their courses for every gate , FOR SO HAD DAVID the man of God COMMANDED : And THEY DEPARTED NOT FROM THE COMMANDEMENT OF THE KING VNTO THE PRIESTS AND LEVITES CONCERNING ANY MATTER , or concerning the Treasures . Here is Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction vested in , and exercised by this King in and over all Ecclesiastical persons , matters , and exact canonical obedience yielded to King Davids , and King Solomons Canons ; not to the High Priests , Priests or Levites , who had then no power to make or impose such Canons or Injunctions , as Popes and Popish Prelates now doe , without any Scripture president for their warrant . 6ly . This King was the inspired penman of three whole Books of Canonical Scripture , the Proverbs , Solomons Song , and Ecclesiastes ; but no Priest or Levite we read of either in his or his Father Davids reign . 7ly . He ( as King ) (f) thrust out Abiathar FROM BEING PRIEST TO THE LORD , banished him from Jerusalem , and might have put him to death for his Treason in crowning Adonijah King , but saved his life for this reason , because he had born the Ark of the Lord God before David his Father , and been afflicted with him in all his afflictions , and put Zadoc the Priest in his room . Here is Regal Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction exercised over the High Priests themselves . 6ly . (g) King Asa ( as King ) First , took away the Altars of the strange Gods , and the High-places , and brake down the Images , and cut down the groves through all the Cities of Judah , and commanded Judah to serve the Lord God of their Fathers , and to do the Law and the Commandements ; and afterward did the like in Benjamin , and the cities he had taken from Mount Ephraim . 2ly . (h) He renewed the Altar of the Lord which was before the porch ; and gathered all Judah , Ephraim , Benjamin , and others to Jerusalem to offer sacrifices of the spoils they had taken , unto God ; which done , He ( as King ) made them enter into a Covenant , to seek the Lord God of their Fathers with all their heart and with all their soul ; that whosoever would not seek the Lord God of Israel should be put to death , whether small or great , whether man or woman ; and they sware unto the Lord with a loud voice , and with shoutings , with trumpets , and with cornets , and all Judah rejoyced at the Oath for they had sworn with all their heart . 3ly . (i) He removed Maachah his mother from being Queen , because she had made an Idol in a Grove , and burned her Idol at the brook Kidron . 4ly . (k) He brought into the house of the Lord all the things , gold , silver , vessels , himself and his Father had dedicated . All evidences , acts of his Soveraign Spiritual Jurisdiction . 4ly . King Johoshaphat his Sonne , 1. (k) commanded the Levites , accompanyed with some Princes , to oversesee , encourage , assist them to go and teach Gods Law to all the people throughout all the Cities of Judah , and to carry the Book of the Law with them , which they did accordingly , 2ly . He (l) went out again the second time through the people , from Beersheba to Mount Ephraim , and brought them back to the Lord God of their Fathers . 3ly . He appointed not only (m) Temporal Judges , City by City , through all Judah , but likewise Judges Delegates at Jerusalem in cases of appeals between blend and bloud , Law and Commandement , Statute and Judgements , wherein he joyned some of the Levites , Priests and chief Fathers of Israel , and Amaziah the chief Priest , in all matters of and judgements for the Lord ( as his subordinate Judges , receiving their Commissions from him ) and gave them an Excellent admonition how to judge , & proceed uprightly . 4ly . (n) He proclaimed a solemn Fast throughout all Judah to come to Jerusalem to seek the Lord for help against a great host of invading Enemies ; where he ( nor the Priests ) stood in the Congregation of Judah and Jerusalem in the House of the Lord before the Court ; and made a most pertinent effectual Prayer to God , which God answered with a miraculous victory , causing his enemies to destroy one another , without fighting them ; and giving his Army all the spoil : For which victory he commanded them to return to Jerusalem to give publike thanks to God. 5ly . (o) King Jehoash commanded the Priests to repair all the breaches of the Lords House with the moneys , and the dedicated things brought into it ; and called for and reprehended Jehoiada the High Priest and the other Priests for their negligence in not repairing them as he commanded ; whereupon they received no more money , and repaired the House . 6ly . King Hezekiah by his Regal power , 1. (p) Opened the doors of the House of the Lord , ( which had been shut up by his idolatrous Predecessors ) and repaired them ; gathered the Priests and Levites together , brought them into the Lords house ; commanded them to sanctify themselves and then the house , by carrying all the filth out of the holy place , and cleansing the holy vessels : Then made a second exhortation to them , and strictly commanded them diligently to discharge their respective duties without ceasing . All which they executed according to the Command of the King in the Businesse of the Lord. 2ly . (q) He ( afterwards ) commanded the Priests to offer burnt sacrifices , and the Levites to praise God in the Temple , according to the Commandement of David . And He set all the services of the House of God in Order . Moreover the KING , and the Princes , commanded the Levites to sing praises to the Lord with the words of David , and they sang praises with gladnesse . 3ly . This King ( taking counsel with his Princes and the Congregation at Jerusalem ) (r) made a Decree & sent forth a solemn Proclamation , inviting & commanding all Judah and Israel to keep a solemn Passeover at Jerusalem on the second Moneth ; whereupon a great multitude then and there assembling , they took away the Idols , altars , and cast them into the book Kidron , and killed the Passeover ; Whereupon the Priests and Levites being ashamed of their bacwardness in this service , sanctifyed themselves , brought the burnt offerings into the house of the Lord , stood in their places after their manner , according to the Law of Moses , and sprinkled the bloud . 4ly . Hezekiah ( not the Priests ) publikely (ſ) prayed to God , to pardon those who prepared their hearts to seek God , though they were not sanctifyed and prepared according to the purification of the Sanctuary ; and spake comfortably to the Levites that taught the good Law of the Lord. 5ly . This King (t) Appointed the Courses of the Priests & Levites after their Courses , every man according to his Service ; appointed the Kings portion for all morning and evening sacrifices for every day , Sabbath , Feast , as it is written in the Law of the Lord ; and commanded the people that dwelt in Jerusalem to give the portion of the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord ; whereupon all the people brought in the First-fruits and Tithes of all things abundantly ; which Hezekiah commanded to be put in store-houses built by his command , over which he appointed Rulers , to distribute to every Priest and Levite his portion . All undoubted Badges of his Supream Ecclesiastical Authority . 7ly . King Iosiah by his Regal Jurisdiction : 1. Purged Judah and Jerusalem from their high places , groves , carved Images and molten Images , brake down the Altars of Baal , and cut down the Images that were above them , and brake in pieces the carved and molten Images , and stamped them to powder ; and strowed it upon the graves of them that had sacrificed to them , and burnt the bones of their Priests upon their Altars : and so did he in the Cities of Manasseth , Ephraim , and Simeon , even unto Napthali . 2ly . (a) He assembled all the Elders of Judah , inhabitants of Jerusalem , Priests , Levites , and all the people great and small into the Temple , and HE READ in their ears all the Book of the Covenant that was found in the House of the Lord : Then the King stood in his place , and made a Covenant before the Lord , to walk after the Lord , and to keep his Commandements , Testimonies and Statutes with all his heart , and with all his soul ; and caused all there present to stand to the Covenant and Oath . 3ly . (b) He took away all the abominable things out of all the Countries that pertained to the children of Israel , and made all that were found in Israel ( Priests and people ) to serve the Lord their God : And all his dayes they departed not from serving the Lord God of their Fathers . 4ly . (c) He assembled the Princes , and he kept a most solemn Passeover to the Lord in Jerusalem the 14. day of the first moneth : And He set the Priests in their Charges ; and encouraged them in the service of the house of the Lord ; and commanded the Levites that taught all Israel , to prepare themselves by the Houses of their Fathers after their courses according to the writing of David King of Israel , & according to the writing of Solomon his Son ; & said to them , stand in the holy place according to the divisions of the families of the fathers of your brethren the people , and after the division of the families of the Levites ; So kill the Passeover , and sanctifie your selves , and prepare your Brethren that they may do according to the word of the Lord by the hand of Moses ; Whereupon they all prepared , performed their respective offices and duties in celebrating the Passeover , as this pious King prescribed . Lo here no lesse then 7. most renowned pious Kings recorded in Sacred story by divine approbation , exercising Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over High Priests , Priests , and Levites themselves , ordering all sacred affairs , offerings , sacrifices , Psalms , prayers courses of Priests appertaining to Gods worship , building , consecrating , repairing , cleansing the Temple , destroying Idolatry , with other particulars . 5ly . From Moses , Joshuahs and their presidents I shall observe , 1. That they are all specially recorded in sacred Writ for their eternal honors , reputations , and the d example of all other pious Kings under the Gospel . 2ly . That not one of them was ever taxed by God or the high Priests , for invading or usurping their Jurisdictions or Offices , for any of their forecited actions , injunctions , commands over them , or exercising these high points of Monarchical and Regal Jurisdiction in and over all Ecclesiastical affairs ; or the essential , ceremonial parts of Gods publike worship : Which Popes and Popish Prelates would repute the highest , most sacrilegious Encroachment upon their Ecclesiastical Rights , and Jurisdictions , if now acted by Christian Kings , Magistrates , Rulers , and excommunicate them for it by Bell , Book and Candle . 3ly . That we find no one part of Ecclesiastical power and Jurisdiction in these or any other particulars , either exercised or claimed by the high Priest , Priests Levites , either joyntly or severally , all their reigns . 4ly . There are only Two Kings ( but no other Magistrate ) in sacred History reprehended by the high Priest , and punished by God for invading the Priests Office and Function , and that only in one particular Ministerial , not Jurisdictional sacred action , peculiar unto Priests by Gods own restriction . The first is of e King Saul , who sending for Samuel to Gilgal to offer Sacrifices and enquire of the Lord for help against the Philistims , and he staying seven dayes for him , and the people scattering themselves from him ; thereupon he calling for a burnt offering and peace offering , offered the burnt offering to the Lord himself ; Which he had no sooner done , but Samuel came : and Saul telling him how he had in this extremity forced himself , and offered a burnt offering to the Lord. Samuel thereupon said to Saul , Thou hast done very foolishly , thou hast not kept the commandement of the Lord thy God which he commanded thee , for the Lord had now established the kingdom of Israel upon thee for ever : but now thy kingdom shall not continue . The second is f King Vzziah , who being lifted up with pride and prosperity to his destruction , transgressed against the Lord his God , and went into the Temple of the Lord to burn incense upon the Altar of incense ; whereupon Azariah the Priest went in after him with fourscore more Priests of the Lord that were valiant man , and withstood the King , and said unto him , It pertaineth not to thee Vzziah to burn incense unto the Lord , but to the g Priests the Sons of Aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense ; Go out of the Sanctuary , for thou hast trespassed , neither shall it be for thy honour from the Lord God. Then Vzziah was wroth with the Priests , and took a censor in his hand to burn incense ; whereupon the Leprosie rose up in his Forehead before the Priests in the House of the Lord , from beside the incense Altar , which Azariah the chief Priest , & all the Priests looking upon , drave , & thrust him out from thence ; yea , himself also hasted to go out , because the Lord had smitten him : And he continued a Leper until the day of his death , and dwelt in a several house being a Leper , for he was cut off from the house of the Lord , and Jotham his Sonne was over the Kings house , judging the people of the Land. Had the exercise of Supream Ecclesiastical power in all the premised particulars been any usurpation of the Priests Office in Moses , Joshua , David , Solomon , Asa , Jehoash , Hezekiah , or Josiah , no doubt God would have punished them as exemplarily for it , as he punished King Saul , and King Uzziah for offering a burnt offering , and burning incense upon the Altar of incense ; Or as he did (a) Corah , Dathan and Abiram before them ; for rebelling and usurping the Priests Office in burning incense with their censers , asVzziah intended to do ; Or as he punished and slew (b) the men of Bethshemesh , for looking irreverently into the Ark ; and (c) Vzza for stretching out his hand to hold the Ark steady when it ●●ook in the Cart ; when as (d) none but Levites were by Gods special precept to come near , bear , or touch it ; whose office all these directly invaded , for which they were thus signally punished by God himself ; But since neither of all these Kings , Rulers , received any check , punishment at all from God , or the high Priests , but on the contrary , praise , honour , blessings from God , and chearfull obedience from all the high Priests , Priests , Levites themselves , for these their sacred Ecclesiastical transactions ; they were doubtlesse no parts of the high Priests , Priests or Levites Offices , but of their own proper , inherent Supream Magistratical and Regal Authority , vested in them for these ends by God himself . 6ly . When the (e) Kings , Kingdoms of Judah and Israel were destroyed for their Idolatry , and both Kings , Princes , people carried away Captives into foreign Nations , so that they had (f) no King nor Magistrate of their own to govern them , the sacred story records , that even Heathen Kings exercised Supream Authority over them in all Religious and Ecclesiastical matters , as these presidents demonstrate . 1. The (g) King of Assyria sent one of the Priests they had carried away captive , to the Nations he had placed in and about Samaria , instead of the Israelites , to teach them the manner of the God of the Land , and to fear the Lord. 2. (h) God stirred up the spirit of Cyrus King of Persia , to make a publike Proclamation through all his kingdom in writing , for every man that would to go up to Jerusalem , and build the house of the Lord God of Israel ( who had charged him to build it ) and that all should assist them with silver , gold , beasts , besides the free-will offering for the House of the Lord ; Whereupon God stirring up the spirits of the chief of the Fathers of Judah , Ephraim , Priests , Levites , and others to undertake the work , King Cyrus brought forth the vessels of the House of the Lord which Nebuchadnezzer had taken from thence , and put in the house of his Gods , and delivered them to them by number , all which they carried to Jerusalem for the use of the Temple when re-built ; and all they that were about them ( in obedience to Cyrus royal Proclamation ) strengthned their hands with vessels of gold , goods , beasts and pretious things , besides all willingly offered . Whence God said of (i) Cyrus , He is my Shepherd , and shall fulfill all my pleasure , saying to Jerusalem thou shalt be built , and to the Temple thy foundations shall be layd ; and stiled him , HIS ANOINTED . Vpon which Proclamation and Grant of Cyrus , the Jewes set up the Altar , offered Sacrifices , and laid the foundation of the Temple , as King Cyrus , King of Persia had commanded them . 3ly . King (k) Darius confirmed and enlarged this Decree of Cyrus , commanding his Officers not to hinder the building , to furnish them with moneys out of the Kings tribute for the work , and with young Bullocks , Lambs , Rams for burnt offerings of the God of Heaven , wheat , salt , wine , oyl , according to the appointment of the Priests at Jerusalem , to be given them day by day without fail ; that they may offer Sacrifices of rest to the God of Heaven , and pray for the life of the King and of his Sonnes ; clozing his Decree thus ; Also I have made a Decree , That whosoever shall alter this word , let timber be pulled down from his house , and being set up , let him be hanged thereon , and let his house be made a Dunghill for this ; And the God that hath caused his name to dwell there , destroy all Kings and people , that shall put to their hand to alter or destroy this House of God which is at Ierusalem : I Darius have made a Decree , let it be done with speed ; Whereupon the Iewes built and finished the House , offered Sacrifices , set up Gods worship in it , according to the commandement of the God of Israel , and according to the Commandement of Cyrus , Darius and Artarerres King of Persia . 4ly . This (a) King Artaxerxes sent Ezra the Priest up to Jerusalem , and gave him sundry Vessels for the Lords house , with a large Commission to like effect with that of Darius , recorded Ezra 7. superadding , Whatsoever is commanded by the God of Heaven , let it be done diligently for the house of the Lord of heaven , for why should wrath come upon the King and his sons . And thou Ezra ( as my Commissioner ) after the wisdom of thy God , set Magistrates and Judges , which may judge all the people that are beyond the River , all such as know the Law of thy God , & teach ye them that know it not . And whosoever will not do the Law of thy God , and the Law of the King , let judgement be executed ●eedily upon him , whether unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment ; ( all Temporal and Ecclesiastical Censures to be executed by Civil Magistrates , not Ezra the Priest ) Upon receipt of which Commission , Ezra used this Thanksgiving : Blessed be the Lord God of our Fathers , which hath put such a thing as this into the Kings heart to beautifie the House of the Lord , &c. Which Commission he punctually pursued , and delivered it to the Kings Lieutenants and Governors ; who thereupon furthered the people and the House of God. This King likewise (b) granted his Royal Letters to Nehemah , commanding the Governours there to give him Timber and stone for the building of the Temple ; who as the Kings Lieutenant over the Jewes there , exercised Supream Ecclesiastical Authority in building the Temple directing and ordering the Priests and Levites , setting up the publike worship of God , observing the Sabbath and solemn Festivals , constituting publike Fasts , and putting the Priests from their Priesthood , and the Levites who could not prove their pedigrees ; causing all of them that had married strange wives to enter into a Covenant , to walk in Gods Laws , given by Moses , not to marry with strangers , pay all their tithes , offerings , first-fruits for the maintenance of Gods worship , Priests and Levites , whom he set in their courses and respective offices ; as is recorded at large in Neh. cap. 5. to the end of the Book penned by himself as is conceived , though a Layman , and no Priest , 5ly . (c) Mordecai the Jew , who was next to King Ahashuerus , and Esther the Queen , by this Kings consent , instituted and by their own Decrees confirmed , the dayes and feast of Purim , wherein God gave them rest and deliverance from their Enemies , to be dayes of feasting and gladnesse , and of sending portions to one another , and gifts to the poor , and that these dayes should be remembred and kept through every generation , every family , every province and every City ; and that these dayes of Purim should not fail from among the Jews , nor the memorial of them from their seed . And many conceive Mordecai was the penman of this Canonical History , though no Priest . 6ly . (d) King Nebuchadnezzer , as he exercised the Supream Ecclesiastical Authority within his Empire , in Erecting a golden image , and commanding all his Subjects of what condition or Nation soever , to fall down and worship it , under pain of being cast into the fiery furnace ; which Decree all but Shadrac , Mesac and Abednago obeyed ; he commanding them to be cast into this furnace for disobeying his Decree : So after their miraculous preservation in , and deliverance out of this furnace without any touch or smell of fire ; he made this memorable pious Decree ; That every people , Nation and Language , that spake any thing amisse against the God of Shadrac , Mesac and Abednago , shall be cut in pieces , and their houses shall be made a Dunghill , because there is no other God that can deliver after this sort . 7ly . The (e) King of Nineveh , when he heard tydings of Jonah his Message from God which he cryed in the streets thereof by Gods command , Yet forty dayes and Nineveh shall be overthrown ; to prevent this denounced Judgement , caused it to be proclaimed and published throughout Nineveh , ( BY THE DECREE OF THE KING AND HIS NOBLES , not Priests ) saying , Let neither man nor beast , herd nor flock taste anything , let them not feed , nor drink waeer , but let man and beast be covered with sackcloth , and cry mightily unto God ; yea let them turn every one from his evil way , and from the violence that is in their hand ; who can tell if God will turn and repent from his fierce anger , that we perish not ; whereupon they fasted , and put on sackcloth , from the greatest unto the least , and the King himself was covered with sackcloth and ashes , and they turned from their evil way , and God pented of the evil he said he would do unto them , and did it not . By all these presidents recorded by the Spirit of God in Canonical Scripture , it is infallibly evident ; That from Moses , till the last King of Judah and Israel , and during their Captivity ; yea from the very first chapter in Genesis , till the last of Malachi , the Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in and over all persons , things , causes in and over the Church and people of God , resided totally in , and was executed by the Supream Temporal Magistrates , Kings , Governours , ( and so in Pagan kingdomes too ) and was never so much as once seated in , claimed , usurped , or managed by any one * High Priest , Priest , Levite , or other Ecclesiastical person whatsoever , no not in divine and sacred affairs ; much lesse is there the least shadow of any such transcendent Jurisdiction in them , over Kings and Civil Magistrates , or their Subjects , as all Popes , ( and most Popish Prelates , Priests too of inferiour rank ) now claim , usurp , exercise , by a pretended Divine Right , not to be found out or really grounded in the least on any place or president in the Old Testament , from Adam till our Saviours incarnation . 7ly . After the Jewes return from the Babylonish Captivity , though the High Priests during their unsetled estate , frequent warrs with , and captivity to the Romans , and others , usurped , exercised some kind of Ecclesiastical and Civil Jurisdiction too , which God never transferred to them by divine Authority , nor any of their predecessors exercised under their Judges or Kings ; yet the Supream Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority ( which they frequently annexed to the Civil ) remained alwayes in their Chief Temporal Princes , Kings , whom they made their High Priests too , or they made themselves both Princes , Kings and High Priests by usurpation , fraud and bloodshed . After the extinction of the whole linage of Aaron , (a) the Kings of Syria translated the high Priestood to Simon and his family of the Asmoneans , in which there were 20. high Priests , ( as (a) Paul Eber and others observe ) whereof 5. were likewise Princes and Chief Temporal Governours ; to wit , Matthias , Judas Maccabeus his Son , Jonathan his Brother , Simon , and Hyrcanus ; six usurped the Crown , styling themselves both Kings , and High Priests , as Aristobulus the 1. and 2. Alexander 1. & 2. Hyrcanus and Antigonus . After their Conquest by the Romans , the Roman Emperours and their Deputies , had the Soveraign power even in Ecclesiastical things and causes , though the high Priests , Princes , Elders and Rulers of the people assembled in a Council ( in imitation of their Sanhedrim ) usurped to themselves both a Civil and Ecclesiastical power in religious matters , having a (b) Captain of the Temple , Officers and Souldiers under them , whom they sent forcibly to apprehend our Saviour Jesus Christ and bring him before them Prisoner in their Council , where they examined and accused him first of blasphemy , and then delivered him to Pontius Pilate the Roman Governour , where he was accused by them in the Judgement hall before Pilate and at last condemned to be crucified , as the Evangelists record at large . By which it is evident that Pilate had the Soveraign power ; they (c) having no power to put any man to death , but only to put men out of the Synagogue , scourge , beat , imprison them at their discretion . After Christs death , this Conventicle of Chief Priests , Elders , Priests , Pharises and Scribes , (d) twice apprehended , examined the Apostles for preaching in the Temple , commanding them to preach no more in the name of the Lord Jesus ; which they refused to do : whereupon they only threatned and let them go at first ; but when brought before them the second time for preaching openly in the Temple , and filling Jerusalem with their doctrine , notwithstanding their threats and inhibitions , they then beat and let them go ; charging them , not to speak any more in the name of Jesus . Yet they were so farr from obeying their commands as Legal , or them as the Supream Ecclesiastical power to which they were bound in conscence to submit , that on the contrary , (e) they daily in the Temple and in every house ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ . Soon after (f) Stephen was brought before this Council , and there accused of blasphemy , and in the midst of his Apology stoned to death by the rude multitude . Yea (g) Paul , by Letters and Authority from the High Priest , made havock of the Church , and apprehended those that professed Christ , whether men or women , and haled them to prison , persecuting them even to strange Cities , and left them in bonds : Yet when he was converted , and preached Christ , himself (h) was apprehended and brought before the Council , and Ananias the High Priest , who commanded him to be smitten on the face when he began to speak , and he was 5. times beaten with rods , receiving 40. stripes save one , as a penal punishment ; Yet neither the high Priest nor the Council were the Supream Judges in Causes Ecclesiastical , but the Roman Governours , Rulers , and Caesar ; Hence the high Priest , with the Elders and Council , by Tertullus their Orator , accused Paul , first before Felix the Governor for a being a stirrer up of sedition among all the Jewes in the world , and ringleader of the sect of the Nazarens ; before whom Paul made his defence ; Afterwards he was accused by them before Portius Festus the succeeding Governour , who demanded of him , Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem , and THERE BE JUDGED BEFORE ME , ( not the High Priest or Council ) of those things whereof he was accused ? b Whereupon Paul doubting his justice , made this Appeal to Caesar himself , ( as Supreamest Judge in all Ecclesiastical causes ) I STAND AT CAESARS JUDGEMENT SEAT WHERE I OUGHT TO BE JUDGED , &c. No man may deliver me to the Jews , I APPEAL UNTO CAESAR : Then Festus when he had consulted with the Council , answered ; Hast thou appealed unto Caesar , UNTO CAESAR SHALT THOU GO . Festus soon after informing King Agrippa that Paul had referred himself to the hearing and Judgement of Augustus , heard him again the second time before King Agrippa ; who resolved , This man might have been set at liberty , had he not appealed c unto Caesar , to whose Tribunal he was thereupon sent a prisoner to Rome to Caesar himself , as the Soveraign Judge as well in Religious as Civil causes , persons , though a Pagan . Moreover Saint Paul having cast a spirit of divination out of a Damsel at Philippi , the chief City of that part of Macedonia , it is specially recorded , d When her Masters saw that the hope of their Gains was gon , they caught Paul and Silas , and drew them into the market-place unto the Rulers , and brought them to the Magistrates , saying , These men being Jews do exceedingly trouble our City , and teach customes which are not lawfull for us to receive , neither to observe , being Romans : And the multitude rose up together against them , and the Magistrates rent off their cloathes , and commanded to beat them ; And when they had laid many stripes upon them , they cast them into prison , charging the Jaylor to keep them safely : who having received such a charge , thrust them into the inner prison , and made their feet fast in the flocks ; But the next morning upon Pauls message , the Magistrates released and brought them out of prison themselves . In fine , our Saviour foretold his Apostles e They shall lay their hands on you , and persecute you , delivering you up to the Synagogues , and into Prisons , being brought before KINGS & RULERS for my name sake , for a testimony against them : compared with Christs prohibition to his Disciples ; f The Kings of the Gentiles exercise Lordship over them , and they that exercise Authority upon them are called Benefactors ; But ye shall not be so : and with the forecited Texts , are a most clear convincing Evidence , that although the Jewish high Priests and Priests usurped rather a Temporal then Ecclesiastical power to fetch the Apostles before and scourge them in their Synagogues to apprehend them by their g Officers , Souldiers , drag and cast men and women into prison for preaching and professing Christ , and that not severally by themselves , but in a mixt Councel of Elders , Scribes and Pharises , ( who were no Priests ) sitting , advising , and voting with them ; Yet the Supream power in matters of Doctrine and Religion even amongst the Jews during our Saviours abode with them , and after his Ascension , continued in the Roman Deputies , Kings , Emperors , and chief Civil Magistrates alone , as they did by divine institution in Moses , Joshua , David , Solomon , and other their own forementioned Kings and Supream Temporal Governours . As for the Jewish Supream Court , generally stiled their h Sanhedrim , consisting of 71. persons of the Elders , Heads and Princes of Israel , as the Jewish Rabbins and those who write of the Jewish Courts collect from Numb . 11. 16. where ( they hold ) it was first erected ; and conceive it was like our Parliaments , having conusance of all highest affairs . I confesse I could never yet be satisfied by any Text of Scripture , or solid Antiquity , 1. That this Court of 71. or Sanhedrim , was a setled standing Court sitting usually at Jerusalem , and that during the Judges , Kings , and inter-regnums too , till Herod put it down . 2ly . That the high Priests or any Levites were antiently Members of it ; which Godwin and others utterly deny . 3ly . That they intermedled with any Ecclesiastical causes as Supream Judges of them , as some alleadge they did in the case of the i Prophet Jeremiah , where when the malicious Priests , Prophets , and all the people pronounced him ( I conceive only by way of accusation , as in the case of Christ before Pilate , when they cryed out , Let him be crucified ; not vote or Judgement ) to be worthy of death ; the Princes of Judah who heard tydings thereof , came up from the Kings house and sate down in the Porch of the house of the Lord , and when they had heard Jeremiah his Apology and their clamours , adjudged , voted the contrary , that he was not worthy to die , and saved his life , which proves the Princes only , not the Priests or Prophets , to be Judges paramount , even in Ecclesiastical causes , persons ; not the Priests , in their imaginary Consistory , Church , Council , 4ly . It is granted by a Sigonius , b Dr. Field , most Jewish Rabbies , Antiquaries , that the Princes of Judah and Israel before the Babilonish captivity , sat Chief Presidents in this high Court , as they do in our Parliaments , and that nothing was there passed but by their assents thereto , till the high Priest after that restitution by usurpation , not right , sat Chief therein . Therefore if we admit any such Soveraign standing Court erected and continuing so long , ( as c some pretend , to erect such a Presbytery in themselves ) having conusance of Ecclesiastical persons or causes as well as Temporal , or a kind of Ecclesiastical Consistory stiled a Council , which some would difference from it , ( though I hold them both one and the same , erected , devised by their Elders , Princes , Priests after their return from the Babilonish captivity ) it will no wayes enervate , but ratifie my second Proposition ; That the Soveraign Ecclesiastical Authority in the Israelitish Church of God under the Law , remained alwayes setled by Divine and Natural Right in their Kings and chief Civil Magistrates , Princes , Councils , not in their High Priest , Priests or Levites separated or conjoyned ; and that the Civil and Ecclesiastical power are but one and the same in nature , distinguished only by the Civil or Ecclesiastical objects , about which they are exercised , not in their original , subject , or power it self . Before I proceed to the next Proposition , it will be necessary to answer 4. principal Arguments , Presidents , out of the Old Testament , before and under the Law , produced by Popes and their Parasites , to evidence their pretended Universal Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdiction too , over the Persons , Crowns , Kingdoms of all Kings , Princes , and the Emperor himself , to dispose of them at their absolute Wills , as derived only from , and held under them ; which my Chronological Method confines me here to propound and answer in their order . The first is that alleged by Pope Innocent the 3d. the first Pope who d interdicted the Realm of England , Excommunicated King John , and by force and frauds induced him to resign his Kingdoms of England and Ireland to , and resume them from him under an Annual rent , and to do Homage to him for them as his Vassal : This Pope in an Epistle to the Emperour of Constantinople , useth this Argument , before Adams creation , to maintain his Temporal Monarchy : e Moreover , you ought to know , that God hath made two great Lights in the firmament of heaven ; the greater light to rule the day , and the lesser light to rule the night : both of them great , but the other greater ; Ad firmamentum igitur Coeli , hoc est Universalis Ecclesiae , fecit Deus duo magna luminaria , &c. Therefore God hath made two great lights to rule the firmament of heaven , to wit , of the Universal Church ; that is , he hath instituted TWO DIGNITIES , quae sunt Pontificalis authoritas , & Regalis potestas , which are The Pontifical Authority , and the Regal Power . But that which ruleth in the day , that is , in Spiritual things , major est , is the Greater , but that which in carnal things , minor , is the Lesser , ut quanta est inter Solem & Lunam , tanta inter Pontifices & Reges differentia cognoscatur , ( mark it ) that it might be known there is as great a difference between Popes and Kings , as there is betweeen the Sunne and Moon . How great this difference is , this Pope defines not ; But some illiterate Canonists and f Glossers on this Text ( not well versed in Astronomy ) resolve the Sunne to be 47. times greater then the Moon ; whereas g Johannes Clavius and other Astronomers determine it to be no lesse then 6529. degrees greater then it : and by consequence the Pope to be so many degrees greater then the Emperor , by this Popes Resolution in his over-erring chaire . He subjoyns . If his Imperial Highnesse would prudently consider these things , he would not make or permit the Patriarch of Constantinople , a great and honourable Member of the Church , to sit on the left side near his Footstool ; when as other Kings and Princes ( sicut debent ) AS THEY OUGHT , reverently rise up to , and assign them a venerable Chair next them ( on their right hand : ) Nos autem , etsi non increpando scripserimus , potuissemus tamen rationabiliter increpare . a Mauritius de Alzedo , a Spanish Doctor of the Canon Law , in his highly approved and applauded Book , De Praecellentia Episcopalis dignitatis , concludes from this Popes Text ; That there is as vast a difference between the Episcopal and Regal dignity ( not Papal only ) as there is between the Sun and Moon ; quoting many Canonists , Divines , Politians , and Cardinal Bellarmin himself , in his Apologia pro Responsione ad JACOBUM REGEM ANGLIAE , averring it ; Yet b Pope Sixtus the 5. was so angry with Bellarmin , for not asserting the direct , but oblique , dominion of Popes over Kings in all Temporal things in this Apology , that he purposed to have burnt and totally abolished this his Book AS HERETICAL ; And that upon reading of Alex : Carerius his Book ( purposely written against Bellarmins ) Adversus Impios Politicos & Haereticos hujus Temporis ; branding all for impious Hereticks who denyed the Popes direct Universal Dominion in Temporal things , though they acknowledged it obliquely in-order to , and absolutely in all Spiritual things : In this applauded Book , c Carerius asserts , There is that proportion between the Pope and the Emperor , as is between the Sun and Moon , not only in Magnitude , but Splendor too . For , as the Sun is far more excellent and eminent then the Moon , seeing she borrows her splendor and light of the Sun ; SO IS THE POPE THEN THE EMPEROUR ; seeing his Authority depends on the Pope , and is derived from him : Our own d Thomas Waldensis alluding thereunto , professedly asserts against Wickliffs defence of our Kings Supream Jurisdiction over Priests and Prel●tes , That Priests ( as well as Bishops ) ARE TO BE PREFERRED BEFORE ALL OTHER EARTHLY PRINCES WHATSOEVER , and the Priesthood before the Kingship , as far as the Flesh before the Spirit , Gold before Lead , the Soul before the body , and Heaven BEFORE EARTH ; in proof whereof he spends two whole Chapters , and * Alvarus Pelagius above forty Articles . To all which I answer : 1. That God created the Sunne to Govern the day , and the Moon the night , by a direct divine inviolable and irrevocable Institution , observed from the Creation till now : when Pope Innocent and his flatterers can produce any such divine Law and constitution , made either by God at the creation , or by Moses for the Jews High Priests Supremacy , or by Kings , Princes , or Christ himself under the Gospel , to convince any rational Christian , that Popes and Prelates are the sole Universal Governours in the Church , but Kings and Emperours only in the World ; That Popes or Bishops were ever typified by the Sunne and Moon ; the Church and Earthly kingdoms by Day and Night ; That there is as vast a difference between the Amplitude of Jurisdiction , and Splendor of Popes , Bishops , Kings and Emperours , as is between the Grandeur and Brightnesse of the Sunne and Moon ; That Kings and Emperours derive all their Regal Authority , Crowns , Kingdoms ; Splendor , Excellency in the world from Popes Miters , or Bishops Crosiers ; not God himself ; ( as the * Old and New Testament , Paul and Peter ( the first pretended Bishop of Rome it self ) dogmatically resolve ) as the Moon borrows her light and splendor from the Sunne , ( as some assert , but others rationally deny , being both made at once * by God on the fourth day , two days before Adam the first man was created , and some thousands of years before Popes , Prelates , the Grecian or Roman Emperours were extant in the world ( and so could not typifie either of them , as these Pontificians dream . ) Or when they can evidence , that God hath constituted Popes to rule , govern , and give light to the whole World by day only ; and to the Emperour alone ( not Pope ) by night ; as the Sunne and Moon govern , alternis vicibus , without encroaching on one the others turns ; when as Popes , Prelates usurp the Temporal Rights of all Emperors , Kings , as well as Ecclesiastical all the year long ; I shall then subscribe these Popes and Doctors conclusions as Catholick verities ; whereas yet I cannot but conclude them f strong Antichristian delusions , lyes , which few sober men will credit . In the mean time , since Kings , Emperors were long before Popes , Bishops , who derive all their Lordly power , Splendor , Temporalties , Jurisdictions , Bishopricks , precedency above other Ministers only from their donations ; not they their Crowns , Kingdoms or Regal Authority from Popes or Bishops , as all Histories attest , against their Papal pretences to the contrary : Since the Moon doth frequently ecclipse the Sunne by the interposition of her body between it and the earth ; as the Papal and Pontifical power hath frequently ecclipsed more or lesse the power , splendor of our own and other Kings and the Roman Emperours ) but these Suns ver ecclipseth the Moons , but only the interposition of the earths Ball betwixt them , in their Divine jurisdiction , being very little , granted to them out of meer * bounty , not duty , as I shall prove in due place ; Since the Jurisdictions , Constitutions , Decrees , Ceremonies , Franchises of Popes , Prelates , are still various and subject to change , like the Moon ; the Light both of their Doctrine and Life , ( since Pope Gregory the seventh , Innocent the third , Adrian the fourth , Boniface 8. ) hath been rather Moon-light , yea a darkness it self , then Sun-shine , and the Popes , Bishops , Priests , Monks of the Church of Rome it self more carnal , earthly , ambitious , vitious , and dark , then the Kings , Princes , Civil Magistrates , and Lay-people , as * St. Bernard , and many of their own b Authors , ( as well as c Protestants , assert ) that the Papacy opposing and exalting it self ( ever since these Popes ) above all Christian Kings and Emperours , is that Man of sin , which Christ himself shall destroy with THE BRIGHTNESSE OF HIS COMMING , & LIGHT of the Gospel ; I shall rather conclude , that the Pope , with his Prelates , Priests , are the Moon , and their Church the Night ; the Emperour and Christian Kings the Sunne , and their kingdoms the Day signified in Genesis 1. then Popes and Prelates of the Church of Rome , if rightly parallel'd . The 2d . Text alleged for the Popes Supremacy over Kings and Emperours , as well in Temporals as Spirituals , is , The a High Priest and Priests anointed , crowned Saul , David , Solomon , Jehu , Joash , Kings of Judah and Israel ; as Popes and Bishops do Kings now : Ergo , they were paramount their Kings , as well in Temporals as Spirituals , because they were anointed by , and received their Crowns and Kingdoms from their hands alone ; who might dispose of them at their pleasures . Thus Pope Adrian the 4th . argued from Popes coronations of the Roman Emperour deduced from the Jewish high Priest ; b Whence hath he ( King Frederick ) the Empire , but FROM US ? By election of the Princes he hath the Name of King ; by OUR CONSECRATION he hath the name of Emperour ; Imperator quod habet totum habet a nobis , Whatever the Emperor hath , he hath the whole from Vs , It is in our Power to give the Empire to whomsoever we will. Hence c Laurentius , d Ostiensis , e Alvarus Pelagius , f Marta , with g sundry other Pontificans , thus second Pope Adrian , Since Kings are made Kings by their Unction ; ( which can be had from none BUT A PRIEST , as Saul and David by Samuel : ) It is apparent they are above above Kings , and That all Kings receive both the Confirmation and Administration of their Kingdoms from the Spiritual Iudge , The Emperor receives his Temporal power from the Pope and Church of Rome , who Confirms , Annoints , Crowns him ; therefore approves , rejects , and deposeth him at his Pleasure . To which I reply , 1. That Samuel anointed Saul and David to be Kings , not at , h but before their Coronations , and that by Gods special command , as his Minister only , not their Superiour : whence Samuel told Saul , i The Lord anointed thee King over Israel : and David alwayes stiled him , k THE LORDS ANOINTED , not Samuels ; refusing to offer the least violence to his person , upon this account : So David is stiled l Gods anointed , who tells him , m I anointed thee KING over Israel ; and called him , n Mine anointed ; adding , o With my Holy oyle have I ( not Samuel ) anointed him . 2. Neither Samuel , nor any other of the High Priests who anointed Saul , David , or any King of Judah or Israel , did ever from thence either claime or exercise the least Jurisdiction or Superiority over their Persons , Crowns , Kingdoms , in Spiritualties or Temporalties , as Popes and Prelates claime , exercise over Christian Kings and Emperours , Crowned by them : Nor yet Jehojeda the High Priest , who not only Anointed and Crowned Joash King , but was the principal Instrument in preserving and restoring him to his Crown , when Usurped by Athaliah ; But they all dutifully submitted to , and obeyed their Royal commands , ordinances , in all Ecclesiastick and Divine , as well as civil things , as the premises evidence . 3ly . Not only the High Priests , but p Elders and People anointed q David and r Jehoahaz Kings , without any Priest or High Priest that we read of : Yet none of them claimed , exercised any Supremacy over these Kings upon this account . 4ly . ſ Zadoc the Priest , and Nathan anointed Solomon King , by King Davids special command , not their own Authority , who put a Abiathar the chief Priest from being Priest unto the Lord , because he sided with Adonijah , and crowned him King , and made Zadock Priest in his place . Here the very King deposeth the chief Priest , and tells him he deserved also to dye for anointing Adonijah : not the high Priest the King , for being crowned and anointed by Zadock . 4ly . One of the b sons of the Prophets a young man by the Prophet Elisha his command from God ( not the high Priest ) anointed Jehu King , saying ; Thus saith the Lord , I HAVE ANOINTED THEE KING OVER ISRAEL ; which having executed , he opened the door and fled . If this young Prophets meer anointing Jehu King , gave him an absolute Jurisdiction over him , in spiritual and temporal things , ( as these Pontificians argue ) then this Minor Prophet likewise gained the supream Jurisdiction over the high Priests themselves , and Zadock and Nathan over Abiathar the chief Priest , by anointing Solomon King , as well as over Jehu and Solomon , which they dare not averre . 5ly . Popes themselves ( who pretend to this absolute Soveraign power over Emperors , Kings , by reason they crown and anoint them ) are both elected , crowned and anointed Popes by Bishops and Cardinals only , not Popes , as all their c Historians , Pontificale & Ceremoniale Romanum attest : Will Popes then inferr , Ergo they are higher , greater in Power , Jurisdiction then Popes , and may dispose of the Papacy , Popes , and depose them at their wills ? Besides in the d Church of Rome , all other Episcopal Churches , and our English Church , meer Presbyters at first , and of latter ages inferiour Bishops and Clergymen both elected , anointed , consecrated and installed all their Patriarchs , Metropolitans , and Archbishops : Will it therefore follow , that they are superiour to Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Archbishops in Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , and may remove them at their wills ? If not , then this grand Argument of Popes , Popelins , for the Popes , Prelates supremacy over Emperors , Kings , Churches , kingdoms in Temporals and Spirituals , because they anointed , crown them , is a meer ridiculous Non-sequitur . 6ly . The e Kings of England , France , Spain , Hungary , Poland , Denmark , Sweden , Bohemia , Scotland , Cyprus , and others have been usually anointed , crowned by their own Bishops , the Kings of England most frequently by the Archbishops of Canterbury , yet some times by the Archbishop of York , or Bishop of London , or Winchester : Are therefore these Bishops that crown , anoint them Kings , thereby intituled to be their Soveraign Lords in all Temporal and Spiritual things , and advanced above all other Archbishops and Bishops in their Realms not present at their Coronation , Consecration , and may dispose of their Bishopricks , Crowns , kingdoms at their pleasures ? If not , I hope the Roman Pontifs will from henceforth disclaim this grand Argument for their Supremacy , as most false and absurd . The rather because none of the Jewish high Priests , Priests ever pretended to , much lesse exercised such a power over any of their most impious , idolatrous Kings , as Popes both claimed and exercised over pious Christian Kings , Emperours , to their eternal infamy : And because Kings are actual Kings by desent or election , before their Coronations . The 3d. and principal warrant from the Old Testament which Popes and their Parasites insist on for their Supream Athority over all Christian , Pagan Kings and Emperors Persons , Crowns , Kingdoms , to dispose , depose , root out , destroy them at their wills ; is that Text of Jeremy 1. 10. The Lord said unto Jeremiah ; See , I have this day set thee over the Nations , and over kingdomes , to root out and to pull down , and to destroy , and to throw down , to build , and to plant . Whence they thus argue . Jeremiah the Priest , to whom this power under the Law was given , was but a Type of the Popes , Christs Vicar General his absolute Dominion , power under the Gospel , of whom this Text was principally meant ; Therefore Popes may pull down , root out , destroy and throw down all Kings , Emperors , Kingdoms at their pleasures , and dispose of them at their wills . Thus e Pope Gregory the 7th . in his Confirmation of his Execration of Henry the Emperor , f Pope Innocent the 3d. g Pope John the 22d . h Ostiensis , i Alvarus Pelagius , k Augustinus Triumphans , l Caspar Scoppius , m Carerius , n Radulfus Cupers , o Lelius Zecchus , p Bozius , q Marta , r Bellarmine , and other Romanists conclude , with very great Confidence from this Text. But to dismount these aspring Roman Bishops and Rooks , I shall desire them to demonstrate ; first , how Jeremiah , only one of the a private Priests of Anathoth , not the high Priest of the Jews , was in this and this alone , a Type of the Pope , or Peter ? If not , then their pretences , argument are false : If yea ; then let them produce some Scripture warrant for it . 2ly . How Jeremiah and the high Priest too , from whom they claim their power , can be both Types at once of the Pope and his Papal pretended prerogatives ? 3ly . Whether the High Priest had any such Supremacy vested in him , as Jeremiah here received . If not , then Jeremiah was paramount him in Jurisdiction , and might remove , extirpate him at his pleasure , as well as whole Nations , Kingdoms , being a Member of the Israelitish Nation and Realm , and so the High Priest not Supream , as they formerly argued ? If yea ; What need of any such special Commission from God to Jeremiah , alone ; without the high Priests privity or delegation , to the prejudice of his inherent high priesthood ? 4ly . Whether this transcendent power was given only to Jeremiah as an extraordinary Prophet of God sanctifyed in , and called from the womb ? or , as he was an ordinary Priest ? If as an extraordinary Prophet only , as the Text expresly resolves ; then Popes can lay no Title to it , till they can prove themselves such extraordinary , sanctifyed , called Prophets , as Jeremiah , and produce the like special divine Commission to each of them from God himself , as he received . If as to an ordinary Priest alone ; then every ordinary Priest among the Jewes heretofore had , and by like consequence every ordinary Masse-priest in the Church of Rome hath as absolute a Soveraign power over all Kings , Emperors , Nations , Kingdoms of the world , as the high Priest or Pope himself pretends to from this Text ; and then where is his sole Monarchy over them when equally and intirely divided amongst so many inferiour Priests , or any Kings or Kingdoms safety ? 5ly . Whether it extends to Kings , there being not a word of Kings , but only of Nations & Kingdoms , in this Text ? 6ly . Whether Jeremiah by virtue of this Commission , did either challenge or exercise any such Soveraign Authority over b Amon , Jehoiakim , or Zedekiah Kings of Iudah , & their kingdom , under whom he lived ; ( though very wicked and idolatrous ) by deposing them from their thrones , absolving their Subjects from their allegiance , and setting up other Kings in their steads ? If not , it is infallible , then this was no Commission , * for such a rooting out , destroying , pulling and throwing down , as these Pontificians dream of , but of far different Nature ; to wit , only by denouncing Gods judgements against them , that if they persevered in their sins , God himself would root out , and destroy , pull and throw them down ; but if they repented upon his menaces , he would build and plant them . This God himself declared to be his only meaning , even to Ieremiah himself and to us , ch . 19. 5. to 11. Then the word of the Lord came to me , saying ; O House of Israel , cannot I do with you as this Potter , saith the Lord ? Behold as the clay is in the Potters hand , so are ye in my hand , O house of Israel . At what instant I shall speak concerning a Nation , and concerning a Kingdom to pluck up and pull down and to destroy it ; If that Nation against whom I have pronounced turn from their evil , I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them . And at what instant I shall speak concerning a Nation and concerning a Kingdom , to build and to plant it ; If it do evil in my sight , that it obey not my voice , then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them : Now therefore go to , speak to the men of Judah , and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem , saying ; Thus saith the Lord ; Behold I frame evil against you , and devise a devise against you , return ye now every one from his evil way , and make your wayes and your doings good . This way of working out , pulling down , building up and planting Kings and kingdoms , and no other , he useth throughout his prophecy , especially ch . 25. 17. to 38. where God commands him to take the wine cup of his fury at his hand , and to make all the Kings and kingdoms of the world to drink it , that so they may spue and fall and rise no more , and become a desolation for their sins , if they repented not . This was the rooting up and pulling down which Samuel exercised towards Saul the first King of Israel and his kingdom ; when he thus publikely menaced them , c But if ye shall still do wickedly , ye shall be destroyed , both you and your King. d Because thou [ Saul ] hast rejected the word of the Lord , he hath also rejected thee from being King ; thou hast not kept the commandement of the Lord thy God which he commanded thee , therefore thy kingdom shall not continue , the Lord ( not I ) hath rent the kingdom of Israel from thee ; The Lord hath sought him a man after his own heart , and the Lord hath commanded him to be Captain over his people , because thou hast not kept that which the Lord commanded . This was that rooting , up , pulling down , rending , removing of Kings , kingdoms , Nations used by all the a Prophets and Prophecies in the Old Testament , and particularly by Gods own denunciation against Niniveh by Jonah , b Yet forty days , and Niniveh shall be destroyed ; which the Kings and peoples joynt humiliation , and repentance upon his preaching , in turning from their evil wayes , prevented . 7ly . S. Bernard , when Pope Eugenius , like his Predecessors , insisted on this Text , as giving him and them a transcendent power , Dominion over Kings and kingdoms , returned this answer thereunto ; That it gave them no Dominion at all over their Persons , Crowns , possessions , but only to extirpate their Vices c Non est quod blanditur Celsitudo ; Sollicitudo major . Quale est hoc de paupere & abjecto levari super Gentes et regna ? Non ad dominandum , opinor ; Nam & Propheta cum similiter levaretur audivit , Ut evellas & destruas , & disperdes , & dissipes , & aedifices & plantes : Quid horum fastum sonat ? Rusticani magis sudoris schemate quodam labor spiritualis expressus est . Et nos igitur ut multum sentiamus de nobis , impositum senserimus Ministerum , non dominium datum . Non sum ego major Propheta , & si fortè potestate ; sed meritorum non est comparatio . Haec loquere tibi , & doce teipsum qui alias doces Puta te velut unum aliquem de Prophetis : An non satis ad te ? et ●mium . Sed gratia Dei es quod es . Quid ? Esto quod Propheta , nunquid plus quam propheta ? Si sapis eris contentus mensura quam tibi mensus est Deus : nam quod amplius est , a malo est : Disce exemplo Prophetico praesidere , non tam ad imperitandum , quam ad sactitandum quod tempus requirit : disce sarculo tibi opus esse , non sceptro , ut opus facias prophetae . Et quidem Ille , non regnaturus ascendit , sed extirpaturus . Putas ne et tu invenias aliquid elaborandum in agro Domini tui ? Et plurimum Non planè totum quivere , emundare Prophetae aliquid filiis suis Apostolis , quod agerent reliquerunt , aliquid ipsi Parentes tui tibi . Sed nec tu ad omne sufficiens . Aliquod profecto tuo relicturus es Suecessori , & ille aliis , & alii aliis usque in finem . This was St. Bernards sence of this Text , and severe check to the Pope himself for abusing it , against the true scope and meaning . 8ly It is Gods incommunicable Prerogative which no meer mortal is authoritativly capable of ; c To loose the bond of Kings and gird them with a girdle ; to lead Princes away spoiled , overthrow the mighty , and powr contempt upon Princes ; d To strike through Kings in the day of his wrath , and break Kingdoms in pieces like a Potters vessel ; e To bind Kings in chains , and Nobles in fetters of iron , for their crying Rebellions against his Soveraign Majesty ( as he did f Hoshea , Zedekiah , Manasseh , Jehoiakim , others , thus bound and carried away captive to Aegypt and Babilon by their invading Kings ) g He removeth Kings and setteth up Kings ; The most high King of heaven only ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and those Kings that walk in pride against him , he is able to abate , and translate their kingdoms to others , as he did h Nebuchadnezzer , and Belshazzer , who recognised this Soveraign Empire to be peculiar to him alone . Let Popes therefore beware , how they usurp or intrench upon this Prerogative of the most high , to the prejudice of any anointed Christian Kings i who sit upon his throne as his Viceroyes ; and highest affront to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of Christ himself , the King of Kings . The Fourth and most colourable pretext , is from the president of Azariah the Chief Priest and other Priests withstanding King Uzziah to burn incense upon the altar , and thrusting him out of the Temple ; ( the only example in the Old Testament of any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction exercised by the Jewish high Priest and Priests , on Prince or Subject ) Whence Bellarmin and others conclude ; That it is k Lawful for Popes , Bishops and Priests by their own inherent Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to excommunicate , dethrone Kings and Emperors too , and absolve their Subjects from their allegiance , for disobeying their Papal commands and injunctions . I answer 1. That all this president warrants is ; That Chief Priests may lawfully diswade ambitious , wilfull Kings from doing any unlawfull actions against the expresse will of God , and perchance resist them too when they attempt to offer sacrifices or act ought belonging peculiarly to their own office in their own Churches . But that they may either excommunicate , resist , or thrust them forth of the Temple , for any other Offence , especially for violating or not obeying their own Papal or Pontifical Orders , Injunctions , Mandares , not expresly grounded on Gods word , this president will no wayes warrant . 2ly . They did not thrust King Uzziah out of the Temple , where he actually invaded their function against Gods word , till God himself the King of Kings , whose Law he had violated , had first miraculously passed sentence upon , and smitten him with the plague of Leprosie in the forehead , which they all visibly beheld : Therefore Popes and Priests may not thrust any King or Prince out of the Church for any Crime , till God himself a the only King and Judge of Kings ) hath first given visible sentence against him by some signal Judgement . 3ly . They thus thrust him out of the Temple , not principally because he attempted to burn incense , but because God had thus miraculously smitten him with Leprosie in his forehead , and so by Gods expresse command he was b to be shut out of the Congregation and Church by the Law , and dwell in a house alone , that he might not infect others ; this the Text renders to be the sole or main cause of his thrusting out of the Temple , dwelling in a several house , and of his Sonnes judging the people in his stead ; not by the Priests , but his own appointment . 4ly . This King himself when God had thus smitten him , as the Text precisely records , hasted to go out of the Temple of his own accord , voluntarily dwelt in a house alone , and delegated the government of his house and people to his Sonne ; So as there was only a voluntary expulsion of him out of the Temple by the Priests with his own consent , not against it ; but no sequestring or deposing of him by them from his throne ; he continuing King till his death , and making his Sonne his Viceroy to supply his Government and order his house . 5ly . Here was no sentence of Excommunication thundred out against him with Bell , Book and Candle ; no absolving of his Subjects from their oaths of Allegiance , no exciting of them to rebell , or take up Arms against him to dethrone him ; Wherefore Popes and Popish Prelates can no wayes justifie from this president , their excommunicating , deposing Kings , Emperors , or absolving Subjects from their Allegiance , against their wills for the greatest crimes . Having removed these 4. Grand Romish stumbling-blocks , before , under the law and Gospel , out of the way of my Chronological Progresse , I now proceed to my third Conclusion . BOOK II. CHAP. III. III. My Third Proposition is , That the Supream Government of the Church after Christs Incarnation , under the Gospel , was and is vested in Jesus Christ himself , God and Man , only as he is the King ( not Priest or Prophet ) thereof , and as it is His KINGDOM . And that his Priestly and Prophetical Office are united to his Kingly , as the first , highest in dignity , order ; not his Regal to his Prophetical or Kingly Office. BEcause this is of very great Consequence , and may seem strange to Usurping Pontifs , and other Prelats , who appropriate the Soveraign Spiritual Jurisdiction Government over Christs kingdom , Church to themselves , as united to his Priestly and Prophetical , not Regal Office , and so derived wholly and immediately to themselves by Christ , as Bishops , Priests ; not to Kings , by , from , and under whom they will not claim nor exercise it , as a flower of Christs Crown , though delegated to Kings , his sole Vice-royes upon Earth , not Popes or Priests , who are no Kings ; I shall fully demonstrate its verity by pregnant Scripture-proofs . 1. It is generally asserted by all Divines Old and New ; Pontificans and Protestants , That King David and Solomon , ( both of them a anointed by Gods special command , to sit upon Gods throns , to be Kings for the Lord their God , 〈…〉 his people Israel , to do Justice and Judgement , to reign over , rule 〈◊〉 in the fear of God , and to establish them for ever ; as likewise to prepare , build , consecrate a most 〈…〉 , and holy Temple for him under the Law ; were both lively Types of Christ ; c 〈◊〉 by God with the oyl of gladnesse above his fellowes , as the son and seed of David , to be the Soveraign King ( as God incarnate ) over his Church , Saints under the Gospel , which he redeemed , built , sanctifyed with his own blood , adorned with all saving graces , and in which he should sit , rule as King and Soveraign Lord for ever , to govern , rule , help , protect , save , glorify it for eternity . 2ly . That Christs comming in the flesh to rule , reign in and over his People for ever , is alwayes prophecied of , and promised in the Old Testament , under the Title and Office of a King , not Priest or Prophet ; and that he shall sit upon the Throne of David his Father to govern them as a King , not Priest ; Witnesse I say 32. 1 , 2. ch . 16. 5. & ch . 9. 6 , 7 , 8. Behold a KING shall raign in righteousnesse , and Princes shall rule in Judgement : and a man shall be as an hiding place from the Wind , and a covert from the ten post : as rivers of waters in a dry place , as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land . And in mercy shall his Throne be established , and he shall sit upon it in truth in the Tabernacle of David , Iudging and seeking Iudgement , and hasting righteousnesse : For unto us a Child is born , unto us a Sonne is given , and the Government shall be upon his shoulder , and his name shall be call : Wonderfull , Counsellor , the Mighty God , the everlasting Father , the PRINCE of Peace : Of the increase of his Government and peace there shall be no end , upon the Throne of David , and upon his Kingdom , to order , and to establish it with judgement and with justice from henceforth even for ever . The zeal of the Lord of Hosts will perform this . Isay 33. 22. Forthe Lord is our Iudge , the Lord is our Law giver , the Lord is our King , he will save us . Jer. 23. 5 , 6. The dayes come saith the Lord , that I will raise 〈◊〉 avid a righteous branch , and a King shall reign and prosper , and shall execute Iudgement and Iustice in the Earth . In his dayes Judah shall be saved , and Israel 〈◊〉 dwell safely , and this is his name wherewith he shall be called , the Lord our righteousnesse , &c. Ezek. 27. 22 , 24 , 25. And they shall be no more two Nations , neither shall they be divided into two kingdoms any more at all . And David my servant shall be King ever them , and they all shall have one Shepherd , and they shall also walk in my judgments , and observe my statutes , and do them . And they shall dwell in the Land which I have given unto Jacob my servant wherein your Fathers have dwelt , and they shall dwell therein even they and their children , and their childrens children for ever , and my servant David shall be their Prince for ever . Hosea 3. 5. & ch . 13. 9 , 10. Afterward shall the children of Israel return and seek the Lord their God , and David their King , and shall fear the Lord and his Good●esse in the latter dayes . O Israel thou hast 〈◊〉 thy self , but in me is thy help ; I will be thy King , where is any other that may save thee in all thy Cities ? Jer. 33. 15 , 16 , 17. chap. 8. 19. ch . 9 , 10. In those dayes and at that time will I cause the branch of righteousnesse to grow up unto David , and he shall execute judgement and righteousnesse in the Land. In those dayes shall Judah be saved , and Jerusalem shall dwell safely , and this is the name wherewith he shall be called , The Lord our righteousnesse ; For thus saith the Lord , David shall never want a man to sit upon the Throne of the house of Israel . Is not the Lord in Zion , is not her King in her ? The Lord is the true and living God , and an everlasting King , or King of eternity , Micah 2. 13. Their King shall passe before them , and the Lord on the head of them , cap. 4. 7 , 8 , 9. I will make her that was cast off a strong nation , and the Lord shall reign over them in mount Sion from henceforth for ever : Unto thee shall it come , even the first Dominion , the Kingdom shall come to the daughter of Jerusalem . Now why dost thou cry out aloud , Is there no King in thee ? Zach : 9. 9. Rejoyce greatly O daughter of Sion , shout O daughter of Jerusalem , Behold thy King cometh unto thee , he is is iust , having salvation , lowly , and riding upon an Asse , and upon a Colt , the fole of an Asse . Actualy fulfilled at Christs triumphant riding into Jerusalem , and crying 〈◊〉 to the Son of David , blessed is the King of Israel , and blessed be the kingdom of our Father David , that cometh in the name of the Lord , Hosanna in the highest ; as all the four Evangelists record . Zech : 14. 9. 16. And the Lord shall be King over all the earth , and in that day shall there be One Lord , and his name One. And it shall c●me to passe , that every one that is left of all the Nations that came against Jerusalem , shall even go up from year to year to worship the King , the Lord of Hosits . To which I shall subjoyn these prophecies of King David himself concerning the Kingship and kingdom of Christ , Gods Son , of his seed . Psalm 2. 6 , 7 , 8. Yet have I set my King upon my holy Hill of Sion . I will declare the Decree ; the Lord hath said unto me , Thou art my sonne , this day have I begotten thee : Ask of me and I shall give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the Earth for thy possession ; Thou shalt break them with a rod ( or Scepter ) of Iron , &c. ●salm 10. 16. The Lord is King for ever and ever , &c. Psalm 29. 10 , 11. The Lord sitteth King for ever : The Lord will give strength u● to his people , the Lord will blesse his people with peace . Psalm 24. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Lift up your Heads O ye Gates , and be ye lift up ye everlasting doors , and the King of Glory shall come in ; Who is this King of Glory ? The Lord strong and mighty , the Lord mighty in battel , The Lord of Hosts he is the King of Glory &c. Psalm 47. 6 , 7 , 8. Sing praises to God , sing praises , sing praises unto our King , sing praises ; For God is the King of all the earth , sing ye praises with understanding . God reigneth over the Heathen , God sitteth upon the Throne of his Holinesse . Psalm 96. 9 , 10 , &c. & 98. 6 , 9. & 99 1 , 2. O worship the Lord in the beauty of holinesse , fear before him all the earth . Say among the Heathen , that the Lord reigneth , the world also shall he establish that it shall not be moved , he shall judge the world uprightly . With trumpets and sound of a Corn it make a joyfull noise before the Lord the King , &c. For he cometh to judge the earth , with righteousnesse shall he judge the world , and the people with equity , More especially Psal . 95. 3. & 99 , to 2. The Lord is a great God , and a Great King above all Gods. The LORD REIGNETH , let the people tremble : The Lord is great in Sion , and high above all people . The KINGS strength also loveth judgement , thou dost establish equity , thou executest judgement and righteousnesse in Jacob. Psal . 149. 2. Let Israel rejoyce in him that made him , let the children of Sion be joyfull in THEIR KING : Let them praise his name in the Dance , &c. Psalm 89. 18. 34 , 35 , 36 , &c. For the Lord is our defence , and the holy one of Israel is our King , Also I will make him my first-born , higher then the Kings of the earth . My covenant will I not break , nor alter the thing that is gone out of my lips . Once have I sworn by my holinesse that I will not lie unto David , His seed ( King Jesus ) shall endure for ever , and his Throne as the Sunne before me , It shall be Established for ever as the Moon and as a faithfull witnesse in heaven . In all these Texts of sacred Story ( to omit others ) Christ is still prophecyed of , and promised to his Church only , under the stile of a King , Lord or Great King of the Seed of David , sitting upon his Throne , righteously judging and reigning over his people as a King , and he is sometimes stiled David their King ( he being a Type of Christ ) his Supream government of them being attributed , annexed only to his Kingship , not to his Priesthood or Prophetical office , as it was in King David his Father , and the forecited kings . 3ly . That as the Scripture prophecied of , and promiseth Jesus Christ in the flesh under the Title of a King ; so it stiles the Church and Saints he should reign over under the Gospel , a kingdom , wherein and over which he sits and reigns as a King for ever . This is evident by all the last recited Texts ; and those I shall adde unto them . 2 Sam : 7. 13. 29. 1 Chron : 28. 7. I will establish his kingdom for ever ; 1 Chr. 29. 11. Thine , O Lord , is the greatnesse , and the power , and the glory , and the victory , and the praise ; for all in the heaven and in the earth is thine , thine is the kingdom , O Lord , & thou art exalted as head , above all , ( as a King , not Priest or Prophet ) both riches & honor come of thee , and thou reignest overall , and in thin : hand is Power and Might , to ●ake great and to give strength to all , Psal . 103. 19. The Lord hath prepared his throne in heaven , and his kingdom ruleth over All : Yea the contemplation and discourse of the Glory and excellency of Christs everlasting kingdom over his Church and Saints , is thus prophecied of by David , as one principal part both of their and all other Christians duty and felicity upon earth . Psal : 145. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. All thy works shall praise thee , O Lord , and thy Saints shall blesse thee ; they shall speak of the Glory of thy kingdom , and talk of thy power , to make known to the Sons of men his mighty acts , and the glorious maiesty of his kingdom : Thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom , and thy dominion endureth through all Generations . In pursuance of which duty , King David himself penned two special Psalms of praise , Ps . 45. 1. My heart is inditing a good matter , I speak of the things I have made for the King &c. Gird thy sword ( not Peters or the Popes keyes ) upon thy thigh , O most mighty , with thy glory and thy majesty ; and in thy majesty ride prosperously because of truth and meeknesse , &c. Thy throne , O God , is for ever and ever , the Scepter of thy kingdom ( not Peters keyes ) is a right Scepter . Thou lovest righteousnesse , and hatest wickednesse : therefore God , thy God hath anointed thee with the oyl of gladnesse above thy fellows , Hearken ( O daughter ) and consider , &c. So shall the King greatly desire thy beauty , for he is thy Lord , and worship thou him . The King daughter ( 〈◊〉 the Church ) is all glorious within , &c. She shall be brought unto the King , ( Christ Jesus ) in rayment of needle work , they shall enter into the Kings passage , &c. To which he addeth many Psalms of like nature , especially two begenning thus : Psal : 97. 1 The Lord reigneth , let the earth rejoyce , let the multitude of the 〈◊〉 ( and ours amongst others ) be glad thereof . Psalm : 99. 1. The Lord reigneth , let the earth tremble , &c. The Prophet Daniel presents us with this excellent description and prediction of Christs Kingdome , Dan : 2. 41. And in the dayes of these Kings shall the God of heaven set up a Kingdom which shall never be destroyed , and the Kingdom shall not be left to other people , but it shall break in pieces and consum : all these Kingdome , and it shall stand for ever : Thus farther illustrated Dan : 4. 3. How great are his signes ? how mighty are his wonders ? and his dominion is from Generation to Generation . Upon which consideration King Nebuchadnezzer himself upon his restauration to his understanding and kingdom , ver . 34 , 35 , Blessed the most high , and praised and honoured him who liveth for ever ; whose dominion is an everlasting dominion and his Kingdom from Generation to Generation : And all the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing , and he doth according to his will , in the army of heaven , and among the inhabitants of the earth , and who can say unto him , what doest thou ? King Darius thus seconded him , Dan : 6. 26. He is the living God and stedfast for ever , and his Kingdom that which shall not be destroyed , and his dominion that which shall be even unto the end . He delivereth and rescueth , &c. Dan. 7. 13 , 14 , 27. I saw in the night Vision , and behold one like the sonne of man ( Christ Jesus ) came with the clouds of heaven , and came to the antient of dayes , and they brought him near before him ; and there was given him Dominion , Glory , and a Kingdom that all people , nations and languages shall serve him ; his Dominion is an everlasting Dominion , and his Kingdom that which shall not be destroyed : An the Kingdom and Dominion and the greatnesse of the Kingdom under the whole Heaven shall be given to the people of the Saints which are of the most high ; whose Kingdom is an everlasting Kingdom , and all Dominions shall serve and obey him . To which the Prophet Micah superadds this prophecy , ch . 4. 7. I will make him that was cast farr off a strong Nation ; and the Lord shall reign over them in Mount Zion , from henceforth even for ever . All these memorable Prophecies and Promises in the Old Testament , were particularly applied to Christ and ratified by the Angel Gabriel when sent by God to the Virgin Mary with the blessed Tydings of our Saviours miraculous conception by the over-shaddowing of the Holy Ghost in her womb , thus recorded by St. Luke in the New Testament , Luc. 1. 21 , 31 , 32 , 33. Behold , thou shalt conceive in thy womb , and bring forth a Sonne , and shalt call his name JESVS ; He shall be great , and shall be called the Sonne of the Highest , and the Lord God shall give unto him , the Throne of his father David , an he shall reign over the House of Israel for ever , and of his Kingdom there shall be no end . All these recited memorable Prophecies , promises applied to Christ himself , his Reign , Kingdom , Kingly Office in the New Testament , Lu. 1. 32 , 33. Hebr. 1. 7. to 14. 1 Cor. 15. 25. 2 Pet. 1. 11. infallibly resolve , That all Spiritual Dominion , Rule ; Power , Judicature and Jurisdiction over the Church and members thereof , are actually vested in Christ by God the Father & for ever inseparably annexed only to his Regal , not Priestly or Prophetical Office ; and that he exerciseth this Supream Lordship and Dominion over them only as a King sitting in his Regal throne , reigning over , giving Lawes to , judging , rewarding , punishing them , as they are his Kingdom , Subjects , who serve and obey him as their King ; whose Kingdom and Soveraign Dominion over them is an everlasting Kingdom , Government , Dominion , which shall never be altered nor destroyed , nor the rights thereof invaded by his Priestly Office , nor any Apostle , Pope , Bishop , Priest , or Usurpers whatsoever . 4ly . Upon this account , we find these secondary Prophecies recorded in the Old Testament , that not only all Nations , but their very Kings , Princes , Kingdomes should obey , serve , and do him homage with all humility as their Soveraign King and Lord , by , from , and under whom they hold their Crowns , and whose 〈◊〉 , Ministers they are . Hence is that memorable prophecy of 〈◊〉 David 〈…〉 , on 〈◊〉 throne he is sad to sit . Psal . 68. 24 , 29. 32. They have se●n thy going O God , the going of my God , my King , in the Sanctuary , &c. Kings ●●all bring presents unto thee ; Sing unto God ye Kingdomes of the earth , O sing praises unto the Lord. Psal : 72. 4 , 9 , 10 , &c. a meer prophecy of Christ and his Kingdom under the person o● King Solomon his predecessor , and type ; Give the King by Judgement , O God , and thy righteousnesse unto the Kings Sonne ; He shall judge thy people with righteousnesse , &c. He shall have Dominion also from sea to sea , and from the River unto the en●s of the earth ; They that dwell in the wildernesse shall bow before him , and his 〈…〉 shall li●ke the dust : The Kings of Tarshish and of the Isles shall bring presents , the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer Gifts : Yea all Kings shall fall down before him , and ●hem by their examples and authority ) all Nations shall serve him . 〈◊〉 102. 15 , 16. The heathen shall fear the name of the Lord , & 〈◊〉 Kings of the earth thy glory Psal . 138. 4 , 5. All the Kings of the Earth shall praise thée , O Lord , when 〈◊〉 hear the words of thy mouth ; yea , they shall sing in the praises of the Lord , for great is th● glory of 〈◊〉 Lord : Whence King David exhorting all celestial , terrestrial , and then the rational 〈…〉 as to praise the Lord , Psal . 14. 8. begins thus with Kings : verse 11. Kings of the earth and all people , Princes & all Iudges of the earth , &c. Let them praise thy 〈◊〉 of the LORD , for his name alone is excellent , his glory is above the earth and heaven . Isay 41. 1 , 2. Keep silence before me O Islands , &c. who raised up the righteus ma● from the east , and called him to his foot , gave the Nations before him , and made him Rule over Kings ; he gave them as dust to his sword , and as driven s●ubble to 〈…〉 . Isay 49. 7 , 23. Kings shall see and arise , Princes also shall worship , because of the Lord , that is faithfull , and the holy one of Israel . Kings and Quéens shall bow down to thee , with their faces towards the earth . Isay 52. 15. He ( Christ with his 〈◊〉 ) shall ●●rinkle many Nations , THE KINGS shall shut their mouths at , ( or rather before ) him ; for that which hath not been told them shall they see , and that which they had not heard shall they consider . Isay 60. 3. 10 , 11 , 16. chap. 62. 3. The Lord shall 〈◊〉 upon thee , and his glory shall be shewn in thee , The Gentiles shall come to thy light , and KINGS to the brightnesse of thy rising ; THE KINGS of the sons of strangers shall come unto thee ; unto thee the riches of the Gentiles , and THEIR KINGS shall be brought ; The Gentiles shall see thy righteousnesse , and ALL KINGS thy glory . Hence the Royal Psalmist David upon this consideration , that God in despite of all heathen people , Kings and Rulers of the earth , should set up his Sonne Jesus Christ , 〈◊〉 KING upon his holy hill of Zion ( which cannot be removed , but standeth fact for ever ) to whom he had given the Heathen for an Inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession ; concludes with this admonition to them , to subject themselves to his Royal Scepter and Government : a Be wise now therefore O YE KINGS , be instructed ye JUDGES of the earth ; Serve the LORD with fear , and rejoyce unto him with trembling ; Kisse the Sonne ( a Ceremony used by b Subjects , f●●datories to Kings & Soveraign Lords , when they kneeled down before & swore Homage and Fealty to become their Men and Vassals from that day forwards of life , limb , or terrene honour ; and to be true , faithfull , bear faith and true allegiance to them , continued in England till this day ) lest he be angry and ye perish from the way , when his wrath is 〈◊〉 : but a little ; Blessed are all they that trust in him . In all these Prophecies of Christs kingdome and Government under the Gospel in the Old Testament , Christ 〈…〉 and set forth only as a KING and Soveraign Lord , reigning and 〈◊〉 over his ●ubjects as a King , not as a Priest or Prophet ; and his Church stiled described 〈◊〉 by the Name of a Church , ( never once used throughout the Old Testament ) but only of a KINGDOM , or of c Mount Zion , or Jerusalem , d THE CITY OF GOD , where the House of the Lord f was built , his publike worship setled by David and Solomon , the Metropolis of all Kings of the seed of David , where they were crowned , reigned , and gave Judgement , as Kings ; whence it was stiled g THE CITY OF DAVID , for there were set THRONES OF JUDGEMENT , even THE THRONES OF THE HOUSE OF DAVID : and the CITY OF THE GREAT KING ( in relation to Christ himself ) whence the Church under the Gospel 〈◊〉 likewise stiled , The City of the living God , and described in all her glory , under the 〈◊〉 of A CITY , ( Rev. 21. 13. to the end ; and ch . 22. 1 , to 27. ) wherein his Subjects serve and worship him as their LORD , GOD , KING , and shall REIGN WITH HIM FOR EVER AND EVER ; All which considered , infallibly demonstrate , the Supreme Rule and Government of the Church on earth under the Law , to be vested only in , and exercised by the Kings , and Soveraign Rulers of Gods people ; not in & by the High Priests or Levites ; and under the Gospel in & by Christ himself only as KING and Supream Lord thereof , as it is his kingdom ; not as a Priest or Prophet : and that his reign , Dominion , Jurisdiction in and over it is for ever appropriated to his Regal , not Pontifical or Prophetical office . 5ly . As the Angel told Mary a little before Christs Conception , the Grandeur , stability & perpetuity of his kingdom : So the Wisemen which came to Jerusalem to worship him , being the first-fruits of his Kingdom and Church under the Gospel , inquired after him only as a King : saying , Where is he that IS BORN KING OF THE JEWS ? for we have seen his Star in the East , and are come to worship him ; Whereupon he Chief Priests and Scribes being assembled by King Herod to inform him where Christ should be born ; answered , At Bethlehem of Judea , for thus it is written by the Prophet : And thou Bethlehem art not the least among the PRINCES of Judah , &c. for out of thee shall come A GOVERNOR , WHO SHALL RULE MY PEOPLE ISRAEL : where these Wisemen finding him with Mary his mother , they fell down and worshipped ( not his mother Mary with an Impera filio , Monstra te esse matrem ; Jube benedicere , &c. as Popes and their disciples daily pray unto her even now in their Offices , Primers , Mass-books set forth by Papal authority ) but the a Babe , & when they had brought forth their gifts , they offered unto him Gold , Frankincense , and Myrrhe ; On which place b Saint Cyprian first , and others after him , have this observation ; In auro REGEM , in thure Sacerdotem , in myrrha Incorruptibilem ; quamvis pa●sibilum demonstrat . In loco humili & supellectile vili REX Regum , & DOMINUS Dominorum invenitur , recognoscitur , & ab aliis adoratur . And although Christ never claimed nor exercised any temporal Authority over the Kingdom of David ( to which he was born heir , as Herod feared ) but only over his Spiritual kingdom , which he affirmed , c Not to be of this world ; yet he owned himself to be A KING ; and d Pilate himself positively professed it ; ( though the Jews would not ) by demanding of them ( when they cried out , to have him crucified ) shall I crucifie your KING ? and fixing this written Title on his Crosse ( which he would not alter at the high Priests importunity ) in Hebrew , Greek and Latin ; — JESUS OF NAZARETH THE KING OF THE JEWS ; to evidence his Kingship ( over his Kingdom the Church ) which none of the e Princes of this world ( then ) knew , for had they known it , they would not have crucified the Lord ( or King ) of glory ; g as the Apostle , and Psalmist stile him : ) yea the very multitude of people proclaimed him a King , when he rode into Jerusalem in regal Triumph , f by strowing their garments and bough● of trees in the way , singing with a loud voice ; Hosanna , Blessed be the King , and kingdom of our father David that commeth in the name of the Lord , Hosanna in the highest . After which he went into the Temple , and threw out them that bought and sold therein , overthrew the Tables of the money-changers , and them that sold Doves ; by virtue of his Regal , not Sacerdotal power . 6ly . h It is very observable , that Jesus Christ whiles on earth , was most usually stiled both by i Mary his Mother , k all his Disciples , ( especially by l Saint Peter ) and by all sorts of persons who addressed themselves unto him by petition or otherwise , Lord , the Lord , my Lord , our Lord , and his other Titles of Jesus , Saviour , Christ , &c. are very seldom mentioned throughout the New Testament , by Angels , Saints , Evangelists , Apostles , or any others , but with this addition : m Christ the Lord , Jesus our Lord , the Lord Jesus Christ , our Lord and Saviour , Lord God , &c. every tongue of n Angels , Saints , yea of o Devils and damned spirits , confessing , that Jesus Christ is Lord , Lord of all , Lord and Christ , Lord both of quick and dead : which Title many p Hypocrites , and the foolish Virgins reiterated , saying , Lord , Lord open , &c. Which Appellation Christ himself resolved to be true ; q You call me Lord & Master , so I am ; his Father having put all things in subjection under his feet , especially his redeemed ones , who professe this as an Article of their faith ; ( r ) But unto us there is but one Lord Jesus Christ , by whom are all things , and we by him : Now this Title Lord , ( attributed to Christ in its eminentest sense ) denotes only his Regal Dominion , Lordship , and Soveraignty over them in and under the Gospel as their KING , as the penitent Theefs speech to him on the Crosse , a LORD remember me when thou commest into THY KINGDOM ; the Apostles question to him , b LORD wilt thou at this time restore the KINGDOM to Israel ? Saints Pauls conclusion , c THE LORD will preserve me to his HEAVENLY KINGDOM , with St Peters , d For so an entrance shall be ministred unto you abundantly into THE EVERLASTING KINGDOM OF OUR LORD and Saviour Jesus Christ , and our Saviours own asseverations , e Not every one that saith LORD , LORD , shall enter into the KINGDOM OF HEAVEN , but he that doth the will of my father which is in heaven , necessarily evince . 7ly . After our Saviours resurrection and ascention ; when God his Father highly exalted him , and gave him f all power both in heaven and earth , his Soveraign Regality and Dominion in and over his Church and Kingdom , are frequently set forth in these transcendent expressions decyphering only his Regal , not Prie●tly or Prophetick Offices and Administrations ; g Our Lord Jesus Christ , who is the only Potentate , the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , the Prince of the Kings of the earth ; whom God the father of glory hath set at his own right hand in heavenly places , far above all principalities and powers , and might and dominion , and every name that is named , not only in this world , but in the world to come , and hath h put all things under his feet , and gave him to be head over all things to his Church , which is his body : i The fullnesse of him that filleth all in all ; Goa hath ( by the extraordinary greatnesse of his mighty and glorious power delivered us from the power of darknesse and translated us into the kingdom of his dear Sonne , who is the first-born of every creature ; For by him were all things created that are in heaven , and that are in earth , visible and invisible , whether they be thrones , or dominions , or principalities or powers , all things were created by him and for him . And he is the head of the body the Church , who is the beginning , the first-born from the dead , that in ( or among●● ) all things he might have the preeminence : For it pleased the Father that in him all fullnesse should dwell : Compared with his other Gospel titles , Thou k King of Saints , and the united praises , l prostrations , acclamations , of the Angels , with the four beasts , and the 24. Elders , and all the Saints and Redeemed ones before Christ who sitteth on the throne , before whom they all fall , worship , and cast down their Crowns , saying , Worship and honour , and thanks and glory , and power be unto him that sitteth upon the throne for ever and ever ; worthy art thou O LORD to receive glory and honour ; for thou hast created all things , and for thy pleasure they were and are created : All these recited Texts resolve , that Christ is Supream head of his Kingdom the Church , not in his Priestly , Propheticall capacity or office , but only in his Regal , and reigns in it as a King , Lord , not as Priest or Prophet . 8ly . As in the Old so in the New Testament , the Church Militant as well as the Triumphant , is usually stiled m the Kingdom of God , the n Kingdom of heaven , Christs Kingdom . o my Kingdom , his Kingdom , the p ever lasting Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ ; q a Kingdom which cannot be removed , &c. The very Gospel it self , r the Gospel , word , and mysteries of the Kingdom ; yea shall the Kingdom of God , and heaven it self ; t The mighty power of God to salvation , & scepter of his Kingdom . His Saints u shall ( eat , drink , sit , reign with him in his Kingdom . He sits and reigns for ever in his Church as a King on a Royal throne , clothed with royal Majesty and glory ; His rewards are all Regal ; A crown of righteousness , of glory , thrones , Inheritances in his kingdom , reigning with him as Kings , royal Robes , Honour , Glory . His punishments Regal ; Exclusion from his kingdome , everlasting death , infernal chaines , destruction from the presence of the LORD , and from the Glory of his POWER , His judging of quick and dead at his appearance and comming ; Yea all his administrations Regal , in prescribing Lawes to his Church , rescuing them from the power of Satan , Hell , and all other Enemies ; protecting them from all evils ; treading Satan under their feet ; Guarding them by his Mighty power unto salvation in his heavenly kingdom : compared with this fulfilling of the procies x y z * of Christs kingdom in the Old Testament , thus recorded ( as accomplished ) in in the New ; Rev : 11. 15. There were great voyces in heaven , saying , The Kingdomes of this world are become the Kingdom ( not Church ) of our Lord and of his Christ , and he shall reign for ever and ever . Rev : 12. 10. And I heard a loud voice saying in heaven , Now is come the Kingdom of our God , and the Power of his Christ . 1 Cor : 15. 24 , 25. Then cometh the end , when Christ shall have delivered up the Kingdom to God the Father , when he shall have put down all rule , and all authority and power ; for he must reign till he shall put down all enemies under his feet . All and every of these Texts and considerations joyntly and severall demonstrate more clearly then the Morning Sunne ; That Christs Government of his Kingdom the Church under the Gospel , is only Kingly and Monarchical , ( as even a Bellarmin himself , and most Pontificians professe , argue ; grounding the Popes Universal Monarchy upon it ) not Pontifical or Prophetical ; and that the Supreme Government thereof is for ever intirely annexed to his Regal , not Priestly or Prophetical Office ; and these Offices of his united to his Regal Office as Supream , not his Regal to his Sacerdotal or Propheticall , as subordinate to them . This being an unfallible Gospel-truth , not hitherto so fully cleared , and insisted on by the Oppugners or Asserters of Popes Universal Monarchy , as was necessary , which induced me to expatiate in its probation . The second and sole Question will be ; Whether Christ himself did ever delegate by any Commission recorded in Sacred History all his Regal Power and Jurisdiction , or any branch thereof , to Saint Peter , or any other Apostles , Bishops , Presbyters , Evangelists , or Ministers of the Gospel ? Or whether they or any of them ever justly claimed , enjoyed , exercised this his Royal Dominion , Office , Government in or over his Church on earth ? If yea ; as most Popes and their Parasites confidently affirm , ( without the least shadow of Scripture or Verity ; ) let them produce the Commission or Texts , to evidence it to every mans * conscience in the sight of God , and to all Kings , Kingdoms , Nations in the world : If not ( as shall be evidenced in the ensuing Chapters past all contradiction ; ) I and they may then safely cry out mightily with a strong voyce , as the Angel prophetically doth ; b Babylon the great ( Rome ) is fallen , is fallen , and is become the habitation of Devils , and the hold of every foul spirit , and a cage of every unclean and hatefull Bird : Come out of her my people , that ye be not partakers of her sins , and that ye receive not of her Plagues : with violence shall she ( and her triple-crown'd Pontif ) be thrown down ( from the pinacle of her usurped , super-transcendent power ) and shall be found no more at all . Before I take leave of this Proposition , to avoid mistakes , and clear up the Truth , it will be necessary to distinguish : 1. The several sorts of Christs kingdomes . 2ly . What kind of Kingdom his Church is . 3ly . How and in what manner he reigns and governs in it , as King and Soveraign Lord over it ? For the 1. It is a generally agreed by Fathers , Pontificians and Protestants , that Jesus Christ hath a three-fold kingdom , set forth in the premised Scriptures , if strictly pryed into . The first is , a Kingdom of power , and absolute Dominion , which extends it self not only to all Men and Angels , but b likewise to all other unreasonable and inanimate Creatures whatsoever in heaven , earth , and under the earth , yea to the very Devils themselves ; This Kingdom belongs unto Christ principally as he is God , and the Creator of all things , which comes not within the Verge of our present Discourse ; however Popes seem to usurp it . The 2. is a Kingdom of c meer purchase , or Grace , confined properly not to Angels or Mankind in general ; but to such as are truly elected , called , justifyed , sanctified , redeemed , saved by Christs precious blood ; yet in the largest sense extended to the good Angels , and all visible Members of the Church Militant professing the name and gospel of Christ , as his Subjects ; though not actually regenerated , justified , sanctified , saved : Of this Kingdom there are two distinct parts : the one Triumphant in Heaven : over which no Pope or Mortals on earth can pretend the least Kingship or Dominion ; the other Militant upon Earth ; the latter in its largest extension comprehending all who bear the name of Christians , whether good or bad , regenerate or unregenerate : This is the Kingdom of Christ of which the Pope as Christs Vicar General , and Peters fictitious Successor pretends himself the Supream and sole Governor . The 3d. is the Kingdom f of Glory , not really different from the former , long since begun , and encreasing every day more and more , by new additions of departed Saints thereto , which kingdom shall be fully compleated , when all the Elect shall be gathered , the Church militant united to the Church triumphant & actually glorified with Christ in the kingdom of heaven . For the 2d . It is asserted by Fathers , and most a Romanists themselves , as well as b Protestants , that this Kingdom of Christ is meerly Spiritual , Not any temporal kingdom upon earth , as the Jewes , some grosse Milenaries , Popes and their Parasites fancy ; over which Christ never actually reigned , or shall reign as a Temporal King and Lord , even in all temporal things ; for which we find no warrant in Scripture or Fathers . Hence Thomas c Waldensis himself ( though a grand Advocate for the Popes Supremacy ) layes down and proves at large these 4 : Conclusions , 1. Regnum temporale Judaeorum sub Jeconio excidium accepit , neque amplius Judaecorum aliquis , vel de jure , vel de facto illud obtinuit 2. Regnum illud Judaeorum terrenum , cum figura fuit Regni aeterni , & spiritualis Christi debuit omnino in adventu eius cessare , quemadmodum et sacrificia . 3. Regnum temporale quod in Prophetarum scriptis , MESSIAE promissum est , non est Regnum Carnale et Terrenum , sed Spirituale , quo per Fidem in Cordibus suorum Regnat . 4. Quod ex verbis quae Christus dixit coram Pilato ( Tu dicis quod Rex sum ego ) non potest colligi , quod ipse fuerit Rex Terrenus de Facto vel de Jure . And Gen. 49. 10. proves , That the temporal Scepter should depart from Iudah , when Christ the true Shiloh came into the world . Alvarus Pelagius ( the d grand assertor of the Popes Universal Kingship in and over Christs kingdom the Church , and all earthly Kings , Kingdoms too ) informs us ; That the e kingdom of Christ hath various acceptations in Scripture ; 1. It is taken for Christ himself . 2ly . For the sacred Scripture , or Gospel of Christ . 3ly . For the Church of Christ , divided into two Parts : Militant on earth , triumphant in heaven : yet there are not two kingdoms in the Church , but one kingdom ; because both end in one , and there is but one King of both , and one Spirit reigns in both Churches , but diversly ; for in the Church of Travellers it reigns by faith , in the Church of the blessed by open vision . This Church therefore is but One for the unity of its end and beginning , but it is distinguished by reason of the diversity of the state : Yet this kingdom comprehends , not only the Elect , but also all the holy Angels , for there is but one City and Kingdom of God constituted out of holy Angels and men ; as he proves out of Augustine , and Gratian Distinct : 10. & 59. That Christ ever challenged or enjoyed any temporal kingdom upon earth , he offers not the least proof out of Scripture or Fathers ; in which f Cardinal Bellarmin himself confesseth , he could never find that Christ had any such kingdom after most diligent search , but only a kingdom in and over his Church , which is not temporal but spiritual . For the 3d. All antient , and most modern Divines of all sorts assert , that Christs immediate Government in and over his Spiritual Kingdom the Church , is Spiritual not Temporal ; and that principally g in and over the souls , spirits , consciences , wills , hearts , affections of his elect Saints , in which he dwells , lives , rules , reigns by his Spirit , and Grace . And this his Spiritual Government is neither communicated , nor transferred by Jesus Christ to any King , High Priest , Priest , Bishop , Pope , or other Mortal whatsoever ; but resides in Christ alone the King of Saints ; as an incommunicable , unseparable part and prerogative of his Regal , not Sacerdotal or prophetical office . But more of this in the two next Propositions . BOOK I. CHAP. IV. That Jesus Christ as Supream King , Lord , Head of his Kingdom the Church , whiles on Earth never claimed , exercised , enjoyed any Temporal Royal Jurisdiction , or Magistratical Authority over any of his Subjects , much lesse over Emperors , Kings , Kingdoms , Nations , or Soveraign civil Powers , nor ever deprived any of them of their Crowns , nor absolved their Subjects from their Allegiance , nor pulled up , cast down , or rooted up their Kingdomes , nor gave them to whomsoever he pleased : Neither did he either before , at , or after his passion , resurrection or ascention , derive any such superlative Power to Saint Peter , as his sole universal Vicar or Viceroy , nor to any other Apostle , Bishop , Priest , or Pope whatsoever . Nor delegate his Supream Spiritual Jurisdiction over his Kingdom the Church militant in this world , and all the Members of it ; but only committed to them the Ministerial part of his Prophetical Office ( his a High Priestood being personal , untransferrable and incommunicable unto any other ) of teaching and preaching the Gospel publikely to all Nations , administring the Sacraments of Baptism & the Lords Supper to them according to his institution and command ; feeding them as his Sheep with the sincere milk of his word ; teaching them ( as his Apostles , Ministers , Servants ) to obey whatever he hath commanded them ; beseeching , intreating them as his Embassadors , in his stead to be reconciled unto God ; and to declare , pronounce them absolved from their sins by God upon their sincere repentance ; and to denounce damnation against them in case they repented not , and believed not in Christ . I Have here enlarged this Proposition , ( abridged in my Prologue ) the clearing whereof will prove fatal to St. Peters and the Popes pretended Universal , Regal Supremacy , and Pontifical Jurisdiction over Kings , Emperors , Kingdoms , Nations , as well in temporals as spirituals , and over Christs Kingdom , ( the Church Militant on Earth ) as Christs sole Viceroy , or Vicar General , to whom all his Regal and Sacerdotal power in heaven and earth , is assigned by Christ himself , if we believe their own Papal or their Parasites claims ; which I shall here pre●●ise in their own words , that so their Antichristian Usurpations , Blaspemies , Impostures may more visibly appear to all Christian Kings , and the whole world , who cannot but abominate and be jealous of them , though never so much devoted to the Papacy . b Pope Nicholas the 2d . writes thus to those of Millain ( who refused to obey the See of Rome , and acknowledge the Popes Universal Supremacy ) Christ alone hath founded , built the Roman Church upon the rock of the faith newly born , and hath committed to Saint Peter , the Key-bearer of eternal life , TERRENI SIMUL & IMPERII CAELESTIS JURA : the Rights both of the earthly and heavenly Empire : Therefore not any terrene Sentence ; but that word by which heaven and earth were built , by which faculty all the Elements were made , hath founded the Roman Church : Certainly she enjoyeth her privileges from him by whom she is supported . Therefore IT IS NOT TO BE DOUBTED , that he who endeavoureth to take away from the Church of Rome , the Priviledge granted her by the very chief head of all Churches , HIC PROCVLDUBIO IN HAERESIN LABITUR ; HIC EST DICENDVS HAERETICVS ; He without doubt falls into Heresie ; he is to be called an heretick , because he violates the faith , who acts against her who is the mother of faith , and is found contumacious to him , who is known to have advanced her above all Churches . On which Text Bartholomeus Buxiensis , and Ioannes Thierry , make this Glosse ; Papa habet utrumque gladium , scilicet , Spiritualem & Temporalem , & transtulit Imperium . Pope Leo the 9. in one of his a Epistles writes thus : This ought to satisfie you , That both the Earthly and Heavenly Empire , yea the Royal Priesthood is given to the Apostolick See , Divinitus ; by God himself and not by men . Pope Boniface the 8. in his b Letters to Philip the French King , told him , That the Pope is Lord through the whole world , both in Temporal and Spiritual Matters ; And that he judged it HERETICAL for any to think the contrary . This c Pope boasting that he had the power of both swords , declared it by his actions , riding Anno 1300. on the first day of the Great Iubilee in triumph in his Pontificalibus as Pope , and the next day in his IMPERIAL ROBES , adorned with THE IMPERIAL CROWN , having a naked sword carried before him , and one proclaiming ECCE HIC DUO GLADII ; behold here the Spiritual and Temporal Swords given to me , d quantum ad jurisdictionem , at least , though non per executionem generaliter , as some of their soberest Canonist distinguish . The like Soveraign power is claimed by all their * Successors , and inserted into their e Book of Sacred ceremonies ratified by Sixtus Quartus , and other Pontifs , which records , That when the Pope gives or sends a consecrated sword to the Emperor , or any King , ( usually hallowed on the night of Christs Nativity ) he is prescribed to say , This Pontifical sword doth betoken SUMMAM TEMPORALEM POTESTATEM ( as well as Spiritual ) A CHRISTO PONTIFICI COLLATAM ; according to that saying , f All power is given to me both in heaven and in earth , and according to that also , g He shall rule from Sea to Sea , and from the floud unto the worlds end ; h Pope Innocent the 3. and Adrian the 4th their forecited passages are to the like effect , with sundry other Popes forged or real Decrees to the same purpose recorded in i Gratian , and the Extravagants . The Pope ( as k Augustinus Triumphans asserts ) is greater then any King or Emperor , as well in Temporal as in Spiritual Matters ; and as God is the Lord of all by Universal Jurisdiction , so is the Pope , his Vicar , greater then any King or Emperor both in spiritual and temporal things . The power of Jurisdiction in temporal and in spiritual matters is immediate in the Pope alone . Yea , the Son of God hath declared the altitude of Ecclesiastical power ( in the Pope ) to be above all principalities and powers , that unto it every knee should bow both in heaven , in earth , and under the earth . l Franciscus Bozius affirms ; The Supream temporal Jurisdiction throughout the whole world belongs to Peters successor ; so that he is both Hierarch and Monarch of all things , and that by the divine Law expressed in the Scriptures ; That Peter and the Pope succeed to Christ , as well in his Kingdom , as in his Priesthood , and that Peter and the Pope is both King and Priest ; according to the order of Melchisedech ; which m Cardinal Baronius , and n Aquinas , with others likewise assert . o Stephanus Patracensis Archiepiscopus in his Oration 4 Maii 1515. before Pope Leo the 10th . in the Council of Constance , averred ; In the Pope the Supream Hierarch in the Church , there is omnis potestas , super omnes Potestates tam Coeli quam Tarrae ; Tibi data est omnis potestas ; in qua qui totum dicit Nihil excludit . p Ralulphus Cupers impudently proclaims , God hath committed to the Pope the rights both of the terrene and heavenly kingdoms . The direct dominion of the Emperor belong unto God , and by consequence to the Pope his Vicar , who is deservedly accounted the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , The Lord hath so magnified the Church ( which he expounds to be the Pope ) that he hath preferred it not only to Kings and Cesars , sed omnibus sub coelo & supra coelum existentibus ; but to all that are either under Heaven or above Heaven . (1) Cardinal Hostiensis asserts , Papa & Christus faciunt unum consistorium , ita quod excepto peccato potest Papa quasi omnia facere quae Deus potest ; Whence some (2) Canonists stile him , Dominus Deus noster Papa ; and yoak God and him together , as equals ; Quis audet dicere Deo et Papae ? the plenitude of his Papal power being such ( as Abbot Panormitan resolves ) that (3) Super omnem legem positivam ; & sufficit quod in Papa sit pro ratione voluntas , in dethroning Kings and Emperors . The like Antichristian blasphemous assertions are professedly maintained in solemn discourses , as you may read at leisure in their a Azorius , b Antoninus , c Alexander Carerius , d Francis Bozius , e Lelius Zecchus , f Marta , g Rodericus Sancius , h Gaster Scoppius , with i other Pontifician Parasites . And Cardinal k Bellarmin himself informs us ; That the Pope , Jure divino , hath power over the whole world as well in temporal as in Ecclesiastical matters , is also taught by Augustinus Triumphans , Alvarus Pelagius , Hostiensis , Panormitan , Silvester ; and divers others ; Yea Hostiensis teacheth ; That Christ by his comming translated all the Dominion , even that of Infidel Princes , unto the Church , and that this Dominion so resides now in the Pope Christs Vicar , That he may give by his own Right the Kingdoms of Infidels ( as well as Christians ) to whomsoever he will. Alvarus Pelagius seconds all these with most Hyperbolical passages and blasphemies , which I cannot pretermit : Christ ( l writes he ) had all power given unto him both in Heaven and Earth , & being ascended in his humanity to his Father ; lest he should leave his flock without a Shepheard , he left the care thereof to Peter and his Successors , as his Vicar General : Now the Father is Almighty , the Son Almighty , even in Earth : Therefore every Pope his Vicar upon Earth , hath all power in Earth which Christ had , not as very God , but as very Man. To this purpose is that which Zacharias saith of Christ , Zech. 8. His power shall be from Sea to Sea ; And Ps . 72. 8. He shall have dominion from Sea to Sea , & from the River unto the ends of the Earth : Whence Ecclesiasticus speaking of the power of the Pope , saith , Eccles . 17. God hath given him power of those who are upon the Earth : For in this the Pope is Successor to Adam , the first man , for God the Son hath autonomatically and typically formed the Pope ( his Vicar ) after his own image and likenesse , Gen. 1. For the Pope truly represents Christ on Earth , so that he who sees the Pope with a contemplative and faithfull eye , may see even Christ himself : Whence even for this cause he said to Peter , Mat. 18. Thou art Peter , taken a Rock from me : Distinct : 21. & 1. Hunc enim in consortium individuae Trinitate assumptum , id quod ipse erat , &c. For Peter being assumed into the Fellowship of the individual Trinity , is become that which ( Christ ) himself was : that is from that which he was , namely a Rock ; the Lord would have him to be called and named Peter : Whence according to this , Papa non est homo simpliciter , sed Deus , id est , Dei Vicarius : Whence according to this , the Pope is not simply a Man , but a God : that is , The Vicar of God. Item , Christ as a man was a King , Zach : 9. Mat : 21 , & 27. Lu : 24. John 19. Psal : 72. Rom. 2. & 7. God shall raise up a Kingdom , &c. But of this universal Kingdom the Emperor is not Christs Vicar , because there are not two Vicars , as is plainly proved ; Therefore the Pope is his Vicar , because there is no other Vicar , and the Kingdom of the world , is not without the Vicar of God. He thence inferrs and asserts in another Article , m Although in this life the Pope should do injury or injustice to any man , or some men , ( as he confesseth he may ) he hath no Iudge over him ; neither is he obliged to chuse Iudges or arbitrators , to whose Sentence he may subject himself , neither can he directly or indirectly be condemned ; for it is impossible that the Pope himself should constitute another Superiour Prince , or Iudge , or another ArchPope above or equal to himself , sicut nec Deus Trinitas possit super se alium Deum constituere vel aequalem ; as neither God the Trinity can constitute another God above or equall to himself : He thus proceeds in another Article ; a The Church ( or Pope ) are not from the Empire , but the Empire from the Church ; and the Pope is before the Emperor , which he endeavours to prove by 25. Arguments : I shall only touch upon some of them . As the Moon receives her dignity and her Light from the Sunne : so doth the Moon , the Emperor , the dignity of his altitude from the Sunne the Pope . As much as the spiritual life is worthier then the earthly ; the spirit then the body , gold more precious then silver : so much doth the spiritual power exceed the temporal or secular power , in dignity , honor , worth , splendor , and the order of Priests is so much higher then the Regal power , to which all Emperors and Kings ought to subject themselves , every of them being subject suo simplici Sacerdoti qui ipsum solvit , ligat & judicat . All power in earth , both spiritual and temporal is given to the Pope Christs Vicar , as it was to Christ himself , Mat : 28. for in him resides the fulnesse of the Regal or Imperial Dignity , that is , to take from one and conferr unto another the right of chusing the Emperor ; to examine , anoynt , consecrate and crown him when elected , and by consequence to approve and reject him ; all which of right belong to the Pope . That the Pope out of the plenitude of the power and keyes given to him by Christ , with this Commission , Feed my Sheep , hath a power and jurisdiction over all men upon earth de jure , although not de facto ; which he may exercise when ever he is able , or willing ; by which power he may lawfully punish all Pagan , Heathenish Kings , Nations , and Idolaters in the world , as well as Christians for breach of the Law of Nature only , and command all Infidels who are subject to his Jurisdiction in earthly things , to admit the preachers of the Gospel , and punish them if they do not obey him ; yea , the Pope alone and none other of right , can contend with , and denounce war , and invoke the secular power against them . Christ was a true temporal King , and by consequence the Pope his Vicar . He that in this point will exclude from himself the darknesse of understanding , must consider the Pope , non hominem , sed Deum quodammodo qui non puri hominis , sed Veri Dei vicem gerit in terris . As Christ is God and Man , most perfectly participating both Natures , and God and Man are both one Christ , perfect God and perfect Man : So his Vicar General and Singular , the POPE : ( participat cum Christo quodammodo naturam Divinitatis quoad Spiritualia ; & humanitatis quoad temporalia , ) participates with Christ after a sort the Nature of the Divinity as to Spiritualities ; and of the Humanity as to Temporalties . As by force of the Orthodox faith it is heretical to lay down two Beginnings , 24. Quaest : So it seems to be heretical , to make two several Vicars equals to each other in earth in point of right . As therefore no believer doubts Jesus Christ was both King and Priest , and King of heaven and earth , because all things were made by him ( one person in two Natures ) So no Catholick ought to doubt but his Chief Vicar General on Earth hath likewise both Powers ; Yea it would not be farr from Heresy pertinaciously to affirm the contrary ; because this would be as it were to deny the Son of God to be the Maker of the Earth and a King , and so to make Duo principia , That therefore thou mayst not seem an Arch Heretick , let this be thy Catholick Faith , that as there is but one God incommutable : so there is but one his Vicar General upon Earth : Cui omnes Angeli , i. homines , debent esse subjecti , & in omnibus obedire ; to whom all Angels ; that is , Men , ought to be subject , and to obey in all things ; whose Ship is stable and immutable : For thus the inferiour Hierarchy accords with the superiour when all men serve and obey his Vicar in earth , as all Angels serve and obey God in heaven : but when they grow proud and resist , the inferior is disturbed , and the superiour Hierarch is offended . Gratian caus . x. qu. 3. All things are put under the Popes feet , except God alone , who hath put all things under him , 1 Cor. 15. In another b article he asserts , That the Pope is King of Kings , of the Emperor and Spiritual Kings , and every Member of the Church Militant , who ought Iure Divino to be subject to him : That he hath a plentitude of all Temporal and Spiritual power in him in several respects . 1. Because it is a universal power ; No person in the Militant Church ( nor Infidel in some sense ) being exempted from , but subject to it . 2ly . Because all temporal and spiritual power whatsoever ordained by God for the government of christians or men , is comprehended in his power . 3ly . Because all power in the Church is derived from his , and ordained for it : and he is the beginning and end of any power whatsoever ; Therefore every human power is DE JURE subject to him . 4ly . Because it is not exceeded , nor overcome by any other human power , but overcomes and exceeds all other powers . 5ly . Because it is limited , or ordained , or judged by no other power ; but it limiteth , ordaineth , judgeth all other powers . 6ly . Because it is not restrained , nor bound by any Lawes made by the Pope himself ; for it may act mediately by other powers , or immediately by it self whatsoever it shall think sit . It may likewise act both according to the Lawes it sets down , and besides them when it shall judge convenient . And for this cause his Power is said to be , Sine Numero , Pondere et Mensura . Without number , because it extends to innumerable persons even all men in the world , whether Beleevers or Infidels . Without weight , because it is not confined to one place , but extends it self to all Churches throughout the world . And without measure , as to the act and manner of acting ; because it is after a sort Immense both in acting , and in the manner of acting ; For , as the Spirit was given to Christ man without measure , John 3. and to others it is given only according to the measure of the gift of Christ , 1 Cor : 12. Eph. 4. Rom : 12. So to Christs Vicar , the Pope , is given a Power without measure , to wit , in a certain Immensity , Ex●rav : de Major , & Obedientia Solita , c. Nos autem . But to others is given a power according to their measure of participation of this Immense Power : And although this Power of Christs Vicar is without Number , Weight or Measure , yet notwithstanding it determinates to other powers , Number , Weight and Measure , Causa xv . qu. 1. pervenit . 13. qu. 1. c. 1. Therefore this power is deservedly called FULL , proper quod multum veneranda & metuenda est , wherefore it is much to be Reverenced and Feared . And indeed all Kings , Princes , Kingdoms , Churches of the World had need to fear , yea to keep watch and ward against it , and for ever to abandon it , as our and other Kings , Kingdoms , Churches have both justly and prudently done , and more are now about to do : For , * haec plenitudo potestatis , est plentitudo potestatis , est plenitudo tempestatis . I omit his a other Passages to the same effect in above 30. Articles more . Upon these pretences of the Popes transcendent plentitude of power , b Pope Gregory the 7. ( that impious Hildebrand and pest of the world in his generation ) in his ratification of the Emperor Henry the seconds Excommunication , presumed to make this most impious Antichristian appeal to Peter and Paul themselves : Go to now , O ye blessed Apostles , do you confirm what I have done , that all men may know , that if you being in heaven can bind and loose , that I also here on Earth can give and take away Empires , Kingdomes , Principalities , & quicquid habere mortales possunt ; and what ever Mortals can possess . And two of his late Successors ( new-named Paul when crowned Popes ) with their Parasites are of the same judgment with their predecessors ; point-blank against Saint Pauls doctrin , evidencing them to be the very Antichrist ; & man of Sin decyphered by him 2 Thess . 2. which they demonstrated by their two late Portraitures cut , and printed in Brasse-pieces , prefixed to two Books dedicated to them , printed in Italy it self Permissu Superiorum ; to wit , Benedicti à Benedictis , Jacula Ecclesiae Catholicae , Bononiae 1608. & Caraffae Theses , Neapoli 1609. in one of which ( as the Noble Lord c Morney observes ) Pope Paul the 3d , is Pourrayed with this blasphemous Inscription : Paulo 3. Opt. Max. in terris Deo : And in the other Pope Paul the V. with this Motto , Paulo V. Vicedeo , Christianae Reipublicae Monarchae Invictissimo , et Pontificiae Omnipotentiae Conservatori acerrimo ; In both which Pourtraitures under their respective Papal feet , the Scepters , Crowns of Kings and Emperors are prostrated , and Princes , Kings , Emperors themselves stand pourtrayed by them bare-headed , excommunicated , astonied , and adoring these Pontifs ; One of them having this inscription over his head , Vultu Imperium portendit : Besides , these sacred Texts are engraven round about them , Jer : 27. ( intended only of King Nebuchadnezzer , the great subverter , persecuter of Gods Church , Kings , Kingdoms , whom the Pope it seems will now succeed as his Vicar General , rather then Christs ) That Nation and Kingdom which will not serve him , will I punish , saith the Lord , with the sword , and with the pestilence , untill I have consumed them by his hand , Dan : 7. 14. The Lord hath given to him Power and a kingdom , and all people shall serve him ; his power is an everlasting power which shall not be taken away , and his Kingdom that which shall not be destroyed . Isay 49. 23. Kings and Queens shall bow down to thee with their faces towards the earth , and lick up the dust of thy feet . The two last texts pertain to Christ alone , as King of his Church . You have seen a pretty full View of Popes and their parasites blasphemous claims of an unlimited Universal Supremacy in all causes and over all persons whatsoever throughout the world , yea over the Persons , Crowns , Scepters , Kingdoms , Empires of all Kings , Princes , Emperors , vested in Christs pretended Vicar General , & S. Peters Successors the Pope ; enough to awaken , alarum all Monarchs , Realms , Churches throughout the Universe , as well Papal as Pagan , to keep watch and ward against , and for ever to exterminate such Antichristian , Antimonarchical Usurpers out of their Dominions , as all Protestant Kingdoms , Churches have done upon very good grounds , without the least guilt of a Schisme , wherewith they maliciously brand them : I shall now proceed to evidence the truth of my forecited Proposition , which will for ever dissipate , and overturn these their presumptuous groundlesse Claims and Titles to their forecited temporal and spiritual Universal Soveraignty . The first Part thereof ; That Jesus Christ as Supream King , Lord , Head of his kingdom the Church , whiles on earth , never claimed nor exercised any Temporal , Regal Jurisdiction over Kings , or other Civil Magistrates or their Subjects : much lesse deprived them of their Crowns , Kingdoms , Prerogatives ; nor ever gave unto St. Peter , or to any other Apostle , the least Dominion over them , ( especially such as Popes now claim ) but both he and they submitted themselves to , and ratified , asserted , ( not invaded ) their Supremacy and Regal Power in the highest degree ; I shall thus invincibly demonstrate . 1. Jesus Christ himself though ( as many assert ) he had a temporal right to the temporal Crown and Kingdom of the Jews , as right heir thereto of the seed of King David ; and therefore was thus inquired after by the Wise men ; b Where is He that is Born King of the Iews ? Yet it is observable First , That he never claimed , nor seised on his earthly Kingdom then usurped by King Herod , who sought to murder him , to secure himself against Christs Title , nor ever exercised the least Temporal , Royal Jurisdiction therein . 2ly . That ( on the contrary ) c when he perceived the people would come and take and make him KING by force , he departed from them into a Mountain alone , to prevent their designs . 3ly . That When he was arraigned before Pilate , and accused as d an Enemy to Caesar , because he made himself A KING ; He twice openly professed in one breath ; My Kingdom is not of this World , If my Kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that I should not be delivered unto the Jews ; But now is my kingdom not from hence . And in his prayer to his Father for his Disciples , ( a little before his passion ) he said , e They are not of the world , even as I am not of the world : Therefore doubtlesse since , he neither challenged nor exercised any Temporal dominion as a King in his own proper Kingdom of Iudea : much lesse took he away the Diadems , Crowns , Realms , Soveraignty of any other Kings , Princes , nor exercised any Regal Jurisdiction in them . This the antient Christian Poet f Prudentius professed in his Hymn of Christ , sung in the very Church of Rome till this day , where he thus expostulates with Herod for fearing Christ would deprive him of his crown , and murdering the innocent children upon that very account : Herodes hostis impiè , Christum venire quid times ? NON ERIPIT MORTALIA , QUI REGNA DAT COELESTIA . Why wicked Herod dost thou fear , And at Christs comming frown ? The Mortal he takes not away , That gives the Heavenly crown . Which g Claudian an antient Author in his Collectanea upon Matthew thus elegantly seconds ; That KING which is born , doth not come to overcome Kings by fighting , but to subdue them after a wonderfull manner , by dying ; neither is he born to the end that he may suceed thee , but that the World may faithfully believe in him : For he is come not that he may fight being alive , but that he may triumph being slain ; Nor that he may with Gold get an Army to himself out of other Nations , but that he may shed his precious bloud for the saving of the Nations . Vainly didst thou by envying fear him to be thy Successor , whom by believing thou oughtest to seek as thy Saviour ; because if thou didst believe in him , thou shouldest raign with him : and as thou hast received a Temporal Kingdom from him , thou shouldest also receive from him an Evelasting . For the Kingdom of this Child is not of this World , but by him it is that men do reign in this World. He is the Wisdom of God which saith in the Proverbs , By me Kings reign . St. Augustin in his 115. Tract upon Iohn , brings in Christ making this publike proclamation ; Audite ergo Judaei & Gentes : audi circumcisio ; audi pra putium , audite omnia Regna terrena ; non impediam Dominationem vestram in hoc mundo : Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo . Nolite metuere metu vanissimo , quo Herodes ille major cum Christus natus nunciaretur ; expavit , & a tot infantes , ut ad eum mors perveniret occidit ; timendo quam irascendo crudelior : Regnum meum ( inquit ) non est de hoc mundo . Quid vultis amplius ? Venite ad regnum quod non est de hoc mundo , &c. St. Ambrose in Luc : l. 3. St. Hilary in Psal : 2. Epiphanius Haeres : 29. Eusebius lib : 7. De Demonstration Evangelica . St. Hierom in Jeremiam ; cap : 22. Tom : 5. St. Chrysostom Homil : 82. in Johann . Cyrillus Alexandrinus lib : 12. in Johan : c. 10. Fulgentius in Sermone de Epiphania ; Beda in cap. 11 Lucae , Bernard Homil : 4. Super missus est , Luc. 1. with all other Fathers of the Church , positively affirm , That Christ neither claimed , enjoyed nor exercised any temporal Kingdom or Dominion upon earth . Which our b Thomas Waldensis ( though a great asserter of the Popes and Bishops Supremacy above and over Kings in spiritual things ) asserts at large ; and thence inferrs and largely proves these conclusions , pointblank against the forecited Papal pretensions , 1. Regia Potestas prima sua origine a Deo est , & non a Sacerdote . 2. Quamquam ministerio Episcoporum R●gibus imponantur Coronae & insignia conferantur , non est propterea dicendum Regiam illam dignitatem ortum habere à Sacerdote . 3. Reges fuerunt ante Sacerdotes ad regnum evecti , 4. Dicentes , quod radix potestatis terrenae in tantum dependet a Papa , ut ex commissione ejus executio derivetur in Principem , & errante Principe potest Summus Sacerdos negotium illud temporale administrare , decipiuntur . 5. Regia Potestas cedit Sacerdotali ubi de rebus divinis agitur , Sacerdotalis verò cedit Regiae , in negotiis terrenis . In fine , Cardinal Bellarmin himself is enforced to professe , c That Christ as man whiles he lived upon earth , had neither Temporal Dominion , neither did nor would he exercise any such temporal power ; I have read ( saith he ) the Books of the Fathers with what diligence I could , and I have often read them to deny Christ , to have a Temporal or Earthly kingdom ; but I have no where read them to affirm , that he had such a Kingdom . 1. That Christ had a Vniversal Kingdom of power , as he was God ; 2 A Spiritual kingdom of Grace : and a third , which is an eternal Kingdom of glory , I do read ; but that he had a fourth kingdom , which is properly temporal , such as other Kings here upon earth have , I find not either in the Scriptures or Fathers ; yea , I esteem such a Kingdom to be contrary to the poverty of Christ , mentioned in the Scriptures , and to savour of the errours of the Jewes and Hereticks . d Alvarus Pelagius , with e other Popish Parasites , endeavour to evade these Texts objected against the Popes Temporal Monarchy ; asserting , That Christ had a Temporal Kingdom , and that his Universal Kingdom takes away all other Kingdoms , who by his death hath evacuated all other Principalities , Powers , Empires and temporal Kingdoms in the world , and bought them to himself from the Devil , to whom Adam by his Sin had sold them , and given the Pope , his Viceroy , the universal possession of them by little and little since his death , ( which they shew not ) though himself never actually possessed them during his abode on earth . But their answers are so false , so absurd , I shall not spend time to refell them ; but proceed . 2ly . Christ and his Apostle Saint Peter , by f Peters own hand , payd Tribute to Cesar , for himself and Peter , working a Miracle to pay it , having no money in his purse ; causing , commanding Peter to catch just so much as both their Polemoneys came to , in a Fishes mouth . And he asserted g the right of Caesars Tribute , commanding all To give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars ; ( mentioned in the first place ) and unto God the things that are Gods , with the same obedience and tye of conscience : Yea , though he was the natural Sonne of God and King David too , which might have exempted him and his Disciples from rendring Tribute to Caesar , yet he paid it not only de facto , but ex debito , to fulfill all righteousnesse , as Jerom ; and least He and Peter should give an offence unto them ; not they take scandall at it ; as i Cardinal Cajetan , Lucas Burgensis and others Note . Now had he been a Temporal King then and there de facto , he should have received Tribute from others , yea those who demanded it from him and Peter , not have paid it thus unto them to the prejudice of his Temporal Dominion and Kingship . k St. Ambrose from this example of Christs paying Tribute , makes his inference ; Tributum petit Imperator non negamus Magnum quidem est & speciale documentum quo Christiani veri & Praelati sublimioribus potestatibus docentur debere esse subjecti ; ne quis constitutionem terrenae Regis putet esse solvendam . Si enim censum Filius Dei solvit , Quis tu tantus es qui putas esse non solvendum ? which he backs with Rom : 13. 1. &c. 1 Pet. 2 13. This resolution of his is inserted into the body of the Canon Law , Gratian caus . 11 : qu. 1. cap. Si Tributum , & caus . 23. qu. 8. which is likewise confessed by Pope Gregory the 1. and Pope Urban there cited by Gratian , & the Glossers thereon ; And not only so , but this very Speech of Christ to Peter ; Give unto them for me and thee ; and the Officers demand unto Peter ; Doth not your Master pay Tribute ? coupled with Christs demand to Peter ; Of whom do the Kings of the Earth receive tribute , or custom ? of their own children , or strangers ? is produced as a strong Argument for Peters Supremacy over all the rest of the Apostles ; and his Universal Vicarship , since he alone was coupled with , and made equal to Christ himself in paying the Pollmoney , and much insisted on by a Alvarus Pelagius and other Pontificans for this purpose ; Yet Pope b Boniface the 7. by his Papal authority decreed Anno 1296 That That no Ecclesiastical person whatsoever under pain of Excommunication , should by any means whatsoever pay any Aydes or Tribute to any Secular Prince , ( though demanded of them upon urgent occasions ) upon which all the Convocation , Bishops , Clergy of England in two several Parliaments peremptorily refused to grant or pay any Ayd to King Edw. 1. for the necessary defence of the Realm ; for which he put them all out of his protection , and confiscated their goods ; and other * Popes , Canonists , plead a general Exemption of all Prelates , Clergymen , and Religious persons from Taxes and Tributes to their Princes , contrary to the expresse precepts and presidents of Christ himself , St. Peter , St. Paul , St. Ambrose , and those two Popes constitutions , to evade this Argument of Subjection to Kings and Emperors as the Supream powers . 3ly . Christ foretold his Disciples , that they should be brought before Kings , Governors , and Councils for his sake , for a Testimony against them ; and he promised , to give them in that hour , what to answer to accusers , by way of submission to their Regal power and jurisdiction ; not to demurr unto it , as having no power over them , and totally exempted from their temporal Jurisdiction ; ( as Popes and Priests claim now . ) Yea Christ himself , the very Lord of Glory ; c submitted himself without any reluctancy or demurrer to the Jurisdiction of Pontius Pilate the Governor , who adjudged him to be crucified ; Who demanding of him at his trial , e Knowest thou not , that I have POWER to crucifie thee , d and I have POWER to release thee ? He answers , Thou couldest have no Power over me , unless it were given thee from above : thereby acknowledging , That his temporal power over him was vested in him by God ; therefore not to be resisted , but submitted to , as Peter himself at his martyrdom . 4ly . Christ professed , Luke 12. 47. f I came not to Judge the world , as a temporal King or Judge : upon which account , g when one of the company said unto him , Master , speak to my brother that he may divide the inheritance with me : He said unto him , Man , who made me a judge , or divider over you ? Thereby declaring , that he had no judicial , inherent temporal power over any private persons inheritance from God or Man ● much lesse then over Kings and Kingdoms . 5ly . As Christ himself disclaimed all temporal Regal power and jurisdiction : so his Apostle St. Peter , ( from whose pretended Primacy all Popes derive their Titles , claims both to Regal and Pontifical Jurisdiction ) in his first Catholick Epistle to all Gods elect ones , as well Bishops , Priests , as Laymen in all the earth : After he had acquainted them with the excellency of their Christian state ; that they are h a chosen generation , a Royal Priesthood , ( and Popes pretend to no more then what every good christian , by St. Peters verdict , enjoyes in common with them ) an holy Nation , a peculiar people , now the people of God , though no people before , &c. lest they should pretend an exemption thereby from all Kings and Civil Magistrates , as being as much advanced above their Jurisdiction by i Christs ( the King of Kings ) making them Kings and Priests to God his Father : ( as Popes and Popish Prelates pretend they are ) presently subjoyns this quite contrary Practise and peremptory precept ; k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Subjecti estote igitur : Be ye therefore Subiect to every Ordinance of Man , ( or human creature ) for the Lord , or Lords sake ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whether to the King as Supream , ( Regi ut Supereminenti ) as the Vulgar , Arias Montanus , and others translate it ; ( not to my self , as Christs supream Vicar-General , or my successors at Rome ) Or unto Governors ; which he backs with these invincible reasons : 1. Because they are sent by God himself , though ordained by men , as to the execution of their offices , as these next words , as those who are sent by him , ( to wit , by the LORD , for whose sake you ought thus to submit unto them , as Rom : 13. 1 , 2 , 4 , 6. and the sense resolve , not by me , or my Vicars ) and that to be Supream Governors over you . 2ly . Because sent by God only , for the punishment of evil doers ; as well Christians as Pagans , Popes , Priests , as Lay-christians ; if you do ill , as the Gentiles accuse you to be Evil doers : v : 12. &c. 3. 16. and so subject to their Jurisdiction only , and not to mine , or your own Pastors , if proved such . 3ly . Because they are also thus sent , for the praise of them that do well ; so that they by your honest conversation and good works , which they shall behold , and submission to their power and Government ; will not only praise you ; but glorify God in the day of their visitation ; and become Christians too . 4ly . For so is the will of God , that you should thus submit to them as Supream ; and with well doing put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , who falsly accuse you to pretend an exemption from all Secular power ; A● free , yet not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousnesse , but as the servabts of God. 5ly . He thence inferts , Honor all Men ( that is , all Supream Governours ) to whom Honor is due , Rom : 13. 7. Fear God , Honor the King , in a more signal manner , as Supream , and Gods Vice-Roy upon Earth ; the honoring of whom for the Lords sake , will evidence to the world and your own consciences that you fear God ; when your disobedience to , exempting your selves from , and advancing your selves above them , will discover , that you a fear him not . Pope b Innocent the 3d. with other Popes and their c Parasites , to evade Saint Peters text , assert ; 1. That it extends only to those who receive temporal things from the Emperor , who in temporal things is Supream ( which yet he and his Successors elsewhere contradict ) but not to spiritual things , wherein Pontifex antecellit , which excell temporal things , as much as the soul doth the body . 2ly . That it is not said simpliciter , Subjecti estote ; but with this addition , propter Deum ; which extenuates and qualifies it . 3ly . Neither is it purely written Regi praecellenti , sed interpositum Forsttan , non sine causa . 4ly . Ad vindictam malefactorum extends only to those , qui utentes gladio ejus sunt Jurisdictioni subjecti : not to Priests , whose Promotion of Priesthood advanceth them above Kings and kingdoms , * totally to root up and to destroy , and to build and plant them . To which evasions I answer : 1. That St. Peter makes no such distinction of Temporalties and Spiritualties ; nor that the King or Emperor is supream in the one , but himself , Popes , Prelates only in the other , as this Pope doth . 2ly . He acknowledgeth the King Supream in both , it being Heresy ( as they assert ) to † hold two Supream heads , and two Principles of power in and over one body . 3ly . Peter writes this Epistle to all the Elect Saints , as d Gods peculiar people , heritage , a Royal , holy Priesthood , and an holy Church , Nation unto God ; enjoyning them upon this consideration only , not as meer worldlings , to submit to Kings and Governors as Supream , without one word of his own , his Successots , or others supremacy over them : therefore it extends to spiritual as well as to temporal Supremacy . 4ly . This Pope acknowledgeth the Emperor to be Supream in Temporal things , which he bestowes on others , who receive them . But Popes ( as e themselves and flatterers confesse ) have received all their temporalties , and St. Peters Patrimony from the Gifts of Emperors , as Constantine , Charles the Great , and others : Therefore they ought to acknowledge him Supream in temporal things at least , notwithstanding all their recited vaunts and passages denying it . 5ly . St. Peter and Bishops had then f neither Silver , gold , nor temporal possessions at all , nor yet those Strangers scattered by persecutions through Pontus , Asia , Phrygia , and Pamphilia , to whom he writes ; who all sold their possessions , and were spoyled of their goods , when he sent this Epistle to them . Therefore Saint Peter rather intended Kings and Governours to be supream in ecclesiastical matters , in g rewarding ; praysing and encouraging them in good works , and in a Christian , honest , pious conversation , and punishing them for sins contrary to and scandalizing their Christian profession ; then for temporal matters 2ly . His 2d . evasion doth not deny , nor diminish , but fortifie Kings Supremacy : For if he had commanded them to submit to Kings and Governors as supream by the bare Ordinance of men alone , this had been no strong obligation in point of conscience to them ; but when he adds for the Lords sake : this superadds divine authority to this humane Ordinance , and binds them in point of conscience towards God , and as they are Christians to this submission to them . * Josephus relates that in his time ( not long before this Epistle written ) there rose up a crafty arrogant sect of the Pharisees ; et interdum Regibus quoque infestum ; ut eos etiam aperte oppugnare non verentur ; necnon cum tota gens Judeorum fidem suam jurejurando obligasset Regi et Caesari , hi solum non iuraverunt , being above six thousand men in number , hoc nomine à Rege mulctatis : and pretending to know secrets by divine Revelations , they openly proclaimed ( like some of our late Republicans and Fanaticks , in relation to the King and his Royal family ) Decretum esse a Deo regnum ablatum ab Herode et eius progenie transferre ad Pheronem , uxorem ejus & communes liberos : And they with others held , That being Abrahams seed , and Gods people they ought not to be in subjection or pay Tribute to the Roman Emperor and Pagan Kings : Hereupon the Jewish and other Christians were then suspected , accused to be * enemies to Kings , and Cesar ; yea to deny subjection , tribute and an Oath of Allegiance to them as supream chief Governours , as these Pharisees did . To take off this slander , Saint Peter ( and Paul too ) did in their Epistles , as well as Sermons , most earnestly and particularly presse Christians subjection , obedience to Emperors ; Kings , Princes , and all Secular powers , even for the Lords and conscience sake , as ordained and sent by God himself , and a duty enjoyned them by the very Will and Gospel of God ; as Chrysostom , Haymo , Soto , Calvin , Gualther , Willet , Pareus , Perrerius , most other Commentators on the place , and Bellarmine himself acknowledge . To which Doctrine , practise , nothing could have been more diametrically contrary , then to set up such a Universal Temporal Monarchy and Ecclesiastical Supremacy in Peter , and his pretended Successors in the See of Rome it self ( then the seat of the Roman Emperors ) as they now pretend to , inconsistent with the Emperors Supremacy , and all Kings Government , Regal power , here knocked down and crushed in the shell by St. Peters own hand , keyes , and sacred pen. This Pope his 3d evasion is most absurd : For had it been Submit your selves therefore Regi praecellenti , as this Innocent would have Peter vary it , it would have extended only to one King alone , then most eminent , or to Christ ; whereas now it relates to all Kings and Governours too , who have Regal , or supream Authority : and the addition after it , as Supream , is so far from extenuating the Kings Supremacy , that it more fully , emphatically asserts it : not with a forsitan , as he mistakes , ( which would have made the Supremacy disputable ) but with a quasi , or sicut supereminenti ; which puts it out of question ; like that of Rom. 1. 21. Because when they knew God they glorified him not sicut Deus , as God : which last clause , as God , adds lustre , yea Divine Glory to his Deity , which it identically not comparatively sets forth and asserts . His 4th . evasion , that this precept extends only to Lay-christians , * as to Kings and Governours civil power , not to Bishops , Priests , especially to Popes , ( exempt from , above all human judicature ) is most false . For this Epistle is general to all the elect of God , to whom he directs it ; whereof some no doubt were Elders , and Ministers of the Church , as himself informs us , c. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. 2ly . He gives this command in precise terms , b To all who came unto Christ the living and precious stone , and were built up on him ( not Peter ) c as lively stones , a spiritual house , an Holy and Royal Priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifices unto God. I hope Popes , Popish Prelates and Masse-priests dare not assert , that Lay-Christians only are this Holy and Royal Priesthood ; since they wholly d appropriate it to themselves , as no wayes belonging to the Laity , ( though St. Peter equally extends it to both , without distinction : ) Therefore this precept most belongs to them . 4ly . They of all others have e in all ages most invaded , oppugned the temporal , magistratical Supremacy of Kings and Emperors : Therefore they were principally intended by Saint Peter , who would not presse that submission only on the Laity , from which himself , all Bishops and Clergymen ( their guides and presidents of obedience ) were totally exempted . 3dly . St. Peter makes no such distinction as Popes now do , between Lay-Christians and Clergy-men , ( yea he defines those now stiled the Laity to be Cleri , the Lords Clergy or Heritage , 1 Pet : 5. 3. not the Elders ) nor between himself , Popes , Prelates , and other Presbyters , as Popes and others since make : yea , such a distinction would have not only verified , but aggravated the calumnies , accusations of the Pagans against the Christians ; For had he informed those to whom he writes , and the Roman Pagan Emperors , Kings , Governors then ruling , that all Lay Christians ought to be subject to them as Supream in all temporal things held of them ; but that himself , and all Christian Bishops , Elders , Ministers were totally exempted from their power , and had the sole Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction originally in themselves ; by virtue whereof they could root up and pull down , build up and plant them , their Empires , Kingdoms , Nations , at their pleasures ; and were set over them for that very purpose , as Jeremiah was , in this Popes sence , not Gods. This certainly would have incensed all Emperors , Kings , and Governours against them , to their total and final extirpation , as the archest Traytors , Rebels , that ever the world produced . This Popes distinction therefore , was as farr from St. Peters meaning , as he was from his humility . 6ly . St. Peter in this very Epistle , as he stiles himself only , a an Elder ; yea fellow Elder ( not Christs Vicar , Viceroy , Head of his Church &c. as Popes since have done ) so he exhorts the Elders of the Church only as his fellows , ( not commands them as their Lord ) to feed the flock of Christ which is amongst them ; neither as being Lords over Gods heritage , ( as Popes now make themselves ) but being ensamples to the flock . Therefore those Kings and Governors to whom he enjoyned them to submit themselves ( not Peter , nor these Elders ) as Supream , were Supream over them in all temporal and ecclesiastical Causes , as well as over their flocks , to whom they were to be examples herein as well as in other particulars . 7ly . b Bellarmin affirms Saint Peters first Universal Epistle to be written from Rome , from this salutation in the cloze thereof ; c The Church which is at Babylon saluteth you ; affirming this Babylon to be Rome , to prove Peters being Bishop thereof , and his Universal Supremacy , as Christs Vicar , since devolved unto Popes ; Wherein he makes the Church of Rome a true Antichristian Babylon , and mother of confusion , in perverting this Epistle from Rome , so pregnant for the Temporal and Ecclesiastical Supremacy of Kings and Temporal Magistrates over all their Christian subjects , as well of the Clergy , as Laity , so far , as to give the Pope an absolute Supremacy over Kings and Emperors themselves , which never entred into St. Peters heart , nor was ever claimed or exercised , but abominated by him , and thus Decreed against in his unerring chair . Yet d Alvarus Pelagius concludes with Pope Innocent from this very Text of Peter , ex praedictis clarè patet , Papa est Universalis Monarcha totius populi christiani , & denuo totius mundi : ita quod velit nolit , quicunque viator Papae de jure subjicitur ut Praelato . 6ly . Saint Peter in his second Vniversal Epistle , chap : 2. gives a most lively character of Popes Apostacy , ambition , covetousnesse , uncleannesse , injustice and presumption ; more especially in despising all Dominion over them by Emperors , Kings , and Magistrates , in speaking evil of Dignities , without fear of God or Man , in defiance of his first Epistle , and bringing many railing accusations against them ; ( as they do in their Epistles , Decrees , Bulls , Books against their Supremacies ) whereas Angels who are greater in power and might , dare not do it . Yet these , as natural brute beasts , made to be taken and destroyed , speak evil of those Dignities they understand not , and shall utterly perish in their own corruption , and receive the reward of unrighteousnesse ; as many Popes , Popish Prelates , Rebels , Regicides f have done ; both in the field , and Courts of Justice , for maintaining the Popes Unchristian Usurpations over the Crowns , kingdomes , persons , lives of their Lawfull Emperors , Kings , and Princes : Therefore Popes must henceforth either for ever renounce their Universal Vicarship , Soveraignty , as neither enjoyed , exercised , owned , but professedly and eternally subverted by St. Peter himself , from whom alone they derive it ; or else St. Peter will eternally disclaim them by these General Texts and Universal Epistles , to be either his Successors , or Christs Vicars , but meer Antichristian Impostors . 7ly . St. Paul ( the first real Apostle , and sole Bishop of Rome , g to whom he only writ ( if any Apostle was so ) at least joynt Bishop with Peter ( if ever Bishop there ) as a Epiphanius , b Eusebius , and others attest ) even in his very Epistle to the Saints and Church of Rome it self , hath put in an eternal Bar against the pretended Supremacy of Popes , as St. Peter did ( in his Epistles from it ) Rom : 13. 1 , to 3. where he gives a universal precept to all present and future Saints and Members of the Roman Church ( as well Popes , Prelates , Priests , and other Ecclesiasticks , as Lay-Christians or Pagans , as the c Fathers resolve ) Let every Soul be subiect to the higher Powers ( not to Paul or Peter , who enjoyn obedience to them ) acknowledged by all to be the Roman Emperors , Senate , though then meer Pagans ; not abolished nor translated to Peter , by Christ himself ; and that upon these unanswerable reasons : 1. Because there is no power but of God. 2ly . The power that are ( then in being , and so not abolished by Christ , but ratified ) are ordained and ordered by God. 3ly . Whosoever therefore resisteth ( much more then who usurp , abolish , as Popes and their Parasites do ) the power , resisteth the Ordinance of God. 4ly . Those that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation ; not a Papal canonization . 5ly . For rulers are not a terrour to good works , but to evill . 6ly . Those that do good , need not fear the Power , yea they shall have praise and rewards , as well as protection from the same . 7ly . For he is the minister of God to thee for good . 8ly . But if thou do that which is evil , He ( not the Pope ) beareth not the sword ( of Justice ) in vain , for he is the Minister of God , a Revenger ( in God stead ) to execute wrath upon him that doth evil . 9ly . ( From all these premises he drawes this peremptory conclusion , ) Wherefore ye must needs be subiect not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake . 10ly . For , for this cause pay you tribute also , for they ( not Bishops or Priests ) are Gods ( not Saint Peters , or the Popes ) Ministers , attending continually upon this very thing . 11ly . From all which he thus concludes , Render therefore to All ( Higher powers that are ) their Dues , ( by Divine , Evangelical right ) Tribute to whom Tribute is due , custom to whom custom , fear to whom fear , honor to whom honor , ( in the affirmative : ) Owe nothing to any man ( in power , as well as out ) but to love one another : obeying them out of love , not fear . What now is become of St. Peters , or his pretended successors Monarchy , Headship over the Church , or Emperor of Rome himself , which St. Pauls sword hath for ever decapitated ? Yet some Popes and their d Janizaries are so impudent as to assert , it cannot be argued or inforced from this Text , that the Pope , Church , Clergy are subject to Emperors and Kings , though they pay Tribute to them , as a badge of their subjection , even out of their Church-lands , as e St. Ambrose , and others confesse they ought to pay by Christs and Peters examples ; and that Popes , Clergymen are not within these universul words , Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers : Surely St. f Bernard was of another Judgement in his memorable Epistle to Henry Archbishop of Sienna . Omnis anima ( inquit ) potestatibus sublimoribus subdita sit . Si omnis , et vestra . Quis vos excipit a Vniverstate ? Si quis tentat excipere conatur decipere . Nolite eorum acquiescere consiliis , qui cum sint Christian , Christi tamen vel sequi facta , vel obsequi dictis opprobrio ducunt : Ipsi sunt qui vobis dicere solent , Servate vestrae sed is honorem ; Though they violate this expresse command of Christ , and the Apostle . * Theodoret Bishop of Cyprus thus expounds this Text ; Let every Soul be subject to the higher powers , whether he be any Priest or my Bishop , ( then certainly any Pope or Popish Prelate ) or any Monk ; he must yeeld subiection to those to whom Magistracy is given . g Theodulus Bishop of Caelosyria concurs with him upon this reason ; For that the Gospel was not given for the subversion of the publike Civil Government and order . h St. Chrysostom Patriarch of Constantinople ( Romes and Popes Corrivals for precedency ) goes one step higher in his Exposition of this Text ; For All , whether thou be a Priest , or a Prophet , or an Apostle ( therefore a Pope , or a Monk , which his next words certainly include ) or whosoever else thou be , every one is commanded to obey these Higher Powers . The like do i Oecumenius , k Theophylact , and sundry others conclude against these Papal Impostors , and praevaricators of this unanswerable Text for Regal Supremacy . 8ly . To put this out of doubt , the same St. Paul in his First Epistle to Timothy ( whom Popes and all l Prelates assert to be the first and sole Bishop of Ephesus ) m exhorts him , that First of all supplications , prayers , intercessions and giving of thanks should be made For Kings , and for all that are in Authority , that We ( including himself and Timothy as well as other Christians ) may lead a quiet and peaceable life † under them as all expound it ) in all Godlinesse ( relating to Gods Worship , Religion , and Spiritual affairs ) and Honesty , extending to all temporal matters ; For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour : And in his Epistle to Titus ( whom they repute a Archbishop of Crete ) he gives him this express charge : b Put them in minde to be subiect to Principalities and Powers , to obey Magistrates , &c. For we our selves also were sometimes foolish , disobedient , deceived . In both which Texts he peremptorily enjoynes , not only continual prayers for , but also subjection and real obedience to all Civil Magistrates ; Principalities , Powers , Kings , Governours , as the Higher powers ( to which himself then submitted and obeyed since he was an Apostle of Christ , though formerly disobedient to them ; while foolish , and deceived ; and to which Timothy and Titus themselves submitted , as well as their flocks ; it being a moral , universal duty , tending to the Churches and all Christians peace , quietnesse , advancement of all c godlinesse , honesty , yea good and acceptable in the sight of God and Christ our Saviour , by and for whom all Thrones , Dominions , principalities , powers both in heaven and earth were created . To evade these and other Texts , d Alvarus Pelagius , e Bartholmeus Buxiensis , Johannis Thierry , f Panormitan , g Angelus de Clavasio , and other Canonists blasphemously assert ; Quod Papa est major Paulo authoritate , & potest dispensare contra Apostolum ( Paulum ) in omni casu , cum teneat locum Petri & sit Vicarius Christi , Quod potest dispensare contra Jus Divinum ; yea , contra Novum Testamentum : And if this be not sufficient . Papa potest dispensare de omnibus praeceptis Veteris & Novi Testamenti , ( in some particular cases ) Aliter ( ut dicit Ricardus 4. Distinct . 38 ) non videretur Deus fuisse bonus Pater familias , nisi dimisisset Pastorem super Gregem suam qui possit consulere omnibus occurrentibus , & necessario expediendis . Nic etiam posset dici quod Papa est generalis Commissarius Dei assumptus in plenitudine potestatis , cujus contrarium determinatur , 2 qu : 6. c. Qui se scit , & 24. qu. 1. Quodcumque . But these Transcendent Blasphemies , and even Atheistical Delusions will satisfie no sober Christians conscience , nor yet evade these and St. Peters own forecited Texts , Precepts ; which the Pope cannot dispense with , unlesse he will make the Servant above ; greater then his Lord , * and the Vicar then the Master . 9ly . h Christ himself , together with Paul and Peter , do from the 5th Commandement most frequently presse and inculcate all i due subjection and obedience by Wives unto their Husbands , Children to their Parents , and Servants to their Masters in all things , and that with fear and trembling , in singlenesse of heart as unto Christ ; not with eye-service as men-pleasers , but as the servants of Christ , doing the will of God from the heart , and with good will doing them service , as to the Lord and not to men , knowing that of the LORD they shall receive the Inheritance ; for ( herein ) they serve the Lord Christ . Therefore there is the self-same relation , obedience due to Kings and Magistrates , ( the politick Husbands , Parents , Masters of the Realm , people , ) by all Members of the body politick , as there is by Wives , children , servants , to their Husbands , Parents , Masters . 10thly . It is very observable that Christ himself , with his Apostles Peter and Paul do in the New Testament more frequently , punctually , energetically inculcate this duty of k subjection , obedience , honor , paying Tribute to Emperors , Kings , and Civil Magistrates ( though then all Pagans , unbelievers ) yea for all Wives , Children , Servants to obey , fear , and reverence their Husbands , Parents , Masters in the flesh ; on all sorts of Christians , under the Gospel , then ever they were urged or reiterated in the Old Testament before or under the Law ; and that for these ends and upon these accounts , as I humbly apprehend ; First , to evidence , That all Kings , Supream Civil Magistrates , Parents under the Gospel enjoy the selfsame Soveraign Jurisdiction over all Civil , Ecclesiastical persons , things , and their children under the Gospel , as they did before or under the Law in the Old Testament ; and that the Kingship , Kingdom of Christ under the Gospel did no wayes diminish nor eclipse ( much lesse abolish ; or transfer to Apostles , Bishops , Presbyters , or Chapters ) any part of their antient Temporal or Spiritual Authority before and under the Law. 2ly . To make the free l passage for the preaching and reception of the Gospel among all Nations , Kingdoms , Republikes in the world , as consistent with , and no wayes opposing , but advancing , rarifying their respective Civil Governments , by prescribing every soul to yeeld all chearfull obedience , subjection to their Civil Governors , Lawes , for the peace and tranquility of their Kingdoms . 3ly . To stop the mouthes of Pagans and all Enemies of Christian Religion , and Christians , a who traduced and accused them as opposites and Enemies to , & rebels against Emperors , Kings , Magistrates , their Government and Lawes . 4ly . To take away all pretences from b Libertins and yoaklesse Christians , under pretext of Christian Liberty , and the priviledges of Christianity to disobey contemn all Kings , Magistrates Lawes and Civil Government , as exempted from their power . 5ly . To lessen and controll the Antichristian Usurpations of the Popes , Prelates , Clergy of c Rome it self , and their Confederates elsewhere , upon the Crownes , prerogatives , rights and kingdoms of Christian Kings and Emperors which should embrace the Gospel : All which reasons are expressed or intimated in the Gospel it self , Pauls Epistle to the Romans , and St Peters . 11ly . St Paul in his second Epistle to Timothy ( a Bishop , as all Popes , Bishops assert ) in relation to his spiritual warfare , layes down this universal Maxim , which every good Souldier of Jesus Christ must observe , d No man that warreth intangleth himself with the Affairs of this Life , that he may please him who hath chosen him to be a Soldier . If then no Bishop or good Spiritual Souldier of Jesus Christ , must so much as once entangle themselves with the affairs of this world and life , that so they may discharge their duties , as to please Christ , who hath chosen them to be his souldiers : then certainly neither Christ nor his Apostles ever gave or committed to any Apostle , Pope , Bishop , or Minister of the Gospel , any Supreme Temporal Jurisdiction , over all or any Kings , Kingdoms or Civil Corporations in the world , e which require continual attendance , and would totally f avocate them from their spiritual warfare . 12ly . The Apostles themselves ( though inspired from Heaven what to preach , without much study ) when there was a complaint made to them , g that the widows and poor were neglected in the daily ministration , calling all the multitude of Disciples to them , sayd , It is not Reason that we should leave the World of God and serve Tables ; wherefore Brethren , look ye out among you seven men of honest report , full of the Holy Ghost , and wisdom , whom we may appoint over this businesse : But we will give our selves continually unto the Ministry of the World : And the saying pleased the whole multitude , who thereupon chose Stephen and 6. more Deacons to attend the poor : whereupon the word of God increased , & the number of Disciples multiplyed in Jerusalem greatly . If the Apostles then thought it against reason , that they should once or twice a day serve Tables , and the poor , ( though an act of charity and piety ) as being inconsistent with their Apostolical Office , Ministry ; and thereupon ordained Deacons to discharge the trust : Then certainly it cannot but be against Reason and Scripture to assert , That Christ gave , or any of his Apostles by divine right and institution ever had , claimed , exercised , or ought to enjoy any the least Temporal Jurisdiction or Dominion in the world ; much lesse such as Popes pretend to from St. Peter , who was present at , and assenting to this institution of Deacons : it being wholly inconsistent with their Spiritual function . 13ly . Christ himself assured his Apostles , h That no man can serve two Masters , for either he will hate the one and love the other , or he will hold to the one and despise the other ; Ye cannot serve God and Mammon : Therefore , when Christ called his Disciples to follow him , i they forsook their worldly imployments and all they enjoyed , that they might apply themselves wholly to their Apostolical and Ministerial functions : And when He called Barnabas and Paul to be Apostles , he said , k Separate me Barnabas and Paul to the work I have appointed them . Which Paul thus expresseth ; Paul an Apostle of Jesus Christ , called to be an Apostle , l Separate unto the Gospel of Jesus Christ ; being wholly taken off from all secular imployments as incompatible with their Apostolical Function . Upon which Account he giveth this charge to all other Ministers ; m He that hath the gift of the ministry , let him wait on the ministry ; n and he that teacheth in teaching , and he that exhorteth on exhortation ; He that ruleth ( as a Magistrate ) let him do it with diligence . Whence sundry Fathers , Councils , Popes Decretals , Canonists , Schoolmen , have prohibited all Bishops , Priests and Clergymen to intermeddle as Judges , Advocates , Proctors or Sollicitors , in any secular affairs ; as * inconsistent with their spiritual function under pain of deprivation ; Therefore it is most certain , That Christ never gave to Peter , or any other Apostle , Bishop , Minister , any Temporal Jurisdiction over Kings , kingdoms , or in temporal affairs , being diametrically contrary to and inconsistent with their spiritual vocations . 14ly . St. Paul chargeth Timothy ( a Bishop , as Bishops assert ) a To give himself wholly to reading , exhortation and doctrine , that his profiting might appear before all men : and give him , with all other Bishops , Presbyters , and Ministers of the Gospel this dreadfull charge ; b I charge thee therefore before God , and the Lord Jesus Christ , who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing , and his kingdom : Preach the word , be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long-suffering & doctrine ; denouncing a Wo c to himself if he preach not the Gospel ; which he thereupon preached constanly , d publikely , and from house to house , as Christ and his Apostles daily preached it ; whose f examples all Bishops , Popes , Ministers ought to follow . Now this they could not possibly do , had they all Temporal and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction delegated to them , the execution whereof would g totally divert , or very much interrupt them in their ministerial Office , preaching , instructing the people , and other duties of their Ministry . Therefore it is infallible , Christ never gave to any of them any temporal Jurisdiction . 15ly . St. Paul blaming the h Christians of the Church of Corinth , for going to Law with their brethren before Pagan Judges , to the scandal of christianity , doth not delegate the hearing and decision of such controversies to the Bishops or Elders of the Church ; but adviseth them , To set them to Judge who are least esteemed in the Church ; as no wayes fit for the Bishops and Pastors thereof : Therefore they neither had , nor ought to have any Temporal Jurisdiction . 16ly . St. Paul makes this the special badge and character of Antichrist , that man of sinne , and sonne of perdition , i that he opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God , ( to wit , over all Kings and secular Magistrates , stiled k Gods in the Old Testament ) or that is worshipped ; so that he as God sitteth in the Temple of God , shewing himself that he is God. And St. l John describes him under the Notion of a b●ast , exercising temporal Jurisdiction in the Church and State , causing all , both great and small , rich and poor , free and bond , to receive a mark in their right hand or foreheads ; and that no man might buy or sell , save he that had the mark : and that he had power given him over all Kingdoms , Tongues and Nations ; ( which Popes now claim ) so that all that dwelt on the earth worshipped him , whose names were not written in the Lambs book . And he further subjoyns , m That the ten horns he saw , were ten Kings , who receive power as Kings , one honour with the beast , who have one mind , and shall give their ( Kingly ) Power and Strength unto the Beast : that so by pretext thereof , he may claim and exercise both civil and ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , as Popes do now by pretext of n Constantines , Charls the Great , and other Kings donations and resignations of their Temporal Jurisdictions to the Pope and his Successors . Upon which account most o Protestant ( and some Romish Divines ) assert , Popes claiming exercising both the supream temporal and ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , over Kings , Emperors , Kingdoms , Churches , to be the ANTICHRIST . And if so , Then that Jurisdiction which is thus declared to be Antichristian , neither did of right belong to Christ , nor was ever delegated by him to St. Peter , or the Bishops of Rome , or any other Bishops whatsoever , being diametrically contrary to Christ and Christianity . 17ly . Christ himself as he did with some indignation refuse to be a voluntary Judge or Arbitrator in a small temporal inheritance , to divide it between two brethren when required ; saying , * Man , who made me a Iudge , or a Divider over you ? neither God , nor Man the Supream Magistrate having given him any such Commission : So he hath in precise terms expresly prohibited all Kingly and Lordly Dominion to his Apostles , and in them to all Popes , Prelates , Bishops and Ministers whatsoever ; Mat. 20. 25 , 26. Luke 22. 25 , 26. And he said unto them , * The Kings of the Gentiles exercise Lordship over them , and they that exercise Authority upon them , are called Benefactors , ( or Gracious Lords , as the old Translations render it ) But ye shall not be so , ( or it shall not be so ) among you : but he that is or will be Great ( or Greatest ) among you , let him be your Minister , and whosoever will be Chief among you , let him be your Servant . From which Text , Origen in Mat. Hom. 13. & in Isay Hom. 13 Chrysostom Opus Imp. in Mat. Hom. 31. & in Epist . ad Ephes : Hom : 1. Hierom Epist : 2. ad Nepotianum , c. 9. Comment . in Epist : ad Ephesios , c. 6. Gregorius Magnus , Pastoralis , Curae , p 2. c : 6. & Homil : 17. in Evangelia ; Beda , Ambrosius , Theophylus Antiochenus , Rabanus Maurus , Paschatius Rasbertus , Anselmus , Theophylact , and most other antient and modern Commentators on Mat : 20. & Lu : 22. condemn all Regal and Lordly Dominion not only in Temporal , but in Ecclesiastical and Spiritual things in Popes and Prelates of the Church , as expresly prohibited by Christ , yea by & in Peter himself as well as others ; Hear St. Bernard for all the rest in his excellent Book ( a ) De Consideratione , where he thus expounds and applies these forecited Texts against Papal Sycophants Glosses on them to Pope Eugenius , in the ruff of his Papal grandeur . a Nam quid tibi aliud promisit Sanctus Apostolus , quam sedula sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum ? Quod habeo , inquit , hoc tibi Do. Quid illud ? unum scio , non est aurum , neque argentum cum ipse dicat , Argentum & Aurum non est mihi . Esto ut alia quacunque ratione haec tibi vindices , sed non Apostolico Jure . Nec enim illa tibi dare quod non habuit , potuit , Quod habuit , hoc dedit , sollicitudinem , ut dixi , super Ecclesias . Numquid dominationem ? Audi ipsum , Non dominantes , ait , in Clero , sed forma facti gregis . Et ne dicium sola humilitate , putes , non etiam veritate , Vox Domini est in Evangelio , Reges gentium dominantur eorum , & qui pote●●atem habent super eos , Benefici vocantur . Et infert , inter vos non sic : Planum est , Apostolis interdicitur Dominatus . I ergo tu , et tibi usurpare aude , aut Dominans Apostolatum , aut Apostolicus Dominatum , plane ab alterutro prohiberis : Si utrumque similiter habere voles , perdes utrumque : Alioquin non te exceptum illorum numero putes , de quibus queritur Deus sic : Ipsi regnaverunt , & non ex me ; Principes extiterunt , & non cognovi eos . I am si regnare sine Deo juvat , habes gloriam , sed non apud Deum . At si interdictum tenemus , audiamus Edictum : Qui major est vestrum , ait , fiat sicut minor , & qui praecelsior est , sicut qui ministrat : Forma Apostolica haec est : Dominatio interdicitur , indicitur ministratio : quae et Commendatur ipsius exemplo legistatoris , qui secutus adjungit ; Ego autem in medio vestrum sum , tanquam qui ministrat . Quis se jam Titulo hoc inglorium putet , quo se prior dominus Gloriae Praesignivit ? Merito , Paulus Gloriatur in eo dicens : Ministri Christi sunt ? Et ego : & addit , ut minus sapiens dico , plus ego , in laboribus plurimus , in carceribus abundantius , in plagis supra modum , in mortibus frequenter . O Praeclarum Ministerium ! quo nonid gloriosius principatu ? Si gloriari oportet , forma tibi sanctorum praesigitur , Apostolorum proponitur gloria . Parvane tibi illa videtur ? quis mihi tribuat similem fieri in gloria Sanctorum ? Clamat Apostolus , Mihi autem absit gloriari , nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi : Hoc Glorieris opto semper optimo genere Gloriae , quod Apostoli , quod Prophetae delegere sibi , transmisere tibi . Agnosce haereditatem tuam in Christi cruce , in laboribus plurimis . Felix qui dicere potuit , Plus omnibus laboravi . He thus further disproves the Popes right to intermeddle with , judge or determine any temporal causes , or to usurp the Scepters , Crowns , possessions of the world , or earthly kingdoms : b Quid servilius , indigniusque , praesertim summo Pontifici , quod non dico omni die , sed pene omni hora , insudare talibus rebus , & pro talibus ? Denique quando oramus ? quando docemus populos ? quando aedificamus Ecclesiam ? quando meditamur ? Et quidem quotidie perstrepunt in palatio Leges ; sed Iustiniani , non Domini . Iuste ne etiam istud ? Tu videris . Namcerte lex Domini immaculata convertens animas . Hae autem non tam leges quam lites sunt , et cavillationes subvertentes judicium . Tu ergo Pastor et Episcopus animarum , qua mente obsecro sustines coram te semper silere illam , garire istas ? Fallor , si non movet tibi scrupulum perversitas haec . Da occasionem Sapienti & sapientior erit . Audiamus Apostolum , quid de hujusmodi sentiat . Sic non est inter vos sapiens ( ait ille ) qui judicet inter fratrem & fratrem ? Et infert ; Ad ignominiam vobis dico , contemptibiles qui sunt in Ecclesia , illos constituite ad judicandum . Itaque , secundum Apostolum , indignè tibi usurpas tu Apostolicus officium vile , gradum contemptibilium . Unde & dicebat Episcopus , Episcopum instituens , Nemo militans Deo implicat se negotiis secularibus . Ego autem parco tibi ; non tam fortia loquor , sed possibilia . Putas ne haec tempora sustinerent , si hominibus litigantibus pro terrena hereditate , & flagitantibus abs te Iudicum , Voce Domini tui responderes : O homines quis me coustituit Judicem super vos ? In quale tu judicium mox venires ? Quid dicit homo rusticanus & imperitus , ignorans Primatum tuum , inhonorans summam et preexcelsam sedem , derogans Apostolicae dignitati ? Et tamen non monstrant puto qui hoc dicent , Vbi aliquando quispiam Apostolorum Iudex sederit hominum , aut divisor terminorum , aut distributor terrarum : Stetisse denique lego Apostolos judicandos , sedisse judicantes non lego : erit illud , non fuit . Ita ne est imminutor dignitatis Servus , si non vult esse major Domino suo , aut Discipulus si non vult esse major eo qui se misit ? aut filius si non transgreditur terminos quos posuerunt Patres sui ? Quis me constituit Judicem ? ait ille , Dominus , & Magister ; et erit injuria Servo , Discipuloque nisi Iudicet Vniversos ? Mihi tamen non videtur bonus estimator rerum , qui indignum putat Apostolis , seu Apostolicis viris non judicare de talibus , quibus datu● est judicium in majora . Quid ni centemnant iudicare de terrems possessiunculis hominum , qui in caelestibus & Angelos judicabunt ? Ergo in criminibus non in possessionibus Potestas vestra , quoniam propter illa , non propter has , accepisti claves regni coelorum , praevaricatores utique excludere , non possessores : Quaenam tibi major videtur & dignitas & potestas , demittendi peccata , an predia dividendi ? Sed non est comparatio : Habent haec infima & terrena Iudices suos , Reges et Principes terrae : Quid fines alienos invaditis : Quid falcem vestram in alienam messem extenditis ? Non quia indigni vos , sed quia indignum vobis talibus i●sistere , quippe potioribus ocupatis , &c. Itaque haec & innumera talia dixerem , si fortia dic rem , si recta , si sincera . Nunc autem quia dies mali sunt , sufficit interim admonitum esse . He proceeds thus most elegantly and pithily in answering the Popes pretences to the Monarchy and Possessions of all the world , as Successor to the Aposties in their pretended Universal Principality . Nimis comfortatus est Principatus eorum ; constituti sunt Principes super omnem terram ( only in preaching the Gospel to all Nations , as he proves from Psal . 19. ) Eis tu successisti in hareditatem ; ita tuhaeres , et orbis haereditas . At quatinus haec portio te contingit , aut contigerit illos , id sobria consideratione pensandum ; Non enim per omnem reor modum . Ut michi videtur , dispensatio tibi super illum credita , non data possessio . Si pergis usurpare et hanc , contradicit tibi qui dicit , Meus est orbis terrae , & plenitudo ejus . Num tu ille de quo Propheta ; Et erit omnis terra possessio ejus ? Christus hic est , qui possessionem sibi vendicat , et jure Creationis , et merito Redemptionis , et Dono Patris ; Cui enim alteri dictum est , Postula a me , & dabo tibi Gentes haereditatem , & possessionem tuam terminus terrae . Possessionem et Dominium cede huic , tu curam illius habe : Pars tua haec , ultra ne extendas manum . Quid inquis ? Non negas praeesse , et Dominari vetas ? Plane sic . Quasi non bene praesit , qui praeest in sollicitudine : nunquid non et villa villico , et parvus Dominus subjectus est paedagogo ? Nec tamen villae ille , nec ille sui Domini Dominus est . Ita et tu , praesis , ut provideas , ut consulas , ut procures , ut serves . Praesis et prosis ; praesis ut fideles servus et prudens , quem constituit Dominus super familiam suam ; Ad quid , ut des illis escam in tempore : Hoc est , ut dispenses , non imperes . Hoc fac , Dominari ne affectes hominum homo , ut non dominetur tibi omnis iniustitia . At satis superque id intimatum supra , cum quis sis dis●utaretur . Addo tamen et hoc● Nullum tibi venenum , mullum gladium plus formido , quam libidinem dominandi . Certe multum tibi tribuas , si multum deceptus non es , nil te existimas plus his accepisse a magnis Apostolis . Recordare nunc vocis illius ; Sapientibus et insipientibus debitor sum . Et●i non indebitam tibi ipsam censes , hoc quoque simul memento , debitoris molestum nomen , servienti potius quam Dominanti congruere . Servus in Evangelio , audit ; Quantum debes Domino meo ? Frgo site agnoscis sapientibus & insipipientibus non dominatorem sed debitorem , curandum summopere tibi & tota vigilantia considerandum , quomodo & qui non sapiunt sapiant , qui sapiant non desipiant , & qui desipiere , resipiscant , &c. After which , he concludes with this pathetical Exclamation , and interrogation . O ambitio ambientium Crur , quomodo omnes torquens omnibus places ? Nil acerbius cruci , at nil molestius inquietat , nil tamen apud miseros mortales celebrius negotiis ejus . An non limina Apostolorum plus jam ambitio quam devotio terit ? An non vocibus ejus vestrum tota die resultat palatium ? An non questibus ejus tota Legum Canonumque disciplina insudat ? An non spoliis ejus omnis Italica inhiat inerplebili aviditate rapacitas ? Quid ita tua spiritualia studia non saltem intercidir , sed occidit . Quoties sancta ac facunda tua abortori ocia fecit inquietum et inquietans malum ? Aliud est quod ab oppressis appellatur ad te : aliud autem quod Ambitie in Ecclesia per te regnare molitur . Nec deesse illis , nec huic aliquatinus assenrire oportet . He concludes thus to our purpose : after a large detection of and invective against the monstrous ambition , rapine , injustice of the Parasites , Officers , and Ministers of the Court of Rome , he falls upon the more then Regal and Imperial wordly pomp of the Pope himself ; a Inter haec tu Pastor procedis deauratus , tam multa circumdarus varietate . Oves quid rapiunt ? Si auderem dicere , Demonum magis quam ovium pascua haec , Scilicet Sic factitabat Petrus ? sic Paulus 〈◊〉 ? Vides omnem Ecclesiasticum zelum fervere sola pra Dignitate tuenda ; Honori totum datur , sanctitati nihil , aut parum . Si causa requirent ; paulo ●ummissius agere , ac socialius te habere temperaveris ; Absit inquiunt , non decet , tempore non congruit , majestati , non convenit , quam geris personam attendito . De placito Dei ultima mentio , est pro jactura salutis nulla cunctatio , Nisi quod sublime est , salutare dicamus , et quod gloriam redolet , id justum . Ita omne humite probro ●ucitur inter Palatinos , ut facilius qui esse , quam qui apparere humilis velit invenias . Timor Dei , simplicitas reputatur , de dicam f●tuitas , &c. Hic , hic non parco tibi , ut pareat Deus . Pastorem te populo huic c●●è aut nega aut exhibe . Non negabis , ne cujus sedem tenes , te neget heredem : Petrus hic est , qui nescirur processisse aliquando vel gemmis ornatus vel se●icis ; non tectus auro , non vectus equo albo , nec stirpatus milite , nec circumstrepentibus septus ministris . Absque his tamen credidit satis posse impleri salutare mandatum , Si amas me , pasce oves meas . In his successisti non Petro , sed Constantino . Thus this Canonized Roman Saint , Bernard , concluded long since against the Popes pretended Monarchy to Pope Eugenius himself , with whom I shall cloze this branch of my 4. Proposition . For the second part thereof ; That Jesus Christ as Supream King of his kingdom , the Church-militant upon earth , never delegated the Soveraign Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over it , or all the Members in it , to St. Peter , or any other Apostle , Bishop , Priest or Pope whatsoever , as his Viceroyes ; but only the ministerial part of his Prophetical ( not Kingly or High Priests ) office of teaching and preaching the Gospel publikely to all Nations , administring the Sacraments of Baptism , & Lords Supper according to his institution and command ; feeding them as his sheep with the sincere milk of his word , teaching them ( as his Apostles , Ministers , Servants ) to obey what he hath commanded them ; be●eeching them as his Embassadors in his stead to be reconciled to God ; and to declare , pronounce them absolved from their sins by God , upon their sincere repentance , and to aenounce damnation against them , if they do not repent and believe in Christ . I shall demonstrate the verity thereof : First , from the several Commissions , or Precepts : 2dly . From the respective Titles given by Christ and the Gospel to the Apostles , Peter , Bishops , Presbyters , Ministers and their respective Offices , in and as they relate to the Kingdom , Church and people of God. 1. For their respective Commissions , I shall enumerate and examine them distinctly . The first Commission given them by Christ , was only to b preach the Gospel and Kingdom of Heaven to the lost sheep of the House of Israel , but not to the Samaritans and Gentiles ; without any Jurisdiction or pomp ; without scr●● , gold , silver , or brasse in their purses , two coats , or staves ; only as labourers worthy of their hire , or meat , which they were to receive from those to whom they preached : Which commission imports nothing of Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in it , expiring before Christs passion , then head on earth of his Church , and equal to all the Apostles ; not peculiar to St. Peter . The second general Grand Commission given them by Christ ( wherein their office principally consists ) after his Resurrection , is thus recorded by St. c Matthew , and ( d ) Mark : Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel to every Creature : He that believeth and is baptized , shall be saved ; he that believeth not shall be damned ; Go ye and teach all Nations , baptizing them in the Name of the Father , of the Sonne , and of the Holy Ghost ; Teaching them to observe whatsoever I have commanded you ; ( not what your selves without my command , much lesse Popes , Priests , Prelates shall of their own heads prescribe ) That this was their principal commission , charge , office ; is further evidenced a by the Apostles daily constant preaching to the people , both in the Temple , Synagogues , and from house to house , notwithstanding the High Priests and Councels inhibitions not to preach ; chusing rather to obey God then men : By St. Pauls separation and mission to preach the Gospel ; the necessity laid upon him , and b wo that would fall on him , if he did not preach it ; And his dreadfull charge to Timothy , ( and in him to all Bishops and Ministers of the Gospel ) c I charge thee before God and the Lord Jesus Christ , who shall judge both the quick and dead at his appearing and his kingdom ; Preach the Word ; be instant in season , out of season , rebuke , reprove , ( in and by the word preached ) exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine . In all this Grand commission , there is only a Ministration , not the least Domination or Iurisdiction delegated to Peter , or any other Apostle , Evangelist , Bishop , Priest , or Minister whatsoever : Yea , it is observable , That Popes and Prelates of the Church , who most contend for Jurisdiction , do most neglect this most essential prime part of their Commission , and relinquish it to inferiour Priests , Ministers , Curates , to whom they deny the power of Jurisdiction . d The third Commission whereon the Pope and his flatterers principally erect St. Peters and their absolute Ecclesiastical Soveraign Supremacy over all other Apostles , Ministers , Priests , Kings , Emperors , Kingdoms , and Catholick Church on Earth ; and upon which all Bishops , Presbyters , Priests do bottom their pretended divine Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over Emperors , Kings , and all Secular persons , as appropriate to their functions , consistories , and incommunicable to Princes or Laymen ; is , that which was generally given by Christ to all the Apostles , yea to private Christians and Lay-men , and the whole Church , before Christs passion , Mat. 18. 18. Verily I say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . Thus renewed , confirmed to all the Apostles by Christ in behalf of the whole Church , after his resurrection in other words ; Jesus breathed on the Disciples and said , Receive ye the holy Ghost ; whosoever sins ye remit , they are remitted ; and whose soever sins ye retain , they are retained . Which Commission , though thus twice joyntly given to all the Apostles alike by Christ ; yet because he first granted this commission to them , directing his speech personally to Peter , Mat : 16. 18 , 19. I say unto thee , thou art Peter , &c. And I WILL ( not now do ) give unto thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven . Popes and Popish writers thence conclude St. Peters and others Universal Supremacy over the whole Church , and all other Apostles and Bishops whatsoever as well as Kings and Emperors . I answer , That these Commissions ( if rightly examined ) do neither give St. Peter nor his pretended Successors , nor any Prelates or Ecclesiastical persons such an inherent Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , distinct from the Regal and Temporal , and incommunicable to Lay persons , as is pretended . For 1. Every particular person , though a Lay man , or private Christian , hath an absolute power , yea special command from Christ himself , to pardon , forgive and remit sins , and offences committed against himself : as this clause in the Lords Prayer , e Forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespasse against us ; These precepts When ye pray standing forgive ; for if ye forgive their Trespasses , your heavenly Father will also forgive you ; but if ye forgive not men their trespasses , neither will your heavenly Father forgive you your trespasses ; Forgive and you shall be forgiven ; f Forgive one another , as God for Christs sake hath forgiven you , with other Scriptures demonstrate . And as they may thus pardon , loose , and forgive : so they may likewise binde , or retain sinnes and trespasses against them , when the parties are obstinate and impenitent . This is evident by Luke 17. 3 , 4. If thy brother trespass against thee , rebuke him , and if he repent , forgive him : And if he trespasse against thee seven times a day , and seven times in a day return unto thee , saying I repent , thou shalt forgive him , ( but not without repentance : ) Compared with 2 Thess : 3. 14 , 15. Rom : 16. 17 , 18. 1 Cor : 5. 11 , 12 , 13 , and Mat : 18. 15 , 16 , 17. Moreover , if thy brother trespasse against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone ; if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother : But if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three Witnesses every word may be established . And if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it unto the Church ; and if he shall neglect to hear the Church , let him be unto thee ( mark it , not them ) as an heathen man , and a publican ; Verily I say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose in earth , shall be loosed in heaven . Therefore the self-same Commission , Authority of binding and loosing upon earth is given to every private person in this Original Text by Christ , as was given to Peter , Mat : 16. 18 , 19. and to all the Apostles , John 20. 22 , 23. Hence a St. Augustin resolves , Cum caepisti habere fratrem tuum tanquam Publicanum , Ligis illum in terra , cum autem corrigeris & concordaveris cum fratre tuo , solvisti illum in terra Cum solveris in terra , solutus erit in coelo : b Theophylact is yet more punctual ; Si tu offensum eum habes eum qui te affecit injuria , sicut Publicanum & Gentilem , erit ille et in coelo talis . Si autem solveris eum , hoc est , si illi condonaveris , erit illi et in coelo condonatum . Non enim solum quae solvunt Sacerdotes sunt soluta , sed quae cunque nos et iniuria assecti , vel ligamus vel solvimus , et ipsa erum ligata et soluta . And if every private person may thus bind and loose as well as Priests , as these two Fathers , together with c Bishop Jewel and others resolve ; then much more may Kings and Supream temporal Magistrates do it , in their Courts and Consistories . Our Venerable d Beda , e Peter Lombard , f Scotus , with other Popish School-men , yea their g Canon Law , and Canonists resolve ; That in the absence or want of a Priest , a man may confesse his sins to his coequal or neighbout , yea open his daily and lesser sins to his neighbor , where there is a Priest , and receive absolution from him though a Layman , as well as from a Priest . And that they may do so even by divine Institution , is most fully demonstrated by Jam : 5. 16. ( written to the twelve Tribes scattered abroad ) who are thus admonished ; Confesse your faults one to another , ( not to a Pope , Bishop , Priest ) and pray for one another , that ye may be healed ; from which Text not only many Antients , but * most Orthodox Protestant Divines resolve ; That no privat christian ( in point of conscience ) is obliged to confess his sins to a Priest , any more then to another private Christian , and Laymen no more obliged to confesse their sins to Priests , then Priests are to confesse their sins to Laymen ; and that this text makes the duty of confessing their sins , faults one to another reciprocal , being coupled with mutual praying for one another ; the Bishop , Priest being bound to pray for the people , as well as the people for the Bishop or Priest ; therefore to confesse unto them , as far forth as they are to confesse to him . 2ly . I answer , That the power of binding and loosing , retaining and remitting publike or scandalous sinnes , is not given to Peter , the Apostles , Popes , Bishops , Priests or Ecclesiastical persons , as an inherent priviledge and jurisdiction peculiar to them alone , but to the whole Church and congregation , to whom the right and execution thereof principally appertains . This is infallibly demonstrated , by Mat. 18. 17. If he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the Church or Congregation ; and if he shall neglect to hear the Church , let him be unto thee ( not the Church ) as an heathen man , and a publican ; This word Church or Congregation , is never taken throughout the Scripture for any one particular person , whether High Priest , Priest Apostle , Bishop or Presbyter , nor yet for two , three , or more Apostles , Bishops , Priests , Ministers , assembled together without , or as contradistinct from the Laity ; but ever for the whole Church or congregation either as conjoyned with the Apostles , Bishops , Ministers , and sometimes without them , for Lay christians alone , as severed from their Bishops and Pastors ; particularly in these signal Texts , Acts 15. 3 , 4 , 5. And when Paul , Barnabas , and other of them were come to Jerusalem , they were received of the Church , and of the Apostles and Elders , being brought on their way by the Church , And he went through Syria and Cilicia confirming the Churches . Acts 14. 23 , 27. And when they had ordained them Elders in every Church , they commended them to the Lord. And when they were come to Antioch , and had gathered the Church together , they rehearsed all that God had done with them ; which Church is stiled the multitude gathered together ; ( not Bishops or Priests ) Acts 15. 30. c. 16. 5. So were the Churches established in the faith . c. 20. 17. 28. And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus , and called the Elders of the Church , ( not Elders the Church . ) And then gave them this charge ; Take heed to your selves , and to all the flock over which the holy Ghost hath made you Bishops ; to feed the Church , ( distinguished from the Bishops feeding them ) which he hath purchased with his own bloud . Acts 21. 18 , to 25. The day following Faul went in with us to James , and all the Elders were present : And when he had saluted them , & they heard his relation , and what was reported of him by the Jewish Proselytes , they concluded ; The Multitude or Church must needs come together to hear the businesse ; put in distinction from Iames and the Elders of the Church at Ierusalem . Rom : 16. 16. The Churches of Christ salute you . Gaius my host , and of the whole Church saluteth you . Thus the words , Church and Churches are used 1 Cor. 1. 2 , 3. c. 7. 17. c. 11. 16. 18. c. 12. 28. c. 14. 4. 23 , 33 , 34. c. 16. 1. 5. 2 Cor : 1. 1. c. 8. 18 , 19 , 23 , 24. c. 11. 8. 28. c. 12 , 13 Gal : 1. 19. 22. Ephes : 4. 11 , 13. c. 5. 25 , 27 , 32. Col. 4 , 15. 1 Tim : 5. 16. 1 Thess . 1. 1. c. 2. 14. c. 5. 27 , 2. 2 Thess : 1. 1 , 4. 2 Tim. 3. 2 , 4 , 5. A Bishop must be one that ruleth his own house well ; For if he knoweth not how to rule his own house , how shall be take care of ( not rule ) the Church of God ? Here put as distinct from him . Iam : 5. 14. Let him call for the Elders of the Church . 1. Iohn 3 v : 9 , 10. I wrote unto the Church ; but Diotrephes who loveth to have the preheminence among them , receiveth not us , nor the brethren , and casteth them our of the Church . Rev : 1. 20. The seven Stars are the Angels of the seven Churches , and the Candlesticks are the seven Churches ; distinguished from them . Rev : 2. 1. 11 , &c. c : 3. 1. 6. 13. 22 , &c. The Angel of the Church of Ephesus , Pergamos , and the other 5. Asian Churches , interpreted to be the Ministers of Bishops of them , are distinguish'd from the people , who are stiled alwayes the Church of Ephesus , &c. but the Angel , Bishop , or Ministers thereof , whether singly or joyntly considered , are never once stiled the Church throughout the New Testament or Old : Therefore tell the Church , never signifies St. Peter , or the Pope , ( a single person only , and so no Church ) nor yet the Jewish Sanhedrim , as many fancie , ( being never stiled a Church , but * Councel only in the New Testament , and no divine institution ) but only the particular congregation or Church collectively considered , whereof the person offending was a member . And if meant of it , or of the Jewes Sanhedrim or Councel ; St. Peter , and the Pope , with his Conclave of Cardinals , being no such Council or Church , ( consisting of the Princes of the Tribes of Israel , and 72 Laymen ) not of Priests alone , and no Successors to them by Divine institution ; the Jewish State , Priesthood , Church , ceremonies , being totally abolished by Christ ; the Pope and other Prelates can pray in no ayde from this much wrested , abused , mistaken Text , to support their pretended Supremacy , and divine Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction : ( principally vested in the whole Church ) which is to rebuke , loose , seclude , retain or absolve penitent or impenitent scandalous sinners , as St. Paul himself resolves , 1 Cor : 5. throughout . When ye are gathered together in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ , to deliver such a one to Satan . Purge out therefore the old leven , that ye may be a new Lump . Do not ye judge them that are within ? Therefore put away from Your selves that wicked person : spoken to and of the whole Church of Corinth , not to the Ministers of Elders thereof . 2 Cor : 2. 6 , 7. Sufficient for such a man is this censure inflicted by many , ( the whole Church , not the Apostle , Pope , Bishop ) So that contrariwise , ye ought rather to forgive and comfort him , lest perhaps such a one should be swallowed up of grief ; Wherefore I beseech you , that you would confirm your love towards him . To whom ye forgive any thing , I forgive also . 2 Thess : 3. 14. If any man obey not our Epistle , note ye that man , and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed . Rom : 16. 17. Now I beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrines ye have heard , and avoyd them . 2 Tim : 3. 5. From such turn away . All directed to the Church , Saints , Brethren , ( not the Bishops or Ministers of the Church ) in whom the power of the Keyes , of binding and loosing originally resides , and in them only ministerially as servants of and to the Church : Whence a St : Augustine thus determines , Cum Christus Petro diceret , tibi dabo claves Regni caelorum , Vniversam significabat Ecclesiam : Whereupon in the Primitive Church , sinners and penitent persons desired the prayers , pardon and absolution of the whole Church , and all the Members of it when they were restored to it , as b Tertullian , c Origen , d Bishop Iewel , e Albispinaeus , and others relate . 3dly . This binding and loosing , remitting and retaining sinnes , was not by any judicial sentence pronounced by the Apostles in any Consistory Court where they sate as Supream Judges , as Popes , and other Prelates since have done ; the Apostles having no such Courts , nor exercising such a Soveraign Jurisdiction in them , as these since have done , for which a St : Jerom thus sharply reprehends them ; Istum locum Episcopi & Presbyt●ri non intelligentes , aliquid sibi de Pharisaeorum assumunt supercilio , ut vel damnent innocentes , vel solvere se noxios arbitrentur , cum apud Deum , non sententia Sacerdotum , sed reorum vita ponderatur . Alligat & solvit Episcopus vel Presbyter eos qui insontes sunt , vel noxii ; sed pro officio suo cum peccatorum audierit varietates , scit qui ligandus sit , qui solvendus &c : That is , as b Peter Lombard interprets it , Dominus tribuit S●cerditibus potestatem Ligandi & Solvendi , id est , ostendendi hominibus Ligatos & Solvendos ; in and by the preaching of the Gospel to them ; according to Christs commission ; He that repenteth , believeth and is baptized , shall be saved ; here is the loosing and remitting ; He that repenteth not nor believeth , shall be damned ; and the wrath of God abideth on him ; here is the binding and retaining ; by the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , to wit , the Gospel , which shuts and opens heaven gates , admits or excludes , inherits or disinherits them of it ; and is the savor of life unto life to those who believe it , but the savor of death unto death to those who believe it not ; as is evident by Mar : 16. 16. Lu : 13. 3. 5. John 3. 38. c : 12. 48. Rom : 2. 1 , to 16. 1 Cor : 6. 9 , 10 , 11. 2 Cor : 2. 14 , 15 , 16. c : 4. 3 , 4. Gal : 5 , 19 , 20 , 21. Ephes : 5. 5 , 6. Rev : 21. 8 , 17. c. 22. 14 , 15. Acts 3. 26. c : 16. 30 , 31. 2 Cor : 10. 4 , 5 , 6. Which texts do open heaven gates to all repending and believing , but shut them against all unrelenting , unbelieving sinners . This c Origen , d Tertullian , e Hierom , f Chrysostome , g Augustine , and other Fathers ; h Bishop Jewel , i Dr. Reynolds , k Bishop . Vsher , and most Protestant Divines , prove to be the Keyes of heaven , and the proper pardoning , binding , loosing , retaining of sins in the premised commission ; which though peculiar to Apostles , Bishops , Priests , and Ministers of the Gospel , in respect of their publike Ministry in preaching the word and pressing the promises and threatnings of the Gospel ; yet it belongs to every Christian Magistrate and private Christian too , in their orb ; who may in their respective places apply the promises of the Gospel to the consolation and absolution of private penitent Christians ; their own families , friends , neighbors , and denounce the wrath and judgement of God against impenitent persons , ( and Malefactors , as Judges usually do ) as there is ocasion . l 4ly . This power of binding , retaining , loosing and remitting sinnes , with the keys of the kingdom of heaven whereby this is done , were equally given to all the Apostles , as farre forth as to Peter ; Christs words , I will give to thee the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven , &c. being in the future , not present tense ; giving him no actual possession of the keys , kingdom of heaven til after Christs ascension , & then but joyntly with the rest of the Apostles , * John 20. 21 , 22 , 23. Yea every ordinary Minister , Presbyter , Priest , hath as large a divine power in the Keyes , as the Pope himself , or the greatest Patriarch , Archbishop , Bishop in the world ; and may as absolutely , fully bind , loose , absolve , retain mens sinnes as they , their Commissions being all one and the same ; and their power herein , not judicial , but meerly ministerial , declaratory , not definitive , the absolute judicial power of shutting and opening heaven , pardoning , remitting , retaining sins , and absolving , condemning sinners , being peculiar to God and Christ alone as Isay 22. 22. Rev. 3. 7. Mat. 9. 5 , 6. Luc. 7. 48 , 49. John 2. 13. Rom : 2. 17. resolve , & m Origen , St. Ambrose , Chrysostom , Augustine with others before cited , Beda : yea , n Peter Lombard , o & Richardus De Sancto Victore confesse , and a Bishop Jewel , b Dr. Rainolds , Dr. Field , Bishop Usher , Dr. Ames , and all other Protestant Divines prove at large in their Treatises of Confession , Absolution , Power of the Keyes , and against the Popes Supremacy . Whence c Alphonso de Castro concludes , ( though a great champion for the Pope ) Quando absolvit simplex Sacerdos , tantum adsolvit de Culpa sicut Papa . Therefore if these Texts give any Supream Ecclesiastical Authority over Kings and the whole Church to St. Peter , or the Pope ; they give the very same to every Priest , Curate whatsoever ; and so we shall have as many Popes , yea Vicars generals and Viceroyes of Christ over the Church , all Christian Kings , Emperors , and their kingdoms , as there are Priests . 5ly . I have long admired , how any Pope or Prelate from this borrowed Metaphor of the Keyes of the Kingdom of heaven given to Peter or others , can pretend to such a transcendent Soveraign Ecclesiastical & Temporal Jurisdiction , too , as some of them claim from thence ; Since I never read in any Text , Story , That Keyes were an Emblem of Supream Iurisdiction , but the d Sword , or e Scepter only ; which belongs not unto Apostles , Popes , Prelates , Priests , but Kings alone : And experience informs us , that Porters who keep the keyes , and open , shut the gates of Kings , Popes , Bishops , Noblemens Pallaces , Cities , Colledges , Castles , Courts ; and other publike or private Baylifs , Stewards , Butlers , Grooms , who keep the keyes of their Lords , Masters Barns , Butteries , Sellers , Stables , are persons of inferiour quality , void of any Supream Temporal or Ecclesiastical Authority in or over their fellow Servants , much lesse over their Lords , Masters , to shut them out or let them in at their pleasures : Therefore every of these Porters , Key-keepers , yea every parish Clerk , who keeps the keyes of the Church , Cathedral , or of the Popes own pallace at Rome , may as justly challenge a Supream Temporal and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over their Kings , Lords , Popes , Bishops , Parish-Priests , Parishioners , Churches themselves , as the Pope , Priests and Prelates do , from St. Peters keyes ; because they keep the keyes , and open the doors to let them in and out of their Pallaces , Churches ; Houses ; yea the Door-keepers , and Turn-keyes of both Houses of Parliament may as well argue they are above the Houses , Members themselves in power and jurisdiction upon the same Account , as Popes above the Church & Kings . 6ly . Popes and their f flatterers , to appropriate those Keyes to St. Peter and the Romish Hierarchy , which Christ himself never knew nor gave them , have made up a New Bundle of Keyes in their own forge , which will never shut nor open the gates of heaven : As first , the Key of Power ; 2ly . Of Iurisdiction ; 3ly . Of Order ; 4ly . Of Discretion ; 5ly . The Keyes most principall ; 6ly . The Keyes lesse principall ; 7ly . The Keys of Knowledge ; Which though chief g Bonaventura confesseth , most of their Ordinary Masse Priests want , being so ignorant , that they are utterly voyd of all true saving knowledge of the sacred Scriptures . Most of these Keyes , h they appropriate to the Pope originally , and from him derivatively to Bishops . But since they have not in all their New Bunch of Keyes , The Key of Faith , and knowledge of the word of God , which only opens heavens gate ; and since the gate of heaven is very strait , and but one , and so needs not such a multiplicity of Keyes , or pick-locks to open it as the i Roman Porters have forged ; yea the broad gate of hell but one , which stands open day and night to let in prisoners , who can never return back thence ; as I may conclude with k Iohn Veselius on the one hand , Claves Papae & Praelatorum non aperiunt Regnum Dei , sed abscondunt ; So I may resolve on the other , That they give them no Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction at all over any Churches , Christians , much lesse over Kings and Emperors , for the premised reasons . The 4th . Commission which Popes and their creatures would appropriate to St. Peter and the Pope , * is that treble Interrogation and command given by Christ to Peter , after his treble denying of him with an Oath , John 20. 15 , 16 , 17. Jesus said unto Simon Peter , Lovest thou me more then these ? He said , Yea Lord , thou knowest that I love thee . He saith unto him , Feed my Lambs , Feed my Sheep , Feed my Sheep . From whence Popes and their Janizaries conclude , That the Pope is the Universal Vicar , Head over all the Church Militant , that the whole world is his Diocesse ; and that he hath an absolute Power not only over all other Bishops , a Cardinals , Priests , but over all Christian Kings , Emperors , Princes , not only to feed , but to excommunicate , depose , kill them ; divide , or give their Crowns , kingdoms to others . To which I answer 1. That the High Priests and Priests in the Old Testament were obliged by their office , duty to feed , teach and instruct their flocks , as well as St. Peter and the Apostles under the New : as is largely resolved ( with much expostulation by God himself against those who neglected it ) Jer : 23. 1 , to 16. Ezech : 34. 2. to 24. Zech : 11. 7. 2 Chron : 17. 7 , 8 , 9. Neh. 8. 7. c. 7. 15. and other Texts . But the High Priests under the Law claimed no such Soveraignty or Jurisdiction over the people : much lesse over Moses , Joshua , Supream temporal Magistrates , or their Kings , by this their pastoral charge , power , to feed Gods sheep and flock ; as I have b formerly proved , and shall here further illustrate by the example of Aaron the first High Priest ; who was subject and subordinate to Moses the Israelites first chief Civil Governour , being no Priest by birthright , nor consecration , as * some Popish writers would now make him : First because Aaron was his c elder Brother by 3 years , & so the only Priest by birthright , & the high Priest by d Moses special consecration ; who at his death * stripped him of his high priests robes , and put them on Eleazar his son . 2ly . Because he never consecrated himself a Priest , as he did Aaron and his sons , nor was he ever consecrated a Priest by others . 3ly . Because e he never offered burnt offerings or sacrifices , nor intermedled with the proper office of the Priests , but charged them alone to do it . 4ly . Because the word Priest in Psal : 99. 6. 9. whence they would conclude Moses a Priest , signifies as well a f Prince as a Priest , and therefore cannot conclude him a Priest , but Prince among them . Now though Aaron was high Priest , and Moses his younger brother , yet Aaron was subject to his Jurisdiction , Power , Censure ; as these 2. Scriptures evidence . First Moses particularly h reprehended Aaron and the Priests for burning and not eating the sin-offering in the holy place , according to their duty and Gods prescription ; for which Aaron made his Apology to him . 2ly . i By Gods anger against Aaron , and smiting his Sister Miriam with Leprosy , only for speaking against Moses for marying an Ethiopian woman , and using these seditious words against him ; Hath the Lord only spoken by Moses ? hath he not also spoken by us ? in derogation of his Authority . 4ly . By Aarons confessing of his sinne , and craving pardon of him for it in this submissive manner , Alas , k My Lord , I beseech thee lay not this sin upon us ; g wherein we have dealt foolishly . 5ly . By Aarons intercession to Moses for Miriam after God had smitten her with Leprosy , and then healed her upon his prayer ; that she might not be put out of the Camp ; Which Moses refused to grant , shutting her out of the Camp seven dayes ere he restored her : Seeing then this Pastoral office of feeding advanced not Aaron above Moses , to whom he was high Priest ; who continued ( l ) subject to his Supream Ecclesiastical and Civil Jurisdiction ; How Christs command to Peter to feed his Sheep , can elevate his pretended Successors above Kings , Emperors , and all other Bishops , no rational Christian can discern . 2ly . Every Apostle , Minister , Priest , Bishop in and under the Gospel is expresly enjoyned and bound ex officio , to feed Christs sheep , lambs , flock committed to his charge , as well as Peter : as is evident by this question and demand of God himself , Ezech : 34. 2. Should not the Shepherds feed the Flocks ? which infallibly intimates , that they should and ought to do it under the Gospel as well as Law : by Jer : 11. 15. I will give you Pastors after mine own heart , which shall feed you with knowledge and understanding . Jer : 23. 4. And I will set up shepherds over them which shall feed them ; both meant of the times of the Gospel ; by these expresse Gospel Texts Acts 20. 28. where Paul gave this strict charge to all the Elders and Bishops of Ephesus , Takeheed therefore unto your selves , and to all the Flock over which the holy Ghost hath made you Bishops ( to what end ? ) to feed the Church of God , which he hath purchased with his own blood ; Which words , Feed the Church of God , are certainly as universal , as Feed my sheep , feed my Lambs : 1 Cor : 9. 7. Who Feedeth a Flock and eateth not of the milk thereof ? applied by St. Paul to all Ministers and Preachers of the Gospel , who ought to live of the Gospel . Yea , ( which is most observable ; ) St. Peter himself ( as if he had purposely foreseen his pretended Successors ambitious Monopoly ; and claim of Feeding Christs Sheep to himself , to erect a new Monarchy , tyranny over them , by a prophetical Spirit , and purposely writ against it ) for ever refutes their pretences in this memorable passage , 1 Pet. 5. 1 , to 5. The Elders that are among you I exhort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut Compresbyter , or Consenior , ( as the Vulgar , Jerom , Arias Montanus , and other Latin Translations render it ) as your fellow Elder , ( yea fellow-shepherd too ) ( not chief Head , Pastor , Feeder of the Universal Church of Christ ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , feed the Flock of God which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but of a ready minde ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not as Lords over ( or , as Domineering and ruling over ) the Lords heritage , but being ensamples to the flock ; And when the Chief Shepherd ( acknowledged by Peter himself after Christs Resurrection to be Christ alone , not himself ) shall appear , ye shall receive a Crown of glory that fadeth not away . Whence St. Peter expresly enjoynes them to feed the flock as Shepherds only , not as Kings or Lords over them . 3ly . Christ himself a the good , b Great , c Chief Shepherd of his sheep , informs us ; that as he himself , so every other d good shepherd that entreth in by the door , doth not only guard , but feed his sheep , and the sheep hear his voyce , and he calleth his own sheep by name and leadeth them out , and he goeth before them , and the sheep follow him , for they know his voice . Every Apostle , Bishop , Minister of the Gospel is as much a Shepherd of Christs sheep , as Peter ; therefore bound to feed Christs sheep , Lambs as much as he . This St : e Ambrose long since asserted : Dominus dixit Petro , Pasce oves meas ; Quas oves , quem gregem non solum tunc beatus Petrus caepit , sed et nobiscum eas succepit , et cum illo eas nos suscepinus omnes . And f St. Basil goes a little further to his Keyes as well as feeding . Petre inquit , amas me ? Pasce oves meas : & consequenter omnibus Pastoribus et Doctoribus eandem potestatem tribuit : Cujus signum est , Qoud omnes ex aequo obligant , et absolvunt , quemadmodum ille . This g Bishop Jewel , h Dr. Reynolds , Dr. Ames , Chamier , and all Protestant Divines assert and prove at large : Yea i Pope Anacletus himself resolves , Caeteri ve-Apostoli cum eodem ( Petro ) pari consortis Honorem et Potestatem acceperunt , and that as well the power and honor of the keyes , and of binding and loosing , which he there relates to , as of feeding Christs sheep . And k St. Cyprian resolved long before him ; Christus eandem dedit Apostolis omnibus potestatem . l Hoc utique erant & caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus , pari consortio prediti et honoris et potestatis . Pastores sunt omnes , sed grex unius ostenditur qui ab Apostolis omnibus unanimi consensu pascatur : Yea the whole m Clergy of Rome writes thus to all the Clergy of Carthage , Cum incumbat nobis qui videmur Praepositi esse & Vice Pastores , custodire Gregem ; si negligentes inveniamur , dicetur nobis quod & antecessoribus nostris dictum est , qui tam negligentes praepositi erant , Quoniam , &c. Ezech : 34. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. sed & ipse Dominus Simoni sic dixit : Diligis me ? respondit ; Diligo : ait ei , Pasce oves meas , Hoc verbum factum ex actu ipso quo cessit cognoscimus , & caeteri Discipuli similiter fecerunt , Nolumus ergo fratres devotissimi vos mercenarios inveniri , sed bonos Pastores , &c. Resolving every Apostle , Bishop , Minister , to be as much Pastors , and as far bound to feed Christs sheep as Peter . Therefore if this gave Peter a Soveraign Jurisdiction over all the Church , and Kings themselves , it must give the like to all other Bishops , Priests , Ministers ; and so we shall have as many Popes , Vicars Generals , and Supreme heads of the Church of Christ paramount all Kings and Emperors , as there are Priests and Bishops . 4ly . The sheep thus fed ; are not St. Peters , nor any Popes ; Bishops sheep that feeds them ; but only the n sheep , flock of Jesus Christ , for whom he hath laid down his life , yea purchased , redeemed them with his own most precious bloud . Therefore their bare feeding of can give them no dominion or Soveraign Jurisdiction over them , no more then it doth to any Ordinary countrey Shepherd which feeds , keeps , folds his Lords or Masters sheep , who can neither shear , sell , thrust them out of the fold , pasture , nor kill or dispose of them at his pleasure ; but only guard , feed , fold , carefully watch over and lead them into such pastures as his Lord prescribes : his shepherds office being only a painfull , * carefull Service , Ministry , not a Dominion or Dignity . 5ly . All the acts , duties of St : Peters or any other Apostles , Bishops , Ministers Pastoral office in relation to Christs flock are meerly servile , ministerial towards their sheep for their preservation and welfare , not Lordly or Jurisdictional : as namely , 1. To a water and feed them in good , green pastures , with the wholesom food of Gods word . 2ly . To b watch over them day and night ; and guard them from Wolves , Theeves , Robbers that would devour , kill , seduce , destroy them . 3ly . To c go in and out before them in an holy and exemplary conversation . 4ly . To d gather them together when they are scattered by any persecutions , Wolves , casualties , and to seek them out and bring them home to their fold and pasture , when they are strayed thence . 5ly . To e stand by them in their greatest dangers without flying , and to lay down their lives for their safety and defence against Wolves and Robbers . 6ly . To f gather the Lambs with their arms & carry them in their bosoms ; to lead those gently that ar with young , to bind them up which are broken , and to heal and strengthen them that are sick . 7ly . To fold and make them lie down in safety . 8ly . g Not to feed themselves instead of the flock , by eating the fat , or cloathing themselves with their wooll , nor yet to kill , starve or fly from them , nor to rule them with fear , force , cruelty , as Lords over them ; nor to use and call them out as sheep appointed for the slaughter , as Popes use to do . Wherefore none of all these Pastoral positive duties importing the least Dominion or Jurisdiction over Christs sheep , but only a ministry and service towards , for them , accompanied with an heavy wo and account if neglected ; and the Negative part , expresly prohibits all Lordly Dominion and Jurisdiction over them ; How Popes , Prelates or Priests can hence conclude any Supreame Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over Christs Church and flock to be vested in themselves alone , ( not in Kings ) ( who are to feed , rule them by way of Government and Jurisdiction as Kings , but not as meer spiritual shepherds ) transcends my apprehension . Yet hear what h Martinus Becanus the Moguntine Jesuite concludes from hence , in his Controversia Anglicana , De Potestate Regis & Pontificis , contra Lancelotum Andreum , Mogunt . 1612. and let all Christian Kings and their Subjects consider it as well with detestation , as admiration ; The Pope as Shepherd , who is to feed Christs sheep , hath his Doggs ; ( And who are they ? ) Hi canes intelliguntur partim Reges et Imperatores , These Doggs ( of this proud shepherd ) are partly Kings and Emperors ; ( they must be no longer Sheep , but Currs . ) Then descanting upon these their honourable Royal Titles : Igitur hi Canes , These Doggs therefore if they be watchfull , they must be ready at the Shepherds hand : but if they be lazie , madd or troublesom , the Shepherd must presently remove them . This He teacheth ; this the Council of Lateran decreeth . He subjoynes ; Christian Kings are Sheep , are Rammes , are Wolves , and are Doggs : ( though Christ and St : Peter never made such distinctions of them ) Whence it is that the Pope beareth himself in a divers manner towards them . As they are Sheep , if they be silly , he may put them out of the fold : As they are Rammes , if they be troublesom and push with their horns , ( against his Miter ) he may shut them up : As they are Wolves he may drive them away : Quatenus Canes , as they are Doggs , he may put them from their office , if they be defective therein : and some of these he doth by Excommunication , others by Deposition . Thus Becanus concludes , against Gods , the Prophet Jeremiahs , Ezechiels , Christs , and St : Peters own Glosses and Resolutions on this Pasce oves meas : metamorphosing sheep , but specially Kings , Emperors who are such , into Doggs , Wolves allegorically , and the Pope the pretended Chief shepherd into both , really and practically , to his eternal infamy . 6ly . If these Commissions to Saint Peter will not evidence the Popes Supremacy over other Bishops , Priests , Kings and Emperors , yet there is one Commission more will certainly effect and conclude it without dispute , Acts 10. 10 , to 17 where Peter falling into a trance , saw heaven opened , and a certain vessel let down unto him like a great sheet , knit at four corners , let down to the earth ; wherein were all manner of four-footed beasts of the earth ( therefore sheep amongst the rest ) and wilde beasts , and creeping things , and fouls of the air ; and there came a voyce unto him ; Rise Peter , kill and eat . But Peter said , Not so Lord , for I have never eaten that which was common or unclean : And the voyce spake again unto him the second time ; What God hath clensed , that call not thou common . This was done thrice , and the Vessel was received again into heaven . Whence i some Romish Parasites , Janizaries conclude from Surge Petre , macta & manduca , by their own Chymical Divinity , per quod innuitur quod Petrus Praelatus fuit populis Vniversis , vas autem illud orbem universum signat , et universitas contentum in eo significat ; tam Judaeorum quam Gentilium Nationes ; yea some of them assert , the lawfulnesse of the Popes deposing and murdering Christian Kings , Princes , by his assassinates from this Text. I answer , first : That Arise Peter , kill and eat , if meant of sheep , is very ill coupled with , Simon , feed my sheep ; being directly contrary to his pastoral duty and office , Ezech. 34 , 3 , to 6. John 10. 1 , to 6. 2ly . There were no Kings , Emperors , nor men at all in this vessel , but only four-footed beasts , creeping things and fowls , which God provided for the food of man , and gave all men as free power to kill and eat , as he did here to Peter ; Gen. 9 , 2 , 3 , 4. Levit. 11. 2 , 3 , 9. Deuter. 14. 4. How then that which is the common priviledge of all mankinde to kill and eat such beasts , can be a peculiar Supremacy in Peter alone ; Or how Kings , Emperors , men , can be intended or typified in or by these beasts , or eaten by St. Peter , like beasts , fouls and creeping things , to advance Peters pretended Supremacy ; or how Peters spurious Successors can be enabled by this Text to depose , excommunicate , kill and eat the flesh of Kings , Emperors , men , whereas God himself when he first gave Commission to Noah and Mankinde to kill and eat of every beast of the earth , creeping thing , fowl of the air , and fish of the sea , a prohibited them to kill or eat the flesh of any man , threatning to require the blood of the life of every man at his brothers hand ; without making St. Peter and his Successors Canibals and Murderers ; yea beasts and fowls instead of men ; ( whom God only commissioned to eat the flesh of Kings , Captains , mighty men , free and bond , Rev. 19. 17 , 18. ) I cannot discern . 3ly . St. Peter notwithstanding this invitation , ( not simple command ) did b neither kill nor eat any of these beasts , fowls , but absolutely refused to do it ; whereupon they were taken up again into heaven , as the Text relates . How then come his pretended Successors , both to kill and eat , when he refused to do either ? and to ground their Supremacy thereon ? It seems they are now more hungry and voracious then St. Peter was then . 4ly . This whole History was no reality , but a c meer trance and vision , wherein was a mixture of all sorts of beasts , creatures , as well clean as unclean by the d Levitical Law ; which beasts and fowls Peter then conceived he might not lawfully eat : Now the end of this vision was double ; First to instruct Peter , e that the Levitical Law putting a difference between unclean and clean beasts , was then totally abolished , and all of them to be freely eaten by Jews as well as Gentiles . 2. That the f Gentiles were now as holy and dear unto God as the Jewes , Christ having broken down the wall of partition that was between them ; as the sequel of that Chapter and Peter himself relates , chap : 11. Now how this vision only to inform and instruct St. Peters judgement in these two particulars , can give him or the Pope such a Soveraign Jurisdiction , as they by head and shoulders deduce from it , let all rational men resolve . The 7th . Commission the g Pontificians have found out given by Christ to Peter , is that of Matth. 21. 2 , 3. Then sent Jesus two Disciples ( whereof the Romanists averr Peter to be one ) saying unto them , Go ye into the village over against you , and straight way ye shall find an Ass tied , and a colt with her : Loose them and bring them unto me . And if any say ought unto you , ye shall say , the Lord hath need of them , and straightway they will send them . And the Disciples went and did as Jesus commanded them . From whence they inferr , that the Pope hath power to bind , loose , excommunicate and depose Kings , Emperors , absolve their Subjects from their Allegiance , and take away their Crowns , kingdoms from them , when ( he their Lord ) hath need of them ( as he did King Johns and others ) as Peter did thus loose and take away the Ass , Colt , and bring them unto Christ . I Answer First ; That it appears not by any story that Peter was one of those two Disciples that loosed and brought away this Asse and Colt to Christ . 2ly . Admit he was , yet he had another disciple equally joyned with him in Commission ; which destroyes his sole Monarchy and Supremacy . 3ly . They went not about this errand till Christ gave them a special Commission for it ; But Popes run in a quite contrary errand , to depose Kings and Emperors before they are sent by Christ , yea against his expresse inhibition . 4ly . They did not take them away without the owners consent , but with it , as the words straightway they will send them imply : Whereas Popes depose and take away Kings and Emperors Crowns , kingdoms , and absolve their Subjects from their Allegiance against their wils . 5ly . Christ did not send them to take away the propriety , but only to borrow the use of this Asse and Colt , at this very instant , ( not the Crowns , Scepters , or kingdoms of * Kings ) and that only for his necessary use for a few hours , even then when he rode like a King , in greatest trimph he ever used on earth , into Jerusalem , and then sent them back . Popes do not borrow , but forcibly seise , detain not the Asses or Horses of Kings , Emperors , but their Crowns , and kingdoms too ; which Christ never commissioned , nor sent Peter , or any other Disciples to demand or take from Kings , and bring them unto him . 6ly . Those Disciples were sent only to loose a meer natural Asse and Colt for Christ to ride upon , not Emperors , Kings , Princes , on whose backs Christ never rode , on whose heads , crowns he never trampled , whiles prostrate at his feet , as Antichristian * Popes have frequently done ; neither had he Emperors or Kings to hold his stirrop , bridle , when he ascended on the Asses back , as Popes have made Emperors and Kings to hold theirs . 7ly . No argument for the Popes Supremacy can be deduced hence , but only that Peter was here an Asse-driver , not a Shepheard ; that his Keyes were now transformed into a halter or * bridle to muzzle Asses : that Emperors and Kings are now metamorphosed not only into Sheep , Wolves , Dogs , ( as Becanus formerly asserted ) but into Popes Asses too , which have no understanding : This his great Champion * Gastar Schioppius is not ashamed with greatest impudency directly to proclaim to all the world , in this most scurrillous passage , in allusion to this Text. Ecclesia est Mandra , sive Grex aut multitudo jumentorum , sive Aunorum clitellariorum seu sagmariorum , &c. The Church ( he means the Roman , and see the Members thereof how observe it ) is a great fold or stable of Beasts or Asses ; of which some are Pack-Asses , some are Dosse-Asses , and others Burden Asses , Then relating cuiusmodi Auni sunt nos Catholici ? ( what sort of Asses we the Roman Catholicks are ) We ( writes he ) must be beasts which have understanding and reason to obey the Bishops with all humility and patience ; for they are the men , they the Muleters and Asse-drivers , they must yoak , bridle and saddle us , put halters about our necks , load & drive us . For others , they are like to beasts , but tame & moderate beasts , such as must do what they are commanded , for a good understanding Asse is he , that honoureth and followeth the direction and command of the Mulettier . He addes , Reges Catholici sunt Asini cum tintinnabulis ; Catholick Kings are Asses with Bells about their necks , as being the Fore Asses , leading the way to other inferior Asses . Then much commending Charles the Great , he writes , That Charles was a farr greater and wiser Asse , then those Kings that cast off the Popes yoak ; for Charles being tantus Asinus , so great an Asse , cryed ( or rather brayed ) out with a loud voyce , Vniversae Asinorum mandrae , to the whole fold of Asses ; that is , to the whole Church in this manner , For the memory of St. Peter let us honor the Roman Church ; and though the yoke which the Pope imposeth be such as we can hardly bear , yet let us fall down under the same . Ex quibus verbis verum Issachar agnoscas , de quo Gen. ch . 49. Issachar Asinus fortis . From which words of Charles , thou maist know he was a very Issachar , of whom it is said Gen. 49. Issachar is a strong Asse . Thus Schioppius . Is not this fine Catholick Divinity , enough to enamour all Christian Kings , Princes with the Church of Rome ? which is now become a fold of Asses , instead of a flock of Sheep , and their Popes , Bishops , Muleters , and Asse-drivers , instead of Shepherds ? I shall not waste Ink and Paper to answer the other pretended Commissions given by Christ to St. Peter , on which Popes and their Parasites likewise ground their universal Supremacy , as a Launch out into the Deep ; b Loose thy net ; c Christ entred into Simon Peters boat ; Strengthen thy brethren , &c. Nor to answer this profound Argument and passage of St. Bernard , urged by f Tho : Waldensis , to prove Saint Peters Universal Supremacy over the Church , from Christs entring into his Boat. Beatus etiam Bernardus sic loquitur de Navicula una Petri , Lib. 2. Ad Eugenium . Discipuli Navigabant & Dominus apparebat in littore quodque jucundius erat in Corpore redivino : sciens Petrus quod Dominus est , in Mare se misit & sic venit ad ipsum , aliis Navigio pervenientibus . Quid istud ? Nempe signum singularis Pontificii Petri , per quod non unam Navem ut caeteri quique suam , sed ipsum saeculum susceperit guvernandum . Mare enim saeculum est , Navis Ecclesia . Inde est quod d e altera vice instar Domini Petrus gradiens super aquas , unicum se Christi Vicarium designavit : qui non uni populo sed cunctis praeesse deberet : siquidem aquae multae populi multi . Itaque cum quisque caeterorum habeat suam , tibi unae commissa est gravissima Navis facta ex omnibus , ipsa universalis Ecclesia toto orbe diffusa . Haec Bernardus . Rather by way of jear to others who thus descanted on it , then in seriousnesse . Yet Waldensis gravely infers thence . Quam synceriter , quamque subtiliter enucleat pater Bernardus eminentiam summi Sacerdotis , & fastigium Christi Vicarii ab ipsis medullis Evangelii rutilantis ? making a large descant on them . But the repetition of these crazie enthusiastical arguments and aiery conceits , to evidence the Popes Supremacy from such impertinent texts , or rather * blasphemies , is a sufficient refutation of them . 6ly . When all these Commissions to the Apostles , Peter , and forecited Texts , will not prop up the Popes tottering Universal Supremacy , they then flye to his Sword , as to their Triarii , and last refuge , yet with very ill successe , if the Texts and inferences from them be well examined . Our Saviour being near his Passion used these words to his Disciples , Luke 22. 34. to 39. When I sent you without purse , or scrip , or shoes , ( or † staves ) lacked ye any thing ? And they said , Nothing . Then sain he unto them ; But now , he that hath a purse let him take it , and likewise his scrip : and he that hath no Sword , let him sell his garment and buy him one . And they said , Behold here are two Swords ; And he said unto them , It is enough conjoyned with Matth. 26. 51 , 52. John 18. 10 , 11. Then Simon Peter having a sword drew it , and smote the high Priests servant , and cut off his right ear . Then said Jesus unto Peter , Put up thy sword into the sheath , or into his place ; for all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword : the cup which my Father hath given me , shall I not drink ? From which Texts , Popes and their a Paralites , have drawn these strange Conclusions , universally embraced by most as infallible Oracles . 1. That these two Swords here mentioned , were the Supream Ecclesiastical and Temporal Swords of Authority and Jurisdiction , here instituted and distinguished by Christ himself . 2ly . That those two Swords are distinct in their own Natures : the one originally put into the hand of St. Peter and his Successors of Rome alone , and derivatively by and through him into the hands of the other Apostles , Bishops , Priests , incommunicable unto any Temporal Kings or Princes . The other put into the actual possession of Emprors or Kings , by St. Peter and his Successors , to be drawn forth at their command for their and the Churches defence , as well as for the Government of their kingdoms . 3ly . That both these Swords are originally given to , and visited in St. Peter and through him in the Pope , who may dispose of , give , recall and command them at his pleasure . Strange dotages and delusions drawn by head and shoulders from these Texts . To clear which Texts from these false Glosses for the future , I shall desire the Readers to observe : 1. That the Sword which Christ commanded every of his Apostles to sell his garment ( for want of money ) to buy ; was not a Metaphorical , Civil , or Ecclesiastical Sword of Authority or Jurisdiction , ( which had been flat Simonie to buy ) but a plain , material , iron sword , which ordinary soldiers , or servants then wore , ( as since they have done , and yet do ) to guard their Kings , Generals , Captains , Masters against violence : For 1. It was a sword to be bought at the Cutlers , and that for the present defence of their Master Christ . 2ly . They thereupon all answered ( not Peter for them ) They had then two swords , with one whereof Peter cut off Malchus his ear ; therefore both only material iron swords . 3ly . St. Peters sword was drawn out of his sheath , when used , & commanded by Christ to be put again into its scabbard or place ; therefore a real iron sword . 4ly . Christ gives this reason for its putting up , For all they that take the sword , shall perish by it : Therefore both the swords he commanded them to buy , the two swords they then had , when Christ said , It is enough ; & the sword to be put up were only ordinary swords of common soldiers , or servants , not of Temporal Magistrates or Prelates . 5ly . Christ directed his speech not to Peter by name , but to all his other Apostles in general ; He that hath no sword let him sell his garment & buy one ; & he having then a sword of his own , this speech did not concern him , but those only who wanted swords ; whence not Peter , but the other Apostles said joyntly ( as they replied to Christs first question , that they wanted nothing ; ) Behold here are two swords : which implied a tacit demand , whether they needed to buy any more ? Whereupon Christ said , It is enough , there needed no more . Peter therfore not being their mouth , in this case , for ought appears ; how can these two swords belong to him alone , upon the other Apostles answers ? 6ly . It is most clear , that one of these two swords was Peters , is evident by Christs words to him ; Put up thy Sword : Yet it was only the sword of a common soldier , or servant ; not of a Civil or Ecclesiastical Magistrate ; ( he being then neither ) and that Apostle whose the other sword was , yea every common soldier that hath or wears a sword , may claim as absolute a Soveraign Ecclesiastical and Temporal Jurisdiction , as the Pope can do from this sword of Peter . 7ly . Peter then had , used but one sword alone , not two . How comes the Pope , his pretended Successor , to challenge two swords , and that of a farr different nature from his , and not to be content with a common Servitors or soldiers sword , as he was ? 8ly . Christ himself severely checked a Peter for drawing , smiting with this sword , and cutting off Malchus his ear ; 1. Because he did it without his command , who was his Lord and Master . 2ly . Because he did it before the band , Captain , Officers laid hold on Christ to apprehend him , so that he began the quarrel . 3ly . Because he smote Malchus that was next him , and cut off his ear , without any just provocation from him . 4ly . Because he did it with an ill intent , to b prevent , hinder Christs crucifixion , the fulfilling of the Scriptures , and redemption of mankinde by his passion : from which he disswading him only a little before , Christ had thereupon reprehended him , with a double c Get thee behinde me Satan , thou art an offence unto me , for thou savourest not the things of God , but those that be of men . 5ly . Because he drew it out of incredulity and presumption ; as if Christ could not be otherwise rescued from his apprehenders , but by his rash valour , when d as his Father would have given & sent him Legions of Angels to rescue him , and prevent his crucifixion , had he desired it , or had it stood with the Scriptures , or Gods eternal purpose , and his own good pleasure ; wherefore Peters drawing and smiting with his sword , being sinfull , unlawfull in all these respects , cannot possibly be a just legal foundation for his or the Popes Temporal or Spiritual Supremacy . 6ly . Christ commands e Peter to put up his sword into his sheath , and never to draw or use it more ; because all that take the sword ( without lawfull commission from God ) shall perish with the sword . How then Popes , St. Peters pretended Successors , can both challenge , draw , smite with this sword of Peter , not only to cut off Malchus his ear , but the Crowns , Heads of Christian Emperors , Kings , Lords , Parliaments , and engage Christian Kings , kingdoms to draw their Military swords of War against each other , yea their Subjects to draw their swords against their lawfull Emperors , Kings , as against Turks , Infidels , when excommunicated or deprived by them , and to murther one another by thousands in the field , against this expresse prohibition of Christ , and his reason thereto annexed ; let Popes and their flatterers resolve their own and other rational mens consciences , when they are able . 8ly . Neither Peter nor any other Apostle was then a King , or Supream Civil Magistrate , nor personated any such officer , when Christ used these words of two swords , that they were enough ; & gave this command to Peter , Put up thy sword into his place . How then could either of these two swords possibly signifie or represent the Kings or Magistrates Supream Civil Sword of Justice ? 9ly . Neither was Peter nor any other of the Apostles at this time invested with the sole Supream Ecclesiastical Power or Jurisdiction , which then wholly resided in Christ himself ; How therefore can Peters material sword , transferr to the Pope or his successors , the supream Spiritual Sword of Jurisdiction over the whole Catholick Church and its members ? 10ly . Those two swords , which Christ said were enough , were both of one kind ; material , not metaphorical ; of iron , steel ; not of the Spirit ; and but one of them used , or rather abused by Peter : How then can they typifie Two distinct Jurisdictions vested by Divine institution in two distinct ranks and Professions of Men , Kings and Priests , Secular Princes and Spiritual Priests ? So that one of them may not usurp the sword of the other two . 11ly . If these swords , as Canonists define ; be so different , distinct , and put into those several hands by Christs institution , f how came the Pope in Peters pretended Right to claim , monopolize both ; g when Peter had but one sword , and that of a far different nature from those Popes now pretend to ? 12ly . The Scripture never distinguisheth between the Temporal and Ecclesiastical sword in the Popes and Prelates sence : Indeed it stiles the word of God , h the sword of the spirit , and a ( i ) two edged sword ; and the Vindictive power of the Civil Magistrate to punish evil doers , ( i ) a sword ; but the pretended Popes Ecclesiastical censures , whether of Interdicts , Excommunications , * Anathemaes , or delivering men to Satan , putting them out of the Synagogue , or being reputed heathens or publicans , are never once stiled nor intimated in Scripture to be a Sword , or to proceed from St. Peters sword , but Keyes alone ; yea Popes , Prelates , Priests , themselves resolve , that all their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , Censures are founded on the Power of Peters Keyes , not Sword ; and derive them only from the Keyes which Christ committed to him and the other Apostles , not that sword which Christ commanded him to put up into the sheath , and use no more . How then came the Keyes , and these two swords ( so different in their names , forms , nature , uses , the one to open , shut , bind or loose ; the other to defend penitent , and smite , slay , or punish impenitent sinners ) to be both one , and to give Popes one and the self-same Supream Temporal and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ? Either then they must disclaim St. Peters Keyes , or his two Swords as inconsistent ; or if they will distribute the use of one of his swords to Kings and Civil Magistrates , they must by the self-same reason allow them one of his keyes too : And then Kings , Emperors shall both enjoy , exercise Supream Ecclesiastical and Temporal Jurisdiction over the Churches , and Clergy within their Dominions , by divine Right , as well as the Pope . 12ly . * Paul himself makes this a special qualification of a Bishop , that he must be no striker ; whence Bishops and Priests claim an exemption from bearing arms , or going to war ; Therefore they can neither claim nor exercise either of these two swords . 13ly . This crotchet of two swords , had its principal rise from a St. Bernards passage to Pope Eugenius the 3d. about the year of Christ , 1146. Dracones , inquis , me mones pascere , & serpentes , non oves ? Propter hoc , inquam , magis aggredere eos , SED VERBO , NON FERRO : quid te denuo Vsurpare gladium tentes , quem semel jussus es , ponere in vaginam ? Quem tamen qui tuum negat , non non satis mihi videtur attendere verbum Domini dicentis sic , Converte gladium tuum in vaginam . b Tuus ergo et ipse , tuo forsitan nutu , etsi non tua manu evaginandus : Alioquin si nullo modo ad te pertineret , et is dicentibus Apostolis ; Ecce gladii duo hic ; non respondisset Dominus , Satis est ; SED NIMIS EST. Vterque ergo Ecclesiae , et Spititualis scilicet gladius et materialis ; sed is quidam pro Ecclesia , ille vero et ab Ecclesia exercendus est . Ille Sacerdotis , is Militis manu : sed sane ad nutum Sacerdotis , et jussum Imperatoris . Nunc vero accipe illum , qui tibi ad faciendum creditus est , et vulnera ad salutem , si non omnes , si non vel multos , certe quos possis . Non sum inquis , melior quam patres mei . Quem illorum domus exasperans , non dico audivit , sed non irri●it ? Ideo te insiste magis , si fortè audiant & quiescant ; insiste & resistentibus . Dicendo haec , forte nimius dicar . Num nostra illa vox ; c insta oportune , importune . Hunc ( si audes ) nimium appellato Prophetae precipitur ; d Clama , ne cesses : ad quos , nisi ad sceleratos & peccatores ? e Annuncia , inquit , populo meo scelera eorum , & domui Jaacob peccata eorum . Prudenter adverte , sceleratos perhiberi & populum Domini : puta de his idem . Et si scelerati , & si iniqui , videne audias , f quod uni ex his meis non fecisti , nec mihi fecisti . Fateor populum istum fuisse adhuc dura fronte indomimito nude , sed utrum etiam indomabili , nescio unde loquendo sciri potest . Potest fore quod necdum fuit . Si dissidis tu , g Sed apud Deum non erit impossibile verbum . Si dura fronte sunt , durato & tue contra tuam : Nil tam durum quod duriori cedat . Dominus ad Prophetam , h Dedi frontem tuam duriorem frontibus eorum . Vnum est quod te absolvit , siegisti cum populo illo ut possis dicere ; * Populi mei quid tibi debeo facere & non feci ? Si sic fecisti nec profecisti , est demum quod facias , & quod dicas : h Ecce de Ur Chaldaeorum , & dicito , i quia oportet me & aliis civitatibus evangelizare . Puto nec poenitebit exilii , orbe pro urbe commutato . I have transcribed his whole passage relating to both swords for this purpose ; 1. To prove that the temporal sword belongs not to the Pope , but only to Christian Emperors , Kings , nor is it put into his hands . 2ly . That it is to be unsheathed for the Churches defence , when there is need , not at the Popes or Priests meer pleasure or mandate , but at the Emperors and Kings special commands . 3ly . That the spiritual Sword of Priests , to be exercised by the Church , Popes , Prelates , is here expresly defined to be only the Word of God ; the preaching of the Gospel with instance in season , out of season : the lifting up of Priests voyces without ceasing ; crying aloud to them and sparing not , shewing the people their sins , and the house of Israel their transgressions ; especially when they prove Dragons , Scorpions , obstinate , impenitent , hardning their faces , and hearts against all admonitions and reproofs ; In which cases , Popes , Prelates , Priests , must ingeminate , and more boldly , earnestly , incessantly inculcate their reprehensions and exhortations , yea harden their faces against them , as they harden theirs : as the Prophets did in the old Testament ; and if they continued incorrigible after all this : Go forth of Ur , leave them , resort and preach the Gospel to other Cities , as Christ himself did . This is the only Spiritual sword , and the sole drawing and smiting with it , belonging to the Church , Priests , Popes ; not Suspensions , Excommunications , Interdicts , Curses with Bell , Book , Candle , not only of Private persons , but whole Churches , Kingdoms , Cities , Emperors and Kings themselves ; prostrations at their Papal feet , depositions from their Crowns , losse of their Realms , absolving all Subjects from their allegiance , against former Oaths , to arm them against their lawfull Soveraigns ; of which St. Bernard hath not one syllable . Therefore no appurtenances to the Spiritual sword of Popes or Priests , but meer Antichristian Usurpations , abuses , of this pretended sword , which wounds many not to their salvation , but destruction . Finally St. Bernard presseth the Pope to use this Spiritual sword not in England , France , Germany , or other Kings Dominions ; but in Rome it self , and his own Pallace , Court alone ; where the people , Officers of all sorts , were generally Dragons , Scorpions , the most impudent , impenitent , brazen-faced , hard-hearted , desperate sinners of all others , of whose reformation Pope Eugenius and himself did almost despair . And then induced him to use his utmost endeavours to reform them , by the forecited smitings of them with the sword of the Spirit . And in case of their final incorrigibility ; not to excommunicate , interdict , or anathematise them , but desert them totally , and by a voluntary exile to remove to some other City ; to exchange Rome for the World , or any other part thereof , which was farre better then it ; there to preach the Gospel , and discharge his Pastoral office , committed by Christ to Peter , and through him to himself ; by seeding his sheep , which he defines only to be the preaching of the Gospel to them ; concluding in these words , Evangelizare pascere est ; fac opus Evangelistae , et Pastoris opus implesti ; Upon all which considerations , I hope the most zealous Pontificians will henceforth be satisfied ; That the Civil and Spiritual swords have not their distinction , distribution , nor any foundation at all on Peters single sword , or the other Apostles two material swords ; and that the only spiritual sword belonging to Popes and the Church , is not their usual Ecclesiastical Censures , thunderbolts , but the meer word of God incessantly preached , applied in season and out of season to all sorts of sinners , especially the most obdurate ; wherewith the City and Court of Rome are so stuffed , that Popes have most reason to brandish this sword , and all other swords or keyes they claim from St. Peter , only there , not in other Princes , Bishops Diocesses and Dominions , much lesse against Emperors and Kings themselves . 2ly . If St. Peters , the Apostles , Priests and Ministers commissions forecited will neither warrant , support their Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction challenged , pretended to , much lesse will their several Titles do it . Before I enter upon the Positive Titles given to them in Scripture , I shall desire you to take notice , 1. That neither St. Peter , nor any other Apostle , Minister , or Presbyter , is ever once stiled by Christ or any Apostle in relation to his office ; either a King , Prince , Caesar , Lord , or the higher Powers ; but only earthly Kings and temporal Magistrates . a Alvarus Pelagius , the Popes Grand Advocate , doth not only ingenuously acknowledge , but renders these folid reasons for it : First , because Kings and Lords do frequently abuse their Regal and Lordly power to tyranny and great oppression of their Subjects ; which Popes and Clergymen would be likewise apt to do , if dignified with these Titles . 2ly . Because the name of a King aliquando superbum sonat , and is apt to puff men up with pride and arrogance ; therefore inconsistent with the humility and meeknesse of Christs Disciples , Ministers . 3ly . To put a distinction between Civil and Ecclesiastical Governors . Inter spirituales & temporales Reges sicut est discretio in potestatibus , sic debet esse in nominibus . Principes itaque seculares nomen Regis quod commune est , sibi a proprietate retinent , praesertim quia ante constitutionem spititualium Regum , officium Regis & nomen plures habuisse leguntur . Principes autem spirituales aliis nominibus nuncupantur , quae non fastum , sed actum & pietatem insinuant . Et propter hoc ait Petrus , Pastoribus Ecclesiae , 1 Pet. 5. 2. 3. & 95 Distinct . Esto . Neque ut Dominautes in Clero : & Christus dixit Discipulis Lu. 22. Reges Gentium dominatur eorum , vos autem non sic . & Mat. 20 Yea he draws this memorable inference from hence . Et secundum hoc videretur dicendum , quod licet Christus sit Rex & Sacerdos , tamen ejus Vicarii scilicet Apostoli & eorum successors , non sunt Sacerdotes et Reges , imo solum convenit eis potestas Sacerdotalis vel Pontificalis ex , concessione Christi . Si autem aliquibus eorum convent potestas Regia , hoc est ex concessione Principum terrenorum ; sicut ex concessione Constatini habet Romanus Prontifex Imperialem potestatem , Distinct . 96. Constituimus . Which though Alvarus prima facie , grants to be rationabiliter dictum for others ; yet he spends several * Articles to assert , That the Pope is not only a spiritual , but temporal King and Lord , yea King of Kings and Lord of Lords ; and that not only Popes , but even Bishops and Priests too have a power and jurisdiction above all Kings ; Emperors , Princes in the world , even to excommunicate , depose , and put them from their Thrones , Kingdomes , Empires , as you heard * before at large . 2ly . Neither Christ , nor his Apostles after his Ascension in any of their Epistles or Gospels , ever gave St. Peter or the Pope any of these swelling Titles now claimed , or Attributed to them by their flatterers ; as a Christs sole Viceroy , his sole Vicar General on Earth , sole head of the whole Catholick Church , God , Vice-God , Christ , Christs Omnipotentiary , or Plenipotentiary , indued with a plenituds of all power both in heaven and earth , the life of the world ; or any of those Titles which b St. Bernard ( by way of irony , censure only ) gives to Pope Eugenius , as others did in good earnest ; Age indagemus adhuc diligentius quis sis ? quam geras , videlicet , pro tempore , personum in Ecclesia Dei : Quis es ? Sacerdos magnus , Summus Pontifex . Tu Princeps Apostolorum ; tu Primatu Abel ; Gubernatu Noe ; Patriarchatu Abraham ; Or ●ine Melchisedech , dignitate Aaron , auctoritate Moyses , indicatu Samuel , potestate Petrus , unctione Christus . Tu es cui claves traditae , cui over creditae sunt . Sunt quidem & alii coeli janitores , & gregum pastores : Sed tu tanto gloriosius , quanto & differentius utrumque prae caeteris nomen haereditasti , &c. If none of these ambitious Titles were ever given by Christ or other Apostles to Peter himself in this magnificent manner● or to any other Apostle ; How comes the Pope now to appropriate them to himself in Peters right , who doth not own but quite disclaim them ? 1 Pet. 1. 1. c. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. Wherefore pretermitting them as late Papal fancies , invented by Popes and their Parasites , I shall proceed to St. Peters particular Scripture Titles , peculiar to himself : whereon Popes and their flatterers bottom his and their own pretended transcendent Supremacy . The 1. is his very Sirname , Peter , Mat. 16. 18. I say unto thee , thou art Peter , and upon this rock I will build my Church . Whence they infer , a That Peter is not only supreme head of Christs Church , but the very stock and foundation on which it is built . I answer , 1. That he had this very name Peter given him either before he was called by Christ to be an Apostle , or at leastwise he was named Peter by Christ upon his very first calling to be his Disciple , Mat. 4 18. c. 8. 14 , 15. Mar. 3. 16. Lu : 3. 16. Lu : 6. 14. Jo : 1. 41 , 42 If then his first sirname Peter , gave him no such supream Jurisdiction , Lordship over all the other Apostles and whole Catholick Church , as certainly it did not , Christ himself being b then the supream head thereof on earth , for some years after . This repetition , or confirmation of this his former Title , could give him no such new headship or supremacy . 2ly . Neither Christ nor any of his Apostles , or Evangelists , before or after Christs resurrection , who oft stile him by the name of c Simon , and Simon Bar-Jonas ; without his sirname Peter , or d Simon Peter , joyntly , or Peter singly ; Nor yet Peter himself , ( who stiles himself in his General Epistle , 1 Pet. 1. 1. 2 Pet 1. 1. Peter , and Simon Peter A SERVANT and an Apostle of Jesus Christ ; and 1 Pet. 5. 1. a Fellow-Elder : ) ever dreamed of such a supremacy or headship , as this , or of the least Dominion or Jurisdiction over the rest of the Apostles , or Elders of the Church , much lesse over the whole Church of God , and Emperors , Kings themselves , as Popes now claim . 3ly . This name Peter , as I say unto the thou art Peter , attest , was only personal , individual , affixed to his own person alone , not transmitted to his pretended successors of Rome , who e though they usually change their former Names , when elected and crowned Popes ; yet not one of them ever yet stiled himself Peter , but many of them Paul ; and more of them John : Therefore not one of them assuming this name Peter , and neither Christ himself , nor Peter transmitting his sirname Peter to them , they can derive no Supremacy from it to themselves . 4ly . Yet all later Popes aver themselves to be f not only Christ , but Peter himself ; and what ever is given , offered to , or acted by them ; to be given to , done , acted by St. Peter himself : and all things acted against their Antichristian Usurpations , to be acted against St. Peter ; as their Epistles , Bulls , Canons , Formularies , Interdicts , Excommunications , and Charters of pretended or real Donations to them by Constantine , Charles the Great , King John and others evidence : When as the Pope in reality and Name , is no more St. Peter himself , then he is Judas , the son of perdition , S. James ; or Peter Lombard , Peter , the Hermit , Peter Martyr , or any other bearing that name ; nor so much Peter , as Peters statue , or picture representing his pourtaicture ; which may as justly claim the Authority , and more rightly the name of Peter , ( which they all give it ) then any Pope 5ly . If this very name Peter , hath the headship , or supremacy of the Church affixed to it , then every person stiled Peter ( especially if a King and Soveraign Prince ) may as justly challenge the supremacy and headship of the Church , as any Pope , especially when stiled Innocent , Boniface , Gregory , Clement , or any other such name , not Peter . 6ly . St. Peter resolves , g that the Lord Jesus Christ ( not he ) is the precious Headstone , which God hath layd in Zion , prophecied of by Isaiah c. 28. 16. & Ps . 118. 20. to whom coming as unto a living stone , disallowed indeed of men , but approved of God , ye also as living stones are built up a spiritual house ( or Church ) an holy Priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifices acceptable unto God through him ; that he is made the head of the corner , and he that believeth on him shall not be confounded : Yea himself repeated it again Acts 4. 8. to 12. Then Peter filled with the holy Ghost , said , Ye Rulers of the people and Elders of Israel , be it known to you all , and to all the people of Israel , that by the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth , whom ye crucified , whom God hath raised from the dead , even by him doth this man stand here before you whole . This ( not I ) is the Stone which is become the head of the corner : Here St. Peter himself twice precisely refutes the blasphemous Glosses , Inferences of his Successors to Rob Christ of his Headship , stoneship , and translate it to the Pope , through St. Peters conduct-pipe . 7ly . St. Paul who is joyned hand in hand with Peter in Popes seals , Crosiers , Bulls , Charters , yea joynt Bishop of Rome ( as well as joynt Martyr with him , if he were ever Bishop there ) resolves with Peter , That other foundation ( of the Church and Christian faith ) can no man lay , but that which is already laid , which is Jesus Christ , ( not Peter ) 1 Cor. 3. 10 , 11 , 12. And we are built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets ( in general , not in Peter ) Iesus Christ himself being the chief * corner-stone , in whom , ( not in Peter ) all the building fitly framed together groweth unto an holy temple in the Lord , in whom ye also are builded together for an habitation of God through the Spirit . 8ly . h Origen long sincere solved ; Petra est quisquis est Discipulus Christ , & that these words spoken to Peter , were common to all : St. i Hierom seconds him , Ecclesia fundatur super omnes Apostolas : ex aequo super eos Ecclesiae fortitudo solidatur , in and by Christ the chief corner-stone , on whom they are all built : Wherewith our learned k Bishop Jewel and Church accord . Yea l Tho. Waldensis , and m Alvarus Pelagius too , ( though grand sticklers for the Popes Supremacy : ) quote this passage of Origen Hom. xii . in Hieremiam , thus resolving ; Quae est igitur Petra ? n Dominus Iesus Christus ; bibebant enim de spirituali consequente Petra , & super Petram statuit pedes meos . Quaeris alias Petras , & alias Cavernas ? Vento ad chorum Prophetarum atque Apostolorum ; & dico quia omnes imitatores Christi Petra sunt , ut Petra est ille qui docuit . With St. Hierom Com : in Matth. 18. Tom. 9. & Mar. 8. Augustin super Johan . Tract . ult . Tom. 9. de Verbis Domini , Sermo 13. 1 Tim. 10. Retractationum c. 12. Tom. 1. Ambrosius in Lu. 6. c. 11. Tom. 5. Chrysostom in Locum all resolving Christ himself , & the faith which Peter confessed of him ( not Peter himself , o but secundum Metaphoram , as put for his faith confessed ) to be the Rock on which the Church is built ; that Non a Petro Petra , sed Petrus a Petra , sicut Christus non a Christiano , p sed Christianus a Christo . Non dictum est illi , Tu es Petra , sed Tu es Petrus . Ideo quippe ait Dominus ; Super hanc Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam : quia dixerat Petrus , Tu es filius Dei vivi : super hanc Petram quam confessus es aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , Petra enim erat Christus : super hanc Petram quam cognovisti aedificabo Ecclesiam meam : Super me aedificabo te , non me super te . To which Authorities , & Apoc. 2 : 17. ( objected against the Popes Supremacy by Wickliff , his Master Gulielmus , and others ) they give this pitifull Answer , Super Christum Petram primo & principaliter aedificatur Ecclesia : secundum vero formam Vicariam super Petrum Petram . Omnes Apostoli Petrae sunt , praecipue tamen Petrus , in quo omnes Petrae primo nomen sumpserunt ; When as * Origen ( from whom they draw this inference ) resolves , That all the Petty Rocks of Apostles and Prophets derived their names only from Christ the Rock , not from Peter : Which rotally subverts his headship and supremacy from this Text , and Title of Peter . 2ly . To supply this shipwrack , a Pope Innocent the 3d. b Alvarus Pelagius , and c other his Champions , have found out an unanswerable Text , to prove his Headship over the Universal Church : to wit , Christ tells Peter , he should be called Cephas , which signifyes a Head : Petrus secutus est Christum , non solum in genere Martyrii , sed & in ordine Magisterii , quod Christus ostendit , cum ait , Tu vocaberis Cephas . Licet enim Cephas secundum unam linguam ; interpretatur , Petrus , secundum alteram tamen exponitur Caput , Nam sicut caput habet plenitudnem sensuum , caetera vero membra partem recipiunt plenitudinis , ita caeteri Sacerdotes vocati sunt in partem sollicitudinis , sed Summus Pontifex ( he should have said Petrus rather ) assumptus est in plenitudinem potestatis : Pope d Leo the 1. thus blasphemously writes of Peter , ( intending the Pope and himself thereby ) Christus Petrum in consortium individuae Trinitatis assumpsit : And thence inferres , Deus â Petro velut a quodam Capite dona sua velut in corpus omne diffudit . To all which I answer , 1. That Cephas , signifieth not a Head in any Language ( as these wilfully mistake ) but only a Stone , or Peter ; witnesse Iohn 1. 42. ( the text wheron they rely ) When Jesus beheld Simon , he said , thou art Simon the sonne of Jonah , thou shalt be called Cephas , which is by interpretation , Lapis , so some ; or Petrus , so others render it ; and our English Translations , a Stone , or Peter , not an head . Yea the Holy Ghost himself , by St. Pauls sacred pen , gives him this Title of Cephas , ( as the very same with Peter ) no lesse then 5 several times in his Epistles , 1 Cor 1. 12. Every one of them saith , I am of Paul , and I of Apollo , and I of Cephas : where Paul and Apollo are put before Cephas , as they are also 1 Cor. 3. 22. 25. Whether Paul or Apollo , or Cephas , &c. all are yours . & 1 Cor. 9. 5. Have not we power to lead about a sister , or wife , as well as other Apostles , as the brethren of the Lord , and Cephas ; where all the other Apostles , James and John are marshalled before Cephas . Gal. 2. 5. And when James , Cephas and John , which seemed to be pillars , perceived the grace that was given unto me , they gave to me and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship , that we should go unto the heathen , and they unto the circumcision : Here Cephas is recited after James ; and both James , Cephas and John , ( the grand pillars of the Church ) gave both to Paul and Barnabas , the right hand of fellowship , as their equals , neither claiming an absolute headship over them or the Church , as Popes do now from this Title Cephas , 1 Cor. 15. 5. That he was seen of Cephas ( after his resurrection ) then of the twelve ; here only Cephas is placed before the 12. not in point of priority of order or dignity , but because he e first saw Christ at his appearance after his resurrection , before any of the other Apostles , to comfort and strengthen his soul after his treble detestable denying of Christ : Wherefore this sirname Cephas then given to Simon being one and the same with Peter , and signifying not an head , rock , nor chief head-stone , or Topstone , a Title peculiar to Jesus Christ alone : and Simon Peter by this very name Cephas , being in four several Texts ranked after Paul , Apollos , James , John , and all the Apostles , it cannot prove St : Peters or the Popes headship over the Church . 2ly . Admit Cephas signified a head ; yet it doth not signifie the head of the Universal Church , the head of the World , the head of Bishops , principalities , powers ; which Popes must prove before they pretend thereto . For 1. It is used in Scripture for the head of the natural body in a proper sence , Psal . 23. 5. 2 Kings 10. 6 , 7 , 8 , &c. 2ly . Metaphorically ; as 1. For the Top or upper part of a pillar or base , 2 Chron. 3. 16. Ps . 24. 7. 2ly . For the Fathers or chief men of a particular Tribe or family , Exod. 6. 24 , 25. Numb . 1. 16. c. 30. 1. Deut. 5. 23. Josh . 14. 1. 2 Chron. 5. 24. c. 7. 2 , 7 , 9 , 11 , 40. c. 12. 32. 3ly . For subordinate Princes , Civil Governors , and Rulers of the people in the Civil State , Exod. 18. 25. Num. 7. 2. c. 10. 4. c. 13. 3. & 25 13. Deutr. 1. 15. c. 33. 5 , 22. Josh . 19 22. c. 21. 1. c. 22. 21 , 30. c. 23. 2. 1 Kings 8. 1. 1 Chron. 8. 6 , 10 , 13 , 18. c. 9. 13. 2 Chron. 5. 2. c. 28. 12. Mich. 3. 1. Isa . 9. 14. Judg. 8. 10. c. 11. 8 , 9 , 11. 3ly . For Kings and Supream Civil Governors , 1 Sam. 15. 17. Jer. 22. 6. 4ly . For a head city , or f Metropolis , Isay 7. 8 , 9. Josh . 11. 10. 5ly . For an oeconemical head ; so the man is called the head of the Wife or woman , 1 Cor. 11. 3. c. 5. 23. 6ly . For a Spiritual supream head ; so Christ is stiled the head of the Church , the head of everyman , the head of the heathen , the head of all principalities and powers , and God the head of Christ , and head over all , 1 Chron : 29. 11. Psal : 18. 43. 1 Cor : 11. 3. Eph : 1. 22. c. 4. 15. c. 5. 23. Col : 1. 10. 18. c. 2. 19. Ps . 118. 22. Mat. 21. 42. Now that Cephas signified any of these 3. last sorts of heads , the Pope must clearly demonstrate , or else renounce his headship as derived from Cephas . 3ly . Pope a Gregory the 1. resolves , That Paul had the priesthood of the whole world ; that he being converted to Christ , caput effectus est Nationum . Which b Chrysostom thus seconds , Both land and sea , and the habitation of the whole world is committed to Paul. How then could Peter be the supreme head ? 4ly . As for Pope Leo the 1. his passage , seconded by Pope d Nicholas ; That Christ hath assumed Peter into the fellowship of the individual Trinity , that so God from Peter ( not from Christ ) as from an head might diffuse his gifts into all his body the Church ; it is a most grosse daring blasphemy , derogatory to Iesus Christ his Headship , Offices in the highest degree , contradicted by John 1. 16. Eph. 1. 23. c. 2. 21 , 22. c. 4. 10 , 11 , 12. Col. 1. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. befitting only such blasphemous Pontifs who stile themselves * Gods , and Vice-gods , as well as Heads . 3ly . I proceed to those respective Titles , Names given to all Apostles , Ministers of the Gospel , and their Church-offices in the New Testament , neither of which imports or transferrs to them any Supream Ecclesiastical or Temporal Jurisdiction , at least not such as Popes , Popish Prelates , Priests now claim and exercise . 1. The chief and first of all those Titles both for dignity and authority , is an Apostle : St. Paul resolving , that God hath set in his Church ; e First Apostles : and that f when Christ ascended far above all heavens , he gave some ( to be ) Apostles , &c. the first and chiefest in order ; as all g Divines , and Popes themselves acknowledge . Now what doth this prime title signifie or import ? No jurisdiction at all , but only a messenger sent by Jesus Christ into all the world to preach the Gospel to all Nations according to his mission and commission , Mat. 28. 19 , 20. Mar. 16. 15. 16. John 20. 21. Acts 26 17 , 18. Rom. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as all Divines and h Dictionaries accord , is derived from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to send in a message ; Hence Mat. 11. 10. Luc. 7 27. Christ saith of John Baptist , This is he of whom it is written , i Behold I send my Messenger before thy face . Thus Phil. 2. 25. Epaphroditus is stiled Pauls Brother and companion in labour , and fellow-souldier , but your messenger ; and 2 Cor : 6. 23. Titus ( whom the Pope and Bishops assert to be Archbishop of Crete ) and the brethren with him , are stiled Pauls fellow-helpers ; labourers , and Apostles , which our best Translation renders the Messengers of the Churches , and the glory of Christ : 2ly . This Title of Apostle was not peculiar to St. Peter , but common to all the 12. at first , Mat. 10. 2. Lu. 6 , 13. 3ly . After Christs ascension the Title of an Apostle was given to Matthias , Paul , Titus , and some others , Acts 1. 26. Rom. 1. 1. 1 Cor. 9. 1 , 2. Ephes . 4. 11. 1 Tim. 2. 7. 2 Cor. 6. 23. Gal. 2 : 1. 17. 19. who were equal with , not inferiour to the other Apostles . This is the highest Title given to them through all the Evangelists , Acts , Epistles , and Apocalips : The first they stile themselves by in their Epistles : As Peter an Apostle of Jesus Christ . 1 Pet. 1. 1 , 2 Pet. 1. 1. Paul called to be an Apostle , Paul an Apostle by the will of God , &c. Rom : 1. 1 , 2 Cor. 1. 1. Eph : 1. 1. Col. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 1. 1. 2 Tim. 1. 1. 1 Tit. 1. 1. And their very Office in relation to this stile , is termed an Apostleship , Mission , Ministry , Acts 1. 25. Rom. 1. 5. 1 Cor. 3. 2. Gal. 2. 8. Therefore no title , office of Jurisdiction . 4. In this Apostleship of St. Peter , there are these memorable circumstances subverting his pretended supremacy over the rest , and whole Catholick Church . 1. That Peter was not the first Apostle by vocation , or age ; for * Andrew , and another Disciple were called , and followed Christ as his Apostles before Peter ; Whence k Thomas Waldensis ( a great asserter of his supremacy ) confesseth , Petrus non dicitur Apostolorum primus , primitate vocationis , sed auctoritate praelationis : Petrus non est Apostolorum Princeps , senectute , sed potestate . 2ly . He is not alwayes first named , but l oft times postponed after all the disciples , and sometimes after James , John , Paul , Barnabas , ( as Mar. 16. 17. 1 Cor. 1. 12. c. 3. 22. c. 9. 5. Gal. 2. 9. ) 3ly . That he was m more sharply , frequently reprehended by Christ then all the other Apostles , yea stiled Satan ; & one that savoured not the things of God but men ; 1. for disswading him from his passion . 2ly . For n his arrogance , and self-confidence , That though all others should deny Christ , yet he would not . 3ly . For o drawing his sword and cutting off Malchus his ear without command , to prevent his passion ; and doubting of Christs power . 4ly . For his peremptory refusal at first to let Christ wash his feet . 5ly . For a his want of faith when he be began to sink , in presuming to walk to Christ upon the sea . 6ly . For b reputing the creatures whom God had sanctifyed and commanded him to eat ( and the Gentiles whom they typified ) unclean , refusing to eat of them when God enjoyned him . 7ly . He more shamefully denyed his Master Jesus Christ , and that with Oathes and execrations , then all the rest of the Apostles , and that thrice one after another , notwithstanding Christs premonition thereof . 8ly . Christ doubted of the sincerity of his love more then of all the other Apostles , after his treble denyal of him : Whence he thrice put this question to him one after another , but to none else , c Simon , lovest thou me ? 9ly . St. Paul at Antioch withstood and reprehended Peter openly to his face , because he was to be blamed : First , for his Julaizing and complying with the Jewes : 2ly . For with rawing himself from , and refusing to ●at with the believing Gentiles , and that out of fear . 3ly . For his dissimulation , and not walking uprightly according to the truth of the Gospel . 4ly . For compelling the Gentiles , to live as do the Jewes . But we never read that Peter thus reprehended Paul , or any other Apostle , for any crime whatsoever . 10ly . The d Apostles that were at Jerusalem when they heard that Samaria had received the word of God , they sent unto them Peter and Iohn ; who went unto them by their order : Therefore the other Apostles thus sending Peter , were rather Supream , then he or John thus sent by them . 11ly . When e Peter returned to Jerusalem after Cornelius his baptism & conversion , he was there publikely questioned by the Church for his going to , & eating with them which were not circumcised , & forced to make a large Apology for it , by the special command of the Spirit , and the miracles wrought among them by him . Whereupon they were satisfied . If St. Peter had been so supream as the Pope would make him , it had been a great presumption in them thus publikely to question and arraign him for his actions ; when as none must now question or judge the Pope for any Crime or sinne how great soever ; nor to say to him , Domine , cur ita fac●s ? though he should send millions of souls to hell , and decree Vertues to be Vices , and Vices vertues ; as the f Canonists , and g Bellarmin himself determin ; He being paramount all Judicatories , Tribunals whatsoever , and General Councils too , as they dog●atize . 12ly . Peter was the Apostle principally of the Circumcision only , and that not the chief , St. James residing constantly amongst them , and being Bishop of Ierusalem ( as most averr ) not Peter ; who though he converted h Cornelius and his family who were Gentiles , and was sent with Iohn to Samaria , and cured Aeneas , and raised Tabitha at Lydda and Ioppa ; yet we read not , that he publikely preached at Lydda , Joppa , or planted any one Church among the Gentiles , whose company he avoyded for fear of the Jewes . Hence Paul relates Gal. 2. 7 , 8 , 9. Now when James , Cephas , and John ( who seemed to be pillars ) saw that the Gospel of the uncircumcisim was committed unto me , as the Gospel of circumcision was unto Peter , for he that wrought effectually in him the Apostleship of the Circumcision , was mighty in me towards the Gentiles ) they gave to me and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship , that we should go unto the Heathen , & Iames , Peter & Iohn to the circumcision . Upon which account Peter directed his first Epistle only to the scatered Iewes . Now the circumcision and Jewes being but a very small number , the least part of the world , Church , the other Apostles mission being generally to all the world , and principally to the Gentiles , of whom St. Paul was the prime Apostle , i who spread the Gospel into most parts of the world , planted many famous Churches amongst the Gentiles , and in Rome it self , to whom he directed a several Epistle , but Peter none at all , nor was ever there , for ought appears by Scripture . How Peter or Popes , can against all these particulars , with any colour of verity or ingenuity assert St. Peter to be paramount all other Apostles , undoubted head , or sole Vicar General of the whole Catholick Church , Let all Roman Catholickes resolve their consciences , and theirs who on all these grounds deny it . Yet notwithstanding k Alvarus Pelagius informes us , That the Church is called Apostolical , because it is founded on the Apostles , especially on St. Peter the chief of the Apostles ; That the Church of Rome is stiled , The Church of the Apostles Peter and Paul ; Therefore the Pope is Summus Rector Ecclesiae , dicitur Apostolicus , yea Apostolus in many of his Bulls , and Canonists Glosses ; & Sedes Apostolica , vocatur sedes Papalis in multis locis ( of Gratian , and his Glossers there cited ) Et dignitas Papalis officium Apostolicum appellatur ; Et Lex Papae vel Constitutio , Apostolica instituta vocantur , & quia Petrus & Paulus princeps Apostolorum Romanam Ecclesiam Christo Domino confirmarunt : Et quia omnes Apostolos fuerunt fundamentum & origo totius Ecclesia militantis : Et quia Papa est Vicarius illius magni Apostoli , desuper missi Christi de sinu Patris , ipse successor Petro , in quo tota Apostolica authoritas secundum plenitudinem reservatur : Being all built upon the sand , since both the Title , Office of an Apostle , or Messenger , comprehend no Soveraign Jurisdiction in them . The 2d . Title given them in Scripture , even whiles they were Apostles , is Disciples , and that as well after as before Christs Resurrection . This Title is given them more frequently in the Evangelists , and Acts , then that of Apostle , in many hundred places : and in Mat : 28. 19. Mar : 16. 7. John 20. 18 , 19 , 20. 25 , 26 , 30. c. 21. 1 , 2 , 4 , 8 , 12 , 14. Acts 1. 15. c. 9. 1. they are stiled Disciples after Christs resurrection , and their Mission as Apostles : This title was likewise common to them all , yea to all Christians and converts to the faith , though no Apostles , Bishops , nor Ministers of the Gospel , Acts 6. 1 , 7. c. 9. 25 , 26 , 28. c. 11. 26 , 29. c. 14. 20 , 22 , 28. c. 15. 16. c. 18. 23. 27. c. 19. 1 , 3 , 30. c. 20. 7. 30. c. 21. 4. 17. Now this Title of Disciples , common to Apostles and all Christians , carries not the least colour or shadow of any , much lesse of supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in it , but rather of subjection to the doctrine , instruction of others who instructed them . The 3d. Title , next in dignity to that of Apostles , is Prophets , and their ministry is usually stiled prophecying ; Acts 13. 1. c. 15. 42. 1 Cor. 12. 29. c. 14. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 22 , 29. c. 11. 5. Ephes . 4. 11. 1 Thess . 5. 20. That this Title carryeth in it any Ecclesiastical or Civil Jurisdiction , especially Supream , no mortall can conjecture , nor any now claim , since they disown this Name . The 4th Title is an Evangelist , or Preacher of the Gospel , whose office is stiled Preaching , Ephes . 4. 11. Acts 2. 8. 1 Tim. 4. 1 , 2 , 5. Rom : 10. 8. 15. 25. 1 Cor : 1. 18. 2 Cor : 10. 14. And in this there is no Jurisdiction at all couched , much less Supream . This Title of Preacher , a is not peculiar to Apostles , Bishops or Priests by order , but attributed frequently to King Solomon , Ecclesiastes 1. 1 , 2. stiled The Preacher ; The words of the Preacher , the Sonne of David , King of Jerusalem . Vanity of Vanities , saith the Preacher , all is vanity . I the Preacher was King over Israel in Ierusalem . And c. 7. 27. c. 12. 8 , 9 , 10. He oft stiles himself . The Preacher ; adding , Because the Preacher was wise he still taught the people knowledge ; yea he gave good heed and sought out , and set in order many Proverbs : and the Preacher sought to find out acceptable words : And as King Solomon , so King David his Father , was a Preacher too ; else he would not have recorded , Psal : 40. 9 , 10. O Lord my God , I have Preached righteousnesse in the great congregation , lo I have not refrained my lips , O Lord thou knowest . I have not hid thy righteousnesse within my heart , I have delivered thy faithfulnesse and thy salvation , I have not concealed thy loving kindnesse and thy truth from the great ●rrgregatio● . Yea other Christian Kings , as * Constantine , † Oswald , have been preachers and expounders of the Scriptures to their people upon special occasions , in default of able learned Bishops , the * principal duty of Kings being to endeavour the felicity and salvation of their peoples souls , as well as bodies or estates . Thus Noah , ( though no Priest by order ) is stiled , a Preacher of righteousnesse , 2 Pet. 2. 5. And though the office of publike preaching the Gospel was principally committed to the Apostles and Ministers of the Gospel ; yet it is specially recorded , b That when the Church at Jerusalem were all scattered through Pauls persecution throughout the regions of Judea and Samaria , except the Apostles ; Therefore they that were scattered abroad , ( whom Zanctius the Jesuit , and Baronius too affirm to be above 15000. who were not certainly all ordaine Ministers , but Lay-men ) went every where preaching the word , and converting souls in Samaria and elsewhere ; which the Apostles being informed of , sent Peter and Iames from Ierusalem to pray with , confirm , and lay hands on those they converted , that they might receive the holy Ghost , and likewise preach the Gospel in those parts . Yea * Origen himself about 200. years after Christ , quando Presbyteratus honorem nondum esset consecutus , whiles he was a Layman , at the earnest request of the Bishops of Palestine , ut de sacris libris dissereret , et publica eas in Ecclesia interpretaretur ( for defect of able Ministers and Bishops to instruct them ) thereupon publikely preached and expounded the Scriptures in Caesarea . Upon which Demetrius ( a person disaffected to Origen ) writing Letters to the Bishops of Palestine , Nunquam ante auditum , nunquam factum esset , ut praesentibus Episcopis Laici concionarentur ; Thereupon they all , specially Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem , and Theoctyactus Bishop of Cesarea , in defence thereof returned him this answer in writing , charging him with untruths , Quod autem in literus dixeris , Nunquam ante auditum , neque iam usurpatum , ut Laici praesentibus Episcopis disputarent , Scripturasque erponerent , in eo nobis ( nescio quomodo , videris ) perspicue falsa dixisse . Nam ubi idonei et habiles reperiuntur qui fratribus in verbo Dei adiumento sint , a sanctis Episcopis rogantur , ut populum in verbo instituant , et per exhortationes ad populum verba faciant , et id offendiculo non est : sicut Laodiceis Evelpis à Neon● , ●●onu Paulinus à Celso , et apud Synodos Theodorus ab Attico , qui omnes beati et pii fratres erant , nondum Presbyterii gradu potiti , ac verisimile est , illud idem in aliis locis fieri , quamvis nobis obscurum , et minime cognitum . Not long after this a Aedesius and Frumentius , two godly Christian Merchants trading among the Indians , occasionally preached the Gospel to them , and converting them to the Christian faith ; exhorted them to meet together , and celebrate divine Mysteries , which they exhibited to them . Upon their return from thence , and reporting the Indians conversion to the faith by their means , Athanasius thought sit to give them Orders , make them Bishops , and send them again to the Indians for their further instruction and conversion , to compleat that work which God had so happily began by them . Neither can Popes nor Popish Prelats decry this ; for b Bart. Buxiensis , c Dr. Thierry , with other Glossers upon Gratian , c Panormitan , d Angelus de Clavasio , and most Canonists resolve , That the Pope , Bishops , yea and Priests too may license a meer Lay-man to preach to the people , and excommunicate Priests themselves , yea authorize women to preach , against Saint Paul resolution , 1 Cor : 14. 33 , 34. 1 Tim. 2. 11 , 12 , 13. Upon which ground about the year 1620. there sprang up a new order of Iesuitesses , or She-Iesuites , in Italy , Germany and other places ; who took upon them to preach publikely and privately to others of their sex , and under pretext of promoting the salvation of souls , alia opera permulta sexus et ingenii imbecillitati & modestiae muliebri & virginali praesertim p●dori minime convenientia aggrediantur . e The scandal whereof grew so great , that Pope Vrban the 8. by his Bull , dated in Ianuary 1630. was enforced utterly to suppress their Congregation , Order , Houses . Pope ( * ) Gregory the 13. Anno Domini 1584. by a speciall Bull granted this special Priviledge to the whole Society of the Jesuites and their Emissaries ; to preach in all places without interruption , though not in Orders . Explaining and ratifying the Bull of Pope Paul the 8th . which as Gregories Bull recites , had granted them this Priviledge . Ex illo concessionis hujusmodi tempore , etiam Scholares , & alii Religiosi vestri sacris Ordinibus nondum initiati , alias tamen idonei * ad praedicandum verbum Dei passim , & ubique mittuntur . Verum quia nonnullis dubitatio curiosius incessit , an●dictum privilegium praedicandi , etiam eos comprehendat , qui ad Ordines ipsos nondum ascenderunt : Nos quemcunque hoc scrupulo eximere volentes , praesentium authoritate declaramus ac etiam decernimus , vestrum unicuique etiam ad sacros Ordines praedictos non promoto , praedicationis munus in vim privilegii hujusmodi exercere potuisse & posse . Vobis insuper concedentes ut etiam Clerici vestri prima tantum tonsura insigniti , prout hucusque fecerunt , valeant , deinceps ipsum Dei verbum ubique populo praedicare . Districtius inhibentes universis & singulis locorum Ordinariis & quibusvis aliis quacunque dignitate , & Authoritate fungentibus , quemquam vestrum quovis pretextu praemissorum occasione impedire vel molestare audeant quoquo modo . Non obstantibus Apostolicis ac in generalibus & provincialibus Conciliis ed●ctis generalibus vel specialibus , constitutionibus & ordinationibus , caeterisque contrariis quibuscunque . Therefore this Title of an Evangelist or Preacher , can derive no supream Jurisdiction , power to the Pope , ( who seldom preacheth ) or any other in and over the Church of God , since every Jesuit , though not in Orders , may preach . This Liberty of preaching indulged by this Popes Bull to Lay-Jesuits , in all places without controll , hath been one cause of the growth of such Preachers during our late Confusions , many of these disguised Jesuits having bin preachers among us ; & of the prodigious increase of the Jesuites beyond all other Orders of the Roman Church , ( through the extraordinary favours , assistances of the Pope , and King of Spain ; they being the most active Instruments to promote the Popes Vniversal Monarchy over the Church , and Spaniards Universal Monarchy over the whole world , ) worthy our special Observation . Their Order , Society , by Ignatius Loyola his sollicitation ( the Founder thereof ) was * first ratified by the Bull of Pope Paul the 3d. October 5. 1540. their Number at first not being above 15. or 16. increasing by Degrees was ordered not to exceed 60. at most ; but 3. years after the Pope left it free to Ignatius and his successors to admit so many as they pleased into their Society . Whereupon they increased so exceedingly , that Petrus Rabadeniera Anno 1608. and Aubertus Myraeus , Anno 1620. published a Catalogue of the Number of their Colleges , Houses , Cells , in all quarters of the world , and of the fellowes of their Society therein ( besides their Novices and Scholars . ) Their Domus Professae then ( within the compasse of 80. years , ) announted to 21. their Colledges to 371. their Domus professae separatae to 43. their Houses and Residentiaries to 103. in all 538. and their Socii , or Patres societatis in them to 13010. The Numbers of these Locusts being then so augmented , that Claudius Aquaviva their General boasted , b That he could raise an Army sooner then any Christian King : and in the time of the Venetian Interdict , when Pope Paul the 8th . was in some danger , covenanted to raise him an Army of forty thousand men , upon this condition , that whosoever was slain in that war , should be reputed a martyr . In the year 1640. ( being their Jubile , or 100. year from their Societies institution ) they published in print new Tables of their Houses , Colleges , Cells , then printed at Antwerp , with additions to the former ; wherein Ignatius was pourtrayed lying along on the ground , with an olive-tree springing out of his Loyns , * as the root of Jesse , spreading it self over all parts of the world , ( Europe , Asia , Africa and America ) with the names of every Colledge , House , Cell , in every leaf of this tree , in the Province whether its branches extended : they then amounting in the total to * 935. Houses , Colledges , Cells , and their Socii societatis in them to no lesse then 15591 : their Scholars , Novices , and others admitted into their Society being ten times more in number . Amongst these , they enumerated no lesse then 15 private Houses , Colledges , Cells , in * Provincia Anglicana , in the Province of England , wherein they had then 267. Socii soci●tatis , besides 4. Colledges of English Jesuites in forreign parts , one of them in Rome it self , another at Lovain , another at Audomar in the Netherlands , and the fourth at Valladolid in the Kingdom of Castel in Spain . Moreover they had then in Ireland and elsewhere 8. Colledges of Irish Jesuites ; two of them at Salmantica and Compostella in Spain : in Scotland some Residences of Scotish Jesuites , who had besides two Colledges in forraign parts , the one of them in Rome it self ; being so many seminaries or professed Traytors against our Kings , Church , State. c Ribadeneira , a Spanish Jesuit informs us , Collegia & Seminaria Jesuitarum esse Hoereticorum exitia , & Apostolicae sedis propugnacula : And d Jacobus Crucius Rector of the Jesuites Novices at Landsperg An. 1584 writes ; Miles esse debet nostrae Societatis pater ( as Ignatius a fiery Souldier was ) quia ut Militis est , totis viribus in hostem irruere , nec desistere , donec victor evadat ; ita nostrum est in omnes irruere , qui Pontifici Romano resistunt , illosque consiliis , dictis et scriptis , vocato etiam seculari brachio ( hoc est ferro & igne ) tollere et abolere , sicut Pontifex , et nostra vota , contra Lutheranos suscepta , volunt et mandant . Nay e Edmond Compian the English Jesuit , in his Dissertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae , or Letter to Qu. Elizabeths Council , printed Treveris Anno 1583. p. 22. proclaims to all the world . Quod ad Societatem nostram attinet , velim sciatis omnes nos , qui per totum orbem longè lateque diffusi sumus , quorum est continua succes●io , & magnus numerus , sanctum faedus iniisse , nec quamdiu vel unus nostrum supererit studium & consilia nostra de salute vestra , ( that is , as his f own Treasons against Queen Elizabeths person shew , to destroy her , and her Kingdoms together , and as Ludovicus Lucius and Hospinian truly interpret it , id est Religionis , Reginae , et Regni vestri eversione , aut sub Papae iugum reductione ) intermissuros . Iampridem inita ratio est , et inchoatum certamen nulla vis , nullus Anglorum impetus superabit . And this whole Society ( as Watson a secular Priest in his g Quodlibets informs us ) have long since boasted , That they were the men miraculously constituted by God , who should turn all things in England upside down ; and make such an universal dismal change in Church , Lawes , Parliaments , in such sort ; as from the beginning of the world , the like was never heard of before , and turn our Kingdom into a Japonian or Helvetian Commonwealth , which they h lately effected . Therefore it cannot consist with the safety of our King , kingdoms , Church , State , Religion , to tolerate any of this spreading Desperate order of Jesuites amongst us , i banished out of most forraign Popish as well as Protestant Kingdoms , States , for their manifold Treasons , seditions against their ; Kings , Magistrates , Government , and who made very many attempts to 1 destroy the sacred persons of Queen Elizabeth , 2 King James , were the principal contrivers of the late horrid Gunpowder Treason , to blow up our King , Queen , Prince , all the Royall Issue , Lords , Commons , Church , Kingdom , Religion , Parliaments at once , had a principal hand in the unparallel'd murder , proceedings against our late King Charles of glorious memory ; and had no small influence in the late metamorphosis of our Hereditary Kingdomes , into the confused Chaos of a new Free Commonwealth ; Having ( as the General of the English Jesuites confessed to a Noble English Lord in their Colledge at Rome ) Anno 1653. in England above 1500 of their Society able to work in several trades , ( which the Bu●l of Pope Gregory the 13th . inables them to exercise , as well as to preach without Orders . ) They having a Consistory and Council that ruled all the affairs of the Kings in England : into which they never came over in those swarms , as they did during our late confusions ; as Cromwell himself relates in his printed Speech , Sept. 4. 1654. p. 16 , 17. and being the Heads and Lay-preachers to most of our New sects , as well as Soldiers in our late Armies , and Garisons ? Their 5th . Title ( whereunto all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , and that by divine right is now pretended to be annexed as inseparable , incommunicable to Kings , Temporal Magistrates , or to ordinary Priests , Presbyters , Ministers ) is that of Bishop , or Overseer , and their office a Bishoprick , or good work , Acts 20. 28. Phil : 1. 8. 1 Tim. 3. 1. Tit : 1. 7. To which I answer first : That if the Supream Titles , offices of Apostles , Disciples , Evangelists have no such Jurisdiction included in or conferred by them , as is pretended , then this of Bishop or Overseer , inferior to them , can have none , at least none greater or so great as they . 2ly It is only a Title of Ministry , not of Dignity ; of Labour , not Honor ; of Operation not Denomination ; of Watching , not Lording or loytering ; as Fathers and Councils in all ages have defined : I shall present you with a short view of their resolves herein , to abate that Timpany of Ambition , pride , superciliosnesse , luxury , which Popes , others challenge only from this Title of Bishop . a Origen ( within 220. years after Christ ) resolved , Qui Principatum desiderat Ecclesiae , debet fieri omnium servus in humilitate servili , ut obsequatur omnibus in his quae perrinent ad salutem , & haec docet nos sermo divinus . Ecclesiarum Principes . Principum mundalium imitatores esse non debent , sed imitari debent Christum accessibilem , & mulieribus loquuentem , & pueris manus imponentem , & discipulis suis pedes lavantem atque tergentem , exemplum eis dantem , ut & ipsi similiter faciant suis fratribus . Neque enim ad Principatum Ecclesiae venit qui salvari vult , etsi praeest ; sed ad servitutem Ecclesiae . Et si oportet discere de Evangelio , Principes quidem Gentium dominantur eis , & qui potestatem habent in illis , Magistratus vocantur ; vos autem non sic . Qui vocatur ergo ad Episcopatum , non ad Principatum vocatur , sed ad servitutem totitius Ecclesiae . Si vis credere de Scripturis , quia in Ecclesia servus sit omnium , qui praeset . Propter quod ait Apostolus : Ita nos existimet homo ut ministros Christi & dispensatores mysteri●ram Dei. Peccat autem in Deum quicunque Episcopus , qui non quasi conservis servus ministrat , sed quasi Dominus . Frequenter autem et quasi amarus Dominus dominans per vim : similis constitutus Egyptiis , qui affligebant vitam filiorum Israel vi , &c. b St. Ambrose resolves , Nisi bonum opus amplecturis Episcopus esse non potes ; a Bishoprick being not a Dignity or Dominion , but a good work , &c. St. Chrysostom Hom. 11. in Ephesios , Non dominamur , ait , fidei vestrae , thus resolves . O D●lecti , nec Domini more haec imperamus . Doctrinae verbi praefecti sumus , non est nobis mandatus Magistratus , nec data Auctoritas . Consiliariorum admonentium locum tenemus . Opus Imperfectum in Matth. Hom. 35. Principes Gentium dominantur eis , &c. Christus fructum humilitatis terrestris posuit , primatum caelestem : et primatus terrestris fructum posuit confusionem caelestem . Quicunque ergo desiderat primatum caelestem , sequatur humilitatem terrestrem : quicumque autem desiderat Primatum in terra , inveniet confusionem in coelo : ut jam inter servos Christi non sit de Primatu certamen , nec festinet unusquisque eorum , quomodo aliis major appareat , sed quomodo omnibus inferior videatur . Conversatio igitur melior est desideranda , non dignior gradus . Principes autem Ecclesiae fiunt , ut serviant minoribus suis , et ministrent iis , quaecunque acceperunt , ut suas utilitates negligant , & illorum procurent : ut si opus fuerit neque mori recusent pro salute inferiorum suorum , sicut Apostolus dicit : Ego autem impendar , & superimpendar pro animabus vestris . Si haec ergo ita se habent , Primatum Ecclesiasticum concupiscere neque ratio est , neque causa , quia neque justum est , neque utile , as he there proves at large . Denique ipsi honores in Christo in prima quidem facie videntur honores , revera autem non sunt honores diverū , sed diversa ministeria . St. Hierom thus back him , c Illud etiam dico , quod Episcopi Sacerdotes se esse ●overint , non Dominos : honorent Clericos , quasi Clericos , &c. Vnus Dominus , d unum Templum , unus sit etiam Ministerium . Recordemur semper , quid Apostolus Petrus praecipia Sacerdotibus , Pascite eu , qui in vobis est , gregem Domini ; neque dominantes in Clerum , sed forma facti gregis . Rex nolentibus praeest , Episcopus volentibus ; ille terrore subjicit , hic servituti donatur : ille corpora custod●● ad mortem ; hic animas servat at vitam . e Qui Episcopatum desiderat , bonum opus desiderat ; Videte quod dixit , bonum opus desiderat , non dignitatem . Ad boni operis desiderum eum provocat , f non ad honorem . Ministri sunt Episcopi , non Principes : Etiam in altari Dei videant sibi Episcopi , si superbi sint , Draconos antepo●● . a Fratres obsecro vos , &c. Quae quidem verba ad humilitatem provocant , & supercilium decutiunt Episcoporum , qui velut in aliqua sublimi specula constituti vix dignantur vid●r● mortales , & alloqui conservos suos ; Discant ab Apostolo , errantes & insipientes Galathas vocari Fratres . b Subjecti invicem in timore Christi . Audiant haec Episcopi , audiant Presbyteri , audiant omnis ordo Doctorum , subiectis suis se esse subiectos , & imitentur dicentem Apostolum , Cum enim essem liber ex omnibus , omnibus me ipsum servum feci , ut omnes lucrifacerem . Et in alio loco , Per charitatem servite invicem . Servator quoque formam servi accepit , ut serviret discipulis suis , & pedes eorum lavit . Hoc interest inter Gentium Principes , et Christianorum , quod illi dominantur subditis , nos servimus ; et in eo maiores sumus , si minimi omnium fuerimus . Yea he concludes , c the Bishop of Eugubium ( a small despicabie City ) to be equal to the Bishop of Rome himself in power and Jurisdiction Nec altera Romanae urbis Ecclesia , altera totius orbis existimanda est , &c. Si authoritas quaeritur , Orbis major est urbe . Ubicunque fuerit Episcopus sive Eugubii , sive Constantinopoli , sive , Alexandriae , sine Tanais , ejusdem meriti , ejusdem est Sacerdotii . Potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit . Caeterum omnes Apostolorum successores sunt ; quid mihi profers unius urbis ( Romae ) consuetudinem ? d St. Augustin determines ; Episcopatus nomen est Operis , non Honoris , &c. ut intelligat se non else Episcopum , qui pra esse dilexerit , non prodesse . e Quomodo vinitori altior locus factus est , ad custodiendam vineam , sic & Episcopis altior fit locus , ut ipsi superintendant , & tanquam custodiant populum . Et de isto loco alto periculosa redditur ratio , nisi eo corde stemus hic , ut humilitate sub pedibus vestris simus , & pro vobis oremus , ut qui novit mentes vestras , ipse custodiat . Custodimus enim vos ex officio dispensationis , sed custodiri volumus vobiscum : tanquam vobis pastores sumus , sed sub illo Pastore vobiscum oves sumus . Tanquam vobis Doctores ex hoc loco sumus , sed sub uno illo Magistro in hac Schola vobiscum condiscipuli sumus . Si volumus custodiri ab illo , qui humiliatus est propter nos , & exaltatus ad custodiendos nos , Humiles simus , Nemo sibi arroget aliquid . In brief , Primasius Uticensis Episcopus , Sedulius Scotus , Theodoretus , Beda , Rabanus Maurus , Oecumenius , Theophylactus Bishop of Bulgaria , Anselmus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus , Hayme Halberstattensis Episcopus , in their Commentaries and expositions on 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2. & Tit. 1. Isidor . Hispalensis Episcopus , de Officiis Ecclesiasticis l. 2. c. 5. Concilium Aquisgranense sub Ludovico Pio , c. 9. 11. & 13. Gratian Causa 8. quaest . 1. St. Bernard . De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam , lib. 2. with infinite more unanimously resolved . Episcopatus nomen est Operis , non Honoris ; Opus , inquit Apostolus , non dignitatem , laborem , non delicias & honorem . Opus , pet quod per humilitatem crescat , non fastidio intumescat . Ne igitur Dominatum et Auctoritatem solum expetat . Nec desiderare Episcopatum putandus est , qui suum desiderat iucrum vel honorem , non plebis salutem . Non enim dicitur , qui Episcopatum desiderat , bonum Gradum desiderat , sed bonum Opus . Ipse ergo sibi testis est , quia Episcopatum non appetit , qui non boni Operis Ministerium , sed Honoris gloriam quaerit . f Episcopi nomen non Dominium , sed Officium , non Honos , sed Onus . Nec enim Dignitates sunt Ecclesiastica , sed opus : co quod unumquodque horum pro communi utilitate est constitutum , sive Episcopatus , sive Diaconia , sive unumiquodque aliud . Curam potius haereditabis et Operam , quam gloriam et divitias . Non est Episcopus qui praeesse dilexerit non prodesse : There is therefore nothing in the Title , or Office of a Bishop , ( being only a work ) that can give St. Peter , the Pope , or any other Bishop , Presbyter , Elder or Minister , any Supream or Ordinary inherent Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction independent on , underived from the munisicence of Christian Emperors & Kings , especially if we consider , that in the Apostolical Churches , and those next succeeding them in the purest Primitive times , there were by divine institution g many Bishops , Elders in one and the same Church ; not one Bishop over many ; That they were all of equal authority , who by a common council and consent , did feed , instruct , watch over , and take care of their Churches . that they were promiscuously stiled Bishops , Elders , Presbyters ; there being then no real distinction of order and degree between a Bishop & a Presbyter by divine institution : Hence a St. Cyprian resolves , Una est Ecclesia Christi per totum mundum in plura membra divisa ; Item Episcopatus unus Episcoporum multorum concordi numerositate diffusus . Ecclesia una est , & connexa & cohaerentium sibi invicem Sacerdotum glutino copulata . b Etsi Pastores multi sumus , Unum tamen grogem pascimus & oves universas , quas Christus sanguine suo & passione quaesivit , collegit & fovere debemus ; Idcirco copiosum est corpus Sacerdotum , concordiae mutuae glutino , atque unitatis vinculo copulatum , ut si quis ex collegio nostro haeresim facere , ac gregem Christi lacerare ac vastare tentaverit , subveniant caeteri , ut Episcopatum quoque ipsum unum et indivisum probemus , they being all ( both Bishops and Priests ) ejusdem merito , ejusdem Sacerdotii , Apostolus perspicue docens ; eosdem esse Presbyteros , quos & Episcopos . Idem ergo est Presbyter qui Episcopus , &c. as c St. Hierom and most antient Commentators after him on 1 Tim. 2. & Tit. 1. assert ; which our learned d Bishop Jewel , e Dr. Raynolds , f Dr. Whitaker , g Dr. Field , h Dr. Willet , i Dr. Ames , and sundry other Writers have at large asserted against the Popes pretended Supremacy over all other Bishops , Presbyters , and the Catholick Church , and k Gersomus Bucerus , l David Blondellus , with many more have demonstrated in peculiar Treatises against the Vsurpations of Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops over Ordinary Presbyters , Priests , Ministers , People , by a pretended Divine Right , not derived from Christian Kings , or Princes ; from whom alone all their Episcopal Jurisdiction and Courts are or ought to be derived , as the Statutes of 37 H 8. c. 17. & 1 E. 6. cap. 2. and other Acts resolve . The 6th . Gospel Title given to them , is that of Elder , or Presbyter ; 1 Tim. 5. 1. 19. 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2. 2 John 1. 3. John 1. Tit. 1. 5. Jam. 5. 14. Rev. 4. 10. Acts 10. 17. c. 15. 2 , 4 , 6 , 22 , 23. c. 16. 4. Acts 21. 18. c. 23. 14. Which being the same in substance with that of Bishop , hath no supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , but only a directive , not coercive Authority or dominion included in it , as St. Peter resolves , 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. The 7th . Title given them , is that of * Embassadors for Christ , to whom he hath committed the word of reconciliation , beseeching men as if God did intreat them ( by their Embassy ) to be reconciled to God , who hath made Christ to be sinne for us , who had no sinne , that we might be made the righteousnesse of God by him . But this supplicatory Office , carrying no Jurisdiction , but beseechings and intreatings along with it , derives no Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction at all , ( much lesse Supream ) to any who enjoy it ; and it s the same in substance with the Title of an Apostle . The 8th . Title is that of a Minister , a Minister of God , a Minister of Christ , a Minister of the Gospel , by whom we believe ; given to Apostles , Bishops , Elders , and all other dispensers of the Gospel , Acts 26. 16. Rom. 15. 16. Ephes . 3. 7. c. 6. 21 1 Cor. 3. 5. c. 4. 1. 2 Cor. 3. 6. c. 6. 4. c. 11. 23. Col. 1. 7 , 23 , 25. c. 4. 7. 1 Thes . 3. 2. 1 Tim : 4. 6. Whence the office is stiled a Ministry , Ministration , and Ministring , 2 Cor. 3. 7 , 8 , 9. c. 4. 1. c. 5. 18. c. 6. 3. c. 9. 13. Rom : 12. 17. Eph. 4. 12. Col. 4. 17. 1 Tim : 1. 12. 2 Tim. 4. 5 , 11. Hebr : 8. 6. Now as this Title was attributed to the Priests , Levites , and others in the Old Testament , without any Jurisdiction . Ezra 7. 24. c. 8. 17. Ps . 103. 21. Ps . 104. 4. Isay 61. 6. Jer. 33. 21. Ezech : 44. 11. c. 45. 4 , 5. c. 46. 24. Joel 1. 9 , 13. c. 2. 17. Heb : 8. 2. So it signifies nothing but a servant , and their office but a meer service , without the least appurtinent of Jurisdiction , Soveraignty , Power , Dominion over those to whom they are Ministers ; as is evident by Matth : 20. 16. Mar. 10. 43. Luke 4. 20. Acts 13. 5. Exod 24. 13. 2 Cor. 3. 4. c. 9. 1. Heb : 1. 14. 1 Pet. 4. 11. Ezech. 44. 11. 15 , 16 , 17. 27. and sundry other Texts . The 9th . Title is the same in effect with that of Minister , to wit , n A Servant of Jesus Christ , servants of the Church , & their servants for Jesus sake ; Pauls usual stile in his Epistles , and Peters and Judes in their Epistles . Now as this Title is usually given throughout the Scrpture to every Christian , servant , and other Ministers of the lowest rank ; so it imports only inferiority and subjection to their Lords and Masters , not Soveraignty or Jurisdiction inconsistent in and with a servant , Mat : 20. 27 , John 13. 16. Mat. 24. 50. c. 25. 21. a Pope Gregory the 1. being the most humble , was the first Pope who ( out of humility ) stiled himself not only a Servant , but , Servus servorum Dei , in all his Letters , by whose example other succeeding Popes gave themselves this Title of humility , which was inserted into their antient Lawes and Decrees , but not in their new , as Alvarus Pelagius observes ; who informs us , That the Pope stiles himself thus , because he is the servant of Peter and Paul ; and that he is called a Servant , 1. Because he makes himself the servant of all , ( like Paul ) that he might gain all . 2ly . Propter laborem & sollicitudinem quam sustinet pro omnibus , sicut Servus . 3ly . Quia sicut per Servum acquiritur Domino , sic per Papam cuilibet Ecclesiae potest acquiri . But this Servus servorum is now asserted to be , Rex Regum , & Dominus Dominorum . And that which b St. Bernard thus decried ; c Absit à te , Nunquid hoc , quia Summus Pontifex , ideo summus ? hoc enim illorum est , qui dignitates virtutes putant . Augustis relinquito illam sententiam , aliisque qui divinis coli honoribus non timent , viz. Nabuchodonosor , Alexandro , Anticho , Herodi ; is now become the Popes usual darling Title , which occasioned these two Verses : d Servierant tibi Roma prius Domini Dominorum : Servorum servi NUNC TIBI SUNT DOMINI . The 10th . Title is e Stewards , and dispensers of the mysteries and manifold graces of God , and their office is stiled a Stewardship , to give the houshold and their fellow servants their meat in due season ; not to beat , abuse , domineer over , or enslave them . Now a Steward being but a servant , imports not the least dram of Jurisdiction or Dominion . The 11th . is that of f Priest , ( which Protestants allow of as a contract of Presbyter , but utterly disallow as used by the Church of Rome , for a sacrificing Priest ) unlesse in respect of such spiritual sacrifices of Prayer , Prayse , Alms , & offring up our own souls and bodies to God ; g Now this Title in this spiritual sence , is common to every Christian , as well as to Popes , Bishops and Presbyters : Witnesse 1 Pet. 2. 9. But ye are a chosen generation , a Royal Priesthood , an holy Nation , &c. ( as all the Elect and Saints of God are there stiled ) Rev. 1. 4. 7. where St. John writes thus to the 7. Churches in Asia . Unto him that loved us , and washed us from our sins in his bloud , and hath made us Kings and Priests unto God his Father . Rev. 5. 9 , 10. Those whom Christ had redeemed with his bloud out of every tongue , language & Nation , sing this New song unto him that sits on the throne , Thou art worthy , &c. For thou hast made us unto our God , Kings and Priests ; Rev. 20. 6. Blessed and holy is he , that hath part in the first Resurrection , on such the second death hath no power , but they shall be Priests God and of Christ . From which Texts , g Tertullian thus argued . Nonne & Lalci Sacerdotes sumus ? Regnum quoque nos et Sacerdotes Deo & Patri suo fecit . h St. Ambrose resolves , Omnes filii Ecclesiae Sacerdotes sunt . i St. Hierom determines , Genus Sacerdotale & Regale sumus omnes , qui baptizati in Christo , Christi censemur nomine . Which k St. Chrysostom thus backs , Et tu in baptismo , & Rex essiceris , & Sacerdos , & Propheta : adding , St. Peter calls the whole Church of Christ , A Kingly Priesthood . l St. Augustin concludes , Hoc Sacerdotio Regali , consecrantur omnes pertinentes ad corpus Christi , Summi & veri Principis Sacerdotum : Omnes sunt sacerdotes , quia membra sunt unius Sacerdotis : Yea * St. Bernard , m most Commentators and all Protestant Divines from these Texts resolve , That every faithfull Christian is after a spiritual and ghostly manner , both a Priest to offer up spiritual Sacrifices unto God , and likewise a King , to rule over his sins and corruptions . Therefore Mr. Hardings inference from this Text of Peter , That the Pope being a Bishop , may be a King , But on the other side , a King may in no wise be a Bishop or Priest . That the Priesthood which is the greater , may contain the Kingship being the lesse ; but not è converso , And Dormers inference thence : You are a Kingly Priesthood , as who should say , the Priesthood before was not Kingly ; for that their Kings ( under the Law ) n ruled over Priests ; but now is the Priesthood Kingly , for that to it be subiect even Kings themselves ; So that unlesse the Pope , yea every Popish Priest may rule over Kings and Princes as their Lords paramount , and that in Temporals as well as Spirituals , and all the world at their pleasures , they think they are no Kingly Priestood ) must needs vanish into smoak ; since not only every Christian King , but private Christian , is as much ; as really a Spiritual Priest and King too , by St. Peters and St. Johns resolutions , as the Pope , or St. Peter himself : Especially if we believe a Johannes de Parisiis his decision ; Sacerdotium dicitur Regale , a Regno , non hujus mundi sed coeli ; and the Glosse on b Gratian , from St. Cyprians resolution ; Christus actibus propriis & Dignitatibus distinctis potestates utriusque discrevit . Hinc est argumentum , ( as the Glosse resolves ) quod Papa non habet utrumque gladium ; or at least it evidenceth , that every private Christian being both a Spiritual King and Priest , hath both swords as well as the Pope ; who upon this account can have no superiour Spiritual or Temporal Jurisdiction over them , since * Par in parem non habet Imperium . To cloze up this Chapter , I can discover ( upon serious disquisition ) nothing in all or any of the Evangelical Commissions or Titles given to the Apostles or Ministers of the Gospel , that can invest St. Peter , or any other Apostle , Pope , Bishop , Presbyter , Minister , Priest , with Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction or Dominion , much lesse advance the Pope to such a transcendent superiority over the whole Church , all Bishops , yea Emperors , Kings themselves , as now they exercise , prescribe , expect by their very Caeremoniale , wherein they inform us ; c Papa nemini omnino mortalium reverentiam facit assurgendo manifeste , aut Caput inclinando , aut detegendo . Such is his Antichristian pride : But on the other side , the Emperor himself when he is to be crowned by the Pope , d ut primum videt Pontificem , detecto capitc , illum , genu terram contingens veneratur , & iterum cum appropinquat ad gradus sedis , genu flectit : Demum ut ad Pontificis pedes pervenit , illos in reverentiam Salvatoris ( who never received nor required any such reverence from Emperors or Kings ) devote osculatur . Yea the Empresse , e Imperatrix Coronata mox osculatur pedem Pontificis . Moreover the Emperor himself , like a Groom of the Popes Stable , or Footman , must hold the Popes stirrop , and lead his horse , ( as Pepin did to Pope Stephen , and Frederick to Pope Hadrian , and as Constantine the Great did to Pope Silvester , if we credit Mr. Harding . ) If more Kings be present , then the more worthy King must lead the Popes horse on the right side , and the other on the left . And if he be not pleased to ride , then four of the greatest Kings ( whereof the Emperor to be one , if present ) must bear the Popes chair on their shoulders , and the Pope sitting therein . At his feast : the Emperor , or greatest King , must bring water to wash his hands ; they must carry the first dish of meat and set it on his Table . At his Coronation , two Cardinal Deacons must hold up the sides of his Pluviale , or loose upper Garment ; and the Emperor , or in his absence , two of the chiefest Kings must hold up the tayl thereof . If they happen to offend the Pope , they must dance attendance barefooted at the Popes gates , as s did Henry the 4th . the Emperor , and that for divers dayes and nights , and in a cold frosty , snowy sharp season : Or , they must be whipped with rodds on their naked body , as was g Henry the 2d . of England , who received three stripes on his naked body from many religious persons , and from others 4. or 5. who in great numbers resorted to his pennance . Or else suffer the Pope to trample on their necks , as h Pope Alexander the 3d. did on the neck of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa , justifying this his proud insulting over him , by a blasphemous wresting of this sacred Text , Thou shalt tread upon the Adder and the Basili●k . And when the Emperor replyed , He shewed this humility , Non tibi , sed Petro ; this insolent Pope retorted , et Mihi et Petro : Yea i Caelestine the 3d. when he crowned Henry the 3d. Emperor , and had set the Imperial Crown on his head , which he bowed down to him , the proud Pope sitting in his chair , Statim pede in terram excussit , presently struck the Crown off his head with his foot to the ground ; designans per hoc , quod ipse Papa haberet potestatem coronandi Imperatorem , si meruerat , & dejiciendi si demeruerit . k Antoninus averrs , Non minor honor debetur Papae , quam Angelis : Vnde Papa recipit a fidelibus ( yea a Regibus et Imperatoribus ) Adorationes , Prostrationes , et Oscula pedum , quod non permisit Angelus a Iohanne Evangelista fieri . Therefore he learned this humility and prostration not from this good Angel , but the Apostate Angel the Devil ; who l usurped a power to give all the kingdoms of the world , and the glory of them , to Christ , if he would thus fall down unto him and worship him , as Kings and Emperors do to the Pope ; who though he stiles himself Servus servorum Dei in his Epistles , yet displayes himself to be a Rex superbiae , Rex Regum , & Dominus Dominorum , in and by this his Antichristian Pride , actions , and Kings , villain service . It is St. b Bernards instruction to Pope Eugenius , Bonus fundus humilitas in qu●●mne aedificium spirituale constructum crescit in Templum sanctum in Domino . Nulla splendidior gemma , in omni praecipue conatu Summi Pontificis : Quo enim celsior caeteris , eo humilitate apparet illustrior in seipso : And it is the determination of c Thomas Waldensis , ( a great Patron of the Popes Supremacy ) Petrus sicut in Apostolatu primus erat , sic etiam in humilitate . I wish Popes ( who pretend themselves to be St. Peters successors , disclaiming all their premised Luciferian Ceremonies , Services , Exorbitances ) with all other Bishops and Clergy-men , may from henceforth demonstrate themselves to be Christs real Disciples , Apostles , successors , exceeding all others in humility , by preaching , diligence in the Ministry , not in the usurpation of such Ecclesiastical Authority , for which they have neither precept nor president in the Gospel , as the premises demonstrate . I shall cloze up this Chapter with St. d Bernards words to Eugenius , which I cordially desire all ambitious Popes and Prelates seriously to consider : En quis es : sed noli oblivisci etiam , quid ? Quid desinas intueri , quod non desiisti esse ? Hoc ergo consulo ; consideres maxime , quod maximus es ; hominem videlicet , quod & natus es . Tolle ergo nunc haereditaria haec perizomata ab initio maledicta . Dirumpe , velamen foliorum celantium ignominiam , nec plagam curantium . Dele fucum fugacis honoris hujus , & malae coloratae nitorem gloriae ; et unde es nude nudum consideres , quia e nudus egressus es de utero matris tuae . Nunquid infulatus , nunquid micans gemmis , aut floridus sericis , aut coronatus pennis , aut suffarcinatus metallis ? Si cuncta haec veluti nubes quasdam matutinales velociter transeuntes , & cito pertransituras dissipes & exsuffles a facie considerationis tuae , occuret tibi homo nudus & pauper , & miserabilis ; Homo dolens , quod homo sit ; erubescens , quod nudus sit , plorans quod natus sit , murmurans quod sit , f Homo natus ad laborem , non ad honorem . Homo natus de muliere , & ab hoc cum reatu ; brevi vivens tempore , ideoque cum metu ; repletus multis miseriis , ideoque cum fletu : & vere multis , qu●● corporis & animae simul . Proinde si consideras quantus es ; cogita etiam qualis ; & maxime . Haec te sane consideratio tenet in te , nec te avolare sinit , nec g ambulare in magnis , neque in mirabilibus super te . In te consistito ; non infra dejici , non attolli supra ; non evadere in longius ; non extendi in latius . Tene medium , si non vis perdere modum . Locus medius tutus est : Medium sedes modi , & modus virtus . Omnem extra modum habitationem sapiens exilium putat . BOOK I. CHAP. V. That Gods principal end and intention in ordaining Kings and Supream Civil Magistrates in the world , was not the bare external administration of Justice between man and man , the protection of their Subjects from violence , oppression , the preservation of them in wordly peace , plenty , prosperity ; the punishment of Malefactors , rewarding of well-doers , encouragement of Arts , Virtue , Trade , industry , or fighting their battels in times of War against Invading Enemies ; though considerable parts of their Regal Office and Soveraign Authority : But the advancement of Gods Honor , Worship , Service , Glory , and spiritual Kingdom , whose Vice-royes they are ; the suppression of all Idolatry , blasphemy , sinne , wickedness , the promotion of the eternal salvation , felicity of their people , and to be Kings for the Lord their God , by advancing his interest all they can . Vpon which ground ( in order to effect these ends ) God himself , as well under the Gospel as Law , hath delegated the Supreme Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction only to Kings and other Soveraign Temporal Potentates ; not to Popes , Bishops , Priests , who are subordinate to them as their Subjects , not Copartners with them in their soveraign Ecclesiastical Authority in point of Interest ; nor yet in its actual execution , no further then they are pleased by their Laws and Commissions to delegate it to them as their Substitutes . With a specification of the chief particulars wherein this Supream Ecclesiastical Power of Christian Kings and Emperors consists . THE Grand Engin by which a Popes and Popish Prelats have robbed Christian Emperors , Kings , Princes , Magistrates of their Supream Ecclesiastical Authority , and monopolized it to themselves alone , is this grosse Paradox and Imposture ; That God and Jesus Christ under the Gospel , have committed to their trust , care , only , the Administration , Government of the Commonwealth and Secular , not of the Church and Religious affairs ; of the bodies , temporal estates of their Subjects , not of their Souls , for which they are not to give any account at all to God ; & , That the Government , care , reformation of the Church , Religion , divine Worship , and their Subjects souls , are by Christs institution wholly and solely delegated to Popes , Bishops , Priests , and other Ecclesiastical persons , not to Emperors , Kings , or Supream Civil Magistrates . Upon which notorious Forgery , and Mistake , they have , b First usurped , engrossed to themselves alone the Title of The Church , ( when as the c definition of a Church , whether Militant , Triumphant , National or Provincial , accords not with them , but their flocks , people rather , and is no d where given to them in Scripture ) and the stile of e Churchmen , Ecclesiastical , sacred persons , Clergy-men ; ( which Titles they deny to all others not in sacred Orders ; stiling them , The world , secular persons , the Laity , popularity , prophane vulgar , unconsecrated persons , as if they were no members of the Church ; ) when as the Scripture stiles them , f the Church , g Members of Christs body the Church , ( and so Church-men , Ecclesiastical persons , as well as Bishops , Priests ) a Saints , b sanctifyed , holy , consecrated persons , yea an holy Priesthood , being made such by their very calling , the Sacrament of Baptism and the Lords Supper , their internal sanctification by Gods holy Spirit , and washing away of their sins by the bloud of Christ , ( far nobler consecrations then their bare Clerical Orders , which no Protestants esteem a Sacrament ) and c St. Peter himself defines them to be Gods Clergy , Heritage , as well , as much as any Popes , Prelates , Priests , how great soever . 2ly . They have forged two d distinct , incompatible Swords , Jurisdictions ; The one Ecclesiastical , peculiar to Popes , Bishops , Priests , and those they stile Ecclesiastical persons , not belonging to Emperors , Kings , or secular Princes : The other Temporal , exercised about secular things and affairs , belonging only or principally to Emperors , Kings , and Secular powers ; yet subordinate to the command of Ecclesiastical persons when they shall require or desire its protection or assistance to enforce their Ecclesiastical censures . 3dly . That every e Pope , Bishop , Priest , as he is an ecclesiastical person , is as far above all Emperors , Kings , Secular persons , of what quality or dignity soever , as the soul is above the body ; heaven above the earth ; gold above drosse ; the Sun above the Moon ; and God himself above man. 4ly . That the f Ecclesiastical Sword , Iurisdiction , Lawes and Constitutions are paramount , and may controll the Temporal ; not the Temporal command or restrain the Ecclesiastical . 5ly . That g Popes , Prelates , Priests , may interdict , excommunicate , judge , censure , depose , dethrone Emperors , Kings , Princes , and all Secular powers , persons ; but they have no power nor commission to judge , censure , deprive them for any Temporal or Ecclesiastical crimes . 6ly . That h not Emperors , Kings , but Popes , Prelates , Priests and other Ecclesiastical persons , have the sole power of summoning Councils , Synods , and voteing in them as Members , framing , promulging Ecclesiastical Lawes , Canons , Injunctions ; punishing Ecclesiastical persons and offences so stiled ; reforming abuses , corruptions in matters of Religion , Worship , Doctrine , Discipline , Church men , and Church-Government . 7ly . That i Emperors , Kings , are made only by men , but Popes , Bishops , Priests immediately and directly by God himself ; and Quantum Deus praestat Sacerdoti , tantum Sacerdos praestat Regi . 8ly . k That Papa est summa virtus creata ; That l Papam nullus mortalium iudicare potest . Quod Synodus etiam universalis in eum , praesertim corrigibilem jurisdictionem non habet , nec in eum sententiam depositionis profert etiam in haeresi ; sed dicit , Ore tuo judica causam tuam . Quod nullum crimen privat Papam ipso jure Papatu . 9ly . m Quod qui Romanae Ecclesiae vel Papae Jurisdictionem vel Primatum subtrahit vel denegat , haereticus est censendus & Rebellis . 10ly . Quod Politia Christiana est una , et ejus est unus Princeps regens eam ; et quod iste primus et supremus Princeps est Summus Pontifex , qui est Monarcha Ecclesiasticus . The clearing of this Proposition will give a fatal and final overthrow to all these Papal , Pontifical Sacerdotal Paradoxes , and Pretences ; In Order thereunto , I shall desire you to take special notice of what n Alvarus Pelagius confesseth , asserteth ; Quod Politia unius Civitatis est Politia unius Principatus , nec possunt esse plures Principes Regentes in una Civitate . Quod omnes illi qui eodem signo & charactere , consignantur , & eisdem legibus eiusdem Legislatoris subjiciuntur , ad eundem Principem pertinent . Quod omnes Christianae Religionis , sunt eiusde Principatus , &c. Quod Principatus civilis non distinguitur a Principatu Ecclesiastico , sicut una species ab alia , sed sicut partes integrales unius Principatus , &c. Nec potest dici , quod Christiani sunt unius principatus quantum ad spiritualia , & alterius quantum ad corporalia & temporalia , quia nullus Princeps vel Subditus Christianus potest aliquid lic●●è possidere vel acquirere nisi in eo qui militat sub Principatu Christiano . Ex quo liquido patet , quod civilitas Christiana et politia et quantum ad spiritualia , et quantum ad temporalia ad eundem Principatum pertinet . Et hoc clamat tota sacra scriptura , quod sumus omnes Christi fideles una communitas et unus populus , nos et nostri profecto qui nos sectantur ; una enim fides , unus Principatus , et una Ecclesia collectio fidelium , Eph. 4. Vi●o autem quod politia Ecclesiastica sit 〈◊〉 una , tunc facile est videre , quod unus est Princeps regens et dirigens eam , quia pluralitas Principatuum non est bona , ut dicitur 13 Metaphysic . In una ergo politia , unus Princeps , ut preca in apibus , quia diversitas Principatuum , divisio regni et politiae est , ●t materia guerrae et divisionis , Mat. 12. Lu. 11. Omne regnum , &c. Caus . 25. qu. 2. Si ea : Nec poteit dici quid sit unus Princeps in ratione 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 in ratione agenus et moventis : quia ●icut declaratur 2 Metaphys . in quo●●●● genere causae oporter unum primum dare ad quod omnia posteriora reducantu● : Et ita oportet in Principatu Christiano esse unum priorem Princip●m regentem et moventem sive gubernantem totam politiam . Praeterea pouere plures Principes non subalternos regentes et moventes eosdem subditos , unum videlicet ratione spiritualium , et alium ratione temporalium , est facere ordinem illius politiae incounerum , et non stabilem ; quia interdum contingit Principem corporatium praecipere pugnare , & Principem spiritualium prohibere illum pugnam , ut tota die contingit inter Christianos . Ista ratio op●me probatur 19. Dist . ita Dominus . Contingit etiam illos duos Dominos et Principes eodem tempore pracipere diversa ; ut unus praecip●et 〈◊〉 ad agrum , alius ad ecclesiam , quae in eodem tempore non possant fieri ; quia nemo potest duobus dominis servire , Mat. 6. & Luc. 16. ●●ubaudi contrariis . Quare sequitur ordinem , talis politiae esse inconnerum et non stabilem , quod est inconveniens . Hoc etiam potest manifestari e● unitate finis : Omnes enim de civilitate Christiana ad eundem finem , et sub eadem ratione ordinantur , scilicet ad gratiam , charitatem & unitatem , quae sunt vincula perfectionis in via , Col. 3. Eph. 4. Et ad finalem beaticudinem in patria ubi est illa unitas de qua Psal . 121. de que Augustinus ; non erit ibi aliqua invidia disparis claritatis , ubi in omnibus regnat unitas charitatis : & ●e qua Gregorius , Tanta vis charitatis omnes sibi ibi ass●ci●● , ut bonum quod quisq ●e in se non accepit , in alio se gaudeat accepisse : Sed cuilibet uni sini correspondet , unum age●● dirigens in finem illum ; plura enim agentia distincta specie et natura , non habentia ordinem ad manum , non possunt dirigere ad unum finem sub una ratione . Ergo in civitate , Christiana debet esse un●● primus Princeps , dirigens emnes ejusdem politiae ad finem proprium ejus . Et sicut unus homo ( secundum Augustinum ) primo creatus est , ut in eo et ex eo constitueretur una creatura , ut Caus . 33. qu. 5. Ita unus rector principalis totius illius naturae , qui cam deducat ad unum Deum qui creavit eum , Gen. 1. Thus far his reasons are solid ; evidencing the Supream Government of Christ over the whole Church , whereof he , not the Pope , is the head , to be incommunicable ; & the government of every particular visible Church on earth in each kingdom , to be vested only in one King , & Soveraign Prince , not in the Pope , Prelats , Clergy , ●or divided between them both , and quite subverts his conclusion thence : Quod 〈◊〉 primus & supremus Princeps est Summus Pontifex ; especially if compared with his Passages in * another Article , defining the greatest good , eternal happinesse and be 〈◊〉 not wordly glory , wealth greatnesse , to be the chiefest end , aim and reward of all good Kings ; where he thus describes the duty , office of a King : Quid sit Regis officium ? & 〈…〉 Regem ? Quantum ad officium , ita sit Rex in Regno , sicut ratio in corpore et anima , et sicut Deus in mundo : quae si diligenter consideret Rex , ex altero in eo justitia accen●itur , dum considerat ad hoc se p●●um , ut loco Dei iudicium in regno exerceat ( Caus . 24. qu. 5. Regum ) ex al●●ro vero clementiae & 〈…〉 lenitatem acqu●ra● , dum 〈◊〉 singulos qui suo subsunt regimini sicut propria 〈…〉 Augustinus ad Marcellinum Comitem , ●●ple Christiane Judex pii Patris officium , sic succensere iniquitati memmeris , ut non in peccatorum acrocitatibus exerceas ulc●cendi libidinem , sed peccatorum vulneribus curandi adhibeas voluntatem : no● perdere pater●●● diligentiam quam in ipsa inquisitione servasti . Officium autem principale Regum est ( mark it ) dirigere suum regimen in finem bonum , qui est beatitudo aeterna : Vnde sic debent suos subditos in hoc mundo peregrinos regere , ut efficiantur Cives et Domestici Dei , Eph. 2. Qui● 〈…〉 in corpore peregrinamur a Domino , 2 Cor. 5. Sed quia finem 〈◊〉 divinae homo non consequitur per virtutem humanam sed divinam , quia gratia Dei 〈…〉 , Rom. 6. perducere ad illum ultimum finem , non est humani per se regiminis , sed divi●i . Ad illum ergo Regem hoc pertinet principaliter , qui non solum est homo , sed etiam Deus , scilicet Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum , qui homines Dei filios faciens , in coelestem gloriam introducit , propter quod non solum Sacerdos sed et Rex in sacro eloquio nominatur . Hier. 23. This then being the principal end , office of Kings , according to my Proposition , I now proceed to evidence the truth thereof , which will appear , 1. By Col. 1. 16. For by him ( Jesus Christ ) were all things created , that are in heaven , 〈◊〉 that are in earth , visible and invisible , whether they be Thrones , or Dominions , or Principalities or Powers , all things were created by him , and for him , that is , to promote his honor , glory , kingdom , Gospel , worship , interest . Compared with Rom. 11. 36. For of him , and through him , and to him are all things . Rev. 4. 11. Thou art worthy , O Lord , to receive glory and honour , and power , for thou hast created all things , and for thy pleasure ( or service ) they are and were created . Prov. 16. 4. The Lord hath made all things for himself ( that is , to set forth his glory , service , worship , praise , Isay 43. 7. 21. Ps . 95. 6 , 7. ) Therefore much more Kings : who as they reign by him , Prov. 8. 15. upon that account they should and ought principally to raign and rule for him , his glory , worship , service , & their subjects salvation . 2ly . By Rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers : for there is no power but of God : tho powers that are are ordained of God , &c. Do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same . For he is the Minister of God to thee for good , ( that is , for thy eternal good and salvation , as well as temporal good , ) but if thou doest that which is evil , be afraid , for he beareth not the sword in vain ; for he is the Minister of God , an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil , ( to reclaim him from his evil , and others by his punishment ) thereby to bring him and others to repentance , and save their souls ; as Chrysostom , Haymo , Theophylact , Paraeus , Willet , Grotius , Soto , with other Commentators on the Text , and Grotius , De Jure Belli & Pacis , lib. 2. cap. 20. de Poenis , resolve : 3. By 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. I exhort therefore , that first of all supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings be made , for Kings , and for all that are in authority , that we may live a quiet and peaceablelife in all godlinesse and honesty ; for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour , who would have all men to be saved , and to come to the knowledge of the truth . The chief end of Kings and Magistrates institution by God , being to advance godlinesse in and among all their subjects in the first place , and then quietnesse , peace , honesty in the second . 4ly . By Rev. 21. 24. Where St. John describing the glory and beauty of the heavenly Jerusalem , to wit , of Christs Church and its glory under the Gospel ; subjoyns , And the Nations of them that are saved shall walk in the light of it ; and the Kings of the Earth do bring their Glory and Honor to it : this being the principal end for which they were made Kings , to contribute all their Regal Honor , Power to enlarge the bounds of Christs Church , kingdom ; promote Gods honour , worship , glory , and salvation of the Nations , people committed to their Government . 5ly . Natural Parents , as well under the Gospel as * Law , are enjoyned , to bring up their children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord , and knowledge of the Scriptures , Ephes . 6. 4. 1. 2 Tim. 3. 15. And natural Husbands are obliged , to instruct and sanctifie , as well as love and nourish their wives , 1 Cor. 7. 14. c. 14. 35. Therefore Kings and supream Christian Magistrates , ( the Politick Fathers and Husbands of the Commonwealth ) are also obliged to bring up their Children , Wives , Subjects in the fear and admonition of the Lord , to see them instructed in Gods word , and endeavour their real sanctification and salvation . To these Arguments , evidences out of the New Testament , I shall accumulate many more out of the Old. 6ly . That memorable Speech of the Queen of Sheba to King Solomon , 2 Chron. 9. 8. ( most punctual and observable to our purpose ; ) And she said to the King , Blessed be the Lord thy God which delighted in thee ; to set thee on his Throne , to be King for the Lord thy God : because thy God loved Israel , to establish them for ever , therefore made he thee a King over Israel , to do judgement and justice . In which speech ( even of an Heathen Queen from the very light of Nature ) there are these memorable particulars : 1. That the Thrones of all Kings , are not their own , but Gods alone . 2ly . That it is God himself who sets Kings upon his throne . 3ly . That the grand end thereof is , To be Kings for the Lord their God , who hath set them on his own throne to be his Viceroyes ; to promote his Glory , worship , honour , kingdom , interest in the world , ( as Solomon did ) and suppresse what ever is opposite thereunto . 4ly . To establish their Subjects , people for ever by setting up , establishing Gods true Worship , Ordinances , Statutes , Gospel amongst them , for their eternal salvation , and by executing Judgement and Justice over them , to the a encouraging piety , holinesse , vertue , godlinesse , all good works , and cutting off all the wicked of the Land from the City of God , left they should corrupt others , and dishonor God by impunity . 7ly . This is most apparent by Gods primitive instituting the b First-born of every Family , and Kings themselves before the Law , to be not only Kings , but Priests too , as Melchisedech and others were : And the very Romans , Grecians , with other Pagan Nations creating their Kings , Emperors ( by the very light of Nature ) to be their high Priests likewise , as I have b formerly proved by sundry Testimonies ; and c Alvarus Pelagius , Lyra in Gen. 14. Numb . 3. 12. & 8. 16. Bellarmin De Romano Pontifice , with other Romanists ; d Bishop Carlton , and sundry Protestants attest with one consent . Because the care of Religion and Gods worship , the instruction , edification , salvation and eternal felicity of all their Subjects souls , did principally belong to them , as a part of , or appendant to their Regal dignity . 8ly . This truth is at large demonstrated by all the particulars I have e formerly insisted on in the Second Chapter , relating to Moses , Joshua , David , Solomon , Asa , Jehoshaphat and Josiah ; as likewise , of the Kings of Assyria , Cyrus , Darius , Artaxerxes , Nebuchadnezzar , and the King of Niniveth , which I shall not repeat . All Kings and supream Magistrates under the Gospel , having the self-same authority , charge , f trust , to promote , preserve the purity , syncerity of Gods worship , suppress Idolatry , Blasphemy , Heresy , all sorts of sins against the first and second Tables ; and indeavour the instruction , salvation , and eternal welfare of their Subjects , as they had under the Law ; the ends , uses , grounds of Kingly and Magistratical institution , Government under the Gospel , continuing still the same as they were before and under the Law , and being all moral , perpetual , not ceremonial . 9ly . This is most perspicuous by this precept given to all Kings by the King of Kings , g Psal . 2. 10 , 11 , 12. Be wise now therefore , O ye Kings , be instructed ye Judges of the earth ; Serve the Lord with fear , and rejoyce unto him with trembling ; Kisse the Son , lest he be angry , and ye perish from the right way . ( Which they cannot do as Kings , unlesse they command their Subjects to do it likewise ; ) Compared with these prophecies concerning Christian Kings under the Gospel , Psalm 72. 2 , 10. The Kings of Tarshish and of the Isles shall bring presents , the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts , Yea all Kings shall fall down before him ; ( and by their example and Regal authority ) all Nations shall serve him . Psal . 138. 4 , 5. All the Kings of the earth shall praise thee , O Lord , when they shall hear the words of thy mouth , yea they shall sing in the praises of the Lord , for great is the glory of the Lord. Isay 49. 22 , 23. Behold I will lift up my hand to the Gentiles , and set up my standard to the people , &c. And Kings shall be thy Nursing-Fathers , and Queens thy Nursing mothers ; they shall bow to thee with their faces toward the earth , and lick up the dust of thy feet : Kings shall see and arise , Princes also shall worship : Compared with Isay 41. 1 , 2. c. 52. 15 , c. 60. 1 , 10 , 11 , 16. c. 62. 5. The Gentiles shall come to thy Light , and Kings to the brightnesse of thy rising : The Kings of the sons of Strangers shall come unto thee , unto thee the rulers of the Gentiles and their Kings shall be brought , &c. And Psal . 148. 11 , 12. Praise the Lord from the earth , ye Kings of the earth ( in the first place , and then by their examples and edicts ) Princes and all Judges of the earth , both young men and maidens , old men and children , let them praise the name of the Lord , this being the prime end of their creation , and Gods instituting Kings , Princes and Judges in the earth , both before and under the Gospel . 10ly . This is most persp●cuous by the example of Jesus Christ himself , the King of Kings , of whom as Davis , Solomon , and other forecited Kings of Judah were types , under the Law , so himself is the president , pattern for all Christian Kings under the Gospel : Now the principal end , scope of the Kingly Authority , power , 〈◊〉 of Jesus Christ , is the propagation a of Gods Kingdom , Gospel , worship , glory ; the destruction of the Kingdoms of Satan , sinne , and all kind of wickednesse , error , heresie , 〈◊〉 , and the conversion , sanctification , salvation , eternal beatitude of his Subjects souls , that they may reign for ever with him in his heavenly kingdom in endlesse felicity : Therefore it is and ought to be the principal end , aym , office , duty of all Christian Kings , who are his Viceroyes , and * ought to imitate his example . 11ly This I shall more specially and peculiarly evidence by some few texts and examples : 1. By Gen. 18. 18 , 19. Abraham shall surely become a great and mighty Nation , and all the Nations of the earth shall be blessed in him ; For I know him , that he will command his children are houshold after him , that they shall keep the way of the Lord , to do Iustice and Iudgement ; that the Lord may bring upon Abraham that which he hath spoken . Abrahams 〈◊〉 care ( being then a b mighty Prince over his great and numerous family ; and to become a great and mighty Nation ) was , to instruct and command his children and houshold after him to keep the way of the Lord , that so they and all the Nations of the earth might be blessed in him . 2ly . By the whole Book of Deuteronomy , especially ch . 4. & 5. & 6. & 26. & 28. to 34. where Moses , ( the supream Governour of Gods own people Israel ) with all earnestnesse , exhorts and presseth them to keep , do and observe all Gods commandements , judgements and statutes , that they might fear the Lord their God , and love and serve him with all their heart , and with all their soul , and with all their might , they and their sons , and their sons 〈◊〉 , all the dayes of their life ; that it might be well with them , and their children after them for ever , &c. This day the Lord thy God hath commanded thee to do these statutes and judgements ; thou shalt therefore keep and do them with all thy heart , and with all thy soul ; thou hast avouched the Lord this day to be thy God , and to walk in his wayes , and to keep his statutes and his commandements , and his judgements , and to hearken unto his voyce ; And the Lord hath avouched thee to be his people , and that thou shouldest keep all his commandements ; and to make thee high above all Nations which he hath made , in praise , and in name , and in honor , and that thou mayest be an holy people unto the Lord thy God , as he hath spoken . This is the chief end of Gods instituting Kings and Magistrates in the earth , to make their subjects an holy people to the Lord their God. 3ly . By Joshua his last Speech and Exhortation to the children of Israel and their chief Heads and Officers before God , Josh . 23. 24. where he severally charges them , To fear the Lord , and to serve him in sincerity and truth ; to put away the gods which their fathers served on the other side of Jordan , and in Egypt , and to serve the Lord their God which brought them and their fathers out of the land of Egypt , &c. Whereupon all the people resolved and answered again and again , The Lord our God will we serve , and his voice will we obey , and they made a statute , ordinance , and covenant before the Lord to perform it : compared with Joshua 22. 11. to 34. 4ly . By King Davids manifold exhortations and precepts to his Subjects to this purpose throughout the Psalms : especially Psalm 34. & 37. O magnifie the Lord with me , and let us exalt his name together : O taste and see that the Lord is good ; blessed is the man that trusteth in him . O fear the Lord ye his Saints . Come ye children and hearken unto me , I will teach you the fear of the Lord. Depart from evil and do good ; seek peace and pursue it , & dwell for evermore , &c. And by his charge to his son Solomon , all his Princes , Officers , and Congregation of Isrel , 1 Chron. 28. 9 , 10. Now therefore in the sight of all Israel , the congregation of the Lord , and in the audience of our God , keep and search for all the commandements of the Lord your God , that ye may posses this good land , and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you for ever . And thou Solomon my sonne , know thou the God of thy Fathers , and serve him with a perfect heart , and with a willing mind ; for the Lord searcheth all hearts , and understandeth the imagination of the thoughts : if thou seek him , he will be found of thee ; but if thou shalt forsake him , he will cast thee off for ever . Seconded with this his publike prayer to God for them , 1 Chron. 29. 18 , 19 , 20. O Lord God of Abraham , Isaac , and Israel our Fathers , keep this for ever in the thoughts of the heart of thy people , and prepare their heart unto thee ; And give unto Solomon my Son an understanding heart to keep thy commandements , thy testimonies and statutes , and to do all these things , and to build the house for which I have made provision : Which ended , David said to all the Congregation , Now blesse the Lord your God. And all the congregation blessed the Lord God of their fathers , and bow●d down their heads and worshipped the Lord and the King. 5ly . By Ecclesiastes 1. 12 : c. 12. 9 , 10 , 11. recording , that Solomon King of Israel was also a Preacher , and taught the people knowledge , and that which was upright , even words of truth , for their everlasting welfare . 6ly . By 2 Chron. 15. 12. to 19. Where King Asa made the people to enter into a covenant , to seek the Lord God of their fathers with all their heart , and with all their soul : and that whosoever would not seek the Lord God of Israel should be put to death whether great or small , whether man or woman . To omit all other particular examples of this nature already touched : From these Texts it is apparent , That the primary office , duty , end of Kings , ( especially Christian ) is to promote the honour , worship , service , fear , love of God , true religion , eternal salvation of their Subjects souls , and suppresse what ever is repugnant thereto . 12ly . That which was Gods principal end , design in creating the World it self , redeeming mankind by the bloud of Jesus Christ , and the King of Kings giving both the Law and Gospel to men , must certainly be Gods chief end , design in instituting Kings , Princes and Supream Civil Governors , the eminentest , chiefest of men , to be his Viceroyes to rule over men of inferiour rank or quality ; and the most essential , real considerable part of their Regal or Magistratical office , duty . Now Gods principal end and design in creating the world , and men , ( the Lords of all other Creatures ) redeeming mankind by the bloud of Christ , and giving both the Law and Gospel to them , was only this , that all a mankind might worship , adore , fear , honor , praise , blesse , obey , love and glorify him according to his word and will , whiles they live on earth , that Jesus Christ might rule in , and reign over them , as his kingdom , Church , Saints , and they might reign with , and enjoy perpetual felicity in , by , under him in his heavenly kingdom for all eternity , as the Scripture resolves : Therefore it must necessarily be Gods chief end , design , in instituting Kings , Princes , and Supream Civil Magistrates ( the eminentest , choicest of all men ) to rule over those of inferiour quality , and the most essential , real , considerable part of their Regal or Magisterial office , trust , duty ; upon which Account , among others , God specially enjoyned the Kings of Israel , to have a b Copy of the Book of his Law alwayes in their custody , and to read therein all the dayes of their lives , the better to observe it themselves , and to enjoyn all their subjects to observe , obey , and do nought against it ; yea God himself with greatest majesty enacted this Royal Law by King Davids own mouth , for all Kings , Rulers to square their Government by ; * He that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of God ; which he can never do , without taking special care to maintain , promote the true Worship , service , fear , love , obedience of God according to his word , among all his Subjects , for Gods glory , and their temporal and eternal felicity , as David did . 13ly . This I shall evidence even from the very light of nature , and practice among the Heathen Nations . Plato in his Book De Regno , asserts , That the King hath Universae humanae Societatis curam ; that Regia cura , ut quae principalis , in omnes homines ars est ; consisting not only in this , that Rex est humanus Curator , but also Divinus Pastor over all his Subjects : That the chief care of Religion , Worship of the Gods and feeding of the people belongs to Kings , they being a kind of Priests : Quare in Egypto neque imperare licet Regi absque Sacerdotio . Sed si quis ex alio genere per vim Regnum invasit , postea tamen necesse est cum hoc genere initiari . Quin et in multis locis apud Graecos Summis Magistratibus maxima sacrificia demandata esse , quis compererit , et sane etiam apud nos non minus clarum est quod dico . Ei enim qui Rex sorte creatus est , augustissima et maxima patria vetera sacrificia , huic attributa esse tradunt . Hos itaque sorte creatos Reges , simulque Sacerdotes considerare convenit , &c. d Aristotle his Scholar resolves us , that in the heroical times ; Reges provinciam habebant & bellorum et sacrorum , nisi forte ad Sacerdotes attinerent : Postea autem partim quidem ipsis Regibus omittendis , partim vero populis recusantibus ; apud quasdam Civitates sacra solis Regibus relicta sunt . Rex autem et Dux belli , et Iuder , erat rerum divinarum moderator . And among the Romans themselves , as their Historians , and others relate ; their antient King , and after that their Emperors , were both Kings and Priests , and had the chiefest hand in performing the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion , as I a have proved , and shall further evidence by this passage of Cicero de Divinatione , lib. 1. Apud veteres qui rerum potiebantur , iidem auguria ferebant ; ut enim sapere , sic divinare Regale ducebant ; ut testis est nostra Civitas , in qua et Reges augures , et postea privati eodem Sacerdotio praediti rem religionum auctoritate rexerunt : eaque divinationum ratio , nec in barbaris quidem gentibus neglecta est . To which I shall subjoyn this observation of b Alexanderab Alexandro , Cum a principio urbis multa et magna sacra Reges obirent , ad quos de religione , deque sacrificiis et ceremoniis deorum Sacerdotes saepe consultum ibant , qui etiam rem divinam facientibus aderant , ne bonis auspiciis coeptum confirmatumque regium nomen post exterminatos Reges aboleretur penitus : neve de relictis sacris , regium nomen expeterent , longe antiquissimum rati , sacra quae penes Reges erant , alicui demandare ; * Regem sacrificulum crearunt , qui sacrorum Rex dictus , sine regio imperio , solo nomine rex , sacra quaepenes reges erant obiret ac Ceremoniis praeesset , quem creatum aut in locum decedentis suffectum , sicut reliquos sacerdotes , inaugurari oportebat . Eratque non annuum sed perpetuum sacerdotium , immune ab omni belli tumultu , Neque enim Rex sacrorum militare , stipendia facere , aut castris et Legionibus praeesse poterat , propter suspectum invisumque regium nomen ; neque magistratum gerere ; aut concionem habere ; vel cum populo agere . Namque eius potestas sola religione et templis tenebatur . Primus enim Manlius Papyrius ex Patricus , Bruto Consule rex creatus fuit , cui jus sacrificandi & de sacris decernendi reliquerunt , eumque Pontifici maximo subjecerunt ; ideo in sacris epulis , post maximum Pontificem supra Flaminem Dialem Martialem Quirinalem accumbebat . Atque licet a principio a populo crearetur ex patriciis & multis honoribus functis , post aliquot aetates a minore parte populi selectis , relatisque comitiis ( quibus fiunt Sacerdotes ) ex plebe creari coepit , tunc cum Maximus Curio plebeius homo rex sacrorum fuit , cujus uxor regina sacrorum hoc habet proprium , ut quoties sacra facit , ex malo punico virgulam quam in arculum dicunt pro infula deferat , quae omnibus cal . Junonis sacram faceret eique porcum vel agnum mactare debet in regia . Ad quem vestales virgines die constituta annis singulis ventitare , & ne sacra negligerentur , quae suae fidei tutelaeque credita erant , praemonere solebant . Erat ergo tegis sacrorum munus quinto Idus Jan : Jano arietem immolare , diesque fastos praedicere , & nefastos , sacra procurare , & quae sacrificia , sui essent ministrare . Ideo sacra facturi lanam , farra & fruges , lauros & verbenas , quaeque sacrificio opportuna sunt , regem petunt : Adeoque tam intra quam extra pomarium populi civesque , quique in agris agunt imperiti morum civilium , atque una agricolae , de sacris festisque diebus , consultum vadunt , & sacra postulant . Ipseque feriarum causas , & quid quoque mense faciendum , a quibusque cavendum esset , praedicebat praemonebatque . Cui hoc proprium dicunt fuisse , ut sacrificium in comitio peragat , quo perfecto nulla cunctatione vel mora se ex foro proripiat : quando vero divinis rebus perfectis in Comitium venit in fastis notabatur , utque Cal : Martiis fores regis sacrorum , Flaminis & Pontificis maximi nova exornentur lauro , sicut Palatinae aedes & Augustae quercus virides nunquam lauros habuere . Cujus filiae ad sacerdotium Vestae invitae eligi nequeunt , nam privilegio honoris ab hoc onere immunes erant ; volentes vero non vetantur . Quae autem ejusmodi sacra fuerint solis Regibus credita . This was the power , trust the antient Kings amongst the Romans had in all matters of Religion and worship of their Gods , which their Pagan Emperors enjoyed as High Priests , till they became Christians . The like power we read of in other Pagan Kings in Diodorus Siculus , Boemus de Moribus Gentium , Strabo , and Purchas his Pilgrimage , among other Nations ; Hence Theodorus Gaza Thessaloniensis , ( ad Alphonsum Regem Praefat : in Orationes de Incomprehensibili Dei Natura , D. Johannis Chrysostomi , quas●e Graeco in Latinum vertit : Operum Tom. 5. Parisiis , 1588. p. 360. ) asserts , Eundem Regem et Pontificem olim fuisse accepimus , tanquam Regis officio is fungi non posse , qui minus jura et rationes rerum sacrarum teneret , quas nosse Pontifices certe interest . Which he proves to be the practice among the Grecians , Athenians , Romans , Egyptians , Jewes , ( out of Josephus contra Ap●ouem : ) and likewise adds , Atque etiam Persos , Medos , Indos , gentes nominis magni , suos Reges vel ex Sacerdotium ordine facere , vel maxima familiaritate Sacerdotibus devinctos habere solitos legimus : And he thereupon concludes , that though of later times the offices of Kings and Priests are distinguished , for the better discharge of both , being over-burdensom for one person to manage ; and thereupon Quod etsi Rex minus divinam rem facit , minusque Iudex constitutus est rerum sacrarum , quas Ecclesia suo vocabulo spirituales appellar , Rationes tamen nosse earum rerum , et quemadmodum singula Christianae religionis debeant , minime ignorare , proculdubio pulchrum est , et Majestati Regiae consentaneum ; since Kings themselves ought to observe them , and to take special care that all their subjects do the like , ( as he there proves at large ) quo plus apud eos ( as it did apud te , Alphonsum ) Religionis Chatitas , quam civile negotium valet . 14ly . Because a Popes , with other ambitious Prelates , Priests and Clergy-men deny this truth , together with Emperors and Kings Supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs , to avoid mistakes , I shall briefly inform you , 1. Wherein the Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction belonging to all , especially to Christian Emperors , Kings , ( exercised by them in all ages , as part of their regal Office ) consists ; and then 2dly . evidence the truth of my Proposition by the resolutions of Fathers , Councils , Popes themselves , Popish and Protestant Divines of chiefest note , in a Chronological manner . For the First , This their Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction is reducible to these short Heads . 1. * By their royal Lawes , Edicts , ( as well as examples ) to maintain , establish , propagate , encourage , protect the publike sincere worship , orthodox faith , service , honour , glory , religion of the true and only God throughout their Dominions , according to the holy Scriptures : to encourage , defend , love all the Ministers and Professors hereof ; to preserve peace , unity , concord in all Churches under them ; and prevent , suppresse , all Atheism , Heresie , Blasphemy , Idolatry , false or superstitious Worships , Heresies , Errors , Schisms , Profanesse , Impiety , repugnant to Gods Word . 2. To preserve inviolable all the Commandements of the first , as well as of the second Table , and punish all violations of them by Bishops , Priests or Deacons , as well as others of their subjects . 3ly . Though not to intrude , like Vzziah , on the Priests , Ministers , Bishops office , in administring the Sacraments , or constant publike Preaching the Gospel ; yet strictly to command all Bishops , Clergy-men of what degree soever , within their Realms , diligently , faithfully , constantly to discharge their Pastoral duties , by frequent preaching , Catechising , Administring the Sacraments , & living answerably to their professions ; And to enjoyn all other their Subjects to frequent Gods publike Ordinances , embrace the true Religion , lives as becomes the Gospel ; and to punish all their negligences , extravagances , and scandalous offences , against their respective trusts , and Christian profession . 4. To summon General , National , Provincial Councils , Synods , to make , ratifie Ecclesiastical Lawes , Canons , and constitute Courts , Commissions , Officers under them for the examination , suppression of Errors , Heresies , Schisms , and better Government of the Church and Church affairs , when and where there is occasion . 5. To erect new Churches , Parishes , Bishopricks , divide or unite old , place godly Bishops , Pastors in them for Gods publike worship ; the better edification , instruction , salvation of the souls of their subjects , and to provide competent maintenance for them . 6. To receive Complaints , decide Controversies , Differences in Religious or Ecclesiastical matters by way of final Appeal to them ; to restrain , redress all Incroachments , exactions , usurpations of Popes , Bishops , or other Clergymen , upon their Ecclesiastical or Civil Jurisdictions , Courts , Rights , or Subjects Liberties , by Prohibitions or other means ; and promote ( as much as in them lies ) as well the spiritual and eternal , as temporal felicity of all their subjects . This Supream Jurisdiction of Emperors , Kings , in and over all Ecclesiastical causes , persons , as well as Secular for their spiritual good ; together with Christians professed acknowledgement of and submission to it , as well under Pagan as Christian Emperors , Kings , Governors , I shall evidence by these ensuing Authorities . a Aristaeas ad Philocratem fratrem , informs us ; That King Ptolomeus Philadelphus before Christs Nativity , demanding of Eleazar and other of the 70. Interpreters , Quonam pacto regnum incolumè in finem usque à Rege conservetur ? Et quemadmodum singula juste perficere possit ? quomodo recte omnia servans & illaesa , cundem filiis salvum tradat ? &c. Received these answers , Si Dei mansuetudinem Rex in omnibus imitatur . Si considerat omnem sensum à Deo esse , proponatque ante omniae Dei timorem . Si non potentiae suae fidat , sed Deum semper imploret , ut juste sibi agendi consilia dirigat . Si Deum assidue imploraverit , ut rectos sibi sensus ad ea quae in posterum peragenda sunt tribuat , & filiis imperaverit , ne gloria divitiisque superbiant , sed arbitrentur Dei benignitate sua & sermonis sui pulchritudinem principium a Deo deducat . And to this question , Quid sit in gloria Regis potissimum ? He received this answer , Deum venerari , non sacris , neque muneribus , at cum animi puritate ac fide candida ejus voluntutem sequi . All this they must do not only in their own private persons , as men ; but as Kings and Soveraign Rulers , by inducing , commanding their subjects to imitate their piety , examples , that they may both arrive at the same ends , temporal and eternal felicity . Ignatius Bishop of Antioch , ( St. Johns disciple , and contemporary with the Apostles ) writes thus . Honorare oportet et Regem ; nec enim Rege quisquam praestantior , nec quisquam similis ei in rebus omnibus creatis , ( therefore not the Pope or Bishops , being creatures ) nec Episcopo qui Deo consecratus est pro totius mundi salute , quicquam majus in Ecclesia . ( The Emperors being then Pagans . ) Nec inter Principes quisquam similis Regi qui in pace & optimis legibus subditos moderatur . b Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna , and all the Elders with him , in their Epistle to the Philippians thus exhort them . Orate pro Regibus , & Potestatibus & Principibus ( as supream Governours , though then enemies to the crosse of Christ ) ut fructus vester manifestus sit in omnibus , & sitis in illo perfecti . d Justin Martyr , in his Apologia secunda pro Christianis ( as well Bishops and Presbyters , as believers , ) ad Antoninum Pium Imperatorem ; stiles him and the Senate : Ii quae praesunt , qui non vi , vel tyrannide , sed religione & sapientia ducti ferant sententiam ; of Christians and their Religion : the grounds , principles , and summary whereof he relates , and refers unto his and the Senates judgements , consciences ; Subjoyning , Tributa verò & census iis qui a vobis constituti sunt Vbique in primis conamur pendere , quemadmodum a Christo instituti sumus , &c. Deum solum adoranus , vobis autem in aliis rebus laeti servimus , Regesque vos et Principes hominum esse profitemur , rogamusque ut vos cum Regali potestate sanam bonamque mentem habere inveniamini . And he concludes his second Apology in defence of the Christians and their Religion , ( which he submits to the Emperors and Senates Judgements ) thus ; Haec vobis queque consideranda permittimus , ac si vobis rationi , vertitatique consentanea videntur , comprobate ; sin nugae vobis videntur , ut verba nugarum plena contemnite , non in eos qui nullam injuriam inferunt , nec scelus admittunt , ut in hostes mortem statuite . And ends his first Apology with these words ; Qua● vestrum quoque erit pro Religionis , Philosophiaeque dignitate , quod jus & aequum est secundum nos ( Christianos ) judicare . d Theophilus Patriarch of Antioch living about the year 180. under the Empeperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus , writes thus of himself ( and all Christians too ) in that age , Contra Christianae Religionis calumniatores . Simulacra & Dii Gentium , opera sunt quae confecit manus humana , & daemonia impurissima , &c. Quae cum ita sint , magis honorabo Regem sive Caesarem , non tamen eum adorabo , verum pro eo orabo . Deum qui verè Deus est adorabo , sciens Caesarem ab ipso esse ordinatum . Dicas ergo , Quare Regem sive Caesarem adorare recusas ? Quia non ad id institutus est ut adoretur , sed ut legitimo , qui ipsi congruit honoretur honore . Rex enim sive Caesar , Deus non est , sed meminerit se esse hominem , a Deo in hanc dignitatem promotum , non ut adoretur , sed ut juste , quemadmodum justitia exigit , judicet . Nam Regnum , sive Imperium , rerumque administratio ipsi a Deo commissa et demandata est . Hinc Caesar , sive Rex , neminem subjectorum aut Regem aut Caesarem appellari vult . Regium enim sive Caesareum nomen ipsi soli competit , nec alius id vendicare audet . Ita adorandi cultus nemini nisi Deo soli deferendus est . Regem quidem sive Caesarem honora : honora , inquam , magna cum benevolentia , subjectus ei existens , et orans pro eo . Haec faciens Dei voluntatem exequeris ; Nam divinae legis hic tenor est : * Honora fili mi Deum , & Regem , nec unquam eoram inobediens sis , subito enim hostes suos ulcisci possunt . a Ireneus Bishop of Lions in France , resolves and proves from Prov. 8. & Rom. 13. Non Diabolus determinavit hujus mundi Regna , sed Deus : Regis enim cor in manu Dei est : & per Solomonem , ait verbum , Per me Reges regnant , &c. Ad utilitatem ergo Gentilium positum est a Deo , sed non a Diabolo , ut timentes regnum humanum , non alterutrum se homines vice piscium consumant , sed per legum positiones repereutiant multiplicem Gentilium injustitiam . Et secundum hoc Dei Ministri sunt , qui tributa exigent a nobis , in hoc ipsum servientes ; Quae sunt potestates a Deo ordinatae sunt . Cuius enim jussu homines nascuntur , hujus jussu et Reges constituuntur , apti his qui in illo tempore ab ipsis regantur . And elsewhere he writes thus to the Roman Emperors , b Know ye , O Emperors , what is committed to you ; totus orbis sub manum vestrum subditus est . Therefore the Pope and all Bishops , Prelates whatsoever , are under their power . c Athenagoras a famous Christian Philosopher , thus begins his Apologia , sive pro Christianis Legatio , dedicated to the Pagan Roman Emperors Marcus Aurelius Antoninus , and Aurelius Commodus ; Qui vestrum Imperium , maximi Reges , longe lateque per orbem terrarum agnoverunt , moribus & legibus inter se diversis degunt , &c. ( worshipping their several Gods , and retaining the religions and ceremonies received from their ancestors without any restraints or penalties , under them , as he proves at large ) Quid multis ? Gentes & Nationes hominum passim iis , quae approbaverunt quaeque , sacris & mysteriis addictae sunt . Atque haec per vos omnibus licent , haec leges concedunt ; ea nimirum ratione , quod numen omnino tollere , scelus et impietas videatur ; Deorum autem quod sibi quisque delegerit cultus , res necessaria , ut divinae justitiae metu , a malefactis abstineant mortales . Denique universus hic terrarum orbis , vestrae prudentiae beneficio altissima pace , ( & Deorum suorum cultu ) perfruitur : Nostri tantum qui Christiani vocamur ; nulla vobis cura est ; sinitis enim nos , qui nihil mali patramus , imo omnium piissime justissimeque cum erga Deum , tum Imperium vestrum nos gerimus , exarari , rapi , fugari , &c. Proinde vos obsecramus , ut nostri aliquam curam suscipiatis , quo aliquando tandem ab hujusmodi calumniatoribus jugulari desinamus ; Then declaring at large the innocency , purity , allegiance , loyalty and obedience of the Christians , the truth , purity of the Deity they worshipped , and Christian Religion they professed ; The vanity , impurity of the Images and Idol-gods the Gentiles worshipped , he concludes thus ; Vos verò undequaque in omnibus natura simul & disciplina boni , moderati , benigni , & imperio digni Principes , mihi ( obsecro ) qui crimina nobis objecta dissolvi , et insuper nos esse pios erga Deum , vita et moribus honestos , animo sobrios et temperantes ostendi , capitibus Regiis annuite . Ecqui enim consequentur aequius ea quae petunt , quam nos adeo vobis devoti addictique ? Nos enim pro Imperio vestro preces ad Deum fundimus , et ut filius ( quod justissimum est ) in regno olim parenti cedat , utque Imperium vestrum augeatur ; denique omnia ex animi sententia eveniant , oramus , quod et nobis salutare fuerit , ut quietam tranquillamque vitam agentes , vobis interim ad quaelibet Imperata prompte inserviamus . a Terullian ; who flourished about 200. years after Christs Nativity , brings in all the Christians of his age , in his Apology for them , thus acknowledging the Emperors Supremacy over them , as well Clergy as ●●ity ; and their Loyalty , obedience , subjection to , and prayers for him . Christianus nullius est hostis , ne dum Imperatoris , quem sciens a Deo suo constitui , necesse est ut et ipsum diligat , et revereatur , et honoret , et salvum velit cum toto Romano Imperio , quousque seculum stabit : tamdiu enim stabit &c. Colimus ergo et Imperatorem sic quomodo et nobis licet , et ipsi expedit , ut hominem a Deo secundum , et quicquid est a Deo consecutum solo Deo minorem . Sic enim omnibus major est dum Deo vero minor est . Sic et ipsis Diis major est , dum et ipsi in potestate sunt ejus . Itaque et sacrificamus pro salute Imp. sed Deo nostro et ipsius , sed quomodo precepit Deus , pura prece ; Ita nos oramus magis prosalute Imperatoris , ab eo eam postulantes qui praestare potest . Which he thus seconds in his most Elegant * Apologetic . adversus Gentes ; who amongst other slanders , charged them with high Treason against the Emperor , and as publike Enemies to him ; whereunto he returned this answer . Ventum est ad secundum titulum laesae Augustioris Majestatis , &c. Propterea igitur publici hostes Christiani , quia Imperatoribus neque vanos neque mentientes , neque temerarios honores dicant ; quia verae Religionis homines sollemnia eorum conscientiae potius quam lasciviae celebrant , &c. Insuper eos debellatis qui salutem Imperatorum sciunt petere , qui etiam possint impetrare dum sciunt petere . Nos enim pro salute Imperatorum Deum invocamus aeternum , Deum verum , et Deum vivum , quem et ipsi Imperatores propitium sibi praeter caeteros malunt . Sciunt quis illis dederit imperium , sciunt quis homines , quis et ammas . Sentiunt Deum esse solum , in cujus solius potestate sunt , a quo sunt secundi , post quem primi , ante omnes et super omnes Deos , homines , &c. Inde est Imperator , unde et homo antequam Imperator : inde potestas ei , unde et Spiritus . Illuc suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis , quia innocuis , capite nudo , quia non erubescimus , Denique sine monitore , quia de pectore oramus , precantes sumus semper pro omnibus Imperatoribus , vitam illis prolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , Exercitus fortes , Senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis et Caesaris vota sunt . Haec ab alio orare non possum , quam a quo sciam me consecuturum , quoniam & ipse est qui solus praestat , &c. Sic itaque nos ad Deum expansos , ungulae fodiant , cruces suspendant , ignes lambant , gladii guttura detruncent , bestiae insiliant ; paratus est ad omne supplicium ipse habitus orantis Christiani . Hoc agite , boni Praesules , extorquete animam Deo supplicantem pro Imperatore . Hoc erit crimen ubi veritas & Dei devotio est . * Adeo lati nunc sumus Imperatori , & mentiti vota quae diximus ad evadendum scilicet . Plane proficit ista fallacia . Admittitis enim nos probare quodcunque defendimus . Qui ergo putas , nihil nos de salute Caesarum curare , Inspice Dei voces , literas nostras quas neque ipsi supprimi omnes & plerique casus ad extraneos transferent . Scitote ex illis praeceptum esse nobis , ad redundantiam benignitatis , * etiam pro inimicis Deum orare , & persecutoribus nostris bene precari . Qui magis inimici & persecutores Christianorum quam de quorum Maiestate convenimus in crimen ? Sed etiam nominatim & manifeste † Orate , inquit , pro Regibus , & pro Principibus & Potestatibus , ut omnia tranquilla sint . Vobiscum enim concutitur imperium , concussis etiam caeteris membris ejus , utique & nos ( licet extranei a turbis aestimemur ) in aliquo loco invenimur . Est et alia major necessitas nobis orandi pro Imperatoribus , etiam pro omni statu imperii rebusque Romanis , quod vim maxtimam Vniverso Orbi imminentem , ipsamque Clausuram seculi acerbitates horrendas comminantem , Romani Imperii commeatu scimus retardari . Itaque nolumus experiri , et dum precamur differri . Romanae diuturnitati favemus . Sed quid ego amplius de Religione et pietate Christiana in Imperatorem ? quem necesse est suspiciamus , ut eum quem Dominus noster e●egerit , ut merito dixerim , noster est magis Caesar , ut a nostro Deo constitutus . Itaque ut plus meo , plus ego illi operor in salutem , &c. Idem sumus Imperatoribus , qui et vicinis nostris . Male enim velle , male facere , male dicere , male cogitare de quoquam exaequo vetamur ; quodcunque non licet in Imperatorem , id nec in quempiam ; quod in neminem , forsitan magis nec in ipsum , qui per Deum tantus est . And Adversus Marcionem , l. 1. ( who maintained two distinct Gods , and Principles of equal power ) He thus determines , Summum magnum par non habere . Par autem non habere uni competit , in duobus esse nullo modo possit . Rer enimetsi summum magnum est in suo solio usque ad Deum ; tamen infra Deum ; comparatus autem ad Deum , excidit jam de summo magno translato in Deum . Nec inter Reges plurifarium videre potest summum magnum , sed unicum & singulare , apud eum scilicet qui Rex Regum , ob summitatem magnitudinis , & subjectionem caeterorum graduum quasi culmen dominationis excipitur . It being an impossibility and contradiction ( as he there proves at large ) to have two Supream heads in one kingdom , or any equal to the King , who is only inferiour to God , the King of Kings when compared with him . Clemens Alexandrinus , describing the offices and parts of a King both in times of Warre and Peace , addes ▪ Regnandi autem scientiae una pars quidem fuerit divina , cuiusmodi est quae est ex Deo , et Sancto eius filio , a quibus et quae ex terra bona sunt , et quae externa et perfecta suppeditatur foelicitas , &c. Finem ad pieta tem Deique cultum referens : sic enim virtute utentibus prudentia est quae ordinat ; Divina autem , sapientia ; politica , seu regendorum Civitatum , scientia . Rex itaque is est , qui imperat ex legibus , qui est praeditus scientia imperandi volentibus , cujusmodi est Dominus , qui eos qui in ipsum et per ipsum credunt admittit . Omnia enim tradidit Deus , et omnia Christo subjecit , Regi nostro , &c. a Origen flourishing within 230. years after Christ , thus answers Celsus his objection against the Christians ; Postremo hortetur nos Celsus , ut opem feramus Imperatori totis viribus , & geramus ejus auspiciis justa praque bella , neque detractemus militiam si res ita postulat . Respondemus : feremus Imperatori auxilia suo tempore , sed divina , ut ita loquar , nimirum armatura fretos non humana . Idque facimus Apostoli monitis obedientes , cujus haec verba sunt : Obsecro vos primum ut faciatis deprecationes , orationes , interpellationes , gratiarum actiones , pro omnibus hominibus , pro Regibus & omnibus in potestate collocatis . Et quo cujusque est pietas major , eo majorem opem Imperatori fert , magis quam stantes in procinctu milites et occidentes quotquot possunt ex hostibus . Possumus etiam sic respondere alienisa nostra fide , & ad militiam pro Republica caedesque hominum nos urgentibus . Ecce vestrum quoque numinum Sacerdotes & delubrorum custodes dextras servant puras a sanguine , causa sacrorum , ut incruentis , in pollutisque caede manibus victimas offerant solenniter iis quos habetis pro Diis , nec ullo bello dolectos habetis e● sacrificorum ordine . Hujus moris si vobis constat ratio , quanto magis caeteris militantibus , non contemnenda est nostrorum hominum militia , manus quidem puras servantium , decertantium autem fusis ad Deum precibus pro legitimo Imperatore , et pium justumque bellum gerente milite , ut destruatur quicquid est juste facientibus adversarium ? Itaque precibus nostris profligantes omnes bellorum excitatores Daemones ac perturbatores pacis ac faederum , plus conferimus Regibus quam qui arma gestant pro Republica . Laboramus autem pro imperio Romano , dum inste viventes , vota pro eo facimus , exercentes jus in contemnendis voluptatibus , nec sinentes nos ab eis quovis pertrahi ; sic nos praealiis pugnamus pro Imperatore , et licet cum ipso non militemus , habemus tamen Castra propria pietatis auspiciis , & rem deprecationibus gerimus . Et plus beneficiorum a Christianis confertur in Patriam quam a reliquis hominibus , dum Cives erudiunt ad pietatem erga Deum , tutelarem Patriae praesidem , ejusque viam ad coelestem quandam Civitatem Dei muniant , mo●o recte vivant vel in exiguis Civitatibus . Which holy life he concludes to be the chief end of Governors & Governments , as well as of private Christians . And in Epist . ad Romanos , c. 13. l. 9. He asserts , that God will have all crimes whatsoever temporally punished , Non per Antistites , & Principes Ecclesiae , sed per mundi Judices ; to whom he hath delegated the sword , as the higher powers ordained by him , to which every soul must submit : Therefore Popes and Prelates , as well as others . To passe by a St. Cyprians , b Dionysius , and c Arnobius , their passages , of Christians constant Prayers even for their Pagan Kings , Emperors , and their kingdoms as constituted by God : d Coelius Lactantius , treating of the end of the world , and mans creation resolves : Quid plenius argumentum proferri potest , et mundum hominis , et hominem sua causa Deum fecisse , quam quod ex omnibus animantibus solus ita formatus est , ut oculi ejus ad coelum directi , facies ad Deum spectans , vultus cum suo parente communis sit , quasi porrecta manu allevatum ex humo , ad contemplationem sui excitasse ? Propterea igitur coli se Deus expetit , & honorari ab homine tanquam Pater , ut virtutem et sapientiam teneat , quae sola immortalitatem parit . Idcirco mundus factus est , ut nascamur ; ideo nascimur , ut agnoscamus factorem mundi ac nostri Deum ; ideo agnoscimus , ut colamus ; ideo colimus , ut immortalitatem pro mercede capiamus , quoniam maximis laboribus cultus constat : ideo praemio immortalitatis afficimur , ut similes Angelis effecti , summo Patri ac Domino in perpetuum serviamus , et simus aternum Deo Regnum . Haec summa rerum est , hoc arcanum Dei , hoc mysterium mundi : Yea this is the sum , mysterie , of all the Kings and kingdoms in the world , instituted by God for these only ends , that all the † kingdoms of the world might thereby become the temporal kingdoms of God , and of his Christ , on earth , and his eternal kingdom in heaven . All these recited Fathers lived under Heathen , not Christian Emperors , Kings , to whom they Addressed their Apologies , Appeals , Defences of the substance , truth of the Christian Religion they professed under them ; as the highest powers on earth , the properest Judges of Religion , and bound in duty to protest both it and them in the true profession thereof . When the Roman Emperors , and other Kings became Professors , Protectors , and Propagators of Christianity , the Fathers , Councils , Bishops , Clergy and Christians under them , thus set forth their Supremacy in and over all Ecclesiastical and Religious affairs , persons , as well as temporal . To pretermit the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction attributed to , and exercised by Constantine the Great , the first Christian Emperor , which I shall insist on in the First Chapter of the 2d . Book ; e Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria , as he constantly prayed to God in publike for Constantius the Emperor , though an Arrian , with all expressions of Loyalty , duty , and dedicated a special Apology to him , in Justification both of his faith and loyalty ; useth this expression therein ; If I were accused to others , I would appeal to your Majesty as Paul did to Cesar ; but seeing they accuse me unto you , ad quem a te appellare potero nisi ad Deum ? There being none paramount the Emperour to Appeal to , ( neither Pope , nor Council ) but God alone . How this Emperor Constantius , twice removed and banished Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria , and Paulus Bishop of Constantinople from their Bishopricks , and placed Gregory and George ( two Arrian Bishops ) in their Sees ; and how upon their Complaints and Appeals to his Brother the Emperor Constans , reigning in the West , who summoned their accusers to appear before him , ( which they did ) they were restored to their Bishopricks by the advice and decree of the Council of Sardis ( Anno 350 ) summoned by both these Emperors Edicts , at the requests of Athanasius and Paulus , to hear and decide their cause , referred to them by the Emperors : and the special Letters of Constantius sent to Athanasius : What Creeds , or forms of Christian faith both the Arrian and Orthodox Bishops compiled in the Councils of Antioch , Sardis , Jerusalem , Smyrna , Millain , Arimino , and Seleucia , ( all summoned by the Emperors Edicts presented to the Emperors for their approbations and ratifications , as Supreme Judges , Moderators in such cases , are at large recorded in Socrates Scholasticus Ecclesiast . Hist . l. 2. cap. 7 , to 44. Nicephorus Calixtus Eccles . Hist . l. 9. c. 20. to 44. Sozomen Eccles . hist . l. 2. Cent. Magd. 4. cap. 8. and sundry others , to whom I referr the Readers for brevity sake . Only I shall recite the memorable requests of the Orthodox Bishops in the Council of Arimino to the Emperor Constantius in their second Epistle to him , Wherefore we humbly request your Majesty of your gracious Favour , and wonted Clemency to accept this our Message ; * That you admit no novelty to creep into the Church of God , to the contumely of such as are already departed this life ; but that you grant us your license and lawfull favor , firmly to persevere in those things which our Ancestors have decreed , in as much as it is evident to all men , that whatsoever they did , it was through well advised counsel , prudent consideration , and the aid of the holy Ghost . Also , We humbly request , that the exiled Bishops which wander in farre and foraign Regions , grievously afflicted by reason of great years , and the misery of want and necessity , may by your safe conduct return home from exile , to the end the Churches remain not desolate , and desolate of their Bishops being thus farr asunder . Last of all , Our humble sute is to your Majesty , that nothing may be diminished from , or added to the Old and Antient Decrees , but that all whatsoever have been observed unto this day , through the godly procurement of your Father , may henceforth be of force , strength and virtue , and that hereafter there may arise no molestation to us about those things , and that you suffer us not to be banished our Churches , &c. f Saint Hillary Bishop of Poictiers wrote thus to this Arrian Emperour Constantius , not long after At hanasius , in the Orthodox Christians behalf . We beseech your Clemency to permit , that the people may have such teachers as they like , such as they think well of , such as they chuse , and let them solemnize the divine mysteries , and make prayers for your safety and prosperity . In which Book to this Emperor , he acknowledgeth his Supremacy in and over all Ecclesiastical persons , causes , though he justly censures his force imposed on them in their Councils , to make them vote against their wills , and the Orthodox faith , in behalf of the Arrian Hereticks . The Godly Western Bishops assembled by this Arrian Emperor Constantius his Edict to the Council of Ariminum , and there long detained by him from their Cures , wrote two g supplicatory Epistles to him from thence to dismisse them to their Bishopricks , before the cold Winter approached . In the first they thus petitioned them , We beseech your Majesty that you cause us not to be banished , nor stayed from our Churches , but that the Bishops , together with the people , may live in peace and tranquillity , and may humbly pray for your health , kingdom and safety , in which the Divine Majesty long preserve you ; Pro tua salute , Imperio prolixo . So Nicephorus renders it , but others thus . Supplicantes Deo pro pace tui Imperii pariter et salutis , quam tibi Dominus in perpetuum largiatur . They concluded their second Letter to him with this Supplication ; For this cause we beseech your Clemency the second time , most religious Lord and Emperor , that you command us to depart to our Churches , if it so please your Godlinesse , before the sharpnesse of Winter come . That we may make our accustomed prayers together with the people to the Almighty God , and our Lord and Saviour Christ for your Empire ( or Reign ) as we have alwayes accustomed in times past , and yet cease not to doe , and now wish to continue : Not daring to depart from this Council without his License . Gregory Nazianzen . Oratio 17. informs the Prince and Governour , Cum Christo Imperium geris , cum Christo munus hoc administras , Ab illo gladium accepisti , non tam ut eo utaris quam ut mineris , ut teneas . Quare tibi videndum est ut illi tanquam donarium quoddam purum & integrum ei qui dedit , serves . Imago Dei es ; verum imaginem quoque Dei Regis , quae quidem hic certa dispensatione gubernaretur , ad aliam autem vitam migrat , ad quam omnes quoque concedemus . Moneat te exemplar tuum ; ad Deum te rejunge , non ad mundum , ad benignum Dominum , non ad acerbum tyrannum . Oratio 27. He thus describes the Supremacy , office of Kings . Orbis universus manui vestrae subjectus est , diademate parvo , atque exiguo panno retentus . Supera solius Dei sunt , infera autem , Vestra etiam sunt . Subditis vestris Deos vos praebete ; liceat enim audacius aliquid dicere ; Cor Regis in manu Dei est , ut ex Scripturis audimus & credimus . Hic imperium vestrum sit , non autem in auro et exercitibus . Aulici proceres fidem Imperatoribus servate , sed prius Deo , propter quem his etiam quibus commissi & traditi estis . And Oratio 46. to Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople , he exhorts him to stirr up the Emperor to suppresse the Apollinarian hereticks , concluding thus ; ut potentissimum Imperatorem doceat , nihil et reliquo ipsius erga Ecclesias studio rediturum esse utilitatis , si tale malum ad fidei sanae eversionem per eorum libertatem , licentiamque praevaleat . St. Basil the Great , Bishop of Caesarea , Homil. in Psal . 32. Non servatur Rex per multam virtutem ; descants thus : Non exercitus militaris quantavis munitio , non civitatum moenia , non peditum phalanx , non equestris turma , non navalis muniminis praeparatio Regi salutem parit . Dominus enim Reges constituit , et destituit , sive transfert , & nulla est potestas , nisi a Deo constituta . Servatur ergo Rex non per multam virtutem , sed per Dei gratiam . Therefore it should be his principal care to serve , please , obey , honor God , promote his glory ; and make his kingdom , Regnum supra omnes Principa●um , peccato minime obnoxium , as he there defines a kingdom . Optatus Milevetanus resolves , Super Imperatorem non est , nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem . And justifies his authority to suppresse and punish the Donatists with death it self , for their heresie , schism and sedition . St. Ambrose resolves , * That Kings are exempted from human punishment , Tuti Imperii potestate , as having no Superiors to punish them . And in his Oration , De Exitu , Vita & Virtutibus Theodosii Imperatoris , he gives him this applause . Quis splendidius Pascha celebravit , quam qui sacrilegos removit errores , clausit templa simulacra destruxit ? In hoc Josias Rex superioribus antelatus est . Manet ergo in lumine Theodosius , & sanctorum coetibus gloriatur . Constantinus quod primus Imperatorum credidit , & post se haereditatem fidei Principibus dereliquit , magni meriti locum reperit , cujus temporibus completum est illud Propheticum , In illo die erit quod supra frenum est , sanctum Domino omnipotenti , &c. Then turning his Speech to the Emperor Honorius , he adds , Denique ideo te Imperatorem pater fecit , Dominus confirmavit , ut non solum militares Patri , sed omnibus imperares ; stiling him , Totius orbis Imperatorem . In his 29. Epistle to Theodosius , he hath this passage of his suppressing the Valentinian Hereticks . Quis habet Valentinorum haeresin vindicare ? quam pietas tua quomodo vindicat , cum eos excludi jusserit , nec conveniendi usurpare copiam ? Si Joslam tibi objiciam , regem Deo probatum , hoc in illis damnabis quod in illo probatum est . And in his 30. Epistle to the Emperour Valentinian , beseeching him not to suffer the destroyed Altars of the Gentiles ( upon their Petition to him ) to be repaired by his decree . He resolves , Cum omnes homines qui sub ditione Romana sunt militent Imperatoribus timorem atque Principibus , tam ipsi vos Omnipotenti Deo et sacrae fidei militatis , aliter enim salus tuta esse non poterit , nisi unusquisque Deum unum , hoc est Deum Christianorum , a quo cunctareguntur veraciter colat . Ipse enim solus verus est Deus ; Dii autem Gentium daemonia . Huic igitur Deo vero quisque militat , & qui intimo colendum recipit affectu , non dissimulationem , non irreverentiam , sed fidei studium , et devotionis impendit . Postremo , si non ista consensum saltem aliquem non debet colendis Idolis & prophanis Caeremoniarum cultibus exhibere . Haec si jam sublata non essent , auferenda suo imperio comprobarem . At cum per totum fere orbem a pluribus retro Principibus inhibita interdictaque sint ; Romae autem a fratre clementiae tuae augustae memoriae Gratiano fidei vera ratione sublata sunt , et datis antiquata rescriptis , ne quaeso vel fideliter statuta convelles , vel fraterna praecepta rescindas . De negotiis omnibus quod statutum , nemo putat esse temerandum , & praeceptum de religione calcatur ? He likewise presseth the necessity of all Christian Bishops , Churches , Peoples publike prayers for Kings , and chief Temporal Magistrates , as well Pagans as Christians ; then generally used in all Churches . And although he hath two or three Passages seeming to oppose the Emperors Supreme Jurisdiction in causes Ecclesiastical ; in the case between Auxentius the Arrian Bishop , and himself , at whose request the Emperor willed the case in difference might be heard in an Ecclesiastical Assembly , and that the Emperor himself might be Iudge , whether St. Ambrose ought to yeeld up his Church to this Arrian Bishop upon the Emperors command ? * Ambrose utterly refused it , and wrote thus to the Emperor . * Quando audisti , clementissime Imperator , in causa fidei Laicos de Episcopo judicasse ? Si vel Scripturarum seriem divinarum , vel caetera tempora retractemus , quis eo qui abnegat in causa fidei , in causa inquam fidei , Episcopo † solere de Imperatoribus Christianis , non * Imperatores de Episcopo judicare . Volens nunquam jus deseram in Ecclesia ( which he would not resign up to the Arrians upon the Emperors command , as being Gods , not his ) coactus repugnare non novi : Ea quae divina sunt Imperatoris potestatati non sunt subjecta . In consistorio non solet Christus reus esse sed Judex . Causam fidei agendam in Ecclesia quis abnuat , & c ? Allegatur , Imperatori , licere omnia ; ipsius esse universa . Respondeo . Noli gravare te Imperator , ut putes te in ea quae divina sunt Imperiale aliquid jus habere . Noli te extollere , sed si vis diutius imperare , esto Deus subjectus . Scriptum est enim ; Quae Dei Deo , quae Caesaris Caesari , Ad Imperatores Palatia pertinent ; ad Sacerdotes Ecclesiae : Publicorum tibi moenium jus commissum est , non sacrorum , &c. Si Nabothe vineam nec tradidit suam , nos trademus Ecclesiam Christi ? Dixi conventus , Absit a me ut tradam haereditatem Christi ; non tradidit Naboth suam , et ego tradam Christi haereditatem ? Quod Sacerdotis est faciam ; quod Imperatoris est faciat Imperator ; prius est ut animam mihi quam fidem auferat . Tributum Caesaris est , non negatur ; Ecclesia Dei est , Caesari utique non debetur ; quia jus Caesaris esse non potest ; templum Dei , &c. Id quod juris esset libenter offerem ; Templo Domini nihil possum nec decerpere , nec tradere , cum illud custodiendum , non tradendum acciperem . Deinde consulere etiam me Imperatoris saluti oportet ; quia nec mihi expediret tradere , nec illi accipere . Accipiat vocem Liberi Sacerdotis . Si vult esse consultum , recedat a Christi injuria . Haec plena humilitatis sunt ( ut arbitror : ) plena affectus ejus quem Imperatori debet Sacerdos . ] These passages ( if understood in St. Ambrose his sence ; ) That Emperors have no Power to judge Heresie to be Faith , or make what they please to be Orthodox , against the Scriptures and Churches Orthodox faith ; * That we ought to obey God rather then Emperors in the things of God , when their commands are contrary to Gods word , truth , glory , good of their own or subjects souls ; ( as in this case ) That he an Orthodox Bishop should voluntarily ; without compulsion deliver up his Church to an Arrian , denying the Deity of Christ , to Gods , Christs dishonour , and the prejudice of his own , his peoples , and the very Emperors own soul , upon his Imperial command , may be orthodox , and solid . In which * sense he only writ thus . But to extend it as Popes ; † Popish Canonists , and others since have done ; to exclude Emperors from having ought to do in matters of Faith , or Worship ; approbation or examination of Councils Decrees , suppressing Idolaters , Jews , Hereticks , & disposing their Churches to Orthodox Ministers ; collating to Bishopricks when vacant , or punishing scandalous , schismatical , heretical Bishops or Clergymen ; is contrary both to his meaning , forementioned d passages , and to his own vote in the Councils of Ariminum and of e Aquileia here ensuing . Prudentius in his Poems writes thus of the Roman Emperors Supremacy . Thou O Christ hast placed Rome , in vertice Rerum . Thou hast ordained that the world should be subject to the Successors of Romulus ( not of Peter ) Et omne sub Regno Remi ( not Petri ) mortale concessit genus . Therefore the Pope with all his Prelates , Clergy , as well as others . The a 150. Godly Bishops vocati a Theodosio , pietatis ac Religionis studiosissimo Imperatore by his Letters , to the first General Council of Constantinople , Anno 381. write thus in their Epistle to him , wherein they render him an account of their Proceedings , and desire his ratification of them as Supream Governor . Initio quidem nostri ad tuam Pietatem scripti , Gratias agimus Deo , qui tuae pietatis Imperium constituit ad communem pacem Ecclesiarum , et sanae fidei confirmationem . Agentes autem Deo debitas gratias , necessaria quoque ea , quae acta sunt in Sancto Concilio ad tuam referrimus pietatem , Nempe quod ex quo tempore ex mandato tuae pietatis Constantinopoli convenimus , primum quidem mutuam inter nos concordiam renovavimus : deinde vero breves etiam praescripsimus ac pronunciavimus quosdam quasi terminos regulasve , quibus , et Patrum qui Niceae congregati fuerunt , filem confirmavimus comprobavimusque , & quae adversus eam abortae sunt , perversas Hereses ac pravas opiniones extrema cum execratione ac detestatione reprobavimus . Preterea etiam ad recte constituendum et ordinandum statum , et disciplinam Ecclesiarum , certos Canones slatuimus ac praescripsimus , quae omnia huic nostro scripto subjecimus . Rogamus etiam tuam Clementiam , ut per literas tuae pietatis ratum esse jubeas confirmesque Concilii decretum , et sicuti literis quibus nos convocasti Ecclesiam honore prosecutus es , ita etiam summam eorum , quae decreta sunt conclusionum , sententia atque Sigillo tuo corrobores : ( Without which they were meer Nullities . ) Dominus autem Imperium tuum in Pace & Justitia stabiliat , transmittatque & producat in multas et infinitas usque Generationes , atque ad terrenam potentiam coelestis quoque Regni gaudium & fructum adjiciat . Gratificetur Deus orbiterrarum , ut qui revera pietatis studiosissimus , Deique amantissimus Imperator es , valentem omnibusque praeclaris rebus , florentem et excellentem videat , id quod sancti etiam ab illo precibus et votis petunt et orant . This being the usual prayer of all Bishops , Saints , Christians for him under his Empire , both in their Councils , Churches , Closets , and Epistles . The a Bishops assembled in the Council of Aquileia ( where of Saint Ambrose was one ) thus begin their Epistle to Gratian , Valentinian , and Theodosius the Emperors who summoned them : Benedictus Deus Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi qui vobis Romanum Imperium dedit . Et Benedictus dominus noster Jesus Christus Unigenitus Dei filius , qui regnum vestrum sua pietate custodit , apud quem gratias agimus vobis Clementissimi Trancipes quod et fidei vestrae studium probavistis , qui ad removendas altercationes congregare studuistis Sacerdotale Concilium . Then rendring them an account of their proceedings therein , and relating the Impiety of the Arrian Hereticks , whom they decreed worthy to be put from their Sacerdotal offices . They adde this petition ; Vestram fidem , vestramque gloriam deprecamur , Impietatis assertores & adulteres veritatis , datis apicibus Clementiae vestrae ad judicia competentia , ab Ecclesiae arcendos esse limitibus , ut in damnatorum locum per nostrae parvitatis Legatos sancti subrogentur Sacerdotes , &c. Petimus igitur ut Legatos concilii sanctos viros , aeque clementia vestra audire digentur , & cum effectu eorum quae poscimus maturius redire praeciptat , ut mercedem accipiatis a Domino Deo Christo , cujus Ecclesias ab omni sacrilegorum labe purgastis : Photinianos quoque , quos et superiori lege censuistis nullos facere debere conventus , et ea quae de concilio Sacerdotum data est congregando , removistis , petimus , ut quoniam in Sirmiensi oppido adhuc conventus tentare cognovimus , Clementia vestra interdicta etiam nunc coitione reverentiam primum Ecclesiae Catholicae , deinde etiam legibus vestris deferre jubeatis , ut vos , Deo praestante , triumphetis , qui paci Ecclesiarum quietique consulatis . S. Chrysostom writes of the Emperor , that he is , a Summitas et Caput omnium hominum super terram ( Therefore of the Pope and Bishops . ) Parem non habet ullum super terram : b That the Church powred out prayers morning and evening to God for Kings and Emperers by Gods command , 1 Tim. 2. In his Lyturgy he hath special Collects Pro Augustissimis et Deo-deditis Regibus nostris . And he gives us this account of the duty of a King , c Nam is demum vere Rex est , qui iram , qui invidiam , qui voluptatem cohibens omnia sub Dei Lege agit , mentem liberam servans , neque patiens voluptatum dominationem animo suo imperitare . Talem equidem Regem libens viderem , et populis , et terrae , et mari , et Civitatibus , et exercitibus jura dantem . Quisquis enim animi affectibus rationem Magistram praefecerit , is parvo admodum negotio ex hominibus , una cum divinis legibus praefeci possit , ut eundem patris loco subditi habeant , cum omni mansuetudine Civitatibus consuetudinis suae copiam facientem . Qui vero hominibus imperare quum videatur , irae tamen avaritiae , voluptibus servit , hic primum subditis suis ridiculus videri possit , hoc ipso quod Coronam quidem gestat gemmis auroque intertextam , temperantiae vero corona minime insignis est , & purpureo quidem paludamento toto corpore fulget , animum autem inornatum habet . Synesius , in his Book De Regno , dedicated to Arcadius the Emperor , Resolves ; Religio autem et pietas firma imperatoris et regis hasis subjiciatur , in qua stabile atque inconcussum simulacrum perstet , nec unquam basi firmiter insidens ulla vis tempestatis excutiat . Illa vero una et ascendet , et pluribus in locis apparebit , potissimumque in vertice residebit . Inde sermonem exorsus , primum omnium Regem , duce et principe Deo , ipsum sui ipsius Regem censeo esse oportere . Rex autem id experatum habet , Deum sibi sufficere . Regia dignitas Monarchiam amabilem fecit , eamque divinum inter homines bonum Plato appellat . Idem autem ipse quod divinae sortis est particeps , omni fastu docet arrogantiaque vacare oportere . Neque enim Deus quasi scena seipsum ostentans , aut prodigiis monstrosus editis , sed tacita quasi via gradatim intendens , juste humanas res moderatur , iisque omnibus adesse paratus , quae natura sunt ad participandum idonea Hoc modo Regem sentio commune omnibus bonum , nec insolentem esse debere . St. a Augustin Bishop of Hippo records ; That the Donatists being condemned by an Assembly of Bishops in Africa , appealed for relief to the Emperor ( Constantine ) who by special Commission appointed Miltiades then Bishop of Rome , and others , to be Judges of the Controversy : Who being condemned before the Pope and other Delegates , they appealed again from their sentence to the Emperor ; who thereupon turned them over to be judged by the Bishop of Arle in France with others . Who passing sentence of condemnation against them likewise ; they thereupon appealed in the last place , to the Emperors own person , complaining of the partiality of the Bishop of Rome , and of Arle in their former sentences , at whose hands they could find no Iustice ; In the end , they were heard and condemned by the Emperor himself , & then found themselves also grieved with his definitive Imperial sentence , condemning his judgement as they had done the former . Hereupon St. Augustine thus replyed upon and answered them ; An forte de Religione non est ut dicat Imperator , vel quos miserit Imperator ? Cur ergo ad Imperatorem Legati Vestri venerunt ? Iudex eligitur Imperator : Iudicans contemnitur Imperator . Therefore St. Augustine condemned them ( as did the Emperor and all others ) for impudent , perverse Wranglers , who would not submit to any Judgement or order , crying out against them : Quid amplius vultis homines ? quid vultis amplius ? In which passages there are sundry memorable particulars : 1. That the schismatical Donatists themselves appealed to the Emperor Constantine against the sentence of an whole Assembly and Council of African Bishops , as paramount them . 2ly . That the Emperor by his Commission made Pope Miltiades , not alone , but with other Bishops , joynt Commissioners , to hear and judge this Cause by vertue of his Commission only , ( not of his Papal or their Episcopal Jurisdiction ) which they accordingly pursued . 3ly . That they appealed against the sentence of the Pope himself , and these Bishops as unjust , to the Emperor , as paramount them . 4ly . That he on the 2d . Appeal delegate● the Examination of this Popes and his Colleagues Judgement , to the Bishop of Arie and others ; which they confirmed . 5ly . That thereupon they appealed to the Temperors own personal and final Judicature , who passed Judgement against them . 6ly . That though they disliked his Judgement , yet they appealed not from it , there being no Superior Judge in Ecclesiastical causes above the Emperor , but God himself . 7ly . That both St. Augustine and the Donatists by their appeal , reputed the Emperor the properest , yea highest Judge in all Ecclesiastical causes & controversies . b St. Aug. further relates : That Felix Bishop of Aptingita ( a Donatist ) ad Constantini iussionem Proconsularibus gestis fuisse purgatum : whereupon , ait quidam ( of the Donatist Hereticks , ) non debuit Episcopus Proconsulario judicio purgari ; quasi vero ipse hoc comparaverit , ac non Imperator ita quaeri jusserat , ad cujus Curiam , de qua rationem Deo redditurus esset , res ea maxime pertinebat . To which St. Augustin : replyed , Si criminis non est provocare ad Imperatorem , non est criminis audiri ab Imperatore : Ergo nec ab illo cui causam delegaverit Imperator , &c. His resolution therefore was , that the purgation of a Bishop belonged specially to the Emperors charge , though a meer Ecclesiastical matter . The same Father informs us , c That this Emperor made severe Lawes against these heretical and schismatical Donatists , to suppresse their errors , schisms , meetings : which being duly executed , reclaimed many of them from their heresie and schism . Upon which experience S. Augustin altered his opinion , concerning the unlawfulness of punishing Hereticks with corporal punishments , or death , to reclaim them , In his a Enarratio in Psal . 134. He resolves , Rex in omni gente prior est ; quoniam Rex ducit , populus sequitur . & De Civitate Dei lib. 19. c. 26. Ad Paulinum Episcopum , lib. & Enarratio in Psal . 118. He proves at large from Mat. 22 17. Luke 13. 1. Tim. 2. That all Christian whatsoever ought to be subject to Kings , to pay tribute to , and pray for them , though heathens and persecutors . In his Enarratio in Psal . 137. on these words . Confiteantur tibi Domine omnes Reges terrae ; Sed & ipsi cum tibi confitentur cum laudant te , non terrena desiderent à te . Quid enim Reges terrae desideraturi sunt ? Nonne ●am habent ipsius imperium ? Quid amplius potest ? Altior sublimitas necessaria est . Sed fortasse quanto altior , tanto periculosior est . Ideoque reges quanto sunt in majore felicitate terrena , tanto magis humiliari Deo debent . Vt quid faciant ? Quoniam audierunt omnia verba oris tui , & cantent in viis Domini , quoniam magna est gloria Domini . Cantent in viis Domini Reges terrae . In quibus Domini viis cantant ? De quibus supradictum est : In misericordia tua & veritate tua , quoniam universae viae Domini misericordia & veritas . Non ergo sint Reges terrae superbi , sed humimiles sint . Tunc cantent in viis Domini , si humiles sint , ament & cantabunt . Canticum novum pertinet ad hominem novum . Ambulent ergo & Reges terrae in viis tuis , ambulent & cantent in viis tuis . Quid cantent ? Quoniam magna est gloria Domini , non Regum . Vide quomodo Reges voluit cantare humiliter in viis Domini , non se extollentes adversus Dominum . He elsewhere resolves how Kings do serve the Lord even in taking care of things belonging to God and Religion . b In hoc Reges Deo serviunt , sicut eis Divinitus praecipitur , in quantum sunt Reges , si in suo regno bona jubeant , mala prohibeant : non solum quae pertinent ad humanam societatem , verum etiam quae ad divinam Religionem . Quomodo ergo Reges Domino serviunt in timore , nisi ea quae contra iussa Domini fiant religiosa severitate prohibendo atque plectendo ? Aliter enim servit quia homo est , aliter etiam quia Rex est . c Quia homo est , ei servit vivendo fideliter ; quia vero etiam Rex est servit leges justa praecipientes , et contraria prohibentes , authoritate sanciendo . Servit Deum ut Ezechias ; & templum restaurando , &c. and as King Josiah and Nebuchadnezzar after his restitution , and Darius did , &c. Quicunque ergo legibus Imperatorum quae pro Dei veritate feruntur , attemperare non vult , acquirit grande supplicium . Nam à temporibus Prophetarum omnes Reges qui in p●pulo Dei non prohibuerunt , nec everterunt , quae contra praecepta Dei fuerunt instituta , culpantur ; & qui prohibuerunt & everterunt , super aliorum merita laudantur . Quando autem Imperatores pro veritate contra falsitatem constituunt bonas leges , tenentur servientes , & corrigentur intelligentes , &c. And , De quaestionibus Novi & Veteris Testamenti , cap. 13. Non nescivit David divinam esse traditionem in officio ordinis Regalis . 〈◊〉 Saul in eadem adhuc traditione positum honorificat , ne Deo injuriam facere videretur , qui his ordinibus honorem creavit . Dei enim imaginem habet Rex , ut Episcopus Christi : Whence our English Apostle , d John wickliff , thus argued the Kings superiority above the Popes or Bishops , Quod Episcopus est Vicarius Christi secundum humanitatem , REX AUTEM EST DEI VICARIUS : Dignior ergo Vicariatus incumbet Regi quam Episcopo . Christus ordinavit seculare brachium per potentiam coactivam ; esse Divinitatis Vicarium , dando ei gladium corporalem ; & ordinavit Sacerdotium esse humanitatis Christi Vicarium , patiendo , et ipsum in humilitate et tribulationibus imitando , ut docet Augustinus in loco multiplici . To which Thomas Waldensis replies , Ecce jam habis Regem imaginem Deitatis , sed ut per gladium quem accepit . Solum Dei servis humana ministret . Ecce habes quod Rex si● Divinitatis imago , non tantum qualiter omnis homo est imago Dei , a primordialis creationis effectu , sed speciali etiam praerogativa potestatis acceptae , et Regiae dignitatis intuitu . Ad quid putas ? ad dispensandum humana , ut supra dixit Gregorius . Regnas regno Christi quae sunt humana dispensare . Sacerdos est imago Christi , et cujus Christi ? Nonne Dei hominis ? et quid efficiens ? nonne divina dispensans ? Pluris ergo est , ut nulli est dubium , imago Christi Episcopus dispensans divina , quam Deitatis Vicarius , vel Imago Rex dispensans humana . As if God himself , whose Image and Vicar a King is , were only and principally imployed about human affairs , not divine : Now if God himself doth most of all , in the a very first place mind , intend , command , promote his own worship , service , glory , divine things , and the salvation of mens souls ; then certainly Kings , who are his Image , Vicars , must do so too , or else they were neither his Image , nor Vicars , but most unlike unto him : Wherefore God called David from the Sheepfold to the Throne for this very end , b To feed Jacob his people , and Israel his inheritance ; as well as Peter or Bishops to feed his sheep and flock ; who thereupon fed them according to the integrity of his heart , especially with heavenly instructions , exhortations , prayers , precepts , Psalms ; and guided them by the skilfulnesse of his hands , by setting up Gods publike worship , Ark , Temple , amongst them , as the * premises evidence ; to which St. Augustine here principally referrs ; and so Waldensis his evasion , conclusion is most absurd , and Wickliffs position orthodox . The Bishops convened in the Council of Aphrick , ( whereof St. Augustine was one ) cap. 25. to 35. 42 , 51 , 59 , 60. resolved , a That the Emperors Honorius & Theodosius should be petitioned and requested by them 1. A Religiosis Imperatoribus postulandum , ut Reliquias Idolorum per omnem Aphricam jubeant penitus amputari , & templa eorum jubeant omni modo destrui . 2. A religiosissimis Imperatoribus postulandum , Petendum etiam , ut statuere dignentur , ut nullum ad testimonium dandum Ecclesiastica cujuslibet persona pulsatur . 3. Illud etiam petendum , ut quae contra praecepta divina convivia multis in locis exercentur , quae ab errore Gentilium attracta sunt , &c. prohibeantur . 4. Necnon et illud petendum , ut spectacula Theatrorum caeterorumque lu●orum die Dominica , vel caeteris religionis Christianae diebus celeberrimis amoveantur . 5. Et illud petendum est , ut statuere dignentur , ut si quis cujuslibet hominis Clericus Iudicio Episcoporum quocunque crimine fuerit damnatus , non liceat eum sive ab Ecclesiis quibus praefuit , sive a quolibet homine defensari , interposita poena damni , pecuniae atque honoris , quo nec aetatem , nec sexum excusandum esse praecipiant . 6. Et de his etiam petendum , ut si quis ex qualibet iudicra arte ad Christianitatis gratiam venire voluit , ac liber ab illa macula permancre , non eum liceat , a quoquam iterum ad eadem exercenda reduci , vel cogi , 7. Ab Imperatoribus universis visum est postulandum , propter afflictionem pauperum , quor●m molestiis sine intermissione fatigatur Ecclesia , ut defensores eis adversus potentias divitum cum Episcoporum provisione delegentur . 8. Simul etiam petendum , ut illam legem quae a religiosae memoriae eorum Patre Theodosio , de auri Libris Decem in ordinatores , vel ordinatos Haereticos , seu etiam in possessores ; ( ubi eorum congregatio deprehenditur ) promulgata est , ita deinceps confirmari praecipiant , ut in eos valeat , contra quos propter eorum insidi●s Catholici provoca●● contestatione a deposuerunt . Ut hoc saltem Terore Schismatica vel Haeretica pravitate desistant , qui Consideratione aeterni supplicii emendari corrigique dissimulant . 9. Petendum etiam , ut Lex quae Hereticis vel ex Donationibus , vel ex Testamentis aliquid capiendi vel relinquendi denegat facultatem ; ab eorum quoque pietate hactenus repetatur , ut eis relinquendi vel sumendi jus adjuvat qui pertinacie furore caecati in Donatistarum errore perseverare voluerint . Caeterum illis qui consideratione Unitatis et pacis se corrigere voluerint , absque Interdicto hujus Legis capiendae Hereditatis aditus pateat , si adhuc in Erroris Haeretico constitutis aliquid ante donationis vel hereditatis obvenit his sane exceptis qui lite pulsati , putaverunt ad Catholicam transeundum : quia de talibus credibile est , non metu caelestis Iudicii , potius quam terreni commodi aviditate , unitatem Catholicam praeoptasse . To obtain all which Petitions and Lawes , this Council dispatched their particular Legates to these Pious Emperors , with these their joynt requests ; for most of which they published particular Laws , recorded in the Codes of * Justinian and † Theodosius . Theodoret , Bishop of Cyprus informs us ; Romanum Imperium ( everso Macedonico ) orbis terrarum claves tenet ( not St. Peter , or the Pope . ) Romanum Imperium non periisse cum Salvatoris ortu ; siquidem Augusto regnante , Dominus in lucem editus est ; secundus quidem ille regnavit . Omnes autem , ( ut ita dixerim ) homines suae ditionis subiunxit , omnemque terrarum orbem ( ut evangelii testantur ) descripsit , tributumque imperavit . Regnum igitur Romanorum , quod illo obtinent viguit , usque adhuc permansit . Therefore the Pope and Romish Prelates were then all subject to , not paramount the Emperor , as he resolves in his Interpretatio in Epist . ad Romanos , c. 13. Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit ; Sibi est Sacerdos aliquis , sive Antistes , sive monasticam vitam professus , iis cedat quibus sunt mandati Magistratus . Clarum est autem si cum pietat● ; non autem si Dei praeceptis repugnent . Magistratibus parere praecipitur . Potestates enim à Dei providentia a●pendent . Ipse enim communis ordinis cura●gerens , efficit , ut hi quidem imperarent , illi vero parerent , veluti quoàdam fraenum iis qui se injustè gerunt , Magistratuum timorem incutiens . Porro autem sciendum est , quod et Magistratum gerere , eique parere a divina providentia pendere : for the ends mentioned by the Apostle . And in his Expositio in 1 Tim. 2. & Tit. 3. 1. He presseth praying for Heathen and wicked Kings , Magistrates , that they may become Christians ; and obedience to all their lawfull commands by all sorts of Christians . St. Cyrill , the famous Bishop of Alexandria , begins his Book ( ad Theodosium Regem pientissimum , Devota in Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum fide ) thus , A Deo , cujus est summa Celsitudo , Vobis , Christianissimi Reges , humanae claritudinis fastigium , incomparabilibus excellentiis prae omnibus aliis exsurgens et exaltatum , eximiaque & excelsa sors sunt data , dignus nimirum super terram honor . Etenim illi quidem omni genu flectunt , thronique & Principatus , dominationesque ac potestates servam submittunt cervicem , & decentibus illum semper colentes glorificationibus , plenum esse dicunt coelum & terram gloria ejus . Viderit autem quis et in vestra Serenitate decorum et evidentem tam illustris et omnium summae Nobilitatis Typum . Vos enim estis ( not the Pope ) et summorum dignitatum fontes , et supra omnem eminentiam , humanaeque felicitatis principium et origo . Et vestrae quidem Majestatis clementissimis nutibus , quicquid Regni soliis substractum est , ut vitam legitimam et admirabilem agat , gubernatur ; at qui jugum non ferunt , facile a vestro robore victi , cadunt , &c. vel Regis genibus misericordiam quaerunt . Ea propter vobis mundum subjecit , &c. Tam pii et praeclari vestri Imperii summum praesidium est Dominus noster Iesus Christus . Nam , per iilum Reges regnant , & potentes scribunt justitiam . Distribuit autem prompte diligentibus se omnia quae laudabilia , & admirabilia , ac eximia . Ad haec quae dixi demonstranda , sufficiunt , vel ea quae vestrae Majestati donatae sunt , & adhuc danda , ut credimus . Quod autem gloriosa in Deum pietas Regus honoribus immobile sit fundamentum , etiam ex ipsa sancta divinaque Scriptura dicere attentabo ; which there he doth : Therefore to advance Religion , piety , and Gods glory , the unmoveable foundation and stability of kingdoms , is , and ought to be the principal part , care of Kings and their Kingly office , as he inferrs . These most great and most religious Emperors , Theodosius and Valentinian in their Epistle to this St. Cyril , wherein they summoned him to the Council of Ephesus , confirm this truth . A pietate quae in Deum est , reipublicae nostrae constitutio pendet , et multa utrinque est cognatio , et societas . Cohaerent enim inter se , et altera alterius crescit incremento , ita ut vera religio justitiae studio , respublica vero ab utrisque adjuta , resplendeat . In regnum itaque a Deo constituti , et connexio pietatis ac prosperitatis subditorum existentes , societatem horum perpetuo indivulsam custodimus , ac providentia nostra pacem inter homines procurantes , hactenus quidem reipublicae augendae ministramus : per omnia vero subditis , ut ita dicamus servientes , ut pie vivant et conversentur , sicut pios decet , adornamus , utriusque ut convenit , curam gerentes . Neque enim fieri potest ut alteri studentes , non similiter ut alterius curam geramus . Prae caeteris in hoc incumbimus , ut Ecclesiasticus status , et qui Deum deceat et nostris temporibus conveniat , firmus permaneat , tranquillitatemque ex omnium consensu retineat , sitque per Ecclesiasticarum rerum pacem quietus , et pia religio servetur irreprehensibilis ; eorumque vita qui ad clericatum et magnum Sacerdotium delecti sunt , ab omni sit culpa libera . Cum autem ista intelligeremus cum per dilectionem erga Deum , tum per animum , veritatis amantem in iis qui pii sunt , obtinere posse jam quidem saepenumero eorum gratia quae commodum inciderunt Deo dilecttissimam omnium eorum qui ubique sunt sanctissimorum Episcoporum Synodum necessariam esse duximus , verum cunctatores per molestiam pietatis ipsorum improbitatem facti sumus . At urgens jam necessitatem cum Ecclesiasticarum tum publicarum disceptatio , et summe profuturam et irrecusabilem illam esse ostendit . Quapropter ne quae tam utilium rerum quaestionem concernunt , si negligantur in pejus dilabantur , id quod a temporum nostrorum est pietate alienum , curabit pietas tua ut post imminens sanctum Pascha volente Deo , circa Pentecostes diem ad Ephesiorum Asiae Civitatem adveniat ; et paucos , et quos probaverit ex Provincia sibi subjecta sanctissimos Episcopos , ad eandem Civitatem convenire faciat , ut nec qui sanctissimis Provinciae tuae Ecclesiis sufficiant nec qui concilio sint accomodi , desint . Sunt , enim Exemplaria a nostra Majestate de praedicta sanctissima Synodo Dilectis per Vniversas Metropolcis Episcopis , scripta , ut hoc facto , et perturbatio quae ex controversiis istis , accidit , secundum Ecclesiasticos Canones dissolvatur , et quae indecenter committuntur corrigantur , sitque et pietati erga Deum , et publicis rebus commoda firmitudo ; nec aliquid quacunque in re ante Sanctissimam Synadum , et futuram illius communem sententiam , a quoquam seperatim innovetur . Et persuasi quidem sumus unumquemque Deo Dilectissimorum Sacerdotum ubi resciverint , cum Ecclesiasticarum ; tum Publicarum rerum gratia hac nostra Sanctione percitum , ad Sanctissimam Synodum diligenti studio properanter accursurum , & rebus ita necessariis atque ad beneplacitum Dei pertinentibus pro viribus consulturum . Nos autem multam harum rerum curam gerentes neminem desiderari leviter patiemur , nec ullam sive apud Deum , sive apud Nos excusationem habebit , si quisquam non confestim ad praedictum tempus loco determinato sedulus comparuerit : Quisquis enim ad Sacerdotalem vocatus Synodum non prompte accurrit , esse se Conscientia non bona Declarat . Deus te multo tempore custodiat Pater Sanctissime ac Religiosissime . A most pregnant Testimony , that Emperors have , and ought to have a principal care of Religion , to preserve its purity , suppresse all Heresie contrary thereunto ; to convene Synods when there is occasion , to enjoyn all Bishops to resort to them , and to examin , ratifie their Votes when approved by their Edicts ; all which the Epistles written to these Emperors from the Bishops assembled in this Synod will more fully demonstrate . The famous General Council of Ephesus , a thus summoned by the most Religious Emperors Theodosius and Valentinian , to suppresse the Heresie of Nestorius , then infesting the Church , writ several Epistles to them , wherein they render them an account of all their proceedings therein , clear the scandalous reports raised of them , extoll those Emperors Zeal and Pietie for Defence of Religion , desire their Confirmation of their Votes , Suppression of Heresies , hereticks , and powr out prayers for , and Petitions to them . The Titles of their Epistles to them are : Pientissimis , Religiosissimis , ac Deo dilectissimis Theodosio & Valentiniano Victoribus , triumphatoribus ac semper Augustis , Sancta Synodus per gratiam Dei , et Dominationis vestrae nutum , Ephesi congregata . The 1. Epistle to them begins thus , b Jam inde à progenitoribus pietas vestra Christi amantes ac pientissimi Reges rectam est consecuta fidem , et hanc quotidie evehit multumque curarum veritatis impendit dogmatibus . Quorum gratia cum perturbatio non solum in magna illa Civitate , sed & in universo terrarum orbe per ea dogmata fieret quae a Nestorio sunt praedicata , de Sanctorum Patrum , sanctorumque Apostolorum & Evangelistarum traditione , non contempsit vestra Dominatio perturbatas Ecclesias , et adulterata fidei ac verae pietatis dogmata ; sed ex universo orbe pietas vestra Metropolitanos pientissimos , et aliorum quoque quarundam Civitatum Episcopos congregari jussit , sufficiens ad eam rem temporis determinato spacio . After which they render them an Account of their proceedings in the Synod . Among other things they relate , Commentariis actorum , authoritatis gratia , pientissimos pietatis vestrae literas praemiserunt ; post quas fidei expositionem subiecimus , proposita primum ea quae a sanctis est ●radita Apostolis ; deinde et ea quae per sanctos trecentos decem et octo Patres Niceae quondam a beatae memoriae Constantino congregatos , est facta expositio : cujus fidem dominatio vestra illustriorem reddidit . And concludes it thus ; Oramus autem vestram Dominationem ut universam ipsius ( Nestoris ) doctrinam et sanctis Ecclesis tolli , et libres ejus ubicunque inventi fuerint , igni tradi jubeat , quibus gratiam Dei , qui benevolentiae gratia homo factus est , reprobare conatur . Quod si quis sancita vestra contempserit , denuncietur illi , timendam ipsi esse dominationis vestrae indignationem : not their Anathema . They thus begin their Fourth Epistle : * Dominatio quidem vestra ad confirmandam pietatem sanctae Synodo diligentiorem dogmatum examinationem facere praecepit , quam et fecimus , veteri Patrum , imo et sanctorum Apostolorum et Evangelistarum , et trecentorum decem et octo qui Niceae congregati fuerunt , traditioni obtemperantes , quam et concorditer interpretati sumus , et animo uno vestrae pietati manifestam in Commentariis actorum exhibuimus , et in quibus et Nestorium diversa sentire depraehensum deposuimus . After which they inform the Emperors of Candidianus his favouring Nestorius , * and indirect proceedings in the Council ( of which the Emperors made him President ) desiring the Emperors to send for him , and what Bishops they pleased , qui res gestas coram vestra sancta pietate , tueantur . In the beginning of their 5. Epistle , they write : * Quae sanctae sunt Synodo a dominatione vestra mandata , ad competentem deducta sunt effectum , id quod pietati vestrae notum fecimus : Relating the particulars at large , they conclude & pray , Quae a sancta aecumenica Synodo ad pietatis subsidium contra Nestorium , et impium illus scripta sunt dogma , suum habere robur , per pietatis vestrae nutum et assensum confirmata . Their 6. Epistle to them thus begins . * Deus ille omnium Christi amantes Imperatores , qui curam vestram ac diligentiam quam pietati impenditis gratam ac acceptam habet , etiam Episcoporum qui per occidentem sunt animos zelo , ad vindicandum Christum , contumelia affectum excitavit , &c. And thus concludes , Quoniam itaque causa haec finem consecuta est , cum Dominationi vestrae optatum , tum Ecclesiis omnibus securissimum , & qui fidei suam adferat similitudinem , Pietatem vestram oramus , ut jam nos , alios paupertate obrutos , alios morbis detentos , alios seniogravatos , et peregrinationem hanc amplius ferre non valentes , ita ut et aliqui ex nobis Episcopi et Clerici jam sint mortui , ab hac cura , et perigrinatione liberet , ut ista sedata sollicitudine , magnae Civitatis Ecclesiae curam geramus . Supplicamus etiam ut ad eos , qui singulis sint locis , literas comminatorias mittat , ne denuo alia suscitetur Ecclesiis molessia , ac perturbatio sanctissimis Episcopis in ipsorum regionibus oriatur . Etenim facta jam pietatis declaratione & Vniverso Orbe consonum de illa sententiam ferente , paucis demptis , Nestorii amicitiam pietate praeferentibus gratiam hanc haud immeritam , petimus , dominationi vestrae supplicantes , ut nos cura ista deinceps liberet , ut ordinationi futuri Episcopi incumbamus , et in fide jam et Pietate confirmata nos Oblectemus , purasque ac synceras pro dominatione vestra Preces omnium Domino Christo destinemus . Their 8. Epistle to them is thus prefaced . * Regia quidem vestra et Christi amans Majestas , Pientissimi Reges , a pueris Zelum circa fidem et Canones declaravit , cujus etiam gratia , Orbis Episcopos ad Ephesiorum Civitatem concurrere pia Sanctione praecepit , verum literae Serenitatis vestrae jam nobis per magnificentissimum et Gloriosissimum Comitem Johannem sectae , haud modicam attulere perturbationem , innuentes imposturam quandam et mendacium pro veracibus quosdam vestris auribus objecisse , &c. And thus they conclude it ; Sublimitati vestrae supplicamus , ut a sancta Synodo , quos dominatio vestra probaverit vocentur , ut coram regia vestra , et Christi amans Majestas de omnibus certius instruatur . Their 9. Epistle hath this Exordium , and Progress : * Non est quidem Dominatio vestra passa rectam fidem quasi cuniculis quibusdam suffodi per Nestorii doctrinam , &c. Ob hanc causam , Vniversi ad pietatis vestrae dominationem confugimus supplicantes , ut quae contra Nestorium et illi consentientes sunt gesta , robut suum habeant ; quae vero ab illis , qui Nestorium vindicant , eo quod cum illo sentiunt , contra Synodi nostrae Duces illegitime facta sunt , inefficacia et irrita maneant , ut neque convenienter , neque canonice , sed contra eos qui de nullo sunt delicto convicti , sola ulciscendi libidine ab illis sunt gesta , qui contra sanctam Synodum cum Nestorio sentiunt . All depending upon their Imperial Edicts , Orders , Ratifications . * St. Cyril and Memnon begin their Book against Nestorius presented to this Council , in this manner . Divum Imperatorum decretum , et nos et vestram Sanctitatem in Ephesiorum Metropoli convenire jussit , ut et rectam Apostolicae fidei determinationem communi sententia confirmemus , et haeresim a Nestoro recens inductam probemus . These Emperors commanded all the Bishops summoned to appear in this Council , not to depart thence til all things were concluded : And because the Bishops there assembled were incensed against each other , each of them endeavouring to maintain his opinion , party by indirect means , the Emperors declared all things thus obtained to be nulled , & sent his Secretary of State , & some of his own Palace , together with the most famous Earl Candidianus , to this Council to preside therin , & see they acted nothing but what they by their Letters enjoyned them , & not to depart thence : as this clause in the Emperors Letters to the Council evidenceth . * Et obeam causam quisquam è nostro palatio , una cum preclarissimo Comite Candidiano missus fuerit , qui quaegesta sunt , secundum nostram jussionem cognoscat , et quae sunt inconvenientia prohibeat , neque abscedat quisquam congregatorum Episcoporum ab Ephesiorum Civitate , neque ad Majestatis nostrae veniat exercitum , nec in Patriam suam revertatur , ita ut ista nemini , quacunque spe ducto , transgredi liceat . Sufficiant quidem istae literae ad denunciandum vestrae pietati , ne quid aliud praeter nostram jussionem iis quae facta sunt adjiciatis . Sciat tamen Sanctitas vestra , etiam illustrissimis provinciarum primoribus esse scriptum , ut neminem prorsus sine nostra jussione in patriam ac civitatem suam reversum recipi sinant . Oportet enim , ut omnia primum jurta id quod Deo placiturum est , sine contentione et cum veritate examinata , tum demum a nostra pietate corroborentur ; neque enim Majestas nostra hominum jam aliquorum , neque sanctissimi ac pientissimi Nestorii , neque cujusquam alterius , sed ipsius Doctrinae ac veritatis * curam gerit . Finally , these Emperours made their chief Secretary of State , and privy Counsellor Register in this Synod ; in their Epistles to the Bishops in this Council , expresse their great care of Religion ; and towards the cloze thereof , sent the most glorious John , Count of Sacred Things , to know what they had done concerning the Faith , that they might do what he should deem profitable for that end . * Celestino , Ruffo , Augustiniano , & reliquis religiosissimis Episcopis : Quantum zeli circa pietatem , et progenitorum nostrorum fidem ostenderimus , multis quidem ( ut arbitramur ) praecedentibus * Judiciis perspicue declaratum est : non minus autem illud et in eo , quod Synodum vestram nuper convocavimus , Vniverso Orbi manifestatum esse credimus , &c. Sciat etiam Sanctitas vestra , quod praeclarissimum et Gloriosissimum Johannem Comitem Sacrorum ob eam causam misimus , ut ubi ille pietatis vestrae circa fidem scopum cognoverit , quae ipsi videbuntur utilia faciatis . By all which passages of this famous General Council , the Emperors Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , Judicature , care of the true Faith and Religion is most fully and clearly demonstrated beyond contradiction . Pope Coelestine himself was summoned to it , and excused his absence , but did not substitute * St. Cyril to supply his place therein , as some Romanists fable . The Oriental Bishops assembled in this Council favouring Arrius and Nestorius , by faction opposed Cyril and Memnon , making a Relation of their proceedings therein to * Callimot King of Persia , ( who commanded the Bishops under him to appear at this Council ) to incense him against them , thus praying his assistance against their actings . Pietas vestra , quae benefaciendo orbi et Ecclesiis Dei clarescit , jussit nos in Ephesio congregari , ita ut inde lucrum et pa● Ecclesiae accresceret , non ut omnia confusione et deordinatione implerentur ; et haec vestrae Majestatis edicta apertè et manifestè piam vestram et pacificam pro Ecclesiis Dei indicabant mentem . Atqui Cyrillus Alexandrinus , ad perniciem Ecclesiarum ( ut videtur ) & natus & educatus , assumpto cooperatore Memnonis Ephesiorum audacia ; primum quidem placidum et pium vestrum edictum transgressus est , per omnia se illi non subditum declarans . Nam cum vestra Majestas praeceperit , de fide diligens examen et inquisitionem haberi , &c. assumpta sibi authoritate propria , neque a Canonibus , neque vestris edictis sibi concessa , convertit ad omne deordinationis , et iniquitatis genus , &c. Proinde obsecramus et oramus , ut vestra Majestas quamprimum religioni quae impugnatur subsidium ferat , et celerem correctionem imponat illorum insaniae et tyrannidi , quae quasi turbo ad Haereticam perfidiam audaciores corripit . Iustum enim est , ut vestra pietas , Persidis et earum quae inter Barbaros sunt , Ecclesiarum * curam gerens , Ecclesias etiam quae sub Romanorum principatu turbantur , non despiciat . * The Orthodox Bishops on the contrary , writ for the restitution , vindication of St. Cyril and Memnon to these Emperors ; Supplicamus igitur Regiae vestrae Deoque dicatae Majestati , ut sanctissimos et Deo dilectissimos Episcopos Cyrillum & Memnonem Sanctae Synodo restituatis , nequaquam a Canonibus condemnatos , &c. et ut patrocinium orthodoxae fidei , quam hactenus et semper custodire sategistis . So that both the Orthodox and Heretical Bishops in this Council acknowledged this Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ( by all these passages , ) to be in the Emperors and Kings , not them . In the year 433. a Pope Sixtus the 3d. was accused to the Emperor Valentinian , for defiling Chrysogonia , a consecrated Virgin , by one Bassus a Presbyter ; who thereupon commanded a Synod to be summoned to examine the accusation ; where this Pope appearing , cum coram Synodo 56. Presbyterorum , causam dixissset , cum magna examinatione ( in the presence of Valentinian ) judicio Synodico purgatus est , et condemnatus Bassus a Synodo ; Bassus Valentiniani jussu in exilium pulsus est . Lo here this Pope himself is 1. accused to the Emperor for Ecclesiastical offences by a Priest , as the Supream Ecclesiastical Judge . 2. The Emperor causeth a Synod to be summoned to hear and examine the cause ; which he referrs unto them . 3ly . This Pope thereupon appears before this Synod , and in the Emperors presence pleads his cause , purgeth himself , and is acquitted by their Sentence . 4ly . His accuser is condemned and banished by the Emperor , who approved their Sentence . I find in b Surius De purgatione Sixti Papae 3. this Narrative , That when the businesse was fully examined in the Synod , Levavit se Augustus , ac dedit in arbitrio Sexti Episcopi , judicare judicium suum : Et discesserunt cum Augusto omnes . An Argument of his Supream Judicature even in Synods . There is extant a Letter of this Popes in c Gratian , directed Omnibus Episcopis , requiring an account of this difference , and the proceedings therein : to whom he returned this answer . Mandastis ut scriberem , &c. Scitote me criminari a quodam Basso , & injustè me prosequi : quod audiens Valentinianus Augustus , nostra ( instead of sua ) authoritate Synodum congregari jussit , et facto Concilio cum magna examinatione , satisfaciens omnibus , licet evadere aliter satis potuissemus , suspicionem tamen fugiens , coram omnibus me purgavi , scilicet a suspicione et aemulatione me liberans . Sed non aliis qui noluerint , aut sponte hoc non eligerint , faciendi formam dans . On which Bartholmeus Buxiensis , and Dr. Thierry , to extenuate the matter , and exempt Popes from all Judicatures , make this Glosse . Valentinianus Synodum congregavit , in qua Papa sponte se purgavit , non dans formam caeteris successoribus suis sic se purgandi si noluerint . Mandastis , Mandat his minor majori , nam praecarium verbum est . Potuissem ( aliter evadere ) Quia Papa a nulo potest judicari , nec etiam ab universali Concilio , preterquam in haeresi . But whether these proceedings and Historians do not directly contradict this Gloss , and Popes extenuation of his trial ; let all men judge : Finally , these very d Glossers propound this question , Nunquid Papa potest Imperatori potestatem dare , ut deponeret ipsum ? Resolving it affirmatively . Sic , in Haeresi : & de consensu Cardinaliam , imo in omnibus se potest subiicere se : And if the Pope himself may give the Emperor such a power ; why may not the Emperor exercise it without his gift , by his inherent Imperial Jurisdiction , as Gods Supream Vicegerent upon earth , as here he did , especially in case of heresie , into which some Popes have fallen . It is storied , that Pope e Liberius was summoned to come from Rome , and appear at Constantinople before the Emperor Constantius for defending Athanasius , condemned and excommunicated by the Council of Tyre , and the whole world ; who thereupon appearing accordingly , after a large discourse ; Liberius refusing to renounce his communion and justifying Athanasius his cause , was by the Emperors sentence , banished to Berea in Thrace , after three dayes respite given him to advise , Whether he would subscribe against his communion , and so return to Rome , or go into exile ? In this conference he used these expressions to the Emperour ; Judicia quidem Ecclesiastica , O Imperator , summa cum aequitate fieri debent . Quapropter si tuae Clementiae ita visum sit , Iudicium haberiiubeto , &c. Then speaking for the Orthodox Bishops that were deprived ; he added . Quapropter , si placet , iube Episcopos ad proprias sedes restitui : ( though deprived by the Arrian Bishops in three Councils ) hereby acknowledging the Supream Ecclesiastical Judicature , and power of depriving , restoring Bishops for matters of Faith , to be in the Emperor . Liberius after two years exile ( upon the Petition of the Roman Matrons to this Emperor ) was restored to his See of Rome , which Felix governed during his absence : but with this direction in this Emperors Letters , Vtrosque communiter inter se Ecclesiam illam regere . Itaque lectis Imperatoris in Circo lit eris , plebs clamat , aequam esse Imperatoris sententiam : Hereupon , Ambobus porro & Felici & Liberio permissum est communiter sacra curare , et munus Apostolicum administrare . Qui quidem concordes fuere , & quicquid medio tempore accederat , rerum adversarum & tristium , per amnestiam & oblivionem absoluêre . Sed paulo post , Felix mortuus est , & solus Liberius Episcopatum administravit . Quod sic Deus , recte providit Ecclesiae , ita ut decebat rebus consulens , ne primaria Apostolorum sedes foedam illam et incommodam a duobus gubernata ducibus contraheret notam : quae res ab Ecclesiae constitutionibus est aliena : discordiamque ut plurimum conciliare solet , write a Nicephorus , Sozomen , and others . This Pope Liberius before his return to Rome , b taedio exilii fractus et Imperatoris beneficio illectus , Arrianis subscripsit , et in omnibus cum Arrianus sensit , praeterquam quod cum Catholicis sentiret , haereticos ad fidem redeuntes non esse rebaptizandos : which Baronius in vain denyes . This Pope , no doubt might be more justly removed , banished , deposed for his Heresie by the Emperor after his subscription and Apostacy , than he was at first for his orthodoxy , and friendship to Athanasius : unlesse the Pontificians will conclude with c Ennodius his censure of them ; Successores Petri , una cum Sedis privilegiis , peccandi quoque licentiam accepisse . It is the memorable saying of d Prosper Aquitanicus , That as it was the will of God , ut Evangelium Christi totus mundus audiret , & in eas gentes quae remotiores sunt , longe lateque percurreret : To effect this design , Ad cujus rei effectum credimus providentia Dei , Romani regni latitudinem praeparatam , ut Nationes vocatae ad Vnitatem corporis Christi , prius jure unius consociarentur Imperii : ( most of them turning Christians when Constantine the Great and other Emperors embraced and propagated the Christian faith ) quamvis gratia Christiana non contenta sit eosdem limites habere quos Roma , multosque ●am populos sceptro Crucis Christi illa subdiderit , quos armis suis ista non donavit . Qua tamen per Sacerdotii Apostolici principatum amplior facta est arce religionis , quam Solio Potestatis . And e elsewhere , De Obsequiis Debitis Principi , he thus determines , Mitibus et Sanctis , nulla est Spernanda Potestas , A Equum servire est Regibus , ac Dominis : Vt Christi famulis ad veram prosit honorem , Dilexisse bonos , & tolerasse malos . e Socrates Scholasticus , his Contemporary , hath this passage ; thus Englished by Bishop Hanmer his Translator . We have therefore throughout our History made mention of the Emperours , because that since they began to embrace the Christian Religion , the Ecclesiastical affairs seemed much to depend of them ; so that the chiefest Councils were in times past , and are at this day summoned by their consent and procurement ( not the Popes . ) And he there further observes , how when the Commonwealth hath been tossed and turmoyled with troublesom dissention and discord , the Church of God likewise ( as infected with the same contagious disease ) hath been altogether out of quiet . For whosoever with diligent observation will remember the aforesaid times , without doubt he shall perceive ( as our selves have lately done ) that when the Commonwealth was in an hurliburly , the Church in like sort was shaken with the storms of adversity : for either he shall find , that both at one time , were out of quiet , or that the ones misery ensued immediately after the others misfortune : and sometimes when the Church began to vary about Religion , the Commonwealth immediately followed after with Rebellion ; and some other times on the contrary . Therefore Godly Christian Emperors are the principal means under God to preserve the peace , and advance the felicity of Church and State , by having the Supream Jurisdiction in and over both , and endeavouring the defence , propagation of the true orthodox faith , and spiritual as well as temporal happinesse of their Subjects , as he proves throughout his Ecclesiastical History ; and Sozomenus too his coaetanean and fellow Historian in his History . Pope Leo the 1. flourishing about the year of Christ 450. with all the Churches , Clergy under him , earnestly besought the Emperor Theodosius the younger with Epistles and Tears , That he would command the General Council to be held within Italy ; which he would not grant , but summoned the Council at Ephesus , and them to appear thereat . A clear confession of the Emperors , and disclaimer of his own Ecclesiastical Superiority : especially if compared with his 24. & 25. Epistles to the Emperor Theodofius , where he writes thus ; Ecce ego , Christianissime Imperator , consacerdotibus meis implens erga reverentiam Clementiae vestrae synceri amoris officium , cupiensque vos per omnia placere Deo , cui pro vobis ab Ecclesia supplicatur , &c. In his 59 Epist . to the Emperor Martian , he writes thus , Unde ineffabiliter Deo gratias ago , qui eo tempore quo oboritura Haereticorum scandala praesciebat Vos in Imperii fastigio collocavit , in quibus ad totius mundi salutem , et regia potentia , et Sacerdotalis vigeret industria . Epist . 60. to the Empress Pulcheria he thus expresseth himself , Per quam significationem Clementiae vestrae , absolutè me gaudere , et incessabilibus , a Deo precibus postulare , ut vos et Romanae Reipublicae , et Catholicae Ecclesiae in omni prosperitate conservet . In his Epist . 74. to the Emperour Leo , he writes ; Non desinimus gratias agere , et providentiam Dei , in fidei vestrae fervore benedidicere , qui sancto et Catholico Spiritu , ita Haereticorum impudentiae restitistis . In his 78. Epistle to the same Emperor , he begins thus . Multo gaudio mens mea exultat in Domino , et magna mihi est ratio gloriandi , cum Clementiae vestrae excellentissimam fidem augeri per omnia donis gratiae celestis agnosco , &c. Epist . 99. to the same Emperor Leo he writes thus : Sciat igitur Clementia vestra omnes Ecclesias Dei cum laude vestra exultare pariter et laetari . Inveniemur impares in gratiarum actione si nostri tantum oris angustiis Vniversalis Ecclesiae gaudia celebremus , &c. Yea this Pope himself in these and other his Epistles , exhorts all these Emperors , to defend the Christian saith against Hereticks defined in the Councils of Nice , Ephesus , and Chaelcedon , against all Hereticks that opposed their Creeds ; by their Imperial Edicts to disannuall all Constitutions of heretical Councils , Bishops ; and represse all Hereticks or Heresies contrary to them , and not suffer them to redebate the Articles of faith established in them . The same Pope Leo in his 7. Epistle highly commends Theodosius the Emperor , for his most pious care of the true Christian faith and religion , Ne scilicet in populo Dei , aut Schismata , aut Haereses , aut ulla scandala convaleseant . And Epistola 33. writing of the Priscillianists and their Heresies first breaking out in the world ; he thus relates the zeal and Edicts of Princes then made against them . Quando mundi Principes ita hanc sacrilegam amentiam detestati sunt , ut Authorem ejus , ac plerosque discipulos legum publicarum ense prosternerant . Videbant enim omnem curam honestatis auferri , simulque divinorum jus humanumque subrui , si hujusmodi hominibus vivere , cum tali professione licuisset . Et profuit diu ista districtio Ecclesiae lenitati ; quae etsi Sacerdotali contenta judicio , et cruentas refugit ultiones , severis tamen Christianorum Principum constitutionibus adjuvatur , ut ad spirituale nomumquam recurrant remedium , qui timent corporale supplicium . What stronger , clearer evidence then these of this Pope Leo can we desire , to prove the Supremacy of Christian Emperors , Princes in divine and Ecclesiastical affairs , and over Popes themselves , and that they ought to take speciall care to preserve , propagate the true Christian faith , and suppresse all Heresies , Schisms , and scandalous crimes repugnant thereunto Primasius Bishop of Utica in Africk , in his Commentary on 1 Tim. 2. Orate pro Regibus , &c. thus descants ; ut cognoscant Deum , sive ut subjectas habeant Gentes ; in illorum enim pace quies nostra consistit ; si enim Christiani sunt , cessabit persecutionis impetus . Hoc enim bonum est , & acceptum coram salvatore nostro , Vt et vos ( especially if Christian Kings ) sicut et ille , omnes homines salvari cupiatis ▪ And Com : l. 2. in Apoc. c. 17. p. 101 , 102. He thus describes the Soveraign power of the Roman Emperors typified by St. John : Proprie autem septem capita , septem montes , ut Romam , quae super septem montes praesidet significans , omni quod orbe Monarchiae praefuit Dominatu , ad istorum Regum similitudinem adduxisset , & in Roma inviniri totius Regnipotentiam figuraret . Septenario autem numero voluit universalitatem ipsius Dominationis ost endere ; as well over Popes , as others within their Territories . The General Council of Chalcedon Anno 451. consisting of no lesse then 630. Bishops and Fathers of the Church , was summoned by the Emperors Martian & Valentinian , fidelium facta est Synodus ex decreto piissimorum Imp. Martiani et Valentiniani . Martianus in his Epistle to Pope Leo concerning its summons , writes thus ; De studio & oratione nostra , Sanctitas tua non dubitat , quoniam Christianorum religionem et Catholicam fidem firmiter volumus permanere , et ab omni populo pia mente servari . Denique sollicitudinem nostrae potentiae , ex recta religione et propiciatione Salvatoris nostri consistere , non ambigunt . These Emperors Valentinianus and Martianus in their Letters to this Council ( first convened by them at Nice ) to remove to Chalcedon , since by reason of their other affairs they could not repair to Nice , and their presence was necessary in this Council , use this memorable expression ; Illud enim praecavemus , licet Nos hic publicae causae retineant , quoniam quae prosint verae et orthodoxae fidei , et paci et disciplinae sanctarum Ecclesiarum , OMNIBUS ARBITRAMUR ESSE PRAEPONENDA , nec dubitamus quia etiam vestrae sanctitati hoc placebit . Nos enim propter ferventissimum Dei zelum , publicarum rerum necessarias utilitates in praesenti distulimus , multum desiderantes ea ; quae et orthodorae et verae sunt fidei , tranquillitatis nostrae praesentia confirmari . Orare ergo dignemini pro nostro Imperio , quatenus et hostes Nobis subditis efficiantur , et pax in Vniverso orbe firmetur , et Romanae res secure consistant ; quod etiam nunc vos facere iudicamus . In their Epistle to Dioscorus Patriarch of Antioch they write , Cunctis constitit manifestum , quia nostrae reipublicae status , & omnia humana , divina pietate moderantur atque firmantur . Deo enim propicio constituto prospere & secundum vota nostra gubernari res & proficere solent . imperium ergò divino nutu sortiti , subditis pro pietate et mansuetudine si militer necessaria plurimam sollicitudinem impartimus , quatenus et vera religio , et nostra respublica , cultu Dei purissimo , et pietate firma praefulgeat . When the Council met at Chalcedon by their Summons , the Emperor Martianus , accompanied with his Empress , and Senators , made a most pious Oration to them ; with this memorable Exordium . Cum primum per electionem in regnum de secreto Dei provecti sumus , inter tantas publicas utilitates , nullum magis Nos constrinxit negotium quam rectam et veram fidem Christianorum , quae sancta et veneranda consistit , indubitatam omnibus declarare . Then taxing those Bishops and Clergymen who out of avarice and vainglory had broached Heresies , to the prejudice of the Orthodox faith , and Churches peace , which he had summoned them to settle by his authority . He subjoyns , Nobis autem omne studium adhibendum est , ut populus propter veram sanctamque doctrinam ipsum sentient uni rectae applicare Ecclesiae . And therefore he exhorts them to addresse themselves with all expedition and sincerity , truly to expound the Catholick faith , and disperse the clowd of Error in this Synod ; ut semper servantur quae statuta sunt . Erit quidem divinae providentiae , quod pie fieri volumus , in seculo hoc confirmare firmissima . Et post Regis haec verba , omnes Episcopi clamaverunt : Martiano novo Constantino multi anni : Orthodoxis multi anni ; Martiano amatori Christi , Regnum vestrum in perpetuum permaneat , digni Orthodoxae fidei amatoris . In this Council , the Emperor , & Gloriosissimi Judices , & amplissimus Senatus , are * first named in every Session , sate in the midst and chiefest place , and were the Presidents , Moderators , chief Judges in this Council , as the frequent repetitions of , Gloriossimi Judices & amplissimi Senatus , dixerunt , through all the Acts and Sessions of this Council , resolve ; and these oft repeated acclamations of the Bishops approving their decisions and resolves : * Multi anni Imperatoribus , Deus qui hoc fecit . Multi anni Imperatorum , Magnorum Imperatorum multi anni , multi anni Senatus , multi anni Iudicum , Orthodoxorum multi anni , Haec integra ab initio ; haec pax Ecclesiarum . Piissimis et Christi Amantibus nostris , nostris Imperatoribus Flavio Valentiniano , et Flavio Martiano , Victoribus et Triumphatoribus semper Augustis , multi anni . Hence they with divers other Archimandritae , or Abbots in their Epistle to the Emperour Martianus pray thus for him . Ut iterum per sanctos Patres sancta fide confirmata , possimus reliquum tempus vitae nostrae castè & piè vivere , & in pace incessanter consuetas orationes offerre Domino nostro Christo pro diuturnitate aterni vestri Imperii , qui et sua bona voluntate invisibiliter , nobis donavit Imperium Divinissimi Augusti . After this , Actio 6. Martianus the Emperor making two Orations to the Council , the one in Latin , the other in Greek , ( Recorded in the Acts thereof . ) All the whole Council at the end of both his Oratitions cryed out , * Multi anni Imperatori , multi anni Augustae , Orthodoxis multos annos , Imperatori multos Annos , Augustae Orthodoxae multos annos , Maritiano Amatori Christi , vestrum nobis duret Imperium , semper nobis Imperatis , digne ex Orthodoxa fide , Amatoribus Christi procul invidia . After which these Bishops having tendered a Confession of their Faith to the Emperour , Omnes clamaverunt , Omnes sic credimus , &c. Martiano novo Constantino , novo Paulo , novo David , multos Annos , David Imperatori pro Domino , vitam ei , Novo Constantino , Novo Martiano . Vos fides nostra ; Christus quem honoras , ipse te eustodiet , Orthodoxam fidem tu roborasti . Sicut Apostolici ita creditis , Augustae multos annos . Vos lumina Orthodoxae fidei , propter haec ubique Pax est , lumina Pacis . Domine tu custodi Luminaria mundi , Domine tu custodi . Perpetua memoria Novo Constantino . Quae ex genere Orthodoxa est , Deus eam custodiat . Eam quae semper pia est , Deus custodiat . Pia , Orthodoxa quae contraria est Haereticis , Deus eam Custodiat . Omnes Haereticos tu fugasti , Nestorium et Eutichen tu persecutaes . Absit invidia a vestro Imperio , fideles Imperatores sic honorantur . Deus custodiat potestatem vestram , Deus pacificet imperium vestrum . Martianus novus Constantinus , Pulcheria nova Helena . zelum Helenae tu sectaris , vestra vita munimen cunctorum est , vestra fides Ecclesiarum Gloria est . Afterwards the Emperor rendring publique thanks to God for Composing the manifold discords of those who had erred concerning the Faith , and that now in unam eandemque Religionem omnes nunc una voluntate convenerimus , sperantes celerrimam vestris ad divinitatem Precibus et cura omnem pacem Nobis a Deo donari ; Omnes Clamaverunt , Haec digna vestro Imperio , Haec propria vestri regni , &c. Coelestis Rex terrenum custodi . Per te fides firmata est Coelestis , Augustam custodi . Per te fides firmata est . Vnus Deus qui hoc fecit , Coelestis Rex Augustam custodi dignam paci , &c. Per vos Fides , per vos Par. Haec Oratio Ecclesiarum . Haec Oratio Pastorum . Again . Omnes clamaverunt , Multos annos Imperatori , Multos annos Augustis , Piae et Christianae Augustae Orthodoxae multi anni . Multos annos piae et Matricae Christi , Imperium vestrum Deus custodiat . In perpetuum maneat vestrum Imperium . In this * Council Actio 1. when some would have added an explanation to the Canon of the Council of Nice , the Egyptian , Oriental and other Bishops cried out , Nemo suscepit adjectionem , nemo diminu ionem . Quae in Nicea constituta sunt , teneant ; Catholicus Imperator hoc jussit . Quod Imperialis praecipit autoritas , omnibus modis observandum est ; Iustum est quae a piissimo Principe praecepta erant effectui mancipari . Et necesse nobis erit in omnibus Imperatoris Christi amore cedere jussioni . Omnia referantur ad cognitionem Clementiae Imperialis , postulamus ejus referri Clementiae , &c. Iussum est a Domino orbis terrae , ut Synodus de Flaviano prius judicaret . Actio 11. Bassianus Bishop of Ephesus humbly petitioned the Emperours Valentinian and Martian , to be restored to his Bishoprick , and goods , of which he was forcibly dispossessed by Souldiers , without hearing ut iis petitis consuetas Orationes referam , incessanter Deo pro vestrae Potestatis Imperio . In this Council , there are frequent recitals of Sancta & magna & Vniversalis Synodus quae gratia Dei secundum Sanctionem piissimorum , b et Deo amantis suorum Imperatorum immaculata collecta est in Chalcedonensi Civitate . Imperator Episcopos vocavit . Placuit et nunc piissimis et Christianissimis Imperatoribus nostris sancire , sanctam et magnam vestram Synodum huc concurrere quatenus quae nuper emerserunt de catholica & immaculata nostra fide quaerantur ; et ea radicitus evellantur ; & ne fortè trahentia & retrahentia , simplicissimos aliquos in foveam perfidis et erroris impingent , quia tanta eis est de pietate solicitudo , et ut ea custodiantur in perpetuum , inconcussa et immaculata quae de Orthodoxa Religione nostra pridem quidem a beatissimis patribus quae in Nicea convenerunt sunt exposita . Their Letters of Summons sent to Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria , and other Bishops , begin thus . Imperatores Caesares , &c. Omnibus constat manifestum , quia nostrae reipublicae dispositio et universa humana per pietatem circa Deum continentur et confirmantur . When this General Council , by the Emperors Judges and Senators approbation , had finished their determinations concerning the Christian faith ; the Emperors ratified them by their Imperial Lawes , Edicts , prohibiting all Conventicles , Disputations , Heresies , and Bookes against them , as their Lawes recorded in c Surius , d Justinian , and others ( over tedious to relate ) demonstrate : wherein they declare , Tandem aliquando quod summis votis atque studiis optabamus , evenit . Remota est de Orthodoxa Christianorum lege contentio ; tandem remedia culpabilis erroris inventa sunt , et discors populorum sententia in unum consensum concordiamque convenit . Cessat igitur jam prophana contentio . Nam in contemptores hujus Legis poena non deerit , quia non solum contra fidem bene compositam veniunt , sed etiam Iudaeis et Paganis ex hujusmodi certamine prophanant veneranda mysteria . Sacro nostrae Serenitatis Edicto venerandam Synodum confirmantes , admonuimus Vniversos , ut de religione disputare desinant , &c. In this General Council of Chalcedon , I shall observe these three Passages relating to the Glorious Lay-Judges , and Senate presiding therein by the Emperors appointment . 1. That when the e Bishops in the Synods first Session , were divided against each other , in the Cases of Theodoretus and Dioscorus , some crying out against the one , that he should be thrust out of the Synod ; others , that he should sit , and the other side excluded : Impugnatorem Dei foras mittite , Judaeum foras mittite ; Seditiosos foras mittite , &c. Multos annos Augustae , Catholico Imperatori multos annos . Thereupon Gloriosissimi Iudices et amplissimus Senatus dixerunt , Acclamationes istae populares neque Episcopos decent , neque partes juvant . 2. That in the debates concerning the Orthodox faith , a Gloriosissimi Judices et amplissimus Senatus dixerunt , in judicio fidei non est is●a defensio . De Recta quidem & Catholica side , perfectius sequenti die convenienti Concilio , diligentierem Examinationem fieri oportere perspicimus . Nunc autem hoc quaerendum & studendum & judicandum est , ut vera fides contineatur , pro qua maximè & Concilium facturi est , &c. directing the Bishops how to proceed therein , and informing them of the Emperors resolution and their own concerning it , in these words ; Scire enim vos velumus quia tam divinissimus & piissimus Orbis terrarum Dominus , quam Nos , Catholicam fidem à 318. & à 150. necnon etiam a caeteris sanctissimis & gloriosissimis patribus traditam , custodimus , & secundum ipsam credimus ; Whereupon , Reverendissimi Episcopi clamant ; Expositionem alteram nullus facit , neque tentamus , neque audemus exponere . Docuerunt eam Patres , & in scriptis custodiantur quae ab eis sunt exposita , & citra ea dicere non possumus . Sufficiunt quae exposita sunt , alteram expositionem non licet fieri . Gloriosissimi Judices & amplissimus Senatus dixerunt , Recitentur quae exposita sunt a Sanctis 318 Patribus in Nicea congregatis . Whereupon the Nicene Creed was read , with the Epistle of Leo , and other Treatises in defence thereof : then voted by the Judges , Senate , Council , and ratified by the Emperors Edicts . 3ly . That when the complaints of the Orthodox Bishops unjustly deprived in a former Council at Ephesus by Dioscorus and others , were there fully heard , the former proceedings against them read , and Witnesses examined by the Judges with those who deposed them ; the Judges and Senate , not the Council , gave this final sentence therein ; Gloriosissimi Iudices , et amplissimus Senatus , dixerunt : Quoniam verò Flavianus religiosae memoriae , b & Eusebius reverendus Episcopus ex gestorum & cogniionum scrutatione , & ipsa voce quorundam qui huic Synodo praefuerint , confitentium se errasse , & frustra eos damnasse : quia nihil circa fidem monstrantur crasse , ostenduntur injuste depositi , Videtur nobis ( secundum quod Deo placitum est ) Iustum esse ( si placuerit divinissimis et pussimis Dominis nostris ) eidem paellae Dioscorum reverend . Episcopum Alexandriae , & Juvenalem reverendum Episcopum Hierosolymorum , & Thalassium reverend . Episcopum Caesariae Cappadociae , & Eusebium reverend . Episcopum Ancyrae , & Eustathium reverend . Episcopum Beryti , & Basileum reverend . Episcopum Seleucite Isauriae , qui potestatem et principatum Synodi tenuerunt , subjecere , et a sancto Concilio secundum regulas , ab Episcopali dignitate fieri alienos , omnibus quae acta sunt , ad sacrum Apicem ( the Emperors ) referendis . Hereupon Orientales , & qui cum ipsis reverendi Episcopi , clamaverunt , Hoc justum Iudicium : Multos annos Senatui , multos annos Imperatoribus . Impius semper fugit , Dioscorum Christus deposuit ; Homicidam Christus deposuit : Haec justa sententia ; Hoc justum concilium : Iustus Senatus , Iustum Concilium ; which they oft repeated . On the other side , Illyriani Episcopi dixerunt ; Omnes erravimus , omnes veniam mereamur . Has preces Concilio Catholico , has preces Augusto ; Omnes peccavimus , omnibus indulgeatur precamur ; omnes peccavimus , omnium miseremini . Omnes peccavimus , omnibus indulgete . Dioscorum in Synodo , c Dioscorum in Ecclesiis . These Interlocutions ended , Magnificentissimi , et gloriosissimi , et amplissimus Senatus et Iudices dixerunt , Quae interlocuta sunt , effectui mancipantur . After this judgement Dioscorus , was deprived and banished accordingly by the Emperor , and Proterus substituted in his place . 4ly . It is observable what d Melipthongus spake in this Council & debate , Quoniam igitur piissimus Imperator ex avita traditione consuevit orthodoxam continere fidem . Et in nullas sanctas regulas irrumpere , postulamus ejus referri Clementiae . Et si jusserit in criminali causa alterum pro altero decertare , et hoc suscipimus , praecipue quia universalem praecepit fieri Synodum . All which irrefragable Passages infallibly demonstrate these Emperors Supremacy in all religious and Ecclesiastical affairs in that age ; and that they reputed the maintenance , propagation of the true Orthodox faith , and their peoples spiritual Welfare ; the principal part of their Regal care , and Imperial office . These Religious zealous Emperors , as they ratified the Decrees for the Orthodox Faith made in this General Council of Chalcedon , so they did by this their Edict confirm those of the Council of Nice , summoned and formerly ratified by Constatine the Great , * Vnius et summi Dei nomen ubique celebretur : Nicenae fidei dudum a majoribus traditae , et divinae Religionis testimonio atque assertione firmatae observantia semper mansura teneat . Nullus haereticis ministeriorum locus , nullam ad exercendam animi obstinatioris dementiam pateat occasio , &c. In the General Council of Chalcedon , Actio 11. I find this Supplicatory Letter and Petition of Bassianus to the Emperors Valentinianus and Martianus , beginning thus ; * Terrae , marisque et totius humani generis Dominis ( therefore of all Popes certainly ) Flaviis Valentimano et Martiano perpetuis Augustis , Supplicatio & deprecatio , a Bassiano humili & pusillo Episcopo . Omnis salus violentiam patientium post Deum vestra tranquillitas est , praecipue autem Sacerdotum Christi . Quapropter et ego ad has preces veni , provolutus vestigiis vestris , ut mei misereamini . Then relating his case and grievance in being forcibly thrust out of the Bishoprick of Ephesus to which he was elected , of which he had 4. years possession , by Stephanus then Bishop ; He adds , Supplico vestrae pietati , et volvor divinis vestris sacratis vestigiis , quatenus sancire dignetur vestra caelestis potestas , sacra vestra subnotatione missa ad sanctum Concilium , ut cognitio fiat inter me miserrimum et eos qui in me talia praesumpserint , &c. Whereupon the Emperors referred his cause to the examination of the Council ; where both parties are heard ; Et gloriosissimi Iudices , appointed by the Emperors to preside in this Council , not the Bishops , directed the proceedings , examine the cause , and pronounce the Sentence , that both of them should be removed , as unduly elected and ordained , but retain the name of Bishops , that Bassianus should have an annual pension out of it during his life , and restitution to all goods taken from him , upon due proof thereof . In the b same General Council , Actio 13. Eunomius Bishop of Nicomedia , and all his Clergy , exhibited the like Petition to these Emperors , beginning as the former , Terrae , marisque , et totius gentis hominum Dominis , &c. Deus vobis Imperium , ut omnes gubernetis ( therefore Popes , as well as others ) ad salutem orbis terrarum , et pacem sanctarum Ecclesiarum juste donavit : Quapropter ante omnia , et per omnia ( mark it ) piissimi et Christi amantissimi Principes pro orthodoxae et saluberrimae fidei dogmatibus cogitatis , tam haereticorum fremitus extinguentes , quam pia ad lucem dogmata deducentes . Vnde prosternimus nos Majestatis vestrae vestigiis , ut jubeatis arceri injustitiam quae adversum nos a reverendissimo Episcopo Niceno Anastatio est praesumpta , quatenus valeamus congrua pace fruentes sine intermissione divina mysteria perficere , et consuetas orationes Domino Deo pro aeterna vestra potestate solvamus . Their complaint was , that Anastatius , neque honorem Dei prae oculis sumens , neque leges vestrae pietatis reveritus , had invaded their rights , quas nobis pietatis vestris legibus & Ecclesiasticis sanctionibus sunt collata , quae nullus aliquando praecessorum ejus jubere aut movere tentavit . Both parties are heard , and their case examined as the former , by the Gloriosissimi Judices ; not Bishops . * In the 14th Action of this Council , I meet with this memorable Petition of Salvinianus , Paros Episcopi , somewhat varying from the former , Piissimis et Christo amantissimis , et digne a Deo omnium honoratis Augustis Valentiniano & Martiano , preces & supplicatio , à Salviniano Episcopo . Dominus omnium videns Apostolicam et Orthodoxam fidem a dissimulatoribus interim fatigari , et omnem mundum seditionibus vexari , et suscitavit vestram pietatem universum mundum regere atque gubernare , et tumultus qui a nefandis exorti sunt , sanctorum doctrina reprimere , et claritatem atque soliditatem recti dogmate confirmare . Vnde juste vestrae tranquilitati ac de vobis dicit Deus , Exaltavi electum de plebe mea , Inveni David servum meum , &c. Credens itaque nutu divino super omnem principatum ac dominationem consistere vestrum Principatum ( therefore above the Popes , and Councils ) adsum supplicans et rogans vestram pietatem , ut mei providentiam fieri , et causam meam examinari praecipiatis ; Ego enim a puero eram in Monasterio dispensator omnium rerum , nihil de Episcopatu cogitans , neque rogans quemquam hujus gratia dignitatis . Dum ergo essem in Monachorum providentia constitutus , adstitit mihi repentè illius temporis Metropolitanus Episcopus cum provincialibus Episcopis , & me Paros ordinavit Episcopum , de qua in scriptis dejectus est Athanasius , ex gravissim is capitibus accusatus , nec volens pro illatis sibi criminibus reddere rationem , qui aliquando quidem Episcopatum repudiabat . Frequenter vero citationes vocantium cum ad Synodorum judicium , declinabat . Is enim in Ephesina Synodo ex praecepto Alexandrini praesulis in meam Ecclesiam superingressus est , & ego , praeter voluntatem meam ordinatus , expulsus sum . Et haec quidem ecta sunt habitatoribus illius civitatis dolentibus & lugentibus meam expulsionem . Supplico igitur et vestrae potentiae , ut jubeatis meam causam sub praesentia vestrae pietatis examinari , et placitum terminum dari ; ut et ego cum cunctis aliis consuetas orationes pro perpetua vestra potentia semper exolvam , Piissimi atque victores Principes . Salvianus Episcopus dictata et subscripsi et offero vestrae pietati . Baeronicianus vir devotissimus , Secretarius divini Consistorii legit . This Cause , and all the proceedings in it in two former Councils of Ephesus and Antioch , were fully heard , read and considered , and at last referred by the Judges themselves to Maximus Bishop of Antioch to settle , Salvianus in the mean time being to enjoy the Title of the Bishop of Paros , and receive maintenance out of it . I find in * Evagrius ( but not in the Acts of this Council ) a like Petition from Eusebius Bishop of Dorileum ; beginning thus , It behoveth your Majesties ( most noble and puissant Emperors ) to provide carefully for the quieting of all your loving Subjects , and to defend from injuries all other men , but especially the sacred Senate of Priesthood . And herein the divine Godhead , which hath granted unto you the rule and domination of the whole world , is truly honored ; wherefore seeing the Christian faith , and we our selves also have been oppressed , and unjustly molested by extreme wrong by Dioscorus , the most Reverend Bishop of the most Noble City of Alexandria , we are now come unto your wonted Clemency , to crave Iustice at your hands . Then complaining of his and Flavianus Bishops of Constantinoples unjust depositions from their Bishopricks in the Council of Ephesus , by the power and unjust practises of Dioscorus ; and accusing him of Blasphemy and Heresie ; he Petitions the Emperors on his bended knees , that his Petition might by his Letters be referred to the Council ; that both their doings might therein by justly examined , and indifferently heard before them , and then certified to their Imperial Majesties , to do them right . By all which Petitions , even of these Bishops themselves , the Soveraign Authority of Christian Emperors and Kings in and over all Ecclesiastical causes ; persons , and in matters of faith , religion , and final Right of Appeals to them from unjust Judgements given not only by Bishops , but General Councils in the very case of deprivation of Bishops for Heresie and Ecclesiastical offences , is so clearly set forth by words and actions , that nothing can be more full and satisfactory . The Emperor Leo by his Letters to all Metropolitans in the very beginning of his reign , confirmed the Orthodox faith professed heretofore by his Predecessors ; yet notwithstanding , the Heretical faction at Alexandria , in the absence of Dionysius Captain of the Garrison , elected Timotheus Aelius ( an heretick , and oppugner of the Council of Chalcedon ) for their Bishop , and barbarously slew Proterius their orthodox Bishop , thrusting Timotheus into his place ; whereupon all the Bishops of Aegypt and Clergy of Alexandria by a supplicatory Epistle complained to this Emperor Leo the 1. of this outrage , desiring Justice and redresse : wherein they relate , A superna gratia modo divinitus condonatus , justè non cessas pro communi utilitate cogitare , post Deum cunctorum venerabilis Imperator . Quapropter omnis fortitudo verborum tuis vincitur actibus . Nuper enim electus a Deo et purpura exornatus optimum judicasti propositum tuum magnum ostendere , quem ipse omnium Creator elegit , benignius initiis largitatem remunerando bonorum , quando repentè in ipso principio voce vestra ex scripto procedente piissimo , ad Sanctissimos Metropolitanos , Episcopos , inerumpibilem Ecclesiae Catholicae crepidinem roborasti , et priorum omnium , piiss imorumque Principum constituta , pro Orthodora religione firmasti . Insuper & ea , quae nuper a sanctae memoriae Martiano , Principe nostro sancita sunt consona decernente , nihil 〈◊〉 estis mercati , quam pacem omnium & stabilitatem reipublicae , fraenantes linguas eorum qui adversus Ecclesias consurgunt , et blasphemant Deum , aut in cum quecunque modo delinquunt . Injuria namque Dei manifesta est , haereticorum alscindentium semetipsos à recta ●ide , licentia . Quapropter hoc optime sciens ven●rabilis Imperator , maligni prolem existere insidiantes quieti sanctarum Christi semper Ecclesiarum , earumque immutilatam pacem consistere non scientes , recte provi●●●●rum tuam studuisti mox adhiberi , ei per omnia resistentem , QUOD EST OPUS PIISSIMORUM PRINCIPUM ( let Popes and Prelates observe it ) pro orthodo●a wfide pugnantium , et resistentium 〈◊〉 malis extrinsecus venientibus , ET ANIMABUS FIDELIUMADVERSANTIBUS . Hunc igitur animum te possidente religiosum et tutorem humani generis tantumque circa Christum studium demonstrantem , adimus ex nos , importabilia mala passi , licet peccatores Christi Pontifices : Then relating their grievances , the election of Timotheus , the murder of Proterius , the growth of heresie , opposing the orthodox faith , and violent thrusting them out of their Churches , at large , to the Emperor , thus pray redresse from him as their only Supream Ecclesiastical Judge and Protector . Sanciri praecipite ut expulsi sine calumnia ad suas Ecclesias , in pace celebrantes , pro vestra pietate solennes orationes , cum quiete servari , urbemque pariter et in ea sanctas Ecclesias constitutas ad Christi gloriam et salutem , et perpetuitatem vestrae Christianissimae pietatis ; Literas dirigentes , pro his quae poscimus ad magnificentissimum Dionysium Ducem , necnon ad singularum provinciarum Iudices ( not to the Pope , or any Clergy-men ) quatenus ea quae a vestra mansuetudine sunt sancita , et servantur , et effectui contradantur . Hereupon this pious Emperor presently sent abroad his Letters to all the Cities , Bishops and Churches under his Empire ; wherein he declares , Votum quidem mei pietatis fuit universas orthodoxorum sanctas Ecclesias , necnon et Civitates sub Romano Imperio constitutas , maxima frui quiete , nihilque contingere , quod possit earum statum tranquillitatemque turbare , &c. Then relating the tumults at Alexandria in electing Timotheus their Bishop ; he requires them all to summon all their Bishops and Clergy together , and examining all these things with deliberate care and fidelity , to certifie him their several opinions concerning his election , and the Council of Chalcedons determinations . This they accordingly did , by their respective Letters returned to the Emperor collected by * Surius ; being 38. in number ( one from Pope Leo the 1. ) subscribed with above 500 Bishops hands , wherein they approve the Council of Chalcedon , desiring the Emperor to ratifie it by his new Imperial Edicts , condemn Timotheus and election , and most lively , fully set forth and acknowledge the Emperors Supremacy in and over all Religious , Ecclesiastical persons and affairs , in preserving the Orthodox faith , peace and unity of the Church , suppressing Hereticks , Schismes , redressing all undue elections , abuses of Bishops and others , as the principal part of his Regal Office , Trust , Care ; and inform him : Pietatis vestrae et Christianitatis Imperium clarior purpura atqueniademate pro fidei causa ●ucet . In imperio supra purpuras et diadema 〈◊〉 rectitudine decoratur et 〈◊〉 , That , à Christo regalia sceptra percipientes , compensationem rursus Deo redditis vestram Imperium conservante , dum incessabiliter cogitatis , quatenus securam ab omni haeretica tempe state Ecclesiam ejus , et sine fluctuatione servetis . Propterea siquidem vos Deus caelitus divino nutu suo munivit , ut ea quidem , quae sacra sunt , Imperiali potestate integra semper salvaque custodiantur ; quae vero vexata sunt atque corrupta , vestrae pietatis medicina curetis . Nihil itaque Deo amabilius est , nihil acceptius , quam ut illa vos sapiatis , quae a Dei patris sapientia didicistis , et illa doceatis , quae ab ipsis fidei vestrae incunabulis saluberrime estis eruditi . Vestrae igitur pietatis est , sanctissimum etiam in hoc agere zelum , &c. quae legibus et sacris canonibus , et cunctis Dei Ecclesiis pacem conferre videantur . Pro Dei legibus dimicastis , velut integri custodes earum , et sanctorum habentes curam . Then commending his care for the external peace , prosperity of his subjects , they subjoyn : Et hac quidem quantum ad consolationem pertineat corporalem pro ejus utilitate gerere vestra serenitas non quiescit ; potiorem vero habet industriam ut fidei orthodoxae cultus in hominum animabus oriatur ( note it ) quatenus vestra pietate adducentur Regi Regum , qui a Deo ut essent , plasmati sunt . Hanc itaque devotionem possidens , apud D●um & sanctas Ecclesias multiplicare quotidie stud●ns vestra tranquillitas , sequendo quidem reverendae memoriae , & in sanctorum choro laudandum Constantinum , & tenendo vestigia piae memoriae Martiani , pro pace Ecclesiarum maximam diligentiam gerit vestra religio , &c. * Quem alterum decebat Imperatorem talia pro talibus praecipere , et scribere nobis subjectis , et leges pro rebus divinis ponere Sacerdotibus aequo judicio puras , praeter vestram solummdo pietatem , quam ipse proprie Deus elegit , et ex totius mundi potentia coronavit , et supra reipublicae retinacula constituit , violentia tempestatis nullatenus imminente ? Zelatus es actibus tuis tranquillissime Imperator Constantinum illum memoriae immortalem , maximum , pium , amatorem Christi , qui Abelis vivens imaginem in animabus hominum passedit in aeternum , qui cum David quidem sicut Rex et Propheta stat apud Deum , CUM PETRO AUTEM ET PAULO ( let the Pope and Papists observe it ) & tonitrui filiis , CUASI SIMILIS ILLIS , IN PRAEDICATIONIBUS VERITATIS EFFULGET . Ille enim , quando eum Romanorum sceptris Deus ordinavit , Ecclesiae membris interuit , multam caliginem et tempestatem quandam imminere luci purissimae dogmatum veritatis inspiciens , & creaturarum adorationis munimenta , a simulatoribus pietatis , denuo videns eum institui contra Christianam fidem , & Sacerdotes , qui vere filium esse Dei & de Substantia Patris ante secula natum credunt & praedicant , semetipsum per sanctum Spiritum increatae Trinitatis Imperio & adoratione subjiciens , suum in terra firmavit regnum , et pietatis radios in terra mixtos omni caligine , ex illo tempore usque ad praesens per omnes terras explicuit ; factus semen , et radix , et cultura , et scintilla nobis salutis inextinguibilis . * Desuper sceptra Regni suscipiens sacratissime et invictissime Principum , pro munere vestrae pietati collata . Deum vestrum Regem primitiis decentibus honorastis , Imperatorem quae praecipue deceat . Prima enim oblatio et acceptabile sacrificum est , ut auriga mundi , et princeps totius orbis qui sub sole consistit , adorandae Trinitatis fidem semel incolumem , ET DOCEAT , et his quae facit et colit TIMERE ET HOMINES DEUM , & talia sectari , per quae nostrorum servatur genus , & cogitare pro communi Rei publicae , et totius populi disciplina : * Vere namque Sacerdos et natura Imperator existis , Ex vestro Imperio ubique praedicatio praevalet ; vestra utique mansuetudine nihil aliud praeter fidem sceptra regalla indicante . Quarum rerum testis est et praeseus Zeius et stub●●● illud firmandi unde firmitas vestri accedat Imperii . A Deo namque unctus in Regem , mox ei qui unxit , ipsa princip●a commenda●ti , op●ime satis cogitationibus et vocibus ei deserviens , et 〈…〉 consisterent , * praeteritis omnibus apud cunctos pro side Orthodo●a denotatus es , omni scilicet mala secta prorsus expulsa atque sub●ata . Deus , qui glorificantes se glorificat , secundum cor●uum apicem vestrae tranquillitatis inveniens inexpugna●●iem palmam et hondrem 〈◊〉 existentem , placidus praebuit vobis , Christianissime Principum SUPER OMNES HOMINES SINE PROHIBITIONE ALIQU● PO●ESTATEM . Bonum enim circa Dominum Deum favorem 〈◊〉 habentibus , mansuetis vocibus , ad legalem et mirabilem 〈◊〉 conversationemque deducitur , quicquid sub sceptro vestri Imperii gubernatur . Maximus omnium Dominus Deus , 〈◊〉 optimma et sanctis Dei Ecclesiis et toti orbiterrarum vestrum condonavir Imperium . Nam quando in ipso principio vestri Regni , quod à Deo in omni Orbe suscepistis , non aliunde , nisi unde decebat , Imperii fe●istis initium , maximum est indicium voluntatis vestrae quod habetis circa beneficii largitorem , ( in all the forementioned particulars , and others there recited . ) Vobis Deus potentiam mundi commisit , ut magna intentione co●cord●ae , et indivise recta piaque servetur fides in sanctis Dei ubique constitutis Ecclesus . Semper divinarum rerum curam habentes . Deprecamur au●em , & vestram pietatem votis omnibus exoramus , ut Apostolicam doctrinam in quam creditis , immobilem conservetis in pace multa & tranquillitate sub vestrae pietatis imperio , & in Clero & omni populo in fide saluberrima constituto , & ut eis qui inaniter alia consilia fieri desiderant , resistatis , & ut nobis vestra pietate digneris , quatenus sub quiete degentes , secundum fidem & traditionem sanctorum Patrum consistentes , in pace inviolabili & disciplina servemur , orationi divinae supplicationique vacantes , et vita atque conversatione Domino Christo placentes ad honorem orthodoxae fidei , et fundentes Domino Deo preces pro vestra Serenitate , quatenus Dominus Christus vestrae pietatis imperio suae infundere dexterae claritatem , quae vos sua pace conservet , et fortitudinem vobis atque virtutem praestet , simul magnificentissimis maximisque Proceribus , et glorioso sapienti justissimoque Senatui ad peremptionem ferocitatis malignorum . Salve fac Regem tuum & exalta cornu ejus Imperii , quod est , et erit gloria tuorum ; ad unanimitatem sanctarum Christi Ecclesiarum et totius Romanae pacis et disciplinae . Dominus Sacerdotum simul & Ecclesiarum tuarum , Incolumem vestram pietatem multis annorum curriculis conservare Ecclesiae Dei , Romano pariter optamus Imperio , religiosissime & Christo amabilis Imperator . All their Epistles are fraught with these and the like passages , expressions , prayers , then which nothing can be more demonstrative , to evidence his Ecclesiastical Supremacy , and all Princes Soveraign care of Religion and Church affairs , against all Papal or Pontifical cavils in succeeding degenerous times . After reception and perusal of these Epistles to this Emperor from all quarters of the Empire , he by his Imperial decrees ratified the Councils of Nice , Ephesus , Chalcedon ; expelled , banished Timotheus , and suppressed Hereticks in all places , to the joy of all good Christians , and advancement of Christianity . The Emperor Zeno ( who succeeded Leo ) to compromise the differences then in the Church about the Orthodox faith and Councils of Nice and Chalcedon , published a pacifical Edict , which he intituled Henoticum , with this Prologue Cum Imperii nostri initium et conservationem , tum autem opes et armaturam inexpugnabilem persuasum habeamus esse , Solam rectam et veram fidem quam divina inspiratione Nicaeae 318. sancti Patres congregati promulgarunt , et Constantinopoli 150. itidem sancti Patres coacti confirmaverunt , die noctuque precationibus , studiis , LEGIBUSQUE NOSTRIS OMNIBUS hoc agimus , ut per eam ubique locorum sancta Dei Catholica et Apostolica Ecclesia incrementa capiat , qnae incorruptibilis et immortalis sceptrorum nostrorum mater , et pii populi nostri , in pace et religionis divinae concordia persistentes , acceptabiles pro Imperio nostro preces , una cum Dei amantissimis Episcopis , et piissimis Clericis et Archimandratis et Monachis fundant , &c. Itaque quum fides irreprehensibilis et Nos , et Imperium sic conservet ; Scire vos volumus , neque nos , neque ubique socorum quae sunt Ecclesias aliud symbolum , aut doctrinam aut formulam fidei , aut fidem etiam praeterquam quod ( sicut dictum est ) a 318 editum , et 150 Patribus comprobatum est , sanctum sumbolum vel habuisse , vel habere , vel habituros esse . Nam id solum Symbolum , Imperium nostrum conservare confidimus . Quemlibet vero qui aliud quicquam sensit , aut sentit , aut nunc , aut quandocunque , vel Chalcedone , vel quacunque alia Synodo , ANATHEMATI SUBJICIMUS ; praecipue vero Nestorium et Eutychen , et qui cum eis idem sentiunt . Consurgite ergo vos per unionem spirituali matri Ecclesiae per id unum et solum 318 sanctorum Patrum professionis fidei decretum . Quod si feceritis , Domini et Servatoris et Dei nostri Iesu Christi benignitatem vobis ipsis conciliabitis , tum ab Imperiali nostra amplitudine laudem eximiam feretis . This Imperial Edict being publikely read in Alexandria in the Church before all the people by Peter Mogge their Bishop , Alexandrini universi sanctae et Catholicae Ecclesiae conjuncti unitique sunt , et quaecunque in medio fuere offendicula et impedimenta sustulere , writes * Nicephorus . This Emperor Zeno resolved to thrust out Timotheus Aelius Bishop of Alexandria , complained of to , and removed , banished by the Emperor Leo , ( as you heard before ) yet restored by the Usurping Emperor Basiliscus to his See after 18. years exile ; but understanding he was very aged and like to die , he altered his resolution ; He dying soon after , the Alexandrians without this Emperors license or privity , elected one Peter Mogge , ( a man then unsound in the faith ) for their Bishop , who was consecrated by two heretical Bishops . The Emperor being informed thereof , removed Peter by his Letters after 36. dayes possession , and by other Letters restored Timotheus Salophaciolus ( the rightfull Bishop dispossessed by the other Timothy , banished by Basiliscus ) to this See , putting those to death who elected Peter . After which the Clergy of Alexandria sending an Embassy to the Emperor , by one John and others ; He granted them Liberty after the death of Timothy to elect whom they would for their Bishop , except this John , who took an Oath before the Emperor , haud unquam se Alexandriae thronum accepturum esse , and so departed . Yet after Timothies death , John forgetting and neglecting his Oath , by money procured himself to be advanced to this See by the Alexandrians : Of which the Emperor being informed , he commanded * John to be ejected , and restored Peter Mogge to the See by his Letters , who promised to read , publish and observe the Emperors forecited Decree Henoticum ; which he accordingly performed . John being thus ejected , resorts to Rome to Pope Felix the 3d. complaining , he was ejected only for defending the Doctrine of the Emperor Leo , and Council of Chalcedon : who writ a Letter to Zeno reprehending him for Johns illegal ejection and desiring his restitution : who answered , He ejected him not for the cause suggested , but for his perjury . After this he exhibited a Libel of complaints to Pope Felix the 3. ( about the year 483 ) complaining against Peter as an Heretick , and against Acacius Bishop of Constantinople for holding communion with him , and being the chief instrument of his restitution : and in a Synod at Rome procured Peter ( formerly condemned , banished , and excommunicated by a Synod ) to be declared an Heretick , and deprived , especially quod quum ab haereticis consecratus est , orthodoxis praeesse non potest : and in their Sentence they blamed Acacius as guilty of a great crime , quod ad Simplicium scribens , Petrum haereticum appellaverat , et id Impetatori non indicaverit ; quum certe id si Zenonem diligeret , facere debuerit ; Perinde sicut apparet , commodi ●ui desiderio Imperatorem complectitur ( as many Bishops in all ages did ) fidem autem non complectitur . But they continuing in their Sees notwithstanding this Sentence , so far contemned the Popes and Synods Authority , that Acacius , Papae ( Felicis ) nomen ex sacro albo exemit ; which Flavitas afterwards upon a difference between him and Peter of Alexandria ( who condemned the Synod of Chalcedon ) suis ipse manibus in sacris tabulis Mogge nomen expunxit , & Felicis appellationem reposuit . Peter continuing Bishop still by the Emperors restitution and protection , notwithstanding the Popes and Roman Synods sentence of deprivation ; Pope Gelasius ( succeeding Felix ) takes upon him to declare the Emperors restitution of Peter after his deprivation by a Synod , to be void , ( if the * Decrees and Epistles be his own , and not forged , as I suspect , by the stile and subject matter , improper to , and unknown in that age ) upon these mistaken Papal grounds : * Imperatori tantum de humanis rebus judicare permissum est , non etiam praeesse divinis : quomodo de his , per quos divina ministrantur judicare praesumant ? Fuerint haec ante adventum Christi , ut quidam figuraliter , adhuc tamen in carnalibus actionibus constituti , pariter Reges existerent et pariter Sacerdotes ; quod Sanctum * Melchisedechem fuisse sacra prodit historia : Quod in suis quoque Diabolus imitatus est , utpotè qui semper quae divino cultui convenirent , sibimet tyrannico spiritu vindicare contendit , ut Pagani Imperatores , iidem et maximi Pontifices crearentur . Sed cum ad verum ventum est eundem Regem atque Pontificem , ultra sibi nec Imperator Pontificis nomen imposuit , nec Pontifer Regale fastigium vindicavit : ( In that age 't was true , but divers * Popes since have usurped it as of right ) Quamvis enim membra ipsius veri Regis atque Pontificis , secundum participationem naturae , magnificè utrumque in sacra generositate sumpsisse dicantur , ut * simul Regale genus et Sacerdotale subsistant ; attamen Christus memor fragilitatis humanae , quod suorum saluti congruerit dispensatione magnifica temperans , sic actionibus propriis , dignitatibusque destinatis officia potestatis utriusque discrevit , suos volens medicinali humilitate salvari , non humana superbia rursus intercipi , ut et Christiani Imperatores pro aeterna vita Pontificibus indigerent , ( as to their doctrin , instruction , advice , not supream inherent Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ) et Pontifices pro temporalium cursu rerum dispositionibus ( yea of Ecclesiastical and divine too , as the premised and subsequent Authorities infallibly evidence , though this Pope here denyes it ) uterentur , quatenus : spiritualis actio a carnalibus distaret incursibus : Et ideo , militans Deo minime se negotiis secularibus implicaret ( why then do all Popes , and most Bishops the contrary ? ) ac vicissim , nolle rebus divinis praesidere videatur , qui esset negotiis secularibus implicatus : ( his Argument holds not , è converso , since all Christians , especially Kings , ought to meddle with divine matters , and things of faith , without which they can neither know , serve , worship God , or be saved themselves , nor govern their Christian subjects as they ought ) et ut modestia utriusque ordinis conaretur , ne extolleretur utroque su●fultus , et competens qualitatibus actionum , specialiter professio aptaretur , ( From which mistaken premises , this Pope draws this conclusion ; ( one of the first I meet with directly opposing the Emperors Ecclesiastical Authority , except that of St. Ambrose , in a different case , when Emperors command things directly against God and the Scriptures ) Quibus omnibus rite collectis , evidenter satis ostenditur a seculari potestate nec ligari prorsus , nec solvi posse Pontificem . Quo manifestius approbatur , Alexandrinum Petrum per Imperialem solummodo sententiam nullo modo potuisse absolvi : being condemned , deprived by the Synod at Rome & Pope Felix : ubi si Pontificum quoque sociatur assensus , quaerimus utrum praecesserit , an fuerit subsecutus ? Si subsecutus est , nihilominus ad id reditur ; ut absolutio seculari potestate praecepta , et principaliter inchoata , valere non possit : pontificumque secutus assensus , adulationis potius fuerat , quam legitimae sanctionis . Si praecessit , doceatur a quibus , & ubi ille sit gestus , secundum Ecclesiae regulam celebratus ; si paterna traditione profectus , si majorum more prolatus , si competenti examinatione depromptus ? Ubi proculdubio requirendum est , Si Synodali congregatione celebratus , quod in receptione damnati , & depulsione catholici , quia nova est causa , fieri debuisse certissimum est . In fine , he concludes , that Peter and Acacius being condemned a prima sede , ( by which he means the See and Council of Rome ) could not be absolved nor restored by the Emperor himself , nor by a Synod of the Clergy held at Constantinople , or elswhere , but only by the See of Rome , nec ab inferiore quolibet ( praecipue cum de secundae sedis ageretur Antistite , to wit , Acacius of Constantinople ) sed a prima sede jure possit absolvi . Inferior quippe potiorem absolvere non potest : sola ergo potior inferiorem convenienter absolvit . A doctrin inconsistent with the practise and proceedings of that age , as the premises , and the deprivations , restitutions of many Bishops by the Emperors , as well Orthodox as Heterodox , recorded by Eusebius , Socrates Scholasticus , Sozomen , Tripartita Historia , Nicephorus , and others , abundantly evidence . This Pope Gelasius in his a Commonitorium ad Faustum , his Legate sent to Constantinople , hath the like passages : Quod si dicunt , Imperator hoc fecit ( that he restored Peter and Acacius ) hoc ipsum quibus canonibus , quibus regulis est praeceptum ? As if Emperors must do nothing but what Popes and Bishops prescribe , or permit them by their Canons . In his Epistle to * Anastasius the Emperor about the same businesse ; after this complement Romanus natus , Romanum Principem amo , colo , suspicio , & sicut Christianus cum eo , qui zelum Dei habet , secundum scientiam veritatis habere desidero , & qualiscumque Apostolicae sedis Vicarius ( a phrase not usual in that age ) quodcunque plenae fidei catholicae deesse comperero , pro meo modulo snggestionibus opportunis supplere contendo ; He thus proceed● Pietatem tuam absit ( quaeso à Romano Principe ) ut intimatam suis sensibus veritatem , arbitretur injuriam . * Duo quippe sunt , Imperator Auguste , quibus principaliter Mundus hic regitur , authoritas sacra Pontificum , et Regalis potestas . In quibus tanto gravius est pondus sacerdotum , quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus hominum in Divino reddituri sunt examine rationem , ( And must not Kings too give an account for Bishops and Priests under them , if they permit unworthy ones , or enforce them not by their Lawes to discharge their pastoral duties ? No doubt they must . ) Nosti etenim fili Clementissime , quod licet praesideas humano generi dignitate , rerum tamen Praesulibus divinarum devotus colla submittis ( this is untrue in point of Jurisdiction ) atque ab eis causas tuae salutis expetis ( as from his Ministers , not Superiors ) inque sumendis Coelestibus Sacramentis eisque ( ut competit ) disponendis subdi te debere cognoscis ( in point only of Administration , not of Power or Jurisdiction ) religionis ordine potius quam praeesse . Itaque inter haec ex illorum te Pendere Judicio ( as his Advisers , not Superiors ) non illos ad tuam velle redigi voluntatem , ( unless in case of their Heresie , Error , Excesses which he may reform ) Si enim , quantum ad ordinem pertinet Publicae disciplinae , cognoscentes imperium tibi superna dispositione collatum , legibus tuis ipsi quoque parent religionis Antistites , ( he should have added with Gratian Dist . 10 , 12. unlesse they thwart their Canons and profit ) Ne vel in rebus mundanis exclusae videantur obviare sententiae ; quo ( rogo ) te decet affectu eis obedire qui praerogandis venerabilibus sunt attributi Mysteris : ( in dispensing those mysteries only according to Gods word , not in unjust Church-censures . ) Proinde sicut non leve discrimen incumbii Pontificibus siluisse pro divinitatis cultu quod congruit ; ita his ( quod absit ) non mediocre periculum est , qui cum parere debeant , defficiunt . ( That is , when & where God himself commands things in his word , not Popes and Prelates alone , enjoyn things different from , or not warranted by it : ) Et cunctis generaliter Sacerdotibus , recte divina tractantibus ( this l●●●tation had been fit in , and must be applied to all his precedent clauses , else , they are false and heterodox ) fidelium convenit corda submitii ; quanto potius sedis illius Praesuli consensus est adhibendus ( here is the great Diana of the Ephesians ) quam cunctis Sacerdotibus et divinitas summa voluit praeminere ( a grosse untruth warranted by no sacred Text , but contradicted by many ) et subsequens Ecclesiae generalis jugiter pietas celebravit ? ( another Papal forgery ) Ubi pietas tua evidenter advertit , nunquam quolibet 〈◊〉 humano consilio el●vare se quemquam posse illius privilegio , vel confession● quem Christi vor praetulit universis , ( a grosse untruth ) quem Ecclesia veneranda semper confessa est , et habet devota primatem . I peti possunt humanis praesumptionbus , quae●d vino sunt judicio constituta , ( but not by Popes , Bishops , and their Synods alone , the things then in question ) Vinci autem quorumlibet potestate non possunt , &c. Yet all these Arguments would not perswade the Emperor Zeno , nor yet Anastatius to remove either Timothy or Acacius from their Bishopricks , but they continued in them till their deaths , as * Nicephorus informs us . I have inserted these Passages attributed to Pope Gelasius , more largely , and discovered their falshood and fallaciousnesse , because the first I meet with of this kind ( if as ancient as Gelasius ) and much insisted on in after ages by Popes and other Impugners of Emperors and Kings Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions . Theodulus Bishop of Coelosyria in his Commentary in Epist . ad Romanos , c. 13. omnis anima potestatibus praeminentibus subdatur , &c. * resolves : Monstrat , Christi Evangelium , non ad publicae bonae ordinationis subversionem datum esse . Ne sese deteriores vilioreque reddi , Christi servi arbitrantur si potestatibus subiiciantur , ostendit quod necessarium sit obtemperare et non reluctare , neque inobedientem esse quempiam Magistratui : Qui enim istuc attemptaverit Deo resistit , qui condidit instituitque Magistratus . Necessarium est igitur Magistratui subjici , non solum propter iram , Magistratui subditis obvenientem ; se● etiam propter conscientiam ; hoc est , ut ne videaris conscientia vacare , et ingratus esse benefactori ac Ministro Dei , si non obtemperes potestati . Tantis , inquit , beneficiis vos perfundit Magistratus ut & tributum pendatis , mercedem nimirum gubernationis praesidiatusque ejus : Ministri enim Dei sunt : Hoc est , suboperarii Dei sunt ministrantes sibi Principes ex hoc ; quod curam subditorum gerunt . Neglectis suis privatis rebus publico suorum civium commodo invigilant , &c. Non solum pecuniam debetis Magistratibus , sed etiam honorem . Rhemigius Archbishop of Rhemes , in his Commentary in Epist . ad Romanos cap. 13. thus determines : Dixit Apostolus , Omnis anima , id est , Omnis homo , liber et servus , fidelis et infidelis , ( therefore the Pope and Prelates ) Potestatibus sublimioribus subditus sit . Omnis anima , dicit , pro eo quod , omnis homo , In sacra enim Scriptura frequenter sola anima totum hominem significat . Potestatibus sublimioribus dicit , Regibus , Principibus , Tribunis , Centurionibus , Dominis , omnibusque Praelatis . Hoc & Petrus praecepit , Subjecti , inquiens , estote omni humanae creaturae , id est , omnibus hominibus vobis praepositis , & hoc propter Deum , sive propter amorem Dei , in quantum quippe homo non offendit Deum , &c. Omnis potestas sive major , sive minor , quae hominibus praeest , aut ex voluntate Dei , aut ex permissione Dei constituta est : Then rendring the reasons of Gods instituting them , he concludes ; Hac de causa omnipotens Deus bestialibus hominibus Principes praeposuit , ut eorum terrore acerbitas animorum illorum reprimeretur . Potestates super alios à Deo ordinatae sunt , sive quae sunt jura potestatum a Deo constituta sunt ; unde Dominus dicit Pilato , Non haberes adversum me potestatem , nisi tibi data esset desuper : Hoc autem idcirco totum prosequitur Apostolus , ut Potestatibus subditi sint , quia nonnulli ad fidem venientes , pristinum obsequium & servitium , quasi libe●i effecti , Dominis et Principibus nolebant reddere . Cum Dominus Jesus non venit conditiones mutare , sed animas in aeternum victuras salvare . Dicebant etiam Romani credentes , qui divinis legibus paremus , & Deo servimus non debemus servire , neque honorem praebere Neroni , aliisque potestatibus terrenis ( the language of Popes and the Popish Clergy now even of Christian Emperors and Kings , whom they stile Prophane , Lay , Heretical , worldly ) Quapropter Apostolus talia scrpsit iis , Poterat namque scandalum nasci Dominis et Principibus , si servi et subjecti eorum Christiani effecti a servito illorum efficiantur alieni : noceret quoque Ecclefiae dum permitterentur alii credere , cum magis meliores debeant Domini servos suos recipere fideles Christi effectos : Hoc & ipsa veritas per semet ipsum praecepit dicens Reddite quae sunt Caesaris ; Caesari ; & quae sunt Dei , Deo. Which he there prosecutes at large . And in Epist . 1 Tim. c. 2. he writes , Vult pro Regibus fieri ●rationes & gratiarum actiones ; quam formam , id est , exemplum omnis Ecclesia nunc ten●t ( be the Kings good or bad , Christians or Pagans , for sundry reasons which he prosecutes at large , and thus abridgeth ; ) Orandum est pro salute & vita fidelium Regum & Principum , ut longo tempore conservati pacem habeant Regna , ac magis proficiant in melius in omni pietate ●t castitate : Pro infidelibus quoque 〈◊〉 est , ut resipiscant ab infidelitate , et transeant ad fidem : Hoc enim est bonum coram salvatori nostro Deo , qui vult omnes homines salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire : Especially Kings and Princes , the principal instruments to draw others to salvation , and the knowledge of the truth , by their Examples and Edicts . a Pope Symnachus being accused of Adultery and other horrid facts to Theodoricus King of Italy , Sancta Synodus apud urbent Romanam ex praecepto Gloriosissimi Regis Theodorici diversis ●●regionibus congregata in Christi nomine est ( this King not the Pope summoning this Council even in Rome it self . ) Cum ex diversis Provinciis ad urbem Romam convenire Sacerdotes Regia praecepisset authoritas , ut de his quae de venerabili Papa Symmacho , Apostolici sedis praesul , ab adversariis ejus dicebantur impingi , sanctum Concilium judicaret ●egitime ; Liguriae , Aemiliae vel Venetiarum Episcopis , consulendi Regem incubuit necessitas , concerning this accusation : Who coming into the Kings presence respondit praefatus Rer piissimus bonae conversationis affectu , plura ad se de Papae Symmachi actibus horrenda fuisse perlata , et in Synodo oportere ( si vera esset inimicorum ejus objectio ) judicatione constare . Whereupon the Examination of his crimes being referred to this 4th . ( some reckon it the 3d. ) Synod held at Rome , ( and that by the Popes desire to purge himself , as well as by the Kings precept , ) the Pope entred into the Synod ; et de evocatione Synodali ●lementissimo Regi gratias retulit , et rem desiderii sui evenisse testatus est . Upon his accusation to the King , he was suspended ab officio & beneficio , by this King ; untill he had purged himself . At his first appearance before the Council , he complained of this his suspension , as illegal , being not made by the Council , but out of it , and prayed to be readmitted and restored by the Council ; et ut omnia quae per suggestiones inimicorum suorum ( a parte Cleri vel aliquibus laicis ) amiserat , potestati ejus legaliter ab honorabili Concilio redintegrarentur seu redderenter , et tanti loci Praesul regulariter prius statui pristino redderetur ; et tunc , non ante veniret ad causam : et si ita , recte videretur , accusantium propositionibus responderet . Digna res visa est maximo sacerdotum numero , quae mereretur effectum , decernere tamen aliquid Synodus sine Regia notitia non praesumpsit . Whereupon the Synod sent to the King to know his pleasure herein ; Sed suggestionibus per legatorum negligentiam non meruit secundum vota responsum : ( But contrary to the Synods desire and opinion ) Iussus est Regis praeceptionibus Papa Symmachus ante Patrimonii vel Ecclesiarum ( quas amiserat ) receptionem , cum impugnatoribus suis in disceptatione confligere , qui potestatis suae privilegia , et quae pro conscientiae ( quantum juste aestimamus ) emendatione submiserat , nec hac voluit vice resumere . Whereupon it was thought meet that the Libel prepared against the Pope by his accusers , ( qui quotidie seditionibus appellabant ) should be received by the Synod : Which being received accordingly and read , there appeared two things in it which seemed either false , or repugnant to their Ecclesiastical power : The one , that his Crimes whereof he stood accused apud Regiam constitit notitiam , were pending before the Kings own conusans ; which was false , he having referred him to the Council : The second , that they could prove him guilty of the Crimes objected by his servants ; addentes , ut ipse mancipia traderet , quibus ( quantum illi disserebant ) posset in judicatione superari : Quae res Canonibus & ipsis publicis erat legibus inimica , &c. Et dam inter ista quae essent facienda , tractabatur , praefatus Papa , ut causam diceret occurrebat . Qui veniens , abirruentibus turbis aemulorum suorum ita tractatus est , ut multis Presbyteris , qui cum ipso erant , per cadem ipsam mortis fuisset occasio ; quod probat recentium adhuc vestigia vulnerum , nisi illustris vir Comes Alegerius , & sublimes viri Gutela & Vedecelsus , Majores domus Regiae , perspexissent , quos secum , unde egressus fuerat ad beati Petri Apostoli septa convexerat . Upon these tumults and confusions , the Synod reported the whole series of their proceedings to the King as Supream Judge ; iterum Nos ad Iustitiam contulimus principalem , scientes vivinitare propitia regere Dominum , quem ad gubernacula Ita●iae ipse providerat . They informed the King ; Saepe nominatum Papam ( post caedem , cui subjacuerat cum suis ) si voluntatem rursus haberet ereundi ad judicium , fuisse commonitum ; but that he could not canonically purge himself without great dangers ; and that by reason of the tumults of his accusers who resisted justice , he could not be compelled to answer against his will. Ad haec serenissimus Rex taliter ( Deo adspirante ) respondit , in Synodali esse arbitrio , in tanto negotia sequenda praescribere , nec aliquid ad se praeter reverentiam de Ecclesiasticis negotiis pertinere , committens etiam potestati Pontificum , ut sive propositum vellent audire negotium , sive nollent , quod magis putarent utile deliberarent , dummodo venerandi provisione Concilii par in Civitate Romana Christianis omnibus redderetur . Whereupon the Synod by vertue of this reference from the King , thought best to proceed no further in the examination of the fact , but to referre the cause to Gods judgement , acquainting the Roman Senate with their resolutions , and desiring them to consider , quanta inconvenienter et praejudicialiter in hujus negotii principio contigissent ; That all men are sinners , and have need of Gods mercy , and that the examining of this cause would do more prejudice and dishonor , then good to the Church . Wherefore , juxta mandatum Principis non discuterent ; but referr the whole cause to God the Judge of secret things , and so acquitted him from the a Articles exhibited against him , as to men . Vnde secundum Principalia praecepta , quae nostrae hoc tribuunt potestati , quicquid Ecclesiastici inter sacram Vrbem Romae ; vel foris Iuris est , reformamus , totamque causam Dei judicio reservantes , universos hortamur ut sacram communionem ( sicut res postulat ) ab eo percipiant , & Dei & animarum suarum meminerint ; quia & ipse amator pacis est , & ipse Pax est , qui monet , * Pacem meam do vobis , &c. From these memorable proceedings against this Pope , it is most evident , 1. That the Pope in this age was subject and submitted himself to the Judicature , not only of the Emperor , but of Thedoricus the Gothish King of Italy , ( who removed Symmachus and Laurentius from the Papacie contending for it , and placed Peter Altinat therin to appease the Schism , till the cause between them was heard ) and to a Council of Bishops , even for scandalous crimes objected against him . 2ly . That the Power of summoning Councils even in Rome it self appertained to this King of Italy , not to the Pope . 3ly . That the King upon the complaints exhibited to him against the Pope , suspended him both from his temporalties , benefices and Papal office by his Regal authority before the Council summoned , till he had purged himself from the Crimes objected . 4ly . That though most of the Synod held it just this Pope should not answer the Articles against him , till he was first restored to his Patrimony , benefice and office , yet they would determine nothing therein , till this Kings approbation , & pleasure first known . 5ly . That the King would not take off this Popes Suspension , till he answered his Articles , and purged himself , notwithstanding the Synods request and opinion to the contrary . 6ly . That thereupon they received and read the Articles against him . 7ly . That the Pope appeared by this Kings summons before this Council to answer the crimes against him : where at his appearance , he denies to answer in point of Law , till his Suspension first released , and his restitution : which the Emperor overruled against him . After which he appeared the second time upon Summons to answer the Articles , and purge himself ; but was interrupted by the tumultuous force and assaults of his accusers , made upon him and his followers , who were wounded , and had been slain by them , had not the Kings Great Officers rescued them from their fury , and guarded them back to their lodgings : That after this upon new Summons , the Pope was willing to answer , and purge himself before the Synod , but that he was informed , he could not do it without danger of being slain by his tumultuous opposites . 8ly . That the Synod thereupon repaired to the King , as the Supream Judge , to direct them how to proceed in this cause , by reason of these Tumults . 9ly . That thereupon the King referred the whole businesse to them , to proceed therein as they should think best for the Peace of the Church , and of all Christians in the City of Rome . 10ly . That they hereupon by vertue of this Kings regal authority and command , ( not their own inherent Episcopal or Synodal Jurisdiction ) referred the merits of the cause , being secret and difficult , to Gods judgement , and restored the Pope to his Ecclesiastical Rights and exercise of his Ministry within the City of Rome ; and perswaded an amicable Christian peace and agreement between him , his adversaries , the Senate and Citizens of Rome : Where then is that transcendent Jurisdiction of Popes over Kings , Councils , all other Bishops , and his absolute exemption from their Judicatures for any scandalous sins or heresies , which succeeding Popes and their Parasites boast of , in the * premised Chapters ? To evade this undeniable president , a Ennodius , and other flatterers of Popes , pretend , That Pope Symmachus out of meer humility , and of his own accord , submitted himself to this Kings and Councils Judgement . But the premises evidence the contrary , that most of these proceedings ( especially his Suspension , overruling of his demurrer , &c. ) were much against his will ; and that he had no real desire to purge himself , what ever he pretended : And John Gerson Chancellor of Paris ( one of the learnedest , profoundest Pontificians ) in his notable Book De Auferibilitate Papae , b resolves ; That Symmachus , and other Popes did undergo the judgements of Councils , nequaquam ex humili condescentione , sicut nonnulli fingunt , sed ex debito et obligatione . Yea this Pope himself in his c Apology to Anastatius the Emperor , stiles him Principem rerum humanarum : adding , Thou , O Emperor ; governest human and secular affairs , Bishops dispence the divine Mysteries ; without any addition , that Bishops govern all Ecclesiastical affairs , which this King and the Emperor then did in Italy , not Popes nor Bishops . This d Theodoricus King of Italy made and published divers Ecclesiastical Lawes , intermixed with his Temporal , concerning Clergy-men , Churches , Sanctuaries , Pagan Sacrifices , Sepulchers , and burials in Rome it self , Marriages , Espousals , Jews , the observation of the Lords day , &c. commanding them to be generally observed by his Edictum Theodorice Regis , Lex 26. 70. 71. 92. 93. 108. 110. 111. 125 , 126. and that as well by the Romans as Barbarians and Goths , under pain of banishment , if violated , Quia quod pro omnium provincialium securitate provisum est , universitatis debet servare devotio . Cassiodorus , a Noble learned Roman Senator , ( tutor to this King Theodoricus ) in his Exposition in Psal . 50. Tibi soli peccavi , hath this passage . De populo si quis erraverit , & Deo peccat & Regi : Nam quando Rex delinquit , soli Deo reus est , quia hominem non habet qui eius facta di●udicet : Merito ergo Rer Deo dicit se solum peccasse , quia solus erat qui eius potuisset admissa discutere . Therefore not the Pope , or any other Conclave of Prelates . e In his other works he registers the Epistle of Theodohardus to Justinian the Emperor , wherein he recites ; In toto orbe simile nihil habet , as supream for power and dignity . Pope f Hormisda the 1. having condemned the Eutychians in a Council at Rome , by the exhortation and command of King Theodoricus , by his Letters and Messengers exhorted John then Patriarch of Constantinople , and Anastatius the Emperor , to renounce this Heresy , and believe the two natures in Christ . But they taking this message in high indignation and scorn , put the messengers into an old leaking Ship , and Anastatius commanded them to return directly into Italy , and not to touch upon the shoare of Grece , enjoyning them to return this answer to the Pope ; Scire se Augustorum ( or Imperatoris ) proprium esse , non Pontificis imperare ; nec Imperata Pontificis accpiere : et si quid foret , in quo hunc , cui divina curae sunt , jubere oporteat , se eum esse , a quo alii multo melius sua jussa expectent , quam sua proponant exequenda . Nos jubere volumus , non Nobis juberi . This Pope Hormisda after Anastatius his death , in his Epistle to the Emperor Justinus , adversus Nestorii & Eutychetis blasphemias , informs him ; a Inter eq quae ad unitatem Ecclesiae pertinent , propter quam Deus Clementiae vestrae elegit Imperiam , hoc quoque venerabilis Imperator , Cura fidei ( cui multipliciter vos studere declarastis , adiecit , Making the care of the Christian faith , and Peace of the Church by establishing the Orthodox faith , and suppressing heresies by his Imperial authority , the principal cause of Gods advancing him to the Empire . In pursuance whereof this Emperor Justinus by his Letters & Decrees endeavoured to reconcile the differences between the Bishops , Churches of Rome and Constantinople ; ut unitatem individuae Trinitatis ipsi quoque colant in unitate mentium . Quid enim gratius reperiri potest , quid justius , quid illustrius , quam quos idem Regnum continet , idemque fidei cultus irradiat , eos non diversa contendere , sed collectis in eisdem sensibus instituta venerari , non humana mente illata , sed in divinae providentiae spiritu . This Pope in his Epistle to Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople , hath this memorable passage , * Hinc enim supernae misericordiae documentum perdocetur , quoniam et mundeni Principes causas fidei , cum reipublicae ordinatione conjungunt , as a principal part of their care , and best means of their safety and prosperity in all their secular affairs . And he , with all the Bishops , Clergy , Abbots , Inhabitants of Jerusalem , Antioch , and Syria , exlubited a joynt Supplicatio and Confession of their faith , Deo amabili et piissimo Imperatori ex Deo Augusto et Principi Iustino Christianissimo sollicitudinem de perfecta unione , sanctarum Ecclesiarum habere debere , ut unitas , quae cum Dei facta fuerit juvamine , nulla deinceps rationabili aut irrationabili occasionis fomite inquietari possit ; who thereupon banished the Arrians disturbing the Churches peace . Fulgentius Ruspensis Episcopus , writes thus to a Thrasimundus ; That he as King hath received , Apicem terreni Principatus , as well over all Bishops and Clergy-men , as others ; he banishing no lesse then 220 Orthodox Bishops by the instigation of the Arrians , b whereof Fulgentius was one , whom he recalled from exile , and yet after banished again : upon which occasion he writ thus of Emperors and Kings Supremacy , duty , trust , in and towards the Church of God , Clementissimus quoque Imperator non ideo est vas misericordiae , praeparatum in gloriam , quia apicem terreni potestatis accepit , c sed si Imperiali culmine recta fide vivat , et vera cordis humilitate praeditus culmen Regiae dignitatis sanctae religioni et se subjiciat ; simagis in timore servire Deo , quam in tumore dominari populo delectatur . Si in eo lenitas iracundiam mitiget , ornet benignitas potestatem . Si se magis diligendum quam metuendum cunctis exhibeat ; si subjectis salubriter consulat ; si justitiam sic teneat , ut misericordiam non relinquat ; si prae omnibus ita se sanctae matris Ecclesiae meminerit filium , ut ejus paci atque tranquillitati per universum mundum prodesse suum faciat principatum . Magis enim Christianum regitur atque propagatur Imperium dum Ecclesiastico statui per omnem terram consulitur ( by the Emperors care and diligence ; therefore the principal part of his office ) quam cum in parte quacunque terrarum pro temporali securitate pugnatur . Pope a Agapetus the 1. Missus est a Theodoto Rege Gothorum , ad Dominum Justinianum Augustum in legationem , quia eodem tempore indignatus est Theodoto Regi , eo quod occidisset Reginam Amala●intham filiam Theodorici Regis , sibi commendatam , qui eum Regem fecerat . An infallible argument of this Popes subjection to this King and Emperor ; who undertaking the Embassy , intreated the Emperour to recall his Army out of Italy ; sed Imperator supplicationes Papae noluit audire ; as b Liberatus relates . The godly Emperor Justinian both claimed and exercised Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in and over all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Persons and Causes whatsoever , and over Popes themselves , as is most evident , 1. By causing his general Belisarius ( at the instigation of Theodora his Empresse ) to a deprive , banish Pope Silverius , who by armed force , mony and symony made himself Pope , and to make Vigilius Pope in his stead , who degraded Silverius from his Ministry ; by causing Pope Vigilius himself to be seised and brought Prisoner to Constantinople , and afterwards questioned , deprived , banished for Heresy , and unsoundnesse in the Catholick faith . 2ly . By b collecting , confirming all old Lawes made by former Christian Emperors concerning the Orthodox faith , the holy Scriptures , publike Prayers , Trinity , Creeds made by General Councils , Divine Service , Sacraments , Hereticks of all sorts , Apos●ats , Jews , concerning Bishops , Priests , Monks , and their respective Offices , qualifications , Ordinations ; the Jurisdictions , Diocesse of Popes , Patriarchs , Bishops , Holy-dayes , Churches , Church-lands , goods , Sacrilege , Simony , Non-residence of Bishops , Priests , Episcopal audience , Churchyards , Oaths , Marriages , Tithes , Excommunications , and all other Ecclesiastical matters ; which he backed with new Ecclesiastical Laws , Edicts of his own ; in some of which he declares , Maxima quidem in omnibus sunt dona Dei a superna collata clementia , Sacerdotium & Imperium . Illud quidem divinis ministrans ( not praesidens ) hoc autem humanis praesidens , ac diligentiam exhibens , uno eodemque principio utraque proce lentia humanam exornant vitam . Ideoque nihil sic erit studiosum Imperatoribus sicut sacerdotum honestas ; cum utique & pro illis ipsi semper Deo supplicent : nam si hoc quidem inculpabile sit , undique et apud Deum fiducia plenum imperium autem recte & competenter exornet traditam sibi Rempublicam erit consonantia quaedam bona omne quicquid utile et humano conferens generi , Nos igitur maximam habemus sollicitudinem circa vera Dei dogmata , et circa Sacerdotum honestatem , quoniam illis obtinentibus credimus , quod per eam maxima nobis dona dabuntur a Deo , et ea quae sunt firma habebimus , et quae nondum hactenus venerunt acquiremus . Bene autem universa geruntur et competenter , si rei principum fiat decens et amabile Deo. Hoc autem futurum esse credimus , si sacrarum rerum observatio custodiatur , quam juste laudandi et adorandi inspectores et Ministri Dei verbi tradiderunt Apostoli , et sancti Patres custodierunt et explicuerunt . Sancimus igitur sacras per omnia sequentes Regulas , dum quispiam sequenti omni tempore ad ordinationem Episcoporum adducitur , &c. Prescribing all the qualifications of Bishops , Priests , Abbots , Monks , and their respective duties , with penalties for non-performance in a most exquisite manner . 4ly . By c granting equal authority , jurisdiction to the Patriarch of Constantinople , as to the Bishop of Rome ; Limiting the Jurisdictions , Diocesse , Proceedings of Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Bishops , and prohibiting any Appeals but to the proper Metropolitan . By prohibiting under penalties of suspension and imprisonment in some Monasteries , all Bishops , Priests , Deacons , Clergy-men , proprias re●inquere Ecclesias , et ad alias venire religiones : ad tabulas ludere , aut aliis iudentibus participes aut spectatores fieri , aut ad quodlibet spectaculum spectandi gratia venire . Omnibus autem Episcopis & Presbyteris interdicimus segregare aliquem asacra communione antequam causa ministretur quam sanctae regulae hoc fieri jubent . Jubemus unumquemque Archi●piscopum & Patriarcham & Metropolitam sanctissimos Episcopos sub se constitutos , &c. in eadem provincia semel aut sicundo per singulos annos ad se convocare , & omnes causas ●ubtiliter examinare , quas Episcopi , aut Clerici , aut Monachi ad invicem habeant , eosque disponere , & super hoc quicquid extra regulas a quacunque persona delinquitur emendari ( which they could not do before , but by this his Law and Indulgence ) Episcopum aut Clericos , non aliter ordinari permittemus , nisi literas sciant , & rectam fidem , vitamque habeant honestam , &c. Presbyterum autem minorem 35 annos fieri ; sed neque Diaconum vel subdiaconum minorem 25. &c. Sed neque curialem aut officialem Clericum fieri permittimus . Episcopi & Clerici in Vrbe Constantinopolitana degentes , ibi conveniendi . Si vero lis nondum inchoata est , apud Gloriosissimum Praefectum oricutis praetoriorum , aut apud eos qui a Nobis fuerint deputati Iudices . Iubemus Archiepiscopos , Seniores Romae , &c. ( Whence Papa temporalibus immiscere se non debet . Papa Iurisdictionem temporalem Imperii non habet ; is the * Glosse resolves . ) After which he adds this memorable cloze to his Law concerning Bishops , Priests , Deacons , and their respective ordinations ; Quae igitur a Nobis sancita sunt sacrum ordinem statumqu● custodiunt , secundum sacrarum regularum observationem & virtutem , de caetero observent perpepetue integra , et sanctissimi Patriarchae uniuscujusque Ecclesiae ( whereof the Bishop of Rome was one ) et Deo amabiles Me●ropolitae , et reliqui reverendi Episcopi atque Clerici , ubique Dei culturam et sacram disciplinam custodientes inviolatam , poena imminente haec praevaricanti , quo penitus alienus sit a Deo , et imposito sibi Sacerdotii ordine : nam velut indignus hoc excluditur . Licentiam vero universis damus cujuscunque sint officii vel conversationis , respicientibus aliquid horum praevaricari , nunciare Nobis , et ad Imperium quod semper est , ut Nos qui hoc secundum sacrarum regularum explanationem , Apostolicamque traditionem constituimus , decentem etiam indignationem praevaricantibus inferamus . Sanctissimi siquidem Patriarchae uniuscujusque Diocesis haec proponant in Ecclesiis sub se constitutis , et manifesta faciant quae a nobis constituta sunt . Illi quoque rursus etiam ipsi proponant in Metropolita sanctissima Ecclesia et constitutis sub se Episcopis haec manifesta faciant , illorum vero singuli in propria Ecclesia haec proponant ; ut nullus nostrae Reipublicae ignoret quae a Nobis ad honorem et ad augmentum magni Dei et Salvatoris nostri Iesu Christi disposita sunt . To which end he commanded Copies of these Laws to be sent to all Metropolitans ; & Johanni vero gloriosissimo praefecto sacrorum praetoriorum , secundo ex●onsuli & expatricio ; commanding him to see these Laws duly observed ; to inform him of all violations of them , ut decens super eis imponatur correctio cunctis Utatur quoque praeceptis ad clarissimos Provinciarum Iudices , ut et ipsi qui fiunt inspicientes , non permittant aliquod ertra hoc quod a Nobis constitutum est , fieri : imminebit enim eis et poena quinque Librarum auri , si quidem et ipsi praevaricari videntes , non denunciaverint aut sedi tuae , aut Imperio , ut undique decens ornatus ordinationis gradui conservetur . 5ly . By the Prologue of this Law ; c Ut Ecclesia Romana centum annorum gaudeat praescriptione . Vt legum originem anterior Roma sortita est , et Summi Pontificatus apicem apud eam esse , nemo est qui dubitet . ( Yet not in the Pope but * King , Emperor , as he thus declares in the very next words : ) Vnde et Nos necessarium duximus patriam legum fontem Sacerdotii speciali nostri numinis lege ( not of the Pope ) illustrare , ut ex hac in totas Catholicas Ecclesias quae usque ad Oceanum fretum positae sunt , saluberrimae legis vigor extendat , et sit totius occidentis , necnon et orientis ubi possessiones sitae inveniuntur ad Ecclesias nostras ( not vestras ) sive nunc pertinentes , seu postea eis acquirendae , Lex propria ad honorem Dei consecrata ? &c. Quod igitur nostra aeternitas ad omnipotentis Dei honorem venerandae sedi summi Apostoli Petri dedicavit , hoc habeant omnes terrae , omnes Insulae totius occidentis quae usque ad ipsas Oceani recessus extendantur nostri Imperii ; providentiam prae hoc in aeternum reminiscentes hujus legis praerogativam non solum in occidentalibus partibus Romanae Ecclesiae condonamus , sed etiam in Orientalibus partibus , in quibus Ecclesiasticae Vrbis Romae possessiones sunt , vel postea fuerint : scilicet , omnibus judicibus minoribus et majoribus qui Christiani Orthodoxi sunt , vel postea fuerint , hanc nostram constitutionem servantibus . Nihilominus hujusmodi Legis temeratoribus post coelestes poenas , etiam legitimam super vigorem pertimescentibus , poenam quinquaginta librarum auri formidantibus ; hac lege non solum postea in emergentibus causis suum tenorem exercente , sed etiam in his quaenam sunt deductae in judicium . Sanctitas itaque tua praesentem nostrae mansuetudinis legem , piissimam sive sacrosanctam oblationem quam Deo dedicamus , accipiens , inter sacratissima vasa reponat , et a nobis servandam , et in omnes Ecclesiasticas possessiones servaturam . Dat. xviij . Kal. Maii. Capite Bilisario Proconsule . This Law the Emperor sent to Pope John the 3d. with this inscription , Joanni viro beato & sancto , Archiepiscopo & Patriarchae Veteris Romae : which being an Universal Law extending to all parts of the Roman Empire ; to the possession of all Churches , to Isles in the East and West , as well as those of Rome , equally binding Popes and the Church of Rome , as all others ; and made by the Emperors own inherent Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , ( without the Pope ) as the sole Original fountain of Lawes , to whom the chief Pontifical , Legislative power appertained ; Compared with his precedent Lawes binding both Popes , Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Bishops , Priests , all sorts of Ecclesiastical or religious persons , and subjecting them to punishments of deprivation , imprisonment , and other censures to be inflicted on them by the Emperor himself , and by his temporal Officers , Judges , who were to inquire and inform him of all violations of them , are pregnant evidences of this Pious Emperors Legislative , Coercive , Supream Ecclesiastical authority , ( transmitted in Perpetuity by these Laws to the Roman Empire , and his Successors therein ) & most perspicuously demonstrate , that it was a principal part of his Imperial office , duty , care , to make such Ecclesiastical Laws , for the conservation of Gods sacred faith , worship , Laws , and good Government of the Church , Clergy , as well as Laws for the Government of the Commonwealth . 6ly . By his declaring resolving * Imperator Pater est Legis ; Nullum genus rerum est , quod non sit penitus quaerendum authoritate Imperatoris . Is enim recepita Deo coronam , gubernationem et Principalitatem super omnes homines . Whence Paulus Bishop of Apamea in the 5. General Council of Constantinople upon the death of Pope Agapetus used these words to Justinian ; Transtulit ipsum Dominus , ut plenitudinem directionis vestrae custodiret Serenitati . 7ly . By declaring , That if any Bishop by Doctrine or otherwise move any tumults , he shall be punished by my hand , for my hand is the hand of Gods Minister . Si Civibus leges , quam potestatem nobis Deus pro sua in homines benignitate credidit , firmas in omnibus custodiri ad obedientium securitatem studemus ; Quanto plus studi● adhibere debemus circa sacrorum Canonum , et divinarum Legum custodiam ? He reputing this the principal part of his Imperial office , trust , care , & greatest security . 8ly . His Supream Ecclesiastical Power was evidenced by summoning Synods , Councils , and presiding in them ; a Nicephorus Callistus records , Imperator Justinianus , sanctam quintam Synodum Oecumenicam , Episcopis Ecclesiarum omnium evocatis , coegit . And himself in his Letters of Summons issued for convening the 5. General Council of Constantinople ( recorded by b Laurentius Surius , Binius and Crab in their Collections of Councils ) thus relates the summoning of all the former General Councils , and confirmation of their Decrees by all Christian Emperors his predecessots , which occasioned him to summon this 5. General Council by his Edict . In Nomine Domini Dei nostri Jesu Christi , Imperator Caesar Flavius Justinianus , &c. Beatissimis Episcopis & Patriarchis , &c. Semper studium fuit orthodoxis et piis Imperatoribus patribus nostris pro tempore exortas haereses per Congregationem religiosissimorum Episcoporum amputare , et recta fide syncere praedicata in pace sanctam Dei Ecclesiam custodire . Quapropter & Constantinus Prae recordationis , Arrio blasphemante & dicente non esse Filium consubstantialem Deo Patri , sed creaturam , & ex non extantibus factum esse , congregavit Niceae ex diversis Diocesibus trecentos Decem et Octo sanctos patres ; et cum ipse etiam Concilio interfuisset , et adjuvisset eos quod Consubstantialem filium Patri confessi sunt , condemnata Arriana impietate , studium habuit rectam fidem obtinere . Exposito itaque Sancto Symbolo vel Mathemate fidei , per hoc Sancti Patres confessi sunt , consubstantialem esse Filium Deo Patri , quod usque tunc apud plurimos dubitabatur . Sed et Theodosius senior piae recordationis , Macedonio negante Deitatem sancti Spiritus , et Apollinario vel Magno ejus Discipulo , in Dispensatione incarnati Dei verbi blasphemantibus , & dicentibus sensum humanum , non recipisse Deum verbum , sed Carni unitum esse animam irrationabilem habenti ; congregatis in regia Vrbe Centum Quinquaginta Sanctis Patribus , cum et ipse particeps fuisset Concilii , damnatis praedictis Haereticis , una cum impiis eorum dogmatibus , fecit rectam praedicare fidem . Secuti enim iidem Sancti Patres expositam rectam fidem a trecentis Decem et Octo sanctis Patribus explanaverunt de Deitate sancti Spiritus , et perfecte de dispensatione incarnati Dei verbi docuerunt . Iterum Nesto●o Impio alium dicente Deum verbum , & alium Christum , & huncquidem natura felium Dei Patris , illum autem gratia filium in piè introducente , & sanctam Gloriosam semper Virginem Dei Genitricem esse negante , cum penè omnes Orientales partes sua impietate adimplesset idem Nestorius , Theodosius junior piae recordationis congregavit priorem Ephesinam sanctam Synodum , cui praesidebant Coelestinus , et Cyrillus Sancti Patres , & directis Iudicibus qui deberent Concilio interesse , compulit et ipsum Nestorium ibi pervenire , et Iudicium propter eum procedere , et tali examinatione facta , secuti iidem sancti Patres per omnia ea quae de Fide definita sunt ab anterioribus sanctis Patribus condemnaverunt Nestorium , una cum ejus impietate . His ita subsecutis , cum insurrexissent contra Cyrillum sequaces Nestorii impii , fes●inaverunt ( quantum in ipsis fuit ) refutare condemnationem contra Nestorium factam : sed praedictus piae recordationis Theodosius , Vindicans ea quae ita recte contra Nestorium et ejus impietatem fuerant iudicata , fecit firmiter obtinere contra eum factam condemnationem . Et post haec iterum cum Eutichius demens emersisset , negando consubstantialem nobis esse carnem Domini , multis interea motis , tam Constantinopoli , quam Ephesi , tanta pro illa facta est Haereticorum circumventio , ut etiam ejiceretur propter eum Flavianus Religiosae memoriae Regiae Vrbis Episcopus . Piae autem recordationis Martianus congregavit Chalcedone sanctos Patres , et Magna contentione inter Episcopos facta , non solum per suos Iudices , sed etiam per seipsum in Concilium pervenit , et ad concordiam omnes perdurit . Cui sancti Patres in omnibus secuti ea quae pro fide definita sunt apraedictis tribus sanctis Conciliis , et quae judicata sunt de Haereticorum damnatione et impietate eorum , damnaverunt et anathematizaverunt Eutichen dementem , et impia ejus dogmata , necnon et Nestorium cum impiis ejus dogmatibus , quoniam tunc festinaverunt quidam defendere Nestorium et impia ejus dogmata . Super haec autem iidem in Chalcedone sancti Patres anathematizaverunt eos qui aliud Symbolum tradiderunt aut tradunt , praeter hoc quod expositum est a trecentis decem et octo sanctis Patribus , et explanatum a Centum quinquaginta sanctis Patribus . His itaque omnibus , per diversa tempora subsecutis praedicti piae recordationis nostri Patres ea quae in Vnoquoque Concilio judicata sunt Legibus suis corroboraverunt et confirmaverunt , et Haereticos qui definitionibus praedictorum sanctorum quatuor Conciliorum resistere , et Ecclesias conturbare conati sunt , expulerunt . Defuncto autem Martiano Divae Recordationis , cum Contentio esset per diversa loca de Chalcedonensi sancto Concilio . Leo piae recordationis ad omnes ubique Sacerdotes scripsit , ut unusquisque eorum propriam sententiam manifestaret de eodem Sancto Concilio , & cum alius alium Episcopum non expectasset , ad hoc quod interrogati sunt responderunt . Exiguo autem tempore transacto iterum insurrexerunt Nestorii & Eutichis sequaces & tantas turbas in sanctis Dei Ecclesiis fecerunt , ut divisiones , & schismata in eis fierent , & nullam communionem adse invicem Ecclesiae haberent . Nec enim praesumebat aliquis de Civitate ad Civitatem veniens communicare , nec Clericus ex alia Civitate in aliam Civitatem veniens in Ecclesiam procedere . Cum autem secundum suam Misericordiam Dominus Deus Reipublicae Gubernationem nobis credivit , initium et fundamentum nostri Imperii fecimus , conjungere divisos Sacerdotes sanctarum Dei Ecclesiarum , ab Oriente usque ad Occidentem , et omnem contentionem amputantes quae contra Chalcedonensem sanctam Synodum ab Eutychis et Nestorii impiorum sequacibus movebatur , fecimus praedicare eandem sanctam Synodum , cum praedictis aliis sanctis tribus Conciliis in Dei Ecclesiis , certe scientes , quod ea quae ab ea de fide exposita sunt , consonant per omnia aliis tribus sanctis Conciliis , et multis quidem ad eandem sanctam Synodum contradicentibus satisfecimus , alios aut qui perseveraverunt eidem sancto Concilio contradicentes extulimus a sanctis Dei Ecclesiis et Venerabilibus Monasteriis , ut concordia et pace sanctarum Ecclesiarum et earum Sacerdotum firmiter custodita , una et eadem fides quam sanctae quatuor Synodi confessae sunt , in sanctis Dei Ecclesiis praedicetur . His ita pro firmitate sanctarum quatuor Synodorum Deo propitio per nos factis et obtinentibus in sancta Dei Ecclesia , Nestorii sequaces propriam impietatem applicare volentes sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , et non potentes hoc per Nestorium facere , festinaverunt ea introducere per Theodorum Mopsuestenum Doctorem Nestorii , qui multo pejora Nestorio blasphemavit , et super alias innumerabiles suas Blasphemias , contra Christum Deum nostrum factas , alium dixit Deum verbum , alium Christum , nec non et per impia conscripta Theodori quae contra rectam fidem et Ephesinam primam sanctam Synodum , et contra sanctae memoriae Cyrillum et duodecim ejus capitula exposuit , et insuper sceleratam Epistolam , quam dicitur Ibas ad Marim Persam scripsisse , quae plena est omni impietate Theodori et Nestorii . Per hanc etenim impiam Epistolam non solum impietatem , sed etiam ipsas personas Theodori & Nestorii , quas maxime laudat & judicat , eadem impia Epistola festinaverunt condemnationem liberare , dicentes eam susceptam esse à Sancta Chalcedonensi Synodo . Hoc autem dicunt non pro defensione sanctae Synodi sed nomine ejus sicut putant , suam impietatem confirmare festinantes . Certum autem est , quod impia intentio est ista vindicantium , ut si eis evenerit , non praedicetur Deus verbum homo factus esse , nec sancta Gloriosa semper Virgo Maria Dei Genitrix praedicetur . Haec enim Theodorus & Nestorius in suis Conscriptis impie exposuerunt , & qui Epistolam scripsit , in eablasphemat . Nos igitur sequentes sanctos Patres , et volentes rectam fidem sine quadam macula in Dei Ecclesiis praedicari , et impiorum conatum resecare , primum quidem et in vestris vos degentes Ecclesiis interrogavimus de praedictis tribus capitulis , et vestram nobis voluntatem manifestam fecistis , pro qua et comprobavimus vos , quod indubitanter et cum omni alacritate rectam fidem confessi estis , et impiam condemnastis . Quoniam vero et post condemnationem a vobis factam in eisdem ipsis permanent quidam eadem impia tria Capitula vindicantes , ideo vocavimus vos ad regiam Vrbem , hortantes , communiter convenientes , quam habetis pro his voluntatem , iterum manifestare , &c. Adhortamur igitur etiam vos de his disceptare : Scire etenim vos volumus , quod nos ea quae a Sanctis quatuor Conciliis , Niceno , Constantinopolitano , Ephesino primo , et Chalcedonensi de una eademque fide exposita et definita sunt , et de Ecclesiastico statu regulariter disposita , servabimus et defendemus , et ea sequimur , et omnia quae consonant istis suscipimus et amplectimur . Quicquid autem non consonat istis , vel a quacunque persona scriptum inveniatur contra ea quae de una eademque fide a sanctis quatuor Conciliis , vel uno ex his , definita sunt , hoc tanquam alienum , omnino pietatis execramur ; sequimur autem in omnibus sanctos patres et Doctores sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , id est , Athanasium , Hilarium , Basilium , Gregorium Theologum , & Gregorium Nyssenum , Ambrosium , Theophilum , Johann . ( Chrysostomum ) Constantinopolitanum , Cyrillum , Augustinum , Proculum , Leonem , & omnia quae ab his de fide recta , & ad condemnationem Haereticorum conscripta & exposita sunt , suscipimus , &c. After which he prescribes the Bishops what points they should debate in this General Council , and then concludes ; Omnia igitur praedicta cum omni subtilitate disceptantes , sicut Sacerdotes decet , in mente habentes Dei timorem , & futurum judicium , & nihil pietati & rectae fidei & veritati , & Dei gloriae & honori praeponentes , in mente autem habentes et Apostolicam pronuntiationem quae contra eos qui contraria rectae fidei tradunt prolata est , manifeste dicentem , * quod licet Nos vel Angelus de Coelo evangelizaverit vobis praeterquam quod evangelizavimus vobis , anathema sit , scientes autem & Petri Apostoli praeceptum dicentis , * Parati semper estote ad satisfactionem omni petenti vos rationem de spe quae in vobis est , celeriter de his quae interrogavimus vestram manifestate voluntatem . Cum enim qui de recta fide interrogatur diu protrahit , nihil aliud est nist abnegatio rectae confessionis . In this Council the Emperor appointed some of his a Nobles and Judges to be presidents , to take an account of , and direct the Bishops in their proceedings : who after Pope Vigilius his refusal to appear in the Council ; Gloriosissimi Iudices dixerunt , Nos quidem hoc quod jussi sumus à piissimo Imperatore implevimus , & imus ad ejus palatium in ejus obsequium permansuri ; vos autem Dei timorem prae oculis habentes celerem finem imponere causae dignamini , convenientem his quae a sanctis quatuor Conciliis de fide recta definita sunt , scientes quod piissimus Imperator specialiter jussit nobis dicere vestrae Sanctitati , quod ipse quae a sanctis quatuor Conciliis de una eademque fide definita et judicata sunt , et servavit , et servat , et vindicavit , et vindicat , et omnia quidem quae conveniunt his quae ab iisdem Sanctis Conciliis pro recta fide definita sunt , et suscipit et servat ; omnia autem contraria his quae ab ipsis de fide recta judicata sunt , et rejicit , et aliena de Ecclesia judicat esse . This most godly Emperor particularly summoned b Pope Vigilius ( of whose orthodoxy he doubted ) to this Council , both by himself , by his Judges presiding in it , and by Deputies sent to him from the Council ; who frequently admonished him , et proposuerunt iussionem piissimi Imperatoris Papae , ut una cum omnibus conveniret , to debate with the Council , and conclude the 3. Chapters ; who yet ( as the Council attests , and c Bellarmin , and Baronius confesse , ) Neque per se , neque per Legatos interfuit , sed noluit interesse ; ( though then at Constantinople ) whereupon this General Council was held and proceeded without him . Nec enim justum est tam Christianissimum Imperatorem vel fidelem populum scandalizare ex dilatione ejus , upon pretence , that there were many Eastern Bishops there , pauci vero cum eo : facere autem per semetipsum in scriptis suam sententiam , & offerre piissimo Domino ( so he stiled Iustinian ) Ideo enim & inducias postulasse ab ejus Serenitate , ut intra eas suam manifestaret sententiam . During the Councils Sessions , Pope Vigilius published his Apostolical Constitution , and definitive sentence in defence of the Three Chapters : Which Constitution and sentence of his , this General Council contradicted , anathematised even in the cause of faith , censuring his definitive opinion as heretical ; condemning the Catholick faith , and justifying the heresie of Nestorius , as a Bellarmin himself confesseth : All the godly Bishops in the cloze of the 6. Collation cryed out unanimously ; b Multis Annis Imperatorem , orthodoxum Imperatorem multis annis . And in the Conclusion of the 7. Session or Collation they all give him this Encomium : c Sancta Synodus dixit , Evidenter et nunc Deum placans intentio piissimi et tranquillissimi Imperatoris ostensa est , qui omnia semper fecit , et facit quae sanctam Ecclesiam et recta dogmata conservant , qui et modo recitatas Chartas direxit manifestantes et ipsas , quod nec latuit aliquem alienam ab initio esse istorum Capitulorum impietatis sanctam Dei Ecclesiam . Et Christianissimus quidem Imperator mercedem pro his habebit de Christo magno Deo , qui talia multiplicare solet : nos autem Orationes quotidianas facientes pro ejus Serenitate , pro tribus Capitulis altero die adjuvante Deo Synodicam sententiam proferemus . This Emperor ratifying the definitions of this Council by his royal assent and Decrees , d afterwards writ a Confession of his own faith ; wherein he refutes and anathematizeth all Heresies condemned by former Councils , in nature of an Imperial Decree , which he enjoyned to be observed within his Empire , sending it to Pope John the 2d . and approved by Pope Agatho his Successor , printed in Surius with this Title ; Edictum Piissimi Imperatoris Justiniani , fidei Confessionem continens , & refutationem haereseos quae adversantur Catholicae Ecclesiae , &c. With this Note in the Margin ; Confessio Justiniani Imperatoris , Erudito , Pio , et Catholico Imperatore digna . The ground of his compiling and publishing it , is thus expressed in the Prologue : Scientes quod nihil aliud sic potest misericordem Deum placare , quam ut omnes Christiani unum idemque sapiant in recta & immaculata fide , nec sint dissentiones in sancta Dei Ecclesia ; necessarium putavimus , &c. to compile and publish this his Edict and Confession of Faith for these ends . Upon reading whereof e Pontianus , a Bishop , writ thus to him . Exultat autem spiritus noster hoc firmiter te piissime esse Imperator , quod Apostolica fides praedicat , credentes : quod à rectae credulitatis tramite non declines . Talem enim decet esse Imperatorem pium , justum , fidelem , qualem te nos esse cognovimus . Yet notwithstanding all these deserved Encomiums of his transcendent Piety , Christianity , Orthodoxy , Zeal , &c. Cardinal f Baronius is so much enraged against this godly Emperor for his proceedings against Pope Silverius , and Vigilius , and for his Ecclesiastical Laws , that like another Hercules furens he most unchristianly belyes , slanders , reviles , and damnes him to the pit of hell , as the most illiterate , unworthy , impious , tyrannical , presumptuous , heretical wretch that ever breathed ; What ? Christian Princes , such a one as Justinian to make Laws for Popes , or Bishops ? Laws concerning faith , &c. who should receive all such Lawes from , and only obey the Lawes made by Popes and Prelates . Vides quanta iactura cum Principes indicere audent ipsis Sacerdotibus leges , a quibus sancitas servare ipsi debent . Then slandering this * most learned Emperor , as g homo penitus illiteratus , adeo ut nec alphabetum aliquando didicisset , illiteratus Theologus , legere nescius ; ut qui nec prima elementa calluit , qui nunquam legere sciverit , vel ipsum foris inscriptum titulum Bibliorum ; Fecit analphabetum Imperatorem repente palliatum apparere Theologum ; Clero ut sibi subditum aggressus erat praescribere leges . h Sacrarum legum conditorem agit , de Sacerdotibus leges ferre , in eisque poenas statuere praeter jus fasque praesumens . Ille furore percitus ; mente amotus , correp●us malignospiritu , agitatus a Satana , Sacrilegus , &c. a quo accepturi essent Leges Episcopi . Such a one as this Justinian to make Lawes for Bishops ? What is it else but to confound all things ? i Confundi omnia necesse est ; Canones ipse conculcat , penitusque confundet Ecclesiasticam oeconomiam ; Sicque omnem in Ecclesia dissolveret ordinem , faceretue ex regno coelorum ergastulum infernorum . Ne sutor ultra crepidam , &c. Yea he not only taxeth him of Curiosity , temerity , and arrogancy , for medling in sacred affairs , but for a perverse mad-man , an Antichrist , setting up his chair , throne , in the temple of God , and exalting himself above all that is worshipped ; making Sacrilegious Lawes for exercising Infidelity , and writing Edicts for heresie , And that when he died ad supplicia apud infernos luenda profectus est . This insolent , impudent Cardinal had quite forgotten , First , not only the presidents of * King David , Solomon , Hezekiah , and others in the Old Testament , making Laws for Priests and Levites in matters of Worship , Order , &c. but of Constantin the Great , Theodosius & other his religious Predecessors Ecclesiastical Lawes , mentioned in this Generall Council . Secondly That Pope Agatho himself in the 6. general Council of Constantinople , in his Proposals and Confession of the Orthodox faith , received , professed in the Church of Rome , sent to the Emperor Constantius , & this Council , gives this honorable testimony of Justinian his Orthodox faith , Edicts , Book in defence of the Catholick faith : a Justinianus Augustus , cujus fidei rectitudo quantum pro syncera confessione Deo placuit , tantum rempublicam Christianam exaltavit . Et utique ab omnibus gentibus ejus religiosa memoria veneratione digna censetur , cujus fidei rectitudo per Augustissima ejus Edicta in toto orbe diffusa laudatur : quorum unum quod ad Zoilum Alexandrinum praesulem adversus Achephalorum haeresin missum est pro Apostolicae fidei rectitudine satisfacere sufficiens , cum hac nostrae humilitatis suggestione vestrae tranquillissimae Christianitati dirigentes per praesentium latores ( as Delegates to him & this Council under him of 120 Bishops ) offerimus , 3ly . That this Pope and the whole Synod of Rome in their Epistle to their Delegates sent to the Emperor and Council , and Instructions to them read in this General Council ; after their mention and applauses of the Piety , b Orthodoxy , and Zeal of the Emperors Constantine the Great , Theodosius , and Martianus , in summoning the Councils of Nice , Constantinople , Ephesus and Chalcedon , against Arrius and other Heretiques , instantly subjoyn Iustinian , who summoned the Council of Constantinople , as excelling all the former godly Emperors in Piety and Zeal : Et sicut extremi quidem , praestantissimi tamen omnium , magni illius Iustiniani , cujus et virtus , ita et pietas omnia in meliorem ordinem restauravit : cujus justitia fortissimae vestrae clementiae principatus virtutis quidem conatibus Rempublicam Christianam tuetur , et restaurat in melius , &c. 4ly . That this Universal Synod of Constantinople in their 10 c Action caused Justinians Book against Hereticks to be publikely read , as of far greater Authority then any of the Fathers there alleged . Item , relectum est in eodem Codicillo testimonium Iustiniani piissimi Imperatoris er libro contra Nestorianos , et Acephalos . Item , relectum est ex eodem Codicillo testimonium eiusdem sanctae memoriae Iustiniani , ex dogmatica Epistola , ad Zoilum sanctissimum Patriarcham Alexandriae . Quae duo testimonia collata sint similiter ad librum membranaceum , qui est de bibliot hec a venerabilis hujus Patriarchae . 5ly . That Actio 14. the whole Council stiled him 4. or 5. times one after another . d Iustinianus quondam divinae , et divae memoriae Imperator , and his Empresse as often Theodora Divae memoriae , in their examination of the forgeries inserted by some Hereticks into the Acts of this Council held under him . 6ly . That in their e acclamations to Constantin , they give him this Title as a badge of his greatest honour , orthodoxy and piety , Novo Iustiniano aeterna memoria : which they oft repeated in several Letters : 7ly . That * Actio 18 this whole 6th . General Council in their Sermo acclamatorius to the Emperor Constantine there publiquely read , gave this Encomium of him , Post haec Justiniano piissimo , &c. And Canon 1. stile him , Justinianus piae memoriae . 8ly . That Actio 18. the Emperor Constantine himself stiles him , Justinianus Divinae memoriae , in his Edict ratifying this Council . 9ly . That f Mansuetus Bishop of Millain , and the whole Synod of Bishops under him in their Epistle and Confession of faith sent to the Emperor Constantine and this General Council , after their commendation of Constantine , Theodosius magnus , and Martianus , praestantissimi & Christianae religionis amatores , ( who summoned the Councils of Nice , Constantinople , Ephesus , and Chalc●don , ) give this Character of Justinian , Demptis his omnibus , deinc●ps Christianissimo Iustiniano Imp : cuius cum nomine et opera micuerunt , existentibus quibusdam qui sanctam Chalcedonensem Syno●um sub naevo offensionis rejicere inconsideratis vacibus jactitabant , tunc a praefato Principe iterato in regia urbe Constantinop : Concilio congregati sunt 160. reverendi Patres , &c. sanctam & immaculatam orthodoxam fidem viventib●s sententiis roborantes , firmissimam adsertionem confirmaverunt . If this whole General Council , together with the Synods of Rome , Millain , the Emperor Constantine , Pope Agatho himself and other godly Bishops gave these high Encomiums of Justinians transcendent piety , orthodoxy , constancy , learning and knowledge , within an 120. years after his decease , How impudent , impious , injurious is Cardinal Baronius above one thousand years after , to slander him for an Heretical , in pious , flagitious , illiterat , damned miscreant ? 10ly . * Pope Gregory the 1. oft stiles him , Justinus piae memoriae , for vertue and piety renowned , and to be held in veneration by all Nations . 11ly . a Aimonius gives Justinian this testimony , Justinian was a man Fide Catholicus , pietate insignis , aequitatis cultor Egregius ; therefore all things prospered under his hand . b Otto Frisingensis calls him , Christianissimum ac piissimum Principem , qui Imperium quasi mortuum resuscitavit , &c. as well as the Church . c Gothofri●us Viterbiensis terms him , Christianissimum Principum ; The whole glory of God was repaired by his vertue , and peace established in the Church , which remained in that stable peace which under him it enjoyed . d Wernerus records , He was in all things most excellent ; for in him did concurr three things which make a Prince glorious ; to wit , Power , by which he overcame his Enemies ; Wisdom , by which he governed the world by just Lawes ; and a Religious mind to Gods worship , by which he glorified God and beautified Churches . e Tritemius assures us , He was deservedly reckoned among Eccle●●astical writers ; he expresly mentioning 3. Books which he writ in defence of the Orthodox faith , against Eutiches ; and one against the African Bishops ; With whom f Possevine the Jesuite concurres : Adding , Justinian the Emperor , a religious man , sent to the See Apostolick ( or Pope John the 3d. ) the Profession of his faith , scriptum chirographo proprio , written with his own hand ( testifying his great love to , and care for the Christian Religion . 12ly . * Liberatus ( who lived under Iustinian , and was no well-wisher to him ) records ; That he writ a Book against the Acephali , and Eutichian Hereticks , in defence of the Council of Chalcedon : Therfore Baronius his passages , that he was altogether illiterate , and unable so much as to read , must needs be malicious forgeries . 13ly . g Suidas stiles him , A most Catholick and Orthodoxal Emperor . h Paulus Diaconus relates ; That he governed the Empire , felici sorte ; and was a Prince for his faith Catholick , in his actions upright , in his judgements just : therefore all things concurred to his good . 14ly . i Sebastianus Munster registers of him : He was a just and upright man , ingenious in finding out matters ; atque haeresium maximus hostis . Yea k Platina gives him this testimony , Iustinus his next successor was Nulla in re similis Iustiniano ; for he was wicked , covetous , ravenous , a contemner both of God and man. 15ly . l Procopius gives him this Encomium , That Justinian seemed to have been ordained to the Imperial dignity by God , that he might repair the whole Empire , and likewise the Church of God : For he built the most magnificent Church Sophia in Constantinople , comparable to Solomons Temple , the mirrour of all ages , with 37. Stately Churches in Constantinople , Antioch , Ierusalem , and other great Cities , besides many Abbies , Churches , Hospitals ; so that Nulla satietas honorandi Deum eum cepit , as Procopius relates , asserts . And m Evagrius ( who being an Eutichian , was most despitefull to him ) gives him this testimony , That it is reported he restored a-new one hundred and fifty Cities , either totally overthrown or utterly decayed , and that he so beautified them with great Ornaments , publike and private houses , goodly walls , sumptuous buildings and Churches , ut nihil esse posset magnificentius . Which yet were nothing comparable to his most wholesom Imperial Lawes , ( abridged , corrected , supplied by his learned care and diligence ) whereby he governed both the Empire and Church . 16ly . His memory was so famous , for Piety , Zeal , Iustice , Wisdome , Government , Vertues , n That all the people annually celebrated the memory of Justinian with great Pomp , solemnity , and panegyrick Orations to his honor , both in the Church of Sophia in Constantinople , and in the Church of St. Iohn at Ephesus , which he built . And although Baronius out of malice place him in hell , yet Pope o Agatho and his whole Roman Council , rank him among the glorious and blessed Saints in heaven , St. Constantine , Theodosius , and Martian ; saying , That he is a blessed Saint venerable in all ages ; and this Pope with the whole 6. General Council ( as q Nicephorus records ) Iustinianum beata quiete dignatur ; oft stiling him holy , blessed , divine , happy , & semper eum qui in sanctis est Justinianum dicunt . 17ly . Learned r Dr. Crakenthorp gives this testimony of him ; There cannot be found in all Scripture more fair evidence , nor a more authentick Charter for the happy estate of any one in particular , that lived since the Apostles times , then is for this Justinian ; For what were the works which did accompany and follow him ? Truly the works of sincere faith , of fervent zeal to God , of love to the Church and children of God , the works of piety , of prudence , of justice , of fortitude , of munificence , of many other heroical vertues ; with these , as with a garment and chain of pure gold , Justinian being decked , was brought unto the bridegroom . Every Decree made or ratified by him for confirming the truth ; every Anathema against Heresies and hereticks , particularly those against Vigilius , and all that defend him ( that is , against Baronius , and all that defend the Popes infallibility in defining matters of faith ; ) every Temple or Church , every Monastery and Hospital , every City and Town , every Bridge , Haven , and Highway , every Castle , Fort and Munition , whether made or repaired by him , tending either immediately to the advancing of Gods service in strengthening the Empire against his and Gods enemies ; Every Book in the Digest , Code , and Authenticks ; every Title , yea every Law in every Title whereby the Christian faith or Religion , or preaceable order and tranquillity have been either planted or propagated , or continued in the Church , or Commonwealth ; all these and every one of them , and many other the like , which I cannot either remember or recount , are like so many Rubies , Chrysolites and Diamonds in the costly Garment , or so many links in the golden chain of his faith and virtues ; Seeing they who offer but one mite into the Treasury of the Lord ; or , give but one cup of cold water to a Prophet in the name of a Prophet , shall not want a reward ; O what a weight of eternity and glory , shall that Troop of Vertues and Train of Good works obtain at his hands , who rewardeth indeed every man according to their works ; but withall rewardeth them infinitely above all the dignity or condignity of their works ? I have the longer insisted in clearing Justinians Ecclesiastical Supremacy in matters of faith , worship , over all Ecclesiastical persons , and Popes themselves , with his piety as well as Regality in making , collecting the forecited Ecclesiastical Laws ; because they are most punctual to my present Theam , and most oppugned by Baronius . Agapetus a famous learned Deacon of Constantinople , in his Admonitorium to the Emperor Justinian , hath these memorable passages , Honore quolibet sublimiorem quanto habeas dignitatem , O Imperator , honora supra omnes , qui hoc te dignatus est , Deum , quoniam juxta similitudinem caelestis Regni tradidit tibi sceptrum terrenae potestatis , ut homines doceas justi custodiam . Super omnia praeclara quae regnum habet , pietatis cultusque divini corona regem exornat . Sceptrum Imperii quam a Deo susceperis cogitato quibusnam modis placebis ei qui id tibi dedit ; quumque omnibus hominibus ab eo sis praelatus ( therefore above the Pope , and all other Prelates ) magis omnibus eum honestare festina : porro id ipse honestamentum arbitratur maximum , si quasi te factos a se tuearis , atque ut debiti solutionem benefaciendi munus adimpleas , &c. And he positively asserts ; Essentia corporis aequalis cuilibet homini Imperator , potestate autem dignitatis cunctorum praesidi Deo , nec enim habet in terris se quenquam altiorem : oportet igitur ipsum ut Deum , non irasci , ut mortalem non efferri &c. His Imperator non habet in terris se quenquam altiorem , making much against the Popes Supremacy , recited by Antonius Abbas ( in his Melissa , ) the Roman Censurers in their Index Expurgatorius , Romae excus : Anno 1607. p. 200. and the Spanish Inquisitors in their Index librorum prohibitorum & expurgand . excus . Madreti , Anno 1612. in Agapeto , p. 797. not deeming it expedient totally to expunge it , are contented to yield the Emperors Supremacy in Temporals , by adding this exposition of them in the Margin of future Impressions ; Intellige de Potestate politica & seculari : ( enough to subvert the Popes Secular Monarchy , asserted by them and their flatteres ) when as Agapetus meant it of his Supremacy in Spirituals as well as Temporals , as his precedent and subsequent words assure us , against this false new marginal Glosse . He adds , Imperator ut est omnium Dominus , ( therefore the Popes ) ita cum omnibus Dei servus existat : his whole Admonitorium tends to prove , that the advancement of Piety , Religion , and Gods Worship , is and ought to be all Kings , Emperors chiefest study , care , as well as honor and safety . a Pope Pelagius the 1. in his Epistle to King Childebert , writes , We must endeavour to declare the obedience of our succession unto Kings , quibus nos ( even us who are Popes , as well as others ) etiam subditos esse sanctae Scripturae praecipiunt ; to wit , Rom. 13. & 1 Pet. 2. b Chilpericus King of France accused Pretextatus Bishop of Rhoan for Theft , Treason against him , and divers other crimes , for which he declared se de jure in eum agere potuisse ; but yet he summoned a Synod to examin and hear the cause , because he would not seem to crosse the Canons : whereupon a Synod being called at Paris , Gregorius Turonensis Episcopus ( though a great favourer of Pretextatus , ) thus ingenuously professed and told the King : Si quis de nobis ( Episcopis ) O Rex Justitiae tramitem transcendere voluerit , a te corrigi potest ; but if you transgresse them , who shall punish you ? We speak unto you : If you be willing , you obey ; but if you be unwilling , who can condemn you , but he only who hath pronounced that he is iust ? Not the Pope , nor a whole Synod of Bishops , as this Bishop confesseth . Pretextatus being convicted of the crimes by his own confession , was thereupon apprehended , imprisoned , and afterwards banished by this King , but recalled and restored by King Gunthram his Successor . This King Gunthram summoned a Synod at Lyons against Salonius Ebredunensis Episcopus , and Sagittarius Vaxiensis Episcopus , who being complained against for drunkennesse , whoredom , and other crimes , and convicted thereof , were deprived of their Bishopricks , and thrust into a Monastery as Prisoners by the King for a time . Afterwards , complaining to the King that they were unjustly injured by the Synod , they petitioned him , sibi tribui licentiam ut ad Papam urbis Romae accedere debeant . Whereupon Rex annuens petitionibus eorum , datis Epistolis , eos abire permisit . When they came to Rome , and comp●●ined to Pope John of their misery and unjust removal , he writ to the King , desiring him to restore them ; which he did . After which they falling into new crimes by bearing arms , murdering and oppressing their Citizens , reviling the King and his mother , drinking and whoring day and night , were again removed by the King from their Bishopricks , and thrust into the Monastery of Marcellus . d This King the next year summoned another Synod in urbe Valentina , which met , juxta imperium Domini Gunthrami Regis , pro diversis pauperum querimoniis , &c. Et quia praedictus Rex per virum illustrem Asclepeiadorum referendarium , datis ad Sanctam Synodum Epistolis injunxit , to subscribe what ever he , his Queen , and daughters had given to holy places ; they thereupon accordingly subscribed . About the year 590. e Gunthramus Rex Francorum issued this memorable Precept , De observando die Dominico to the Bishops summoned by him to the second Council of Matiscon , & omnibus Pontificibus & universis Clericis , & cunctis Judicibus in regione nostra cons●itutis , beginning thus ; Per hoc supernae Majestatis authorem ( cujus universa reguntur Imperio ) placari credimus , si in populo nostro justitiae jura , & praeceptorum divinorum monita servamus . Dum ergo pro Regni nostri stabilitate , & salvatione Populi , solicitudine pervigili attentius pertractavimus , agnovimus infra regni nostri spatia universa scelera , quae canonibus et legibus pro divino timore puniri consuerunt , suadente adversario boni operis , perpetrari ( to the drawing down of Gods judgements on them ; ) which sinnes he thereupon enjoynes the Bishops and Ministers to endeavour to suppresse by their Preaching and Holy Lives ; Nam nec nos , quibus facultatem regnandi superni Regis commisit authoritas iram eius evadere possumus , si de subiecto populo solicitudinem non habemus : Idcirco hujus Decreti ac definitionis generalis vigore decernimus ut in omnibus diebus Dominicis , in quibus sanctae resurrections mysterium veneramur , quando ex more ad veneranda templorum oracula universae plebis connectio devotionis congregatur studio , praeter quod victum praeparari convenit , ab omni corporali opere suspendantur : enjoyning all Bishops and Priests thereon , constanti praedicatione populi universam multitudinem corrigere , &c. And the Judges to punish them according to Law ; Concluding , Cuncta ergo , quae hujus Edicti tenore decrevimus perpetualiter volumus custodiri , quia in sancta Synoda Matisconensi , haec omnia sicut nostis , studuimus diffiniri , quae praesenti authoritate vulgamus , wherein were 20. Canons made , ( the first , for the strict observation of the Lords day ) which he ratifyed by this Royal Edict . All the Bishops in this Council concluded , Propterea inde●inenter omnes nos orare oportet , ut Dei omnipotentis Majestas , & Regis nostri incolumitatem solita pietate conservet , & nos omnes illa operari concedat , quae Serenitati ac Ma●estati ejus ritè complaceant : instead of quarrelling at his zeal for religion , Gods worship , and regal care of his own and his Subjects salvation , for whom he was to give an account to God , who had constituted him their King. a Justus Orgelitanus a Spanish Bishop , present in the 2d . Council of Toledo , in his Explicatio in Cantica Car●icorum , thus expounds these words ; [ Quia caput plenun●●●● : ] Hi qui Principali honore in Ecclesia praeminere videntur ; quasi caput in Christi corpore adver●enture ( not the Pope . ) Et qui in ipsa fidelium congregatione Sacramenta visibilia administrant , veluti cincinni de cribuntur : which flow only from the head , and are no part thereof . The Spanish Kings being the Supream head on earth of the Spanish Church , as will appear by the 3d. Council of Toledo , Anno 589. b Regnante gloriosissimo atque piissimo & Deo fidelissimo Domino Reccaredo Rege ; cum idem gloriosissimus Princeps omnes regiminis sui Pontifices in unum convenire mandasset in Civitate Regia Toletana ; ( the Metropolis of Spain ; ) this pious King sitting in the midst of this Council ( where 72 Bishops assembled ) made an Oration to them , so soon as they were sate , shewing the reasons of its summons , wherein are these remarkable passages , evidencing the supream care of the orthodox faith , religion , and peoples souls , to reside in Kings ; and that himself was the instrument raised by God to convert the Gothes and Swedes to the Orthodox faith , a Summary whereof he had drawn up , and tendred to this Council to be read , professed , & ratified throughout his Kingdom for the future . Non credimus vestram latere sanctitatem quanto tempore in errore Arrianorum , laborasset Hispania , & non multos post decessum genitoris nostri dies , quibus nos vestra beatitudo fidei sanctae Catholicae cognovit esse sociatos , credimus generaliter magnum et aeternum gaudium habuisse , et ideo Venerandi Patres ad hanc vos peragendum congregandos decrevimus Synodum , ut de omnibus nuper advenientibus ad Christum , ipsi aeternas Domino gratias deferatis . Quicquid vero verbis apud Sacerdotium vestrum nobis agendum erat de fide atque spe nostra , quam gerimus , in hoc Tomo conscripta atque allegata , notescimus . Relegatur ergo in medio vestri , et in Iudicio Synodali examinata , per omne succiduum tempus Gloria nostra ejusdem fidei Testimonio decorata clarescat . Susceptus est autem ab omnibus Dei Sacerdotibus , offerente Rege , sacrosanctae fidei tomus , et pronunciante Notario clara voce recensitus est ita , &c. Here this King himself draws up a Confession of his Faith , and commands it to be publickly read in the Synod ; which was generally received by all the Bishops and Priests present in this Council , was read with a lowd voyce in this memorable form . Quamvis Deus omnipotens , pro utilitatibus populorum regni , nos culmen subire tribuerit , et moderamen gentiumnon paucarum regiae nostrae curae commiserit , meminimus tamen nos mortalium conditione perstringi , nec posse felicitatem futurae beatitudinis aliter promereri , nisi nos cultui verae fidei deputemus , et conditori nostro , saltem confessione , qua dignus est ipse , placeamus . Pro qua re quanto subditorum gloria regali extollimur , tanto providi esse debemus ( Let Baronius , Popes and Popish Prelates observe it , who deny that Kings have ought to do in matters of Faith and Religion ) in his quae ad Deum sunt , vel nostram spem augere , vel gentibus nobis a Deo creditis consulere . Caeterum , quid pro tantis beneficiorum collationibus omnipotentiae divinae valemus tribuere ? quando omnia ipsius sint , et bonorum nostroum nihil egeat , nisi ut in eum sic tota devotione credimus , quemadmodum per scripturas sacras se ipse intelligi voluit , et credi praecepit ? id est , ut confiteamur esse Patrem , qui genuerit ex substantia sua Filium sibi & coequalem et coaeternum : Non tamen ut idem ipse sit natus & genitor , sed persona alius sit Pater , qui genuit , alius sit Filius qui fuerit generatus , unius tamen uterque substantiae in divinitate subsistat . Pater , ex quo sit Filius , ipse vero ex nullo sit alio : Filius qui habeat Patrem , sed sine initio & sine diminutione , in ea , qua Patri coaequalis & coaeternus est divinitate subsistat . Spiritus sanctus confitendus a nobis est et praedicandus , a Patre & Filio procedere , & cum Patre & Filio unius esse substantiae . Tertiam vero in Trinitate Spiritus sancti esse personam , qui tamen communem habeat cum Patre & Filio divinitatis essentiam . Haec enim Sancta Trinitas , unus Deus est ; Pater & Filius , & Spiritus sanctus , cujus bonitate omnis licet bona sit condita creatura , per assump●am tamen à Filio humani habitus formam , a damnata progenie reformamur ad beatitudinem pristinam . Sed sicut verae salutis indicium est Trinitatem in Unitate , & Vnitatem in Trinitate sentire , ita erit consummata justitia , si candem fidem intra Vniversalem Ecclesiam teneamus , et Apostolicam Vnitatem in Apostolico positi fundamento , servemus . Tamen vos Dei Sacerdotes , meminisse oportet , quantis hucusqae Ecclesia Dei catholica per Hispanias adversae partis molestiis laboraverit , dum & Catholici constanter fidei suae tenerent ac defenderent veritatem , & Haeretici pertinaciori animositate propriae niterentur * perfidi . Me quoque ut reipsa conspicitis calore fidei accensum , in hoc Dominus excitavit , ut depulsa obstinatione , infidelitatis et discordiae submoto furore , populum qui sub nomine religionis famulabatur errori , ad agnitionem fidei , et Ecclesiae Catholicae consortium revocarem . Adest enim omnis gens Gothorum inclyta , et fere omnium Gentium genuina virilitate opinata , quae licet suorum pravitate Doctorum a fide hactenus vel unitate Ecclesiae catholicae fuerit segregata , tota nunc tamen MEO ASSENSUI CONCORDANS , ejus Ecclesiae communioni participatur , quae diversarum gentium multitudinem materno sinu suscipit , & charitatis uberibus nutrit . De qua Propheta canente dicitur : a Domus mea domus Orationis vocabitur omnibus Gentibus : Nec enim solum Gothorum conversio ad cumulum nostrae mercedis accessit , quinimo et Suevorum gentis infinita multitudo , quam praesidio caelesti nostro regno subjecimus , alieno licet vitio in Haeresin deductum ; * NOSTRO TAMEN AD VERITATIS ORIGINEM STUDIO REVOCAVIMUS . Proinde Sanctissimi Patres has nobilissimas gentes , quae Dominicis lucris PER NOS applicatae sunt , quasi sanctum et placabile sacrificium per vestras manus aeterno Deo offero . Erit enim mihi immarcessibilis corona , vel gaudium in retributione Iustorum , si hi populi , qui NOSTRA ad unitatem Ecclesiae SOLERTIA transcurrerunt , fundati in eadem et stabiliti permaneant . Sicut enim DIVINO NUTU NOSTRAE CURAE FUIT HOS POPULOS AD UNITATEM CHRISTI ECCLESIAE PERTRAHERE , ita sit vestrae docibilitatis , catholicis eos dogmatibus instituere , quo in toto cognitione veritatis instructi , noverint ex solido errores Haeresis perniciosae respuere , & verae fidei tramitem ex charitate retinere , vel Catholicae Ecclesiae communionem desiderio avidiori amplecti . Caeterum , sicut facile ad veniam pervenisse confido , quod nescia hucusque tam clarissima erraverit gens , ita gravius esse non dubito , si agnitam veritatem dubio corde teneat , atque a patenti lumine ( quod absit ) oculos suos avertat . Unde valdè pernecessarium esse perspexi , vestram in unum convenire beatitudinem , habens sententiae Dominicae fidem , qua dicit , b Ubi fuerint duo vel tres collecti in nomine meo , ibi sum in medio eorum . Credo enim beatam sanctae , Trinitatis divinitatem huic sancto interesse Concilio , et ideo , tanquam ante conspectum Dei , ita in medio vestri fidem meam protuli , conscius admodum sententiae divinae dicentis , Non celavi misericordiam tuam et veritatem tuam a congregatione multa . Vel Apostolum Paulum , Timotheo Discipulo praecipientem audivi ; Certa bonum certamen fidei , apprehende vitam aeternam in qua vocatus es , confessus bonam confessionem coram multis testibus . Vera est enim redemptoris nostri ex evangelio sententia , qua confitentem se coram hominibus , confiteri dicit coram Patre , et negantem se esse negaturum . Expedit enim nobis id ore profiteri quod corde credimus , secundum caeleste mandatum , quod dicitur , Corde creditur ad justitiam , ore autem confessio fit ad salutem . * Proinde , sicut Anathematizo Arrium , cum omnibus dogmatibus et complicibus suis , qui Unigentum Dei filium à paterna degenerem asserebat esse substantia , nec à patre genitum , sed ex nihilo dicebat esse creatum , vel omnia concilia malignantium quae adversus Sanctam Synodum Nicenam extiterunt ; ita in honorem et laudem Dei fidem sanctam Niceni observo Concilii , et honoro ; ea quae contra eundem rectae fidei Arrium pestem trecentorum decem et octo sancta Episcopalis scripsit Synodus . Amplector itaque et teneo fidem Centum Quinquaginta Episcoporum Constantinopoli congregatorum , quae Macedonium , Spiritus sancti substantiam minorantem , & à Patris & Filii unitate & essentia segregantem , jugulo veritatis interemit . Primae quoque Ephesinae Synodi fidem , quae adversus Nestorium ejusque doctrinam lata est , credo pariter et honoro . Similiter et Chalcedonensis Concilii fidem , quam plenam Sanctitate & Eruditione adversus Eu●ichen & Dioscorum protulit , cum omni Ecclesia catholica reverenter suspicio . Omnium quoque Orthodoxorum venerabilium Sacerdotum Concilia , quae ab ipsis suprascriptis quatuor Synodis , fidei puritate non dissonant , pari veneratione observo . Properet ergo reverentia vestra , fidem hanc nostram canonicis applicare monimentis , & ab Episcopis , vel religiosis aut gentis nostrae * primoribus solenniter fidem , quam in Ecclesia catholica crediderunt , audire . Quam renovatam apicibus , vel eorum subscriptionibus roboratam , futuris olim temporibus in testimonium Dei , atque hominum reservatae , ut hae gentes , quas in Dei nomine , regia potestate praecellimus , & deterso antiquo errore per unctionem sacrosancti Chrismatis , vel manus impositionem paracletum intra Dei Ecclesiam perceperunt Spiritum , quem unum & aequalem cum Paire & Filio confitentes , ejusque Dono in sinu Ecclesiae sanctae Catholicae collatae sunt , si eorum aliqui hanc rectam & sanctam Confessionem nostram minime credere voluerint , iram Dei cum Anathemate aeterno percipiant , et de interitu suo fidelibus gaudium , infidelibus sint in exemplum . Huic vero confessioni meae , sanctas suprascriptorum Conciliorum constitutiones contexui , et testimonio divino tota cordis simplicitate subscripsi . Then follow the 3. Confessions of faith : viz. Confessio Nicenae Synodi , Credimus , &c. Symbolum CL. Patrum Constantinopolitani Concilii , Credimus , &c. Tractatus Chalcedonensis Synodi . Next , this Kings and his Queens subscriptions , to this his Confession of faith , which was publikely read , Ego Reccaredus Rex fidem hanc sanctam et veram Confessionem , quam una per totum orbem Catholica confitetur Ecclesia , corde retinens , ore affirmans , mea dextera Deo protegente subscripsi . Ego Badda gloriosa Regina hanc fidem , quam credidi et suscepi , manu mea de toto corde subscripsi . Which being read , Tunc acclamatum est in laudibus Dei et in favore Principis ab universo Concilo : Gloria Deo Patri , & Filio , & Spiritui sancti , cui cura est pacem & unitatem Ecclesiae suae Sanctae Catholicae providere . Gloria Domino nostro Jesu Christo , qui precio sanguinis sui Ecclesiam Catholicam ex omnibus gentibus congregavit . Gloria Domino nostro Jesu Christo , qui tam illustrem gentem unitati fidei verae copulavit , et unum gregem , & unum Pastorem instituit . Cui a Deo aeternum meritum , nisi vero Catholico Reccaredo Regis ? Cui a Deo aeterna corona , nisi vero Orthodoxo Reccaredo Regi ? Cui praesens Gloria et aeterna nisi vero amatori Dei Reccaredo regi ? Ipse novarum plebium in Ecclesia conquisitor . Ipse mereatur veraciter Apostolicum meritum , qui Apostolicum implevit officium ( Mark these expressions of all those Bishops and Priests ) Ipse sit Deo et hominibus amabilis qui tam mirabiliter Deum glorificavit in terris , praestante Domino nostro Iesu Christo , qui cum Deo Patre vivit & r●gnat in unitate Spiritus sancti in secula seculorum . After this the Bishops , Priests , Nobles assembled in this Council having thus approv'd , applauded this Kings Confession of his faith , drew up another of their own concurring in form and substance with the Kings , which not only the Bishops & Priests , but likewise , * Similiter omnes Seniores ●othorum ( then present ) et permulti Procerum et Illustrium virorum subscripserunt : Having Votes and Subscriptions too in this famous Council , as well as the Bishops and Priests , even in matters of faith : Which their right a Pope Nicholas the 1. in his Epistle to Michael the Emperor ( about the year 870. ) in the case of Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople , acknowledgeth in these words . Vbinam legistis , Imperatores antecessores vestors Synodalibus Conventionibus interfuisse ? etsi forte in quibusdam , tibi de fide tractatum est : quae et omnium communis est ; quae non solum ad Clericos , verum etiam ad Laicos , et ad omnes omnino pertinet Christianos . And the Glosse thus seconds . Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus debet approbari ; as here it was . * Post Confessionem ergo & subcriptionem omnium Episcoporum , et totius gentis Gothicae Seniorum , Gloriosissimus Dominus noster Reccaredus Rex , pro reparandis simul et confirmandis disciplinae Ecclesiasticae moribus , Dei Sacerdotes taliter affatus est , dicens . Regia cura usque in eum modum protendi debet et dirigi , quam plenam constiterit aetatis et scientiae capere rationem . Nam sicut in rebus humanis eminet potestas regia , ita et prospiciendae commoditati comprovincialium major debet esse et providentia . At nunc , beatissimi Sacerdotes , non in eis tantummodo rebus diffundimus solertiam nostram , quibus populi sub nostro regimine positi pacatissime gubernentur et vivant , sed etiam in adjutorio Christi , extendimus nos ad ea , quae sunt coelestia , cogitare , et quae populos fideles efficiant satagimus non nescire . This being the principal part of his Regal office and care . ) Caeterum si totis nitendum est viribus , humanis moribus modum ponere , & insolentium rabiem regia potestate refrenare , si quieti & paci propagandae opem debemus impendere ; multo magis est adhibenda solicitudo , ( mark it ) desiderare , et cogitare divina , inhiare ad sublimia , et ab errore retractis populis veritatem eis se renae lucis ostendere . Sic enim agit qui multiplici bono se a Deo remunerari confidit . Sic enim agit qui super id , quod ei committitur , auget , dum illi dicitur , Quicquid supererogaveris , ego cum rediero reddam tibi . Ergo quia jam fidei nostrae & confessionis formam plena serie vestra beatitudo recensuit , simulque et Sacerdotum nostrorumq , Procerum fides atque confessio sanctitati vestrae perpatuit , hoc adhuc necessario pro firmitate Catholicae fidei nostra Deo supplex instituere decrevit authoritas , ut propter roborandum gentis nostrae novellam conversionem , omnes Hispaniarum & Galiciae Ecclesiae hanc regulam servent , ut omni sacrificii tempore ante communicationem corporis Christi et sanguinis , iuxta Orientalium partium morem , unanimiter clara voce sacratissimum fidei recenseant Symbolum , ut primum populi , quam credulitatem teneant fateantur , & sic corde fide purificata ad Christi corporis & sanguinem percipiendum exhibeant , &c. De caet●ro autem prohibendis insolentium moribus mea vobis consentiente●cl mentia , sententiis terminate districtioribus , & firmiore disciplina quae facienda non sunt , prohibete , et ea quae fieri debent immobili constitutione firmate . Whereupon they drew up 23. Canons to this purpose according to this Kings direction ; who ratified them by this ensuing Royal Decree , wherein the heads of them are all recited . * Edictum Regis de Confirmatione Concilii . Gloriosisimus Dominus Reccaredus Rex , universis sub Regimine nostrae potestatis existentibus . Amatores nos sui divini favoris veritas , nostris principaliter sensibus inspiravit , ut causa instaurandae fidei ac disciplinae Ecclesiasticae , Episcopos omnes Hispaniae nostro praesentari culmini juberemus . Pracedente autem diligenti et tanta deliberatione , sive quae ad fidem conveniunt , seu quae ad morum correctionem respiciant , sensus maturitate , & intelligentiae gravitate constant esse digesta . Nostra proinde authoritas id omnibus , ad regnum nostrum pertinentibus jubet , ut quae definita sunt in hoc sancto Concilio nulli contemnere liceat , nullus praeterire praesumat . Capitula enim quae nostris sensibus placita et disciplinae congrua , a praesenti conscripta sunt Synodo , in omni authoritate , sive Clericorum , sive quorumcunque omnium , observentur et maneant . Then reciting their heads , he concludes , Has omnes constitutiones Ecclesiasticas quas summatim breviterque perstrinximus , sicut plenius in Canones continentur , manere perenni stabilitate sancimus . Si quis ergo Clericus aut Laicus harum sanctionum obediens esse nosuerit , si Episcopus , Presbyter , Diaconus aut Clericus fuerit , ab omni Concilio excommunicationi subjaceat . Si vero Laicus fuerit , & honestioris loci persona est , medietatem facultatum suorum amittat fisci juribus profuturam ; si vero minoris loci persona est , amissione rerum suarum mulctatus , in exilium deputetur . Flavius Reccaredus Rex , hanc deliberationem , quam cum sancta diffinimus Synodo , confirmans subscripsi . It is very observable that this King * Reccaredus by his power , piety , and example converted all the Bishops , Clergy , Nobles and others of the whole Gothish Nation , from the Arrian Heresie which they anathematized , to the Orthodox faith , as they all thus acknowledged in this Council . Tunc Episcopi omnes una cum Clericis suis , Primoresque gentis Gothicae , pari consensione dixerunt , Licet hoc jam olim conversionis nostrae tempore egerimus , quando secuti gloriosissimum Dominum nostrum Reccaredum Regem ad Ecclesiam transivimus , et perfidiam Arrianam , cum omnibus superstitionibus suis anathematizavimus , pariterque abjecimus : After which protesting their unanimous , cordial believing , embracing , profession of the Kings Orthodox faith , they denounced many Anathemaes against the Arrian heresy , and each branch thereof ; subjoyning this ingenuous confession of their Conversion from their heresie , by this Kings means , and their cordial embracing of his faith . Comfitemur , nos ex haeresi Arriana toto corde , tota anima , & tota mente nostra ad Ecclesiam catholicam fuisse conversos . Nulli dubium sit , nos , nostrosque decessores errasse in haeresi Arriana , & fidem Evangelicam , atque Apostolicam nunc intra Ecclesiam Catholicam didicisse . Proinde fidem sanctam quam religiosissimus Dominus noster patefecit in medio Concilii , et manu sua subscripsit , hanc et nos tenemus , hanc confitemur pariter et suscipimus , hanc in populis praequicare , atque docere promittimus . Haec est vera fides , quam omnis Ecclesia , dum per totum mundum tenet , Catholica esse creditur , & probatur , Cui haec fides non placet , aut non placuerit , sit Anathema Maranatha in adventu Domini nostri Jesu Christi , &c. All of them unanimously embracing ; subscribing , professing perpetually to adhere to that Confession of the Catholick faith , which this their religious King ( who converted them ) had made and read unto them in this Synod ; anathematizing all such who disliked , or assented not thereunto . I have transcribed these Speeches , passages , Confession , and Charter of Confirmation of this pious King and Synod even in Spain it self ( where the Pope now most predominates ) because they justifie the Emperor Justinians Ecclesiastical Authority , Laws , Proceedings , ( so much decryed by * Baronius ) demonstrate the care and duty of the antientest Christian Kings in Spain and elsewhere to promote the orthodox faith , true worship , service of God , conversion , salvation of their Subjects souls as the principal means of their temporal and eternal felicity : and utterly subvert the antichristian assertions of Popes , Popish Canonists , Prelats , Priests ; a Quaecunque a Principibus terrae in ordinibus , vel in Ecclesiasticis rebus decreta inveniuntur , authoritatis nullius esse monstrantur , cum Laici de● rebus Ecclesiasticis nihil possunt constituere ; b That this matter is so clear , that no secular Prince from the beginning of the world till this day , can be named , who by the ordinary power of a Prince ( without the gift of Prophecy or special Revelation ) did laudably meddle with Religion , as a Judge , or ruler of spiritual causes , &c. And refutes the received answer of Civilians and Canonists on Justinians most excellent Law concerning Bishops and Priests , to this Question , c Ad quid se intromittat Imperator de Spiritualibus vel Ecclesiasticis , cum sciat ad se non pertinere ? To which if any answer be given , it must be principally this : Dic , quod authoritate Papae hoc facit ; by whose Authority neither any pious Emperors , nor this Spanish King ever held , summoned Councils , or made , confirmed the recited orthodox Confessions of faith , nor their Ecclesiastical Laws or Constitutions , but by their own Regal Supremacies . a Pope Gregory the 1. sirnamed the Great , most frequently prayes to God for the Emperor Mauritius , and stiles him his Lord , and most excellent Lord : adding , Deus vos universo mundo praeesse constituit . b Potestas Dominorum meorum caelitus data est super omnes homines ; himself subjecting his Papal Miter to his Imperial commands , not out of meer humility , but bounden duty and conscience ; as his Ego sum servus vester , O Imperator , ego vestrae jussioni subjectus ; ego quod debui erolvi , qui Imperatori obedientiam praebui , attest . He begins one of his Epistles to him thus , c Inter animarum curas , et innumerabiles solicitudines quas indefesso studio pro Christianae reipublicae regimine sustinetis , magna mihi , et universo mundo saetitiae causa est , quod pietas vestra Custodiae fidei , qua Dominorum fulget Imperium , praecipua solicitudine semper invigilat . Vnde omnino confido , servat vos Deus , causa Religiosae mentis amore tuemini ; ita Deus vestras Majestates sua gratia tuetur et adjuvat . Another Epistle begins thus , d Omnipotens Deus , qui pietatem vestram pacis Ecclesiasticae fecit esse custodem , ipse vos fide servat , &c. Pro qua re totis precibus deprecamur ut bonum hoc Omnipotens Deus Serenitati Dominorum , piaeque eorum soboli , et in praesenti seculo , atque in perpetua remuneratione retribueret . And he concludes another Epistle to him thus , e Omnipotens autem Deus serenissimi Domini nostri vitam , et ad pacem sanctae Ecclesiae , et ad utilitatem Reipublicae Romanae ( both coupled together by him , as his office , duty in and towards both alike ) per tempora longa custodiat . In another Epistle , f Leontiae Augustae , he thus prayes to Almighty God ; ut cor vestrae pietatis sua semper dextra teneat , ejusque cogitationes caelestis gratiae ope dispenset , Ouatenus tranquillitas vestra rectius valeat sibi servientes regere , quanto Dominatori omnium noverit minus deservire . In amore catholicae fidei faciat Defensores suos , quas fecit ex benigno opere Imperatores nostros . Infundat vestris mentibus zelum simul & mansuetudinem , ut semper pro fervore valearis , et quicquid in Deo exceditur , non inultum relinquete , et si quid vobis delinquitur , parcendo tolerare , &c. Yea he thus declaims against and censures that Title of Universal Bishop , and Head of the Vniversal Church , which his successors so much contend for , as Antichristian , g Ego fidenter dico , quod quisquis se Vniversalem Sacerdotem vocat , vel vocari desiderat , in elatione sua Antichristum praecurrit , quia superbiendo se caeteris praeponit . Yea he tells Mauritius the Emperor , that this Title is , contra statuta Evangelica , contra Canonum Decreta ; That Nullus unquam praedecessorum suorum hoc tam prophano vocabulo uti consenserit . Quia si unus Patriarcha universalis dicetur , Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogetur . h Si unus Episcopus vocatur Vniversalis , tota Ecclesia corruit . What would he have said of his successors think you , who not only challenge this Title de Jure , but the Titles of i Rex Regum , & Dominus Dominorum , Deus , & Vice-Deus too ? i Isiodorus Episcopus Hispalensis , thus resolves ; Sub religionis disciplina seculi Potestates subjecti sunt : & quamvis culmine regio sint praediti , vinculo tamen fidei tenentur astricti , ut et fidem Christi suis legibus praedicent , et ipsam fidei praedicationem moribus bonis conservent . Principes seculi nonnunquam intra Ecclesiam potestatis adeptae culmina tenent , ut per eandem potestatem disciplinam Ecclesiasticam muniant . Caeterum intra Ecclesiam potestates necessariae non essent , nisi , ut quod non praevalet Sacerdos efficere per doctrinae Sermonem , potestas hoc imperet per disciplinae terrorem . Sane per regnum terrenum coeleste regnum proficit , ut qui intra Ecclesiam positi contra fidem et disciplinam agunt , rigore Principum conterantur , ipsamque disciplinam quam Ecclesiae humilitas exercere non praevalet , cervicibus superborum potestas Principum imponat , et ut venerationem mereatur , virtute potestatis impertiat . Cognoscant Principes seculi Deo et debere se rationem reddere propter Ecclesiam quam a Christo tuendam recipiunt . Nam sive augeatur par et disciplina Ecclesiae per fideles Principes , sive solvatur , ille ab eis rationem exiget , qui eorum potestati suam Ecclesiam credidit . What more punctual to our Proposition ( That Princes have the chief care of the Church , and their peoples souls , for which they must give an account to God : ) then this his resolution ? * He hath much more to the same effect , which I pretermit . The Bishops and Priests convened in the 4. Council of Toledo ( whereof this Isiodor Hispalensis was one ) religiosissimi Sisenandi Regis Hispaniae atque Galliciae , imperiis atque jussis , ut communis agitaretur de quibusdam Ecclesiae disciplinis tractatus ; thus expresse themselves in the Prologue to the Canons therein made ; Primum gratias Salvatori nostro Deo omnipotenti egimus , post haec antefato ministro ejus excellentissimo & glorioso Regi , cuius tanta devotio extat , ut non solum in rebus humanis , SED ETIAM IN CAUSIS DIVINIS SOLICITUS MANEAT : Who when this Council was set , pro merito fidei suae , cum Magnificentissimis & Nobilissimis Viris ingressus , religiosa prosecutione Synodum exhortatus est , ut paternorum decretorum memores , ad confirmanda in nobis jura Ecclesiastica studium praeberemus , & illa corigere , quae dum per negligentiam in usum venerunt , contra Ecclesiasticos mores lic●ntiam sibi de usurpatione fecerunt . Talibus ergo ejus monitis gaudentes , necessarium extitit iuxta eius nostrumque votum , contractare quae competunt , sive in Sacramentis divinis , quae diverso atque illicito modo in Hispaniarum Ecclesiis celebrantur , seu in moribus pravè usurpata noscuntur . In this Council not only Bishops , Priests , Deans , but the Nobility of Spain , * et Laici qui electioni Concilii inesse meruerunt , were present . After all their Canons for confirmation of the Christian faith , reformation of manners in the Clergy and Laity , and repressing the exorbitances of Hereticks and Jewes , Can. 74. they adde a Canon pro robore nostrorum Regum , & stabilitate gentis Gothorum , denouncing a solemn excommunication against all persons who contrary to their Oath of Allegiance and duty should attempt any Treason against the Kings person , life , or usurp the Crown , &c. And then conclude the Acts of this Council with this Prayer . * Pax & salus & diuturnitas piissimo & amatori Christi Domino nostro Sisenando Regi , cujus devotio nos ad hoc salutiferum decretum convocavit : Corroboret ergo Christi gratia regnum illius , gentisque Gothorum in fide Catholicae annis & meritis ; protegat illum usque ad ultimam senectutem summi Dei gratia , & post praesentis Regni gloriam ad aeternum regnum transeat , ut sine fine regnet , qui in seculo feliciter imperat , ipso praestante qui est Rex Regum , & Dominus Dominorum , cum Patre & Spiritu sancto in secula seculorum . Amen . Definitis itaque his , quae superius comprehensa sunt , annuente religiosissimo Principe , placuit , deinceps nulla re impediente , à quolibet nostrum , ea quae constituta sunt temerari , sed cuncta salubri consilio conservari . The 5. Council of Toledo hath this Prologue ; Gratiarum actiones Deo omnipotenti persolvimus , &c. propter gloriosa Principis nostri Chintillani Regis intia , ob cuius salutis & felicitatis constantiam supernam imploramus Clementiam ; qui in medio nostri coetus ingressus cum Optimatibus et Senioribus Palatii sui supplex se omnium orationibus commendavit suosque fideles ita facere sancta exhortatione coegit , atque hanc institutionem quam ex praecepto ejus , & devoto nostro sancimus divina inspiratione praemisit , as one ; or permisit , as another Copy renders it . Can. 7. decrees , Ut in omni Concilio Episcoporum Hispaniae , universalis Concilii Decretum ( to wit , Toletan . 4. Can. 74. ) quod propter Principum nostrorum est salutem constitutum , peractis omnibus in Synodo publica voce deb●at pronunciari , quatenus saepè replicatum auribus , vel assidnitate iniquorum mens territa corrigatur , quae ad praevaricandum & oblivione & facilitate perducitur . Can. 8. they grant the King power to dispense offences against the Canons of this Council . In his omnibus quae praemisimus potestatem indulgentiae in culpis delinquentium Principi reservamus , ut jurta bonitatis suae ac pietatis moderamen , ubi emendationem presfexerit mentium , veniam tribuat culparum . After their thanks to God , they conclude ; Post haec gratias excellentissimo gloriosissimo Principi nostro Chintillano regi peragimus , cujus ardor fidei et bonae intentionis , et unitatis concordiam nobis tribuit , et fiduciam charitatis . Donet ei Dominus & de inimicis triumphum , & de beatitudine gaudium , custodiat cum protectione assidua , muniat bonae voluntatis suae circums●ectione iutissima , cujus regnum manet in secula seculorum . The 6. Council of Toledo summoned by this King Suintilla , ( who was present in it with his Nobles ) Can. 2 , 3. recites , That inspiramine summi Dei excellentissimus & Christianissimus Princep● Chintillanus , ardore Fidei inflammatus , cum regni sui Sacerdotibus , praevaricationes & superstitiones Judaeorum eradicare elegit funditus ; nec sinit degere in regno suo eum , qui non sit Catholicus : ob cujus fervorem fidei gratias Domino omnipotenti coelorum agimus ; eo quod ei tam illustrem creavit animam , et sua replevit sapientia ; Ipse quoque donet ei & praesentis aevi diuturnam vitam , et in futuro gloriam aeternam ; Quocirca consonam cum eo corde et ore promulgamus Deo placituram sententiam , simul etiam cum suorum Optimatum illustriumque virorum consensu et deliberatione sancimus , ut quisquis succedendentium temporum regni sortitus fuerit apicem , non ante conscenda● regiam sedem quam inter reliqua conditionum sacramenta , pollicitus fuerit , hanc se Catholicam non permissurum eos violare fidem . Can. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. they provide for the safety , succession of this King and his posterity , against all Tr●asons , Usurpations , Conspiracies and pretenders : Nefas est enim in dubium deducere ejus potestatem , cui omnium gubernatio superno constat delegata judicio . Concluding the Acts of this Synod thus . Gratias agimus Christianissimo & gloriosissimo Chintillano Principi nostro , cujus studio advocati & instantia collecti sumus ; cujus voluntas probata , ordinatio extitit religiosa : Donet ei Dominus optimo Principi diuturnum in seculum triumphum , & in parte justorum perpetuum regnum , felicibusque annis felix ipse in longa felicitate fruatur , & divinae dexterae protectione ubique muniatur . b Seve●inus being elected Pope by the Clergy and people of Rome , Isacius Italiae Exarchus Roman veniens , eum in Pontificatu confirmavit : tunc enim temporis Cleri et populi electio nihil valebat , nisi confirmatio Imperatoris aut eius Exarchi accederet . A strong evidence of the Emperors Supream Jurisdiction over Popes , not of Popes over them . Honorius his predecessor having heaped up a great masse of monies in Episcopio Lateranensi ; Isacius intreated Severinus , ut aliquid in militares sumptus conferret ; who denying it , thereupon others stirred up the Roman Army against him ; saying , Quid prodest , quod tantae pecuniae congregatae sunt in Episcopio Lateranensi , ab Honorio Papa , & Miles iste nihil subventus habet ? Whereupon all the Soldiers , from the youngest to the eldest , besieged and assaulted the Popes Pallace , sealed up the Treasury till Isacius came from Ravenna to Rome ; qui misit omnes Primates Ecclesiae singulos per singulas Civitates in exilium , ut non fuisset qui ei resistere debuisset de Clero ; and then entring the Popes Pallace continued there 8. dayes , untill he had seised on and removed all the Treasure , part whereof he sent to the royal City of Constantinople to Heraclius the Emperor . So little Soveraign Authority had Popes in that age over the Emperor , or his Officers ; who patiently submitted to this plunder , without thundring out any excommunication against the Soldiers , Officers , or Emperor . To passe by the 1. and 2. Councils of Bracara , summoned ex regali praecepto gloriosissimi atque piissimi Ariamiri Regis , ( about the years 640 , and 642. ) adspirante sibi Domino , as their Proemes recite . The 7th . Council of Toledo ( summoned Studio & jussu amatoris Christi Chindasiundi Regis nostri ) cap. 1. provides against Perfidious Clerks and Laymen , who in forraign parts plotted Treason against the King and Kingdom , in necem regis seu eversionem ; that they should be excommunicated , forfeit all their estates , and made uncapable to enjoy them , unlesse the King should please to allow them some part thereof upon their submission : and after 5. other Canons of Ecclesiastical affairs , No● autem universali Deo , & glorioso Chindasiundo Principi , ob cujus votum in hanc urbem sancta devotione convenimus , gratias unanimiter offerentes , optabili annisu deposcimus , ut sanctae Ecclesiae catholicae fidei semper ac pacis cumuletur effectus , & memorato Principi cum prosperitate praesentis regni futuri etiam largiantur praemia gaudii , &c. There falling out some differences between Paulus Patriarch of Constantinople , ( a proud imperious Prelate ) and Pope Martin ; b this Pope by command of the Emperor Constantine the 2d . was apprehended at Rome in the Church of our Saviour called Constantiniana , by Theodorus the Exarch and others , brought Prisoner from Rome to Constantinople , and banished into a place called Chersona , where he died ; for refusing to subscribe a Book sent to him by the Emperor , through Paulus the Patriarch his direction , which Pope Martin conceived to be heretical . In the 8. Council of Toledo , jussu orthodoxi atque gloriosi Recessuinthi regis congregati ) he pia religione plentissimus , * & summo laudum Titulo gloriosus , entring into this Council as soon as they took their places , made an Oration to them , there related ; grates deferens Deo virtutum , quod suae jussionis implentes Decretum in unum fuissemus adunati Concilium . Then tendring them a Tome or Book containing the Confession of his faith ( as his Predecessor K. * Reccaredus did in the 3. Council of Toledo ) and what things else he desired to be done and voted in , by this Council ; he exhorted them ; ut quaecunque illic tenentur asscripta , valido attendatis intuitu , sagaci perscrutamini studio , et quaecunque extiterint placita Deo , vestri oris ad nos sacro referantur oraculo . The Council , Accepto deinde oblato nobis Tomo , agente Domino gratias , acclamavimus Gloria in excelsis Deo , &c. Post eidem sacro Principi benediximus , reseratoque Tomo , haec inibi contexta reperimus ; which were read . It begins with the confession of his faith , which he recommended to the Council , wherein there is this memorable Passage : Primo itaque coram se reverentia vestra habeat ; quod nosse non ambigit , me orthodoxae fidei veram , sanctam et synceram regulam , de corde puro et conscientia bona plenissime habere , sicut eam sancta atque Apostolica traditio doceat , si cut eam sancta Synodus Niceae constituit , sicut Constantinopoli sanctorum Patrum congregatio definivit ; sicut Ephesini primi coetus unitas affirmavit ; sicut Chalcedonensi Concilii definitio protulit . Hanc cum fidelibus servans , ad hanc salvandos infideles invitans , in hanc subjectos populos regens , hanc propriis gentibus tenendam insinuans , hanc populis alienis annuncians ; ut in illa glorificans Deum , et inter mortales nos summae divinitatis felicitas assequatur , et in terra viventium haereditas a me gloriae capiatur . Then relating what good workes he desired to do , and to be done by himself and others , to adorn , advance this faith , that it might not prove a dead faith ; he concludes and subscribes it , thus . Item subscriptio . In nomine Domini Flavius Recessuinthus Rex hanc fidei & bonae voluntatis meae deliberationem manu mea subscripsi . This whole Council relecta Tomi pagina , cum glorificassemus Deum de fidei principalis auditu , et de bonae voluntatis ejus effectu ; drew up a uniform profession of their faith , and other Canons answerable to the Kings : Which being subscribed by the Bishops , Abbots , & viri illustres officii Palatini , ( even 18. Earls and Dukes , besides others ) were ratified by the King. This Council by a Decree in the name of the King ; made a Law concerning the Lands and goods purchased by their Kings , which of them should go with the Crown , and which they might dispose of to their Sons : These Councils being all properly Parliaments , wherein the King and Nobles sate , voted , subscribed , as well as Bishops and Priests , and made Civil Laws for the King & kingdom , as well as Ecclesiastical for the orthodox Faith and Church . The 9. Council of Toledo , Anno 655. with the 10th . 566. and the Council of Emeritan , Anno 666. were all summoned by this King Recessuinthus his command ; who prescribed what they should decree , ratified their Canons , enjoyed their special praises and prayers to God , Obsecrantes ejus misericordiam largam , ut serenissimo nostro & amabili Christo Recessuintho Principi glorioso , ita praesentis vitae felicitatem impendat , ut Angelicae beatitudinis gloriam post longaeva tempora concederet ; Enacting , that every one who attempted any thing contra salutem Principum , gentisque aut patriam , violated his Oaths of allegiance to them , mox propria dignitate privatus , & loco & honore habeatur exclusus ; reserving only a power and liberty to the King to restore him to his place or honor , or both , if he saw cause . And the 1. * Council of Cabellon in France ( summoned about the same year ( 656 ) ex evocatione & ordinatione gloriosi Domini Clodovei Regis , pro zelo religionis , vel orthodoxae Fidei dilectione , & to reform what was amisse or wanting in the Church ) made the like prayers for him . The * Bishops assembled in Aurelianensi Concilio 1. summoned by K. Clodoveus the 1. An. 500. when they had concluded and drawn up 33. Canons upon particular heads , recommended to them by this King , sent and submitted them to his Majesty with this preface . Domino suo Catholicae Ecclesiae filio Clodoveo Gloriosiss . Regi , omnes Sacerdotes quos ad Concilium venire jussistis . Quia tanta ad Religionis Catholicae cultum gloriosae fidei cura vos excitat , ut Sacerdotalis mentis affectu Sacerdotes de rebus necessariis tractaturos in unum colligi jusseritis , secundum vestrae voluntatis consultationem et titulos quos dedistis , ea quae nobis visa sunt definitione respondimus , ita ut si ea , quae nos statuimus , etiam vestro recta esse judicio comprobantur , tanti consensus Regis ac Domini Majori authoritate servanda , tantorum firmet sententia sacerdotum . Their Canons being all subjected to his will , to alter , reject or ratify them according to his royal pleasure , without whose authority they were invalid . The 11. Council of Toledo was convened , Excellentissimo & religiosissimi Vuambani principis praecepto ; * Cujus providae solicitudinis voto , et lur Conciliorum renovata resplenduit , & alterna charitas se mutuo in corrigendis , et instruendis moribus , excitavit ; dum & aggregandi nobis hortatu Principis gloriosi facultas data est , et opportuna corrigendis praeparata est disciplina . They cloze up their Canons and Synod with their thanks , and this prayer for him : Post haec religioso Domino & amabili Principi nostro Vuambano , Regi , gratiarum actiones persolvimus , cujus etiam studio aggregati sumus . Qui Ecclesiasticae disciplinae nostris seculis novus reparator occurrens , omissos Conciliorum ordines non solum restaurare intendit , sed etiam annuis recursibus celebrandos instituit , ut ad alternam morum correctionem annuo tempore alacriter concurrentes ; juxta Prophetae vaticinium , quod in nobis defractum est , alligetur , & quod abjectum est , reducatur . Det ergo eidem Principi Dominus pro hujus sacrae sollicitudinis voto , & cursum praesentis vitae in pace transire ; et post diuturna tempora ad se in pace remissis iniquitatibus pervenire , qualiter & felicia tempora ducat , & felix cum omnibus quibus principatur ad Christum sine confusione perveniat ; ut quia per eum corona nostri ordinis in melius restauratur , coronam futuri regni capiat , ex hoc in regione vivorum regnans cum Christo in secula seculorum , Amen . The 3. Council of Bracara , summoned the same year by this King Vuambanus , concludes with these thanks to God , * him , & prayer for him ; Gratias itaque Omnipotenti Deo peragimus ; posthaec sit pax , salus & diuturnitas piissimo , & amatori Christi Domino nostro Vuambano Regi , cujus devotio nos ad hoc decretum salutiferum convocavit ; divinam postulantes clementiam , ut gloria Christi regnum ejus corroboret usque ad ultimam senectutem , praestante ipso qui cum Patre & Spiritu sancto vivit , & gloriatur in Trinitate Deus in secula seculorum , Amen . It is evident by Fredericus Lindebrogus his Codex Legum Antiquarum , Legis Wisigothorum , lib. 1 , 2. & Lex Burgundiorum , Lex Bohemorum , & Lex Longobardorum ; that these Councils of Toledo forecited , and those under Chilperick and other Kings of France and Italy , were in nature of parliaments ; wherein these Kings made and promulged Ecclesiastical Lawes , intermixed with their Temporal , by the advice and assistance Principum , Ducum , Optimatum & Primatum consulente multitudine ; as well as of their Bishops and Clergy , who only did what they prescribed and directed them . The 6. General Council of Constantinople was convened by the religious Emperor Flavius Constantinus Pogonatus , a who summoned Donus then Bishop of Rome to come to this Council , as well as George Archbishop of Constantinople , whom he stiles in his summons , or Divalis sacra , universalis Patriarcha , as well as Donus Archbishop of old Rome , & Vniversalis Papa : Which summons , by reason of Donus his death before the Council , was delivered to his Successor Pope Agatho , who sent two Delegates in obedience to the Emperors command , to this Council ; wherein the Emperor himself sate President , with many of his Great Officers and Nobles , as the Acts of this Council record . The 1. Action or Session begins thus . * In nomine Domini Dei & Salvatoris Jesu Christi , imperantibus a Deo cosonatis et Serenissimis nostris Dominis Flaviis , Constantino quidem piissimo , et a Deo decreto Magno Principe , perpetuo Augusto et Imperatore anno 27. et post consulatum ejus a Deo institutae mansuetudinis anno 13. die 7. mensis Novembris indictione nona , PRAESIDENTE IIDEM PIISSIMO & CHRISTO DILECTO MAGNO IMPERATORE CONSTANTINO , in secretario sacri Palatii , quod cognominatur Trullus ; et ex jussione ejus a Deo instructae serenitatis , praesentibus et audientibus Niceta glorioso exconsule Patricio , & magistro Imperialium officiorum , Theodoro glorioso exconsule Patricio , & Comite Imperialis obsequii , & Substratega Thraciae , Sergio glorioso exconsule Patrici● , Paulo glorioso exconsule Patricio , Juliano glorioso exconsule Patricio , & militari logotheta , Constantino glorioso exconsule Patricio , & Curatore Imperialis domus Hormisdae , Anastasio glorioso exconsule Patricio , & locum agente Imperialis comitis excubiti , Joanne glorioso exconsule Patricio , & dispositore Orientalium provinciarum , Petro glorioso exconsule , Leontio glorioso exconsule & domestico imperialis mensae ; ( all named , placed before the Popes Delegates , the Patriarch of Constantinople , and all other Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , throughout all the Acts of this Council . ) The Council being sate , Theodorus and Georgius Presbyters , and John the Deacon , representing Pope Agatho his person and his whole Synod at Rome , as their Proctors , spake thus to the Emperor ; Benignissime Domine , secundum directam sacram a Deo instructa vestra fortitudine ad sanct : b Papam , demandati sumus ad piissima vestigia a Deo confirmatae vestrae Serenitatis , una cum ejus suggestione , necnon et cum altera ejus Synodica suggestione adaeque facta , &c. quas et obtulimus a Deo coronatae fortitudini vestrae , &c. After which Constantinus piissimus Imperator , dixit , ( several times repeated ) directing as President what should be done and read , throughout the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. and all other Actions and Sessions ; which as they begin in like form as the first , Presidente Piissimo Imperatore , So this Emperor ordered all the proceedings in them , as Supreme Judge and Moderator , throughout the Council , and Paulus magnificus à Senatis , & Imperialis Secretarius , registred all the proceedings , minding them every Sessions what they had done , where they left off , and how they should proceed , as Piissimus Imperator dixit , Sufficiunt quae & hodierna die relecta sunt , reliqua verò in sequenti Secretario relegantur . Monuit vestra pietas & haec Sancta Synodus ; Sufficiunt quae hodierno die acta sunt , Gloriosissimi Judices dixerunt , &c. Constantinus Imperator dixit , Edicat Sanctum & Vniversale Concilium ; si cum consensu omnium Episcoporum promulgata est , definita , &c. evidence . In the c 4th Action , Pope Agathoes Delegates humbly moved the Emperor , that his and the Synod of Romes Suggestions made and delivered by them to the Emperor might be read , si placet . Constantinus piissimus Imperator dixit , Relegantor . Whereupon they were produced and publickly read ; wherein the Pope and his Council of Bishops held at Rome , thus humbly acknowledge the Emperor to be their Soveraign Lord , and they to be subject to his power and commands in matters divine and Ecclesiastical , as well as Temporal : Dominis piissimis & Serenissimis Victoribus ac Triumphatoribus , amatoribus Dei & Domini nostri Jesus Christi Constantino Majori Imperatori , Heraclio & Tiberio Augusto , Agatho Episcopus , Servus servorum Dei , Magnam atque mirabilem , non indesinenti gratiarum actione Serenissimi Domini consiteor consolationis oportunitatem exhibere dignatus est , piissimum tranquillae mansuetudinis vestrae propositum , quem ad stabilitatem divinitus commissae reipublicae Christianae , ejus concessit dignatio , ut Imperialis virtus atque Clementia a Deo , per quam Reges regnant , qui Rex Regum , & Dominus Dominantium est ; & curet et quaerat ejus immaculatae fidei veritatem , ut ab Apostolis atque ab Apostolicis patribus est tradita , inquirere vigilanter , &c. After which making this recital of the Emperors summons to that Council directed to his Predecessor , he subjoyns , His itaque mansuetissimi rerum Domini , divalibus apicibus animatus , & ad spem consolationis de profundis angoribus alleviatus , sum meliori confidentia paulatim , quae per mansuetissimae fortitudinis vestrae sacram , dudum praecepta sunt , efficaciter promptam obsequentiam exhibere ut personas , &c. pro obedientiae satisfactione inquirerem , et cum Consilio consamulorum meorum Episcoporum , &c. ut ad piissimae tranquillitatis vestrae vestigia properarent , hortarer , &c. Ideoque Christianissimi Domini filii , secundum piissimam jussionem a Deo protegendae mansuetudinis vestrae , PRO OBEDIENTIA QUAM DEBUIMUS ( mark it ) non pro confidentia eorum scientiae quos dirigimus , praesentes confamulos nostros , Abundantium , Joannem , &c. Pro quibus flexo mentis poplite suppliciter vestram ad mansuetudinem semper intentam clementiam deprecamut , ut , juxta benignissimam atque augustissimam Imperialis sacrae promissionem , acceptatione eos dignos efficiat , &c. Non enim nobis eorum scientia confidentiam dedit ut ad pia vestra vestigia eos auderemus dirigere , sed hoc Imperialis vestra benignitas clementer jubens hortata est , et nostra pusillitas , quod jussum est , obsequenter implevit . Language inconsistent with pretended Papal Supremacie . After which this Pope tendred by them in writing to the Emperors an account of his and the Roman Churches faith out of Scriptures , former Councils and Fathers , which was read , inferring a Eximenda proinde , ac summis conatibus , cum Dei praesidio liberanda est sancta Dei Ecclesia Christianissimi vestri Imperii , de talium doctorum erroribus , &c. Haec autem ideo Deum omnipotentem felicibus vestrae mansuetudinis ad emendandum credimus reservasse temporibus , ut locum et Zelum ipsius Domini nostri Iesu Christi , qui vestrum Imperium coronare dignatus est , facientes in terris , pro ejus Evangelica et Apostolica veritate JUSTUM JUDICIUM PROFERATIS , ( of which this Pope acknowledgeth the Emperors Supreme Judges ) Quia dum humani generis Redemptor atque Salvator , sit injuriam passus , nunc usque sustinuit , vestraeque fortitudinis adspiravit imperio , ut ejusfidei causam ( sicut aequitas exigit , & sanctorum Patrum , sacrarumque Generalium quinque Synodorum decrevit instructio ) exequi dignemini , et redemptoris ac conregnatoris injuriam de suae fidei contemptoribus per ejus praesidium ulciscamini , propheticum illud vaticinium cum imperiali clementia magnanimiter adimplentes , quia Rex et Propheta David ad Deum loquitur ; Zelus domus tuae , inquiens , comedit me . Unde pro tali Deo placito zelo collaudamus , illam beatam vocem audire à creatore omnium meruit : Inveni David virum secundum cor meum , qui faciat omnes voluntates meas . Cui & in Psalmis pollicetur , Inveni David servum meum , oleo sancto meo unxi eum : manus enim mea auxiliabitur ei , & brachium meum confortabit eum : ut cujus causam conflagranti studio elaborat Christinae clementiae vestrae piissimus Principatus efficere , remunerationis gratia , omnes actus fortissimi eorum Imperii felices et prosperos faciet , qui in suis sacris Evangeliis repromittit , inquiens , Quaerite primum regnum coelorum & haec adjicientur vobis . Omnes enim ad quos sacrarum apicum pervenit notitia , & quia sic benigniter augustae magnanimitatis vestrae mansuetu●in●s est demonstratus intentus , innumer as gratiarum actiones & incessabiles landes , admirati de tantae Clementia magnitudine propagatori vestri fortissimi imperii persolverint , quia vere ut pussimi et aequissimi Principes quae De● sunt , cum Dei timore dignati estis peragere . Unde & laus ab omnibus Nationibus Christianis , & per●nnis memoria , et frequens oratio pro sospitate , triumphalibus , ac perfectis victoriis concedendis , ante Christum Dominum , cujus causa est , effundantur , quatenus supernae majestatis terrore perculsae Gentium nationes sub sceptris vestri robustissimi Principatus humiliter colla prostervant , et piissimi regni vostri continuetur potentia dum temporali Imperio aeterni regni succedit perennis felicitas . Nec enim poterit aliud simillimum inveniri , quod vestrae invictissimae fortitudinis divinae Majestati commendat Clementiam , quam ut repulsis a regula veritatis erroribus Evangelicae atque Apostolicae nostrae fidei ubique illustretur et praedicetur integritas , &c. Obsecro itaque piissime Auguste , atque una cum mea exiguitate Omnis anima Christiana suo flexo genu suppliciter deprecatur ut etiam hoc ad redintegrationem perfectae pietatis conregnatori Christo Domino hostiam acceptibilem offerre jubeatis ; verbum impunitatis concedentes et liberam loquendi facultatem unicuique loqui volenti , & verbum impendere pro fide , quatenus omnes unanimiter pro tanto & tam inestimabili bono per cunctum vitae suae spatium divinam Majestatem glorificent , & pro incolumitate atque exaltatione fortissimi vestri Imperii , unanimiter incessabiles Christo Domino preces effundant . Piissimorum Dominorum imperium gratia superna custodiat , eisque omnium gentium colla substernat . Moreover this a Pope Agatho , and the Synod of Rome , begin their Epistle to these Emperors , and Instructions to their Delegates in this General Council , thus , Piissimis Dominis , ac serenissimis Victoribus ac Triumphatoribus dilectis filiis Dei & Domini nostri Jesu Christi , Constantino magno Imperatori , Heraclio & Tiberio Augustis , Agatho Episcopus , Servus servorum Dei , cum universis Synodis subjacentibus Concilio Apostolicae sedis . Omnium bonorum spes inesse praenoscitur , dum Imperia●e fastigium ejus , a quo se coronatum , et hominibus praefectum ad salubriter gubernandum dignoscit , veram de eo confessionem , qua sola prae omnibus muneribus delectatur , inquirit fideliter , et vivaciter amplecti desiderat . After which they stile Rome a servile City to the Emperor , b Concilium quod in hanc Romanam urbem servilem vestri Christianissimi Imperii , &c. Subjoyning , Praeterea satisfaciendum est nostro exiguo familiatui apud Serenissimorum Dominorum nostrorum clementiam pro tarditate missarum ex Concilio nostro personarum , quas dirigi per suam Augustissimam sacram vestrum piissimum fastigium jussit . For which they render a satisfactory reason . Then pray , that the Confession of the faith they had sent by their Delegates might be confirmed . Obsecrantes , ut à Deo coronato vestro imperio favente , haec eadem omnibus praedicari , atque apud omnes obtinere jubeatis , ut Deus , qui veritatem & justitiam diligit , omnia prostera vestra serenissimae dignitatis temporibus donet , in quibus Apostolicae praedicationis pietatis veritas fulgeat , meliori ac prospero successu rerum fortissimae tranquillitatis imperium laetari de hostium subjectione concedens . Suscipere itaque dignamini piissimi Principum , à nostra humilitate directos Episcopos , cum reliquis Ecclesiasticis ordinis viris , atque religiosis servis Dei , cum solitae tranquillitatis clementia , quatenus exipsorum testimonie cum gratiarum actione in propria revertentium , apud omnes Nationes laus Clementiae vestrae celebrescat , sicut magni illius Constantini , cujus post obitum ladabilis fama nihilominus viget , cujus insigne non tantum potestatis est , sed pietatis : cum quo illud sacratissimum Concilium 318. Antistitum in Nicea civitate in defensione consubstantialis Trinitatis convenit : & sicut Theodosii magni , cujus inter alias ejus virtutes , singularis pietas praedicatur ; quo advitente per sancti Spiritus gratiam 250 Patrum sententia , qui eis inspirabat , Spiritus sanctus consubstantialis Patri & Filio praelicatus est , & sicut egregii veritatis amatoris Martiani Principis , qui & primum Concilium Ephesinum , utpote Catholicam & Apostolicam fidem praedicans a sancta Chalcedonensi Synodo suscipi fecit , et errores qui accreverant , de Dei Ecclesia repulit : Et sicut extremi quidem , praestantissimi tamen omnium , magni illius Justiniani , cujus ut virtus , ita et pietas omnia in meliorem ordinem restauravit ; cujus instar fortissimae vestrae clementiae Principatus virtutis quidem conatibus Rempublicam Christianam tuetur , et restaurat in melius , pietatisque studiis Catholicae succurrit Ecclesiae , ut in Vnitate verae ac Apostolicae confessionis perfectius copuletur , quam nunc usque nobiscum sancta Romana servat Ecclesia , quatenus syncerae pietatis arcanum , tuba clarius per totum Orbem praedicetur , et ubi hujus verae confessionis synceritas pii Vestri Imperii favoribus obtinet , laus simul ac meritum Serenissimi vestri Imperii praedicetur , ut cum pietatis laudibus , etiam regni eorum Deo annuente dilatentur insignia , quosque verae pietatis invitat Confessio , impietatis fortitudo possideat . All these expressions of this Pope and his whole Council , resolve 1. That they all in most humble and dutifull manner acknowledged these Emperors to be their Soveraign Lords ; and that they owed all humble chearfull obedience to their Summons and commands , even in matters of Faith , Religion , and Church-affairs . 2ly . That the right of summoning General Councils , and ordering , examining , confirming the Votes , Confessions of Faith made by them , belonged to Emperors , not to Popes , who were both summoned and came in person , or sent their Proxies to them in obedience to their Summons . 3ly . That the principal care , defence , propagation , preservation , perpetuation of the Orthodox faith and true worship of God , belongs to Christian Emperors , not to Popes or Bps. 4ly . That God had specially advanced them to the Empire for this very end ; That this was the principal part of their charge , office , care ; and that God himself had made , Constantine , Theolosius , Martianus , Justinian ; and these present Emperors , ( not Popes and Bishops ) the principal Instruments of establishing , propagating , preserving the Christian Orthodox faith , suppressing Heresies , Schisms , advancing true piety , and Christian peace , Unity throughout the Churches of Christ , &c. All which are since reputed Heresie , and Sacrilegious encroachments ( like King * Uzziahs ) on Popes , Bishops , Priests Hierarchies , Offices , by ambitious Popes and Prelates . In the 14. Action the frauds and impostures added , and thrust into the Acts of the 5. General Council concerning a Pope Vigilius and others , were examined by the Original parchment copies there produced upon Oath , by George a Deacon Library-keeper to the Archbishop of Constantinople , where the Emperor Justinian , & Glorisissimi Judices , & Sanctum Concilium dixerunt ; & directed the proceedings in this Examination . And the Council often cry out , Sancti Quinti Concilii sempiterna memoria . Multos annos Imperatori Constantino , Magno Imperatori multos annos . Pacifico Imperatori , multos annos . Conservatori rectae fidei multos annos . Fili Dei da illi vitam ; Fili Dei , da victoriam illi . After which , Gloriosissimi Judices & sanctū Concilium dixerunt , Sufficienter quidem habent quae hodierna die gesta sunt ; Polychronius autem religiosus Presbyter & Monachus , in subsequenti ad nos perducatur , de propria fide sua interrogandus . Whereupon Actio 15. b Residentibus per ordinem Gloriosissimis Patriciis & Consulibus omnibusque venerabilibus Episcopis ; Gloriosissimi Judices & Concilium dixerunt : Ingre●iatur Polychronius : who tendred them an heretical Book and Confession of his faith ( which this confident Heretical Impostor presumed would raise a dead man to life if laid upon him ; which he there laying on a dead body experimented before the Synod and people , with no successe , but derision , and an exclamation by the people ; Novo Simoni Anathema , novo Seductori populi , Anathema : ) Notwithstanding , he obstinately persisting in his Heresie , thereupon was degraded and anathematized ; which done , Gloriosissimi Judices & Sanctum Concilium dixerunt , Sufficiunt quae hodierna die acta sunt . In the 16 Action there is the like proceeding ; with a Gloriosissimi Judices dixerunt , Edicat sanctum & Universale Concilium , si quicquam de his quae ad scrupulosiorem indagationem pertinent , relictum est super praesenti Capitulo , &c. Sancta Synodus dixit , Sufficienter quidem habent , &c. a Actio 17. They read and subscribe the Confession of their Faith made in that Synod : clozing it with these Acclamations , Christo dilecto multos annos . Orthodoxè omnes credimus . Illuminatorem Pacis Domine conserva . Martiano novo Constantino , aeterna memoria . Novo Justiniano Constantino , aeternamemoria . Qui deposuit Haereticos , Domine conserva ; anathematizing all these Hereticks by name . Actio 18. Pr●siadente eodem piissimo & a Christi dilecto Constantino magno Imperatore , he sitting in this Council , Theodorus the Patriarchs Notary , spake thus unto him ; Maximae pietatis exist it cognitio , tranquillissime Domine , principaliter quae ad culturam divintatis attinent praecipuam diligentiam adhibere dehinc causas quae Christo amabili Reipublicae competunt recta consideratione dirigere , quod profecto benigne peragitis , mansuetissime omnem quidem secularium causarum sollicitudinem reponens , pro divinis vero curam et studium per Spiritus sancti gratiam assumens . Et hic vester est acceptabilis ornatus pietatem adversus Diaboli accersire malitiam , et contra impietatis ejus cohortem , sacrum aggregare collegium , &c. Then tendring him the Synods confession of faith , ( read & subscribed by the Synod the day before ) to be read again in the Emperors presence , Constantinus piissimus Imperator , dixit , Edicat sanctum et universale Concilium , si cum consensu omnium Episcoporum promulgata est definitio , quae ad praesens relecta est : b Sanctum Concilium exclamavit : Omnes ita credimus , Vna fides , Omnes id ipsum sentimus ; Omnes consentientes et amplectentes subscripsimus . Orthodoxi omnes credimus . Haec est fides Apostolorum , haec est fides Patrum , haec est fides Orthodoxorum , Multos annos Imperatori : Integritas duarum naturarum Christi , tu declarasti ; Luminarium pacis , Domine conserva . Martiano nova Constantino aeterna memoria , Omnes haereticos tu effugasti , Dejectorem haereticorum Domine conserva ; Dividentes et con●undentes tu persequutus es . Absit invidia a vestro Imperio . Deus custodiat foritudinem vestram . Deus regnum vestrum & Imperium vestrum pacificet . Vestra vita , orthodoxorum vita est . Coelestis Rex , terestrem conserva . Per te universales Ecclesiae pacificatae sunt . Nestorio , & Euticho & Severo , anathema , &c. Omnibus haereticis anathema . Which ended , Constantinus Imperator dixit , Deum testem proferimus sancto & universali vestro Concilio , quod absque quolibet favore & invidia , principale desiderium et zelus extitit nobis , irreprehensibilem esse immaculatam nostram orthodoxam Christianorum fidem , et cum stabilitate nos eam conservare in nomine Dei , secundum doctrinam & traditionem quae tradita est nobis tam per Evangelium , quam per sanctos Apostolos , & per statuta Sanctorum quinque Universalium Conciliorum , Sanctorumque probabilium Patrum , et non mediocriter nos pro hoc desiderium coarctabat , ex quo ( jubente Deo nostro ) authoraliter accepimus solium imperii nostri . Cum ergo Deo complacuit tempus concedere , invitavimus fieri collectionem vestram , ad considerandum vobis Sanctas Dei Scripturas , omnemque vocis sive assertionis novitatem , quae adjecta est ad intemeratam nostram Christianorum fidem , in his vicinis temporibus a quibusdam prava sentientibus expellendam , mundissimamque nobis hanc contradendam ( sicut praedictum est ) quatenus , secundum Sancta & universalia quinque Concilia & statutae Sanctorum Venerabilium Patrum , ita eam et nos custodiamus usque in mortem , &c. Immediately after his Speech concluded , Sancta Synodus exclamavit , Multos annos Imperatori , Christo dilecto Imperatori , multos annos ; Pium et Christianum Imperatorem Domine conserva , Orthodoxam fidem tu confirmasti . Definitio Orthodoxa est ; contradicenti huic definitioni anathema ; Qui contradixerit huic definitioni Nestorianus est : Qui non susceperit hanc definitionem Eutichianista est . Eutichianis anathema , Omnibus Christo rebellibus Haeresibus anathema . Aeterna memoria Imperatori . AEternum permaneat vestrum Imperium . The Emperor rendring them his hearty thanks for their pains in this Council , c Sanctum Concilium dixit , Piissime & tranquillissime Domine , Sermonem acclamatorium ad Deo amabilem vestram potentiam , juxta morem composuimus , et si placuerit pietati vestrae , hunc perlegi jubete . Constantinus piissimus Imperator dixit , Acclamatorius sermo qui compositus est a vestro Concilio , deferatur & Relegatur . Qui delatus est , & in his sermonibus relect . est . In this Oration they use these memorable pasages to the Emperor . Vos enim per Christum benignè regnatis , Christus vero per vos Ecclesis suis pacem delegit impartiri , &c. Quid vero est , et praesertim Imperatori decebilius , QUAM PRAE OMNIBUS PIETATE ADORNARE SUBJECTOS , PER QUOD ET IN CAETERIS FELICITETUR RESPUBLICA ? Veruntamen vestris divalibus praeceptis acquiescentes , tam antiquae Romae et Apostolicae summitatis pontificatus Antistites , quam nos humiles , Christi tamen Sacerdotes atque ministri , &c. ( Let Popes observe their predecessors subjection to this Emperors supream commands in coming to this Council , &c. ) Then applauding the Piety , Zeal of Constantine , Theodosius , Martianus , and Justinian in summoning and ratifying the former General Councils ; they thus conclude . d Gloria in excelsis Deo , in terra pax , decantantes , dum Christo omnipotenti complacuit suscitare Principem Deo dilectum , qui unitatis Ecclesiarum mediator effectus est . Sed O Renignissime Domine & Amator Justitiae , ei qui tibi potentiam largitus est hanc gratiam recompensa , & his quae a nobis gesta sunt signaculum tribue , vestram inscribito Imperialem ratihabitionem , et per Edicta divalia , atque per pias Constitutiones , ex more , eorum omnium firmitatem , quatenus nullus his quae gesta sunt , aut contradicat , novamve quaestionem machinetur . Scito enim Serenissime Imperator , quod nihil horum quae in Synodis universalibus & a probabilibus patribus constituta sunt , falsavimus , verum potius confirmavimus . Etenim omnes unanimiter atque consonanter acclamamus : Domine salvum fac Regem nostrum , qui post te corroboravit fidei fundamentum : benedicito vitam ejus , dirige gressus cogitationum ejus . Conterat virtutem inimicorum suorum , & resistentes ei continuo corruant , quia fecit judicium , & justitiam sempiternam , & periclitanti veritati manus porrexit , populumque tuum salvavit , ad eadem sapere eos concilians . Gaude Civitas Nova Roma Constantinopolis , glorificata nomine principali . Ecce Rex tuus fidelis sedet fortissimus , & accipiet armaturam amulatricem ejus virtutem , indutus est loricam Justitiae , & Sanctitatis circumposuit sibi galeam prudentiam , quae est specula virtutum , & scutum assumpsit inexpugnabile , in Deum pietatem . His armatum eum adspiciant Barbari , & speramus in Deum eos obtemperare dominanti . Laetare Civitas Sion , Cacumen Orbis terrarum atque Imperium . Constantinus te purpura praeornavit , et per fidem Coronavit , & Constantinus utrisque supercoronavit , Portaeque inferi adversum tuum orthodoxum Imperium non praevalebunt . Gaude , & fiducialiter age Imperator speciosissime : Dominus Deus tuus in te potens ; praecingens te virtute , salvabit te : adducet super te jocunditatem & exultationem , ampliabiturque imperium tuum , & exaltabitur brachium tuum et dominabitur cunctis Adversis , Deumque non agnoscentibus atque attestantibus , et lamentabitur quidem hostilitas , gaudebit autem obedientia : quia ego potens sum , dicit Dominus Omnipotens . Hereupon the Emperor ratified the Confession of their Faith by this his Imperial Edict , e into which he inserted it verbatim . In nomine Domini et Dominatoris Jesu Christi , Salvatoris nostri , Imperator Piissimus , pacificus Flavius Constantinus , fidelis in Jesus Christo Deo Imperator , Christo dilecto omni populo habitanti in occiduis partibus . Firmamentum ac fundamentum superno nutu creditae nobis Christianissimae existit Reipublicae , sides in Deo inflexibilis et inconcussibilis , in qua Christus Deus noster tanquam propriam Domum suam construxit Ecclesiam , & sicut Rex omnium , imperii nostri sedem constituit , principatusq ▪ nobis Sceptra commisit . sicut enim quandam Petram excelsamet sublimem , & ut coeli , terraeque , in consortio constitutam mysticam confessionem , quae in eum cum . Patre et Spiritu est Salvator nobis ostendit , ut per eam tanquam per mediam scalam ad caelestem conversationem reducamur diviniorisque regni potentia coronemur . Super hanc petram cogitationis nostrae gressus infiximus , super quam firmiter stare praecipimur , quamque cautius tenere subjectos praecipimus , ne quisquam , ut minus attentus , exagitetur a maligno et instabili spiritu : expulsusque atque praecipitatus in impietatis voraginem delabatur , &c. Idcirco et nos quae ab eis definita sunt , corroborare atque firmare cupientes . praesens pium edictum dedimus , verae circa divinitatem fidei secundum ecclesiastica statu●● adnuncians confessionem . Then reciting the Confession of the faith therein comprised , he thus proceeds : In hac fide vivimus , et regnamus , et conregnanti nobis Deo conregnare denuo speramus . Hanc Comitem , hinc recedentes habere deposcimus , & cum hac ante Christi tribunal assistere . Ad hanc confessionem omnes hortamur , et deservire Deo nobiscum invitamus , ac super montem excelsum Imperii stantes , praedicamus , atque ecclesiasticam pacem totius populi solennitatem adnunciamus , &c. Si quis vero hominum personis gratiam exhibet , Charitatis autem in Deum aemulatorem se non demonstrat , Praesentemque nostram piam constitutionem non recipit , siquidem Episcopus est vel Clericus , aut Monachico circundatus est habitu , deportationis poenam exolvet . Si vero in ordine dignitatum insertus est , supplicio proscriptionis mulctatur , eique Cingulum adimitur . Si autem idioticae sortis est ; ex hac Regia , omnique penitus Civitate extorris addicitur , et super haec omnia , etiam terribilis atque inexpiabilis judicii non effugiet cruciatum . Besides this general , * the Emperor sent a particular coppy of his Edict , ( Divinae Jussionis ) concerning his ratification of this general Synod , to the Synod at Rome , whereupon , Pope Agatho being dead , and Leo the second succeeding him , writ this Epistle ad Constantinum piissimum August : by way of gratitude , most clearly demonstrating his supreme Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , care of Religion and of his Subjects souls , as well as of their bodies and estates . Regi Regum in cujus potestate sunt Regna mundi pusilli , cui magnas gratias agimus , qui ita in vobis terrenum contulit Regnum , ut coelestia vos magis ambire concederet . Pius est enim , quod in Deo defixa mente confiditis , quam quod de collato vobis Divinitus honore regnatis . Illud enim vobis , hoc proficit omnino subiectis . Nam triumphalem Paterni Diadematis gloriam nascendo superna miseratione obtinetis , pietas enim vestrae , fructus misericordiae est : potestas autem , Custos est disciplinae . Per illa igitur regia mens Deo jungitur , per istam vero censura subditis adhibetur ; illius opes inopes adjuvant , hujus autem sagacitas a vero tramite deviantes emendat . Non enim minor regnantium cura est , prava corrigere , quam de adversariis triumphare , quia ei nimirum potestatem suam serviendo subjiciunt , cujus profecto munere et protectione imperare noscuntur . Vnde divinitus praeordinata vestra Christianissima pietas , & habitaculum dignissimum Sancti Spiritus in sui cordis arcano praeparans , quando Caput Ecclesiae Dominum Jesum Christum , verae pietatis regulam amplectendo , concessi sibi ab eo Regni demonstrat authorem , Sanctum venerabile corpus ejus , quae est Sancta Mater Ecclesia , ut syncerus et principalis filius , largiendo atque fovendo inconcussa facit soliditate gaudere . Scriptum est igitur de vobis Clementissime Principum , & de eadem Sancta Ecclesia toto terrarum orbe diffusa ; Erunt ( inquit ) Reges nutritii tui , pariterque scriptum est : Honor Regis judicium diligit , quia dum divina rebus humanis praeponitis , et Orthodoxam fidem curis secularibus incomparabiliter antefertis , quid aliud , quam judicium rectum Dei cultui mancipatis , et sacrificium purissimum atque holocaustum divinae suavitatis odore flagrans , in ara vestri pectoris ejus invisibili Majestati mactatis ? Haec de piissimi animi vestri proposito Christianissime Augustorum , efficaciter dici ( Dei gratia operante ) confidimus , qua sola & error omnis evictus est , & rectitudo Evangelicae atque Apostolicae fidei cum syncera charitatis copula apud cunctos Ecclesiarum Christi praesules obtinetur . Then at large declaring his approbation of this general Synods Confession of Faith , he thus closeth his Epistle : Vicit novus David constantissimus Augustorum non in millibus solum , ( nec enim generalem Evangelicae prae●icationis victoriam numerorum vinculis quisquam poterit comprehendere ) sed & ipsum Principem , & hostem , & Ducem , ac incentorem omnium malorum & errorum Diabolum , cum suis legionibus atque fautoribus , per arma verae atque Orthodoxae Apostolicae traditionis & confessionis extinxit . Exulta nunc secura Sancta Mater Ecclesia , de liberatate tua saepius impugnata , sed non derelicta . Suscitavit Rex tuus invictissimus Christianorum Principem propugnatorem tuum , benefactorem tuum atque opulentissimum largitorem , cujus studio Orthodoxa fides recollecto splendore toto orbe irradiat , fideles omnes gratiam referentes exultant ; infideles maeror atque dejectio comprimit et confundit ; Ecclesiae Christi de cunctis oppressionibus liberatae , respirant , donis imperialibus confoventur , principali praesidio muniuntur , quibus et domesticis verbis augusta vestra benignitas Christum imitando pollicetur : Ecce , ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem saeculi , ut Domini nostri Jesu Christi , cujus exemplis utitur , aterna ejus Regni perenni gloria patiatur , & in orbem terrarum generaliter atque perenniter ejus imperium dilatetur . Piissimum Domini Imperium gratia superna custodiat , et ei omnium gentium colla substernat . Data Nonis Maiis indictione Decima . As Pope Leo thus acknowledgeth , applaudeth this Emperors care , zeal to promote , protect , propagate the Orthodox Faith ; and professors thereof , suppresse all Heresies , and his supremacy in and over all Ecclesiastical persons and causes ; so likewise * Mansuetus Archbishop of Millain , with all his Clergy , thus acknowledged the Emperors Ecclesiastical supremacy , Hereditary descent , and right to summon general Councils . Domino Serenissimo atque Tranquillissimo , & a Deo Coronato Religiosissimo Constantino Imperatori , Mansuetus Mediolanensis Metropolitanae Ecclesiae indignus Episcopus , vel universa San●la Episcoporum fraternitas , quae in hac magna , Regia Vrbe convenit , aeternam in Domino salutem . Si apicem Imperialis fastigii et infulas sacratissimae potestatis ; avis et proavis vestris caelitus attributum cognovimus , et pro meritorum actibus ad vos propagatum scimus , dignum est his vos aequiperare vestigiis , quorum et celsitudinem obtinetis . Nec disparilia debent esse instrumenta coelestia , ubi paria possidentur Sceptra Regalia . Aemulari ergo oportet eorum Magisterium , quorum documenta permanent salutaria , &c. Habes quippe probatissime Imperator specula , in quibus tuas actiones imaginari debeas . Then reciting the acts and piety of Constantine the Great , in summoning the Council of Nice against the Arrians ; of Theodosius in convening the Council of Constantinople against Macedonius ; of Martianus & Justinian the Emperors in calling the Councils of Ephesus , Chalcedon , and Constantinople against Eutiches , Dioscorus , and other Hereticks ; they subjoyn , Haec Gloriosissime Princeps antiquorum Patrum statuta , una cum consensu Piissimorum Imperatorum definita , quae convelli vel infirmari nulla ratione pietas vestra permittat , &c. This godly Emperor Constantine deceasing before this Synod ended , Justinianus the 2d . his son , succeeding him , confirmed the confession of the Faith , and resolutions of this general Council , by his Divine Decree , directed to Pope John the 5th . wherein are these observable passages , displaying his Ecclesiastical supremacy , care of Religion , the Orthodox Faith , and his peoples souls ; and enjoyning not only the Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , Clergy , but all his Military Officers , Commanders , Curators , and civil Magistrates , throughout all parts of his Empire to subscribe the confession of Faith therein accorded , which were read before , & then subscribed by them in the Emperors presence . Magnum studium , magnam sollicitudinem nos habentes pro stabilitate immaculatae Christianorum fidei , dehinc namque Clementissimum nostrum Deum adjutorem et susceptorem nostrae serenitatis esse confidimus , adversus omnem inimicum Christo dilectae nostrae Reipublicae dum cognitum est nobis , quia Synodalia gesta , eorumque definitionem , quam et instituere noscitur Sanctum Sextum Concilium , quod congregatum est in tempore Sanctae memoriae nostri Patris , in hanc a Deo conservandam Regiam Vrbem apud quosdam nostros Iudices remiserunt . Neque enim omnino praevidimus alterum aliquem apud se detinere ea , sine nostra piissima serenitate , eo quod nos * copiosos misericordia noster Deus * custodes constituit ejusdem immaculatae Christianorum fidei , sed mox addurimus nostros Patres Sanctissimos ac Beatissimos Patriarchas , cum ves●rae Beatitudinis apocrisario , et Sacratissimum senatum , verum etiam Deo amabiies metropolitas et Episcopos qui hic in Regia Vrbe commorantur , et deinceps militantes incolas Sancti Palatii , necnon et ex collegiis popularibus , et ab excubitoribus , insuper etiam quosdam de Christo dilectis exercitibus , tam ab a Deo conservando Imperiali obsequio , quamque ab Orientali Thraciano , similiter et ab Armeniano , etiam ab excercitu Italiae , deinde ex Cabarisianis , et Septensianis , seu de Sardinia , atque de Africano exercitu , qui ad nostram pietatem ingressi sunt , et Iussimus praefatas Synodalium gestorum Chartas in medium adduci , et coram supradictis omnibus lectionem eorum fieri ; omnesque diligenter audientes signare ipsas fecimus : eorum auditorum universitas in nostris manibus eas praebuit Chartas , ut debeamus nos tenendo inviolatas conservare ipsas , ut non licentia fuerit in quolibet tempore his , qui timorem D●i nolunt habere , aliquid corrumpere , aut submutare ab his quae inserta sunt in praenominatis Synodalibus gestis , quas totas Chartas bene definitas in temporibus Sanctae memoriae nostri Patris , ex probabilibus Sanctis Patribus , qui propriae linguae et manuum fidem apud Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum verumque Deum existentem , confirmasse dinoscitur , et confitentes eam docuisse , nos speramus Clementissimum nostrum Deum , quia usque dum noster spiritus statutus est ex Deo esse , in nobis ipsas Chartas illiba●as et incommutabiles semper conservabimus . This whole General Synod in their Oration to Justinian , inprimis pium Imperatorem , use these expressions to him , evidencing that God had specially raised him up to defend , preserve , propagate the Orthodox saith , and that it was , yea ought to be his first and principal care , trust , duty , to reclaim his Subjects from sinne , and endeavor to promote the salvation of their souls , as well as their temporal welfare . * Imprimis , Pio & Christi amantissimo Imperatori Justiniano Sancta & universalis Synodus , Divino Piae vestrae potentiae nutu & decreto congregata in hac a Deo Custodita & regia Civitate , &c. Qui magnam hanc praesentis mundi Navem clavo assidens regit Christus Dominus noster , te Sapientem nobis gubernatorem , Pium Imperatorem , verè praesidem excitavit , dissensantem sermones in judicio , in seculum veritatem servantem , facientem judicium & justitiam in medio terrae , & in via ab omni culpa ac reprehensione aliena procedentem , quem cum sapientia concepisset , eique obstetricis officium praestitisset , pulchrè virtutibus eductum & ornatum , divinoque spiritu repletum , orbis terrarum oculum effecit , qui mentis puritate et splendore subjectos aperte iliuminans , * cui suam Ecclesiam adhibuit , et legem ejus noctu diuque meditari docuit , ad populorum qui sunt sub ejus manibus perfectionem et aedificationem , qui ruo in Deum desiderii ardore Phinees zelum superas , et pietatis ac prudentiae robore confosso peccato , gregem quoque vitio et eritio subtrahere voluisti . Oportebat enim eum qui post supernum monumentum humani generis gubernaculum suscepisset , non solum id quod ad se pertinet considerare , et quomodo sua a se vita dirigatur ; sed et omnes quibus imperat , et maximis fluctibus servare , et a multa prolapsionum errorumque confusione , undique obruentibus improbitatis fluctibus , et humilitatis nostrae corpus perturbantibus , eripere . After which they thus humbly pray the Emperor to ratifie their Canons to make them valid and obligatory . Propterea ergo tuae pietatis jussu in hac Dei observatrice & Imperante Urbe congressi , sacros Canones scripsimus . Quamobrem tuam pietatem , eas quae prius in hac Dei observatrice Civitate a congrega●●s sub bonae memoriae Imperatore nostro patribus editae sunt , voces Tibi adducentes , ut qu●madmodum Ecclesiae scriptis Ecclesiam honorasti , sic et eorum , qu●… per viros pios et synceros decreta sunt , finem obsignes . Dominus autem imperiium tuum stabiliat ac confirmat in pace ac Justitia , & generationum generationibus transmittat , & terrenae quoque potentiae adjiciat , ut etiam coelesti regno fruaris . Which he ratified accordingly . a Gratian , ex gestis Romanorum Pontificum , records this memorable Decree made by the Emperor Constantinus P●gonatus in the time of Pope Agatho , about the year 680. Agatho , Natione Siculus , cujus legatione functus Joannes Episcopus Portuensis , die Dominico octavo Paschae in Ecclesia sanctae Sophiae , missas coram Principe & Patriarcha latinè celebravit . Hic suscepit ab eo divalem , id est , Regiam Epistolam secundum suam postulationem ; per quam relevata est quantitas pecuniae , quae solita erat dari ( Imp. ) pro ordinatione Pontificis facienda ; sic tamen ut si contigerit post ejus transitum electionem fieri , non debeat ordinari qui electus fuerit , nisi prius Decretum generale introducetur in regiam urbem , secundum ANTIQUAM CONSUETUDINEM , ut cum eorum conscientia et jussione debeat ordinatio prosperare . Item Vitalianus Natione Segnensis ( Ann. 665 ) direxit responsales suos cum Synodica Epistola , JUXTA CONSUETUDINEM , in regiam urbem apud piissimos Principes de Ordinatione sua ; To which Gratian prefixeth this rubrick , electus in Romanum Pontificem non ordinetur , nisi ejus Decretum Imperatori primum praesentetur , & * confirmationem de sui ordinatione petiisset , sicut indicat liber Pontificalis in vita sua , as the Century writers affirm . ) On which Text Bartholomeus Buxiensis , and Dr. Thierry , ( together with Anastatius in vita Agathonis p. 79 ) thus Comment . Consuetudo erat , quod electio Papae subscripta representaretur Imperatori Constantinopoli ; et tunc temporis electus dabat quandam summam pecuniae Imperatori . Ad quam summam relevandam misit Agatho Joannem Episcopum Portuensem Constantinopolim ; qui in octavo Paschae in Ecclesia Sanctae Sophiae , latinè missam coram Patriarcha & Principe celebravit ; et ad suam petitionem accepit Imperiale scriptum , per quod solita quantitas est ei relaxata , ita tamen ( mark it ) ut electio Pontificis Imperatori semper repraesentaretur , et cum Imperatoris conscientia et jussione , Pontificis ordinatio deberet prospere fieri : ( or as Anastatius records it , sic tamen ut si contigerit post ejus transitum electionem fieri , non debeat ordinari qui electus fuerit , nisi prius decretum generale introducatur in Regiam urbem SECUNDUM ANTIQUAM CONSUETUDINEM , & CUM * EORUM CONSCIENTIA & JUSSIONE DEBEAT ORDINATIO PROVENIRE . ) sicut factum fuit de Vitaliano , cujus electio fuit praesentata ipsis Principibus SICUT CONSUETUDO ERAT . And the Glosse on these words : Quae solita , superadds . Quilibet enim Episcopus dare consuevit aliquid Imperatori in electione sua , dummodo redditus Episcopales excederent duas libras auri . De San. Epis . sect . 4. Et forte tunc cum mos erat , crimen non erat , ut Caus . 32. qu. 4. Sed nonne Imperator commisit Simoniam , relaxando illud jus sub hac conditione , ut consensus ejus requiratur in electione ? Sed dic , quod non ; quia prius utrumque jus habuit , unde modo alterum potuit remittere ; ideo autem petiit * ( a ) Papa hanc consuetudinem tolli , quia continebat speciem mali , ut . 1. qu. 1. emendari . From whence it is irrefragable by these Popes and Canonists joynt Confessions , 1. That no Pope could be elected at Rome without the Emperors privity . 2ly . That his election ought to be certifyed by an instrument in writing sent to Constantinople ( when the Emperor resided there ) and the Emperors assent expresly given to his Election , and also a certain sum of money paid by him to the Emperor , before he ought to be admitted or consecrated Pope . 3ly . That the Emperor ought to issue out an expresse command for his consecration . 4ly . That this was no innovation , but an antient known Custom and usage even in Pope Agathoes and Vitalians time , within 650. years after Christ . 5ly . That this was a lawfull Right vested in the Emperors , which they never parted with by this Decree , though they mitigared or released the fine or first-fruits , paid upon every new election of a Pope . Therefore the subsequent grants made by Pope Adrian and Leo the 3. to the Emperor Charles the Great and his successors , to elect the Pope , &c. gave them no new right , but were only a preservation of their antient right used time out mind before . Which will put a period to the Popes late * pretended Supremacy over the Emperor . The 12. Council of Toledo was summoned ex glorioso Eringii Regis jussu , in the first year of his reign ; whereto he summoned Omnes in commune religiosos Provinciarum Rectores & Clarissimorum ordinum totius Hispaniae , & illustres aulae regiae viros , who sate and voted therein as well as his Bishops . In the beginning of this Council the King making a short , pious Oration to them , declaring how destructive all sins were to Kingdoms , if not corrected by severe Laws ; and how much true faith and piety did advance , secure , honor both Kings and Kingdoms ; with his desire to consecrate the beginning of his reign to God , by promoting the one , and suppressing the other : He delivered them a writing containing the sum of what he desired to settle in this Council , with these expressions . Ecce in brevi complexa vel exarata devotionis meae negotia in hujus tomo complicationis agnoscenda perlegite , perlecta discutite , discussa elimatis & discretis titulorum sententiis definite ; ut pura et placens Deo vestrarum definitionum valitura discretio , & regni nostri primordia decoret exhortatione justitiae , & errores plebium digna cohibeat severitatis censura . Whereupon they receiving the writing , inserted into the Acts of this Council , pursued it accordingly in their proceedings . First , they began with a publique Confession of their faith agreeable to that of Nice , & former Councils . After which they added 13 Chapters more : The 1. whereof declares and confirms the Kings just Title to the Crown ; prohibiting from thenceforth all attempts against his Title or Government by word or deed ; the other Canons concern the Jews , Religion , and Ecclesiastical affaires : which they clozed with a devout prayer for the King , regnare feliciter , habere de clementia fructum , obtinere de justitia proemium , de pietate trophaeum , &c. the Bishops and Nobles too subscribing them : This King afterwards ratified them by his royal Decree signed with his own hand ; commanding them not to be contemned , omitted , violated , subverted by any , but punctually , inviolably , and perpetually observed by all his Subjects under pain of excommunication , confiscation of the tenth part of their goods who had any , and fifty stripes with perpetual infamy to be inflicted on such who had no goods to forfeit . The 13. Council of Toledo was summoned by the same King Eringius , consisting of all his Nobles and Great Officers , b as well as Bishops , to whom he made a pious short speech , and then delivered them a writing containing in grosse the things he called them to consult of , and to digest into particular Titles , which they accordingly pursued ; the first part of them concerned the forfeiture and confiscations of his Subjects , and the Nobility ; the later , Church affairs ; All these Councils of Toledo were like our antient Saxon Councils , consisting of the Nobility and Clergy , and enacting temporal as well as Ecclesiastical Lawes , which the King confirmed by his Subscription and Edicts . They began with a Confession of faith ; because Praeconabile fignum est , illis semper negotiis interesse , quae & a pietate incipiunt , & per pietatis viscera temperantur ; Pietas enim , ut ait Apostolus , ad omnia utilis est . c Constantinus Pogonatus the Emperor , by his Divales jussiones , or Imperial Edicts , ad venerabilem Clerum & populum , & foelicissimum exercitum Romanae Civitatis concessit , Vt persona qui electus fuerit ad sedem Apostolicam , è vestigio absque tarditate Pontifex ordinaretur . When as he could not be installed before that time , till the Emperor or his Exarch in Italy had given his Imperial assent to his election . Anno 685. Pope John the 5. received the Emperor Justinian the 2d his Edictum , confirmans sextam Sanctam Synodum , & alias divales jussiones , concerning several annual rents and payments due to the Emperor from the Church of Rome , d which he mitigated , because Ecclesia Romana , annue minime exurgebat persolvere : This Pope yielded all ready obedience to the Emperor as his Soveraign Lord. f Conon being elected Pope after Johns death by the joynt consent of the Clergy , Army , and people of Rome , ( who were at first divided , the Clergy electing Peter , and the Army Theodorus a Priest : ) they all ut mos est , sent their instrument of his election subscribed with their hands , by some of the Clergy and people , to Theodorus the Exarch for his approbation ; without which he had not been admitted to the Papacy . Where this Pope received Divalem jussionem Domini Justiniani Principis , for confirmation of the 6. General Synod of Constantinople held by his Father ; quam Synodum permisit ejus pietas illis palam & inconcussam perenniter custodire & conservare . g After the death of Conon , the Clergy and People of Rome being divided in their election of a Pope , one part chusing Theodorus , another Paschal , both obstinately maintaining their parties ; at last the greater part of the Souldiers and Clergy elected Sergius , & in sacrosanctum palatium , & exinde in Lateranense Episcopium deduxerunt ; whereupon Theodorus gave over his pretence , and submitted to Sergius his election ; but Paschal would by no means do it , till enforced at last volens nolens ; sending privily to John Platyn the Exarch of Ravenna , to come to Rome with his Judges , whither he marched very privately : who forced Sergius to give him not only divers Ornaments antienly hanging before St. Peters Altar ; but also One hundred pounds weight of gold , to confirm his election and purchase his peace . If Popes were thus subject to the Emperors Exarchs and chief Officers in Italy ; much more then to the Emperors themselves . The h Emperor Justinian An. 710. commanded Theudor his General to apprehend Felix Archbishop of Ravenna , and send him prisoner to Constantinople for his offences , which being accordingly executed , he had his eyes put out , and was afterwards banished into Pontica ; At which time this Emperor sent an Imperial Edict to Pope Constantine , per quam jussit eum ad regiam ascendere urbem ( Constantinople ) qui jussis Imperialibus attemperans , illico navigia fecit parari , and went to Constantinople : the Emperor being then at Nice , commanded him to meet him at Nicomedia , which he did : where the next Lords day he said Masse , and administred the Communion to the Emperor . The Emperor there renewing all the Priviledges of the Church , gave this Pope leave to return again to Rome . After which Anastatius the Emperor sent a second Edict by the Exarch of Italy to Rome , per quam verae se orthodoxa fidei praedicatorem , & sancti Sexti Concilii confessorem esse omnibus declaravit . The Emperor i Leo Isaurus in the 9th year of his reign , published a Decree against Images , Ut nulla Imago cujustibet Sancti ; aut Martyris , aut Angeli ubicunque haberetur , maledicta enim omnia asserebat : sending word to Rome to Pope Gregory the 2d . Si acquiesceret in hoc Pontifex , gratiam Imperatoris haberet ; Si et hoc fieri praepediret , a suo gradu decideret , that he would degrade him from the Papacy , as he deposed Heraclius Patriarch of Constantinople , for disswading , opposing his suppressing , defacing of Images , and refusing to subscribe his Decree against them ; making Anastatius Patriarch in his stead ; who concurred with him against Images . This Pope Gregory instead of obeying the Emperor herein : Tributa Romanae Vrbis prohibuit , et Italiae , scribens ad Leonem Epistolam dogmaticam non oportere Imperatorem de fide facere verbum : ( a falshood in the highest degree , against all his Predecessors doctrine , unlesse qualified with the ensuing words in a right sence and subject , here misapplyed ) & novitate violare antiqua dogmata Ecclesiae Catholicae . And to preserve himself in his See , he mutinied all the Officers and Souldiers in Rome and Italy against the Emperor , so farr as to resolve to march to Constantinople to depose him , and chuse another Emperor in his place , upon this quarrel of Images , * Some write , that Pope Gregory the 2d . excommunicated the Emperor Leo in a Synod at Rome , and that the Emperor derided his excommunication , saying , Idolatra est , et ipse excommunicatus a Deo : However all accord , that he removit Romam & Italiam , necnon & omnia tam Reipublicae quam Ecclesiastica jura in Hesperiis ab obedientia Imperatoris ( as Paulus Diaconus and others express it ) Leonem per Epistolas tanquam impie agentem redarguens , & Romam cum tota Italia ab illius Imperio recedere faciens : wherupon the Emperor appointed several of his Officers in Italy to apprehend , depose or kill him for his Treasons ; whom he by mutinies caused to be slain themselves . a John Damascen , a Monk , opposed the Emperor in Syria , writing in defence of Images ; Regum est civilis administratio : We obey thee , O King , in things that belong to civil & secular affairs , quantum ad nos spectat , the government wherof is committed to you ; But in Ecclesiastical matters , Pastors and Bishops have delivered Lawes and Constitutions to us ; We may not remove those lawfull bounds which are set unto us ; as if their Canons or Decrees were of absolute force to bind Kings or Emperors without their consents , which they never did . This Emperor proceeded to put many Priests as well as others to death in Constantinople and elswhere , who presumed to erect Images , and disobeyed his Imperial Edicts . Hereupon Pope b Gregory the 3d. who succeeded Gregory the 2. Anno 731. writ commonitory Letters to this Emperor Leo , three times one after another , to disswade him from his opinion and proceedings against Images and the defenders of them , sending them by special Messengers , who were apprehended , their Letters taken from them , and they imprisoned for sundry moneths , then sent away with reproaches by the Emperor . An Argument of this Emperors Supremacy , and the Popes subjection to him . c Constantine the Emperor surnamed Copronimus , in the 13th year of his reign , Contra Imagines Concilium 38. Episcoporum congregavit in Palatio Hieriae , which continued together from the 3. of February to the 16. of August . After which , ascendit Constantinus Imperator in ambonem , tenens Constantinum Monachum , qui fuit Sylei Episcopus , & cum orasset , voce magna pronunciavit , dicens , Constantino universali Patriarchae multos annos ; creating him Patriarch of Constantinople by his Imperial power . Et deinde ascendit Imperator cum Constantino scelerato Praesule & reliquis Episcopis forum , divulgantes orthodoxam ( cacodoxam writes Paulus Diaconus ) fidem in conspectu totius plebis , anathematizantes Germanum Patriarcham , & Gregorium Cyprium , & Johannem Chrysoroan Damascenum . Our * Venerable Beda in his Commentarius in Ps . 50. On these words , Tibi soli peccavi , resolves thus . Rex enim si peccat , soli Deo peccat , quia nullus alius eum pro peccatis suis puniet . Therefore not the Pope . And he determines , that Reges & Sacerdotes merito omnes in Ecclesia perfecti vocantur , cum sint membra Reges & Sacerdotis summi ; cum seipsos bene regere , cum sua corpora Domino hostiam veraciter exhibere didicerunt ; as well as Popes or Priests . * Synodus Suessionensis sub Childerico Rege & Duce Pipino , ( consisting of the Nobility as well as Clergy ) was summoned by Pipin the Kings Vicegerent , and all the Canons were made and consented unto by the Nobility as well as Clergy , as this ratification implies : Si quis contra hoc Decretum quod 23. Episcopi cum aliis Sacerdotibus , una cum consensu Principis Pipini , & Optimatum Francorum consilio constituerunt , transgredi , vel legem irrumpere voluerit vel despexerit , judicandus sit ab ipso Principe , vel Episcopis , vel Comitibus , componat secundum quod in lege scriptum est . To pretermit the manifold humble supplications and obsecrations of Pope d Zacharias ( elected Pope by the People ) to Luitprandus King of the Lombards , and Thrasimundus , with his Presents to them , to restore the Cities and Lands they had seised in Italy to the Church of Rome , which they denied or deferred to do . Aistulphus King of the Lombards demanding an annual Tribute from the Citizens of Rome , Per unumquodque scilicet caput singulos auri solidos annue inferri , & threatning to besiege the City if they refused to pay it ; Pope Stephen the 3d. his successor , quem cunctus populus consona voce sibi elegit Pontificem ( not the Clergy alone ) when he could not pacify Aistulphus , neither by his Petitions , nor Gifts sent unto him by his Embassadors ; ( obnixe per eas postulavit pacis foedera , ) He therupon sent to Constantinople to the Emperor Constantinus , intreating Imperialem clementiam , ut cum exercitu ad tuendas Italiae partes , modis omnibus adveniret , & de iniquitatis filiis mansolas , Romanam hanc urbem , vel cunctam Italiam liberaret . But receiving no ayd thence , and Aistulphus proceeding in his menaces and Invasions upon the Popes Territories ; he thereupon writ humble Letters , and sent Messengers to Pepin and Charles Kings of France , to relive them from their oppressions . Afterwards , this Pope repaired in person to King Aistulphus to Papiae ; where presenting him with many rich gifts , nimis eum obsecratus est atque lachrymis profusis eum petivit , ut dominicas quas abstulerat redderet over , & propria propriis restitueret ; sed nullo modo apud eum haec impetrare valuit . Sed & imperialis missus simisi modo petiit , & Imperiales literas illi tribuit , & non obtinere potuit . Herupon he petitioned Aistulphus ( who detained him prisoner ) that he would grant him leave to go into France ; telling him , Si tua voluntas est me relaxandi , mea omnino est ambulandi , &c. Upon which he released and permitted him to walk into France ; where coming to King Pipin and Charles his sonne , Christianissimum Regem lachrymabiliter deprecatus est , ut per pacis foedera causam beati Petri & Reipublicae Romanorum disponeret : ( having writ a Letter to them before in e St. Peters and all the Saints , Martyrs , and blessed Virgins names , exhorting , praying , conjuring them to help St. Peter & the Church of Rome in this emergent necessity . ) Who thereupon treated with Aistulphus , and discovering his fraudulent shifts , tota se virtute professus est decertare pro causa Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae ; whereupon he marched with an Army into Italy , besieged Papia , and forced Aistulphus to surrender all the Cities , Lands he had taken from the Church of Rome , De quibus omnibus receptis Civitatibus Rex Pipinus donationem in scriptis a beato Petro , atque a Sancta Romana Ecclesia , vel omnibus in perpetuum Pontificibus Apostolicae ( edis misit possidendum , asserens & hoc , quod nulla eum copia , &c. suadere valeret , ut quod simel beato Petro obtulit , auferret . Thus he restored this Pope to his See and possessions ( who had crowned him King of France against right ) upon what Terms you shall hear anon , from some of his Successors . It is observable that there were no Excommunications , Interdicts , Anathemas used against Aistulphus or others by this Pope , to force them to obedience , which succeeding Popes introduced ; but only humble prayers , supplications , tears , Petitions both to Aistulphus , Pipin , and Charles , ( as the Popes Superiors , not his Underlings and Vassals , ) and that for St. Peters Patrimony . Concilium apud Palatium Vernis was summoned , and the Canons therein made ratified by King Pipins Edict , who desired , * Haec inconvulsa et inviolata esse , being made by his direction ; quia facultas modo non sufficiat ad integrum , tamen aliqua ex parte vult esse correctum , quod Ecclesiae Dei valdè dignoscitur esse contrarium : Among other things , it was decreed , cap. 4. Vt bis in anno Synodus fiat , Prima Synodus mense primo , quod est Martii Kalend. ubicunque Dominus Rex jusserit , in eius praesentia . So that he must both summon and preside in it . Pope Paul , Stephens Successor ( elected to be Pope by the Roman Clergy and people quia validior & fortior erat Theophylacto , d whom some of the people elected , & in ejus domo congregati residebat ; ) although he oft times sent his Nuncioes , cum observatoriis et monitoriis literis Constantino & Leoni Augustis , pro restituendis , confirmandisque in pristinum venerationis statum sacratissimis Imaginibus Domini Dei , & Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi , sanctae ejus Genitricis , atque beatorum Apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum Prophetarum , Martyrum & Confessorum ; yet they would not hearken to him , but prosecuted those who violated their Edicts made against their adoration . After the death of Pope Paul f one Toto , Dux Nepesinae Civitatis , gathering together a great multitude of Soldiers and Rusticks out of Tuscia , and entring with them into Rome , in the house of Toto , elegerunt ibidem Constantinum fratrem ejusdem Totonis , Laicum existentem , to be Pope , whom many of them accompanying in their Arms in Lateranensem Patriarcham , continuo accersito Georgio Episcopo , compulerunt cum ut ordinem Clericatus eidem Constantino tribueret ; who refusing at first to do it , they at last by threats and force compelled him out of fear , to ordain him a Deacon and Subdeacon at one time against the Sacred Canons : and enforced all the people to take an Oath to him ; the next Lords day bringing him with a multitude of armed Souldiers into St. Peters Church , he was there consecrated Pope by the said George and two Bishops more . Et sic per anni spatium & mensem unum sedem Apostolicam invasam detinuit . Which Christophorus and Sergius his sonne bewailing , went to this Constantine , feining themselves to become Monks , received an absolution of their Oath from him , and then departing privily to Desiderius King of the Lombards , and Theodoric Duke of Spoletum , obnixe eundem Regem deprecati sunt ejus auxilium tribui , ut talis novitatis error ab Ecclesia Dei amputaretur . Whereupon they procuring forces from King Desiderius and entring Rome by night , after very many contests , apprehended Pope Constanine as an invader , uncanonically ordained . Then Christopherus Pannionus , aggregans Sacerdotes ac Primates Cleri , & Optimates Militae atque universum exercitum , & Cives honestos , omnisque populi Romani coetum a magno usque ad parvum , pertractantes pariter concordaverunt omnes una mente , unoque consensu in persona beatissimi Stephani 4. and consecrated him Pope . After which , in a Council at Rome , Constantine was deprived , degraded , as ordained against the Canons , the Orders conferred by him whiles Pope , nulled , and the persons ordained by him either thrust into Monasteries , as Monks , or re-ordained : only the baptism conferred by them was reputed valid . After this , though Constantine excused himself , that he was made Pope against his will by the People and Souldiers , yet he was thrust Prisoner into a Monastery , and had his eyes there put out by a party of Souldiers , of which he died . Afterwards by the Council and assistance of Duke Maurice and Desiderius King of Lombardy , one Michael Schrivianus , qui nullo Sacerdotali fungebatur honore , was elected Archbishop of Ravenna by the Officers and Army with a strong hand : whereupon this Pope sent into France to King Charles , and by his assistance procured Michael to be ejected out of his Bishoprick , and sent Prisoner to Rome , and Leo an Archdeacon to be chosen in his place , who was ordained and consecrated Archbishop at Rome by Pope Stephen . Hereupon Desiderius seised some lands belonging to the Church of Rome , and refused to restore them upon this Popes Petition , who thereupon sent supplicatory Letters to King Charles and Charlemain into France for aid against him . Upon which Desiderius marching into Rome with an Army , entred into the Popes Palace and presence with armed Souldiers , shut him up in his Palace , apprehended Christopherus and Sergius who set up this Pope , and notwithstanding his intercessions on their behalf , put out their eyes , and thrust them into the Monastery of St. Agatha and Clare Scauri , where they soon after died , and this Pope too through grief . a Pope Adrian the 1. being elected Pope after him , Desiderius for fear of Charles and Charlemains entring into Italy , desired Peace with him , promising with an Oath to do him all that right which he denied unto Stephen ; whereupon the Pope demanded the restitution of the City of Faventia , the Dukedom of Ferrata , and other lands , quas sanctae memoriae Pipinus Rex , & ejus filii Carolus & Carolomannus excellentissimi Reges Francorum , & Patricii Romanorum , beato Petro concedentes , obtulerunt ; who not only refused to surrender them , but seised upon more . After many supplicatory Letters for restitution , and treaties to that purpose spent in vain ; Desiderius threatned to besiege Rome it self ; whereupon the Pope dispatched Letters and Messengers to King Charles of France , his Patron , by Sea , deprecavit ejus excellentiam , ut sicut suis Pater sanctae memoriae Pipinus , & ipse succurrer at atque subveniat Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae atque afflictae Romanorum seu Exarchatus Ravennentium provinciae , atque plenarias beati Petri justicias & ablatas Civitates ab eodem Desiderio Rege exigeret . Whereupon Charles by his Messengers , exhorted him to restore all these Cities and Territories to the Church : who after many Messages and Treaties , gave this peremptory answer , Se minime quicquam redditurum . King Charls hereupon marched with a great Army into Italy , admonishing Desiderius without any battel , peaceably to restore those Cities and Lands to the Church , who yet refused to do it . After which Desiderius flying , and all his forces being dispersed , the Cities and Territories craving pardon , returned to their obedience to the Church of Rome , and took an Oath to continue faithfull to it . Charles having reduced all Places and Territories to their obedience , took his journey to Rome it self , beyond the Popes expectation : where being magnificently entertained , he made a New Grant and Donation of all the Lands formerly granted by Pepin to the Church of Rome , subscribed with his own hand , and the hands of all the Bishops , Abbots , Dukes and Secretaries then present . Then returning , he carried Desiderius and his wife Prisoners with him into France . This Pope Adrian , Anno 774. holding a Council at Rome , consisting of 153 Bishops and Abbots , by way of gratitude , decreed the right of electing the Pope himself and all other Bishops , with their Investitures , and ordering the Roman See , unto Charles and his Successors ; thus recorded by Gratian himself , Distinct . 63. Adrianus , prefaced with this Rubrick , authorized by sundry Popes , Imperator ius habet eligendi Pontificem . c Adrianus Papa Romam venire Carolum Regem ad defendendas res Ecclesiae postulavit ; Carolus verò Romam veniens Papiam obsedit , ibique relicto exercitu in sancta resurrection ab Adriano Papa Romae honorificè susceptus est , post sanctam resurrectionem reversus Papiam , cepit Desiderium Regem : deinde Romam reversus , Congruit ibi Synodum cum Adriano Papa in Patriachatus Lateranensis in Ecclesia Sancti Salvatoris , quae Synodus celebrata est a 353. Episcopis Resigiosis & Abbatibus , a Adrianus autem Papa cum universali Synodo tradiderunt Carolo , Ius et Potestatem eligendi Pontificem , et ordinandi Apostolicam sedem : dignitatem quoque Patriciatus ipsi concesserunt . Insuper , Archiepiscopos et Episcopos per singulas Provincias ab eo investituras accipere diffinivit ; ut nisi a Rege laudetur et investiatur Episcopus , a nemine consecretur ; et quicunque contra hoc Decretum ageret , anathematis vinculo eum innodavit , et nisi resipisceret bona ejus publicari praecepit . In which Decree these things are very observable : 1. That this Council even in Rome it self , was called , constituted by Charles , the Great , whiles Kings of France , before he was crowned Emperor . 2ly . That it granted to him no new thing , but an antient right belonging to the Roman Emperors ; to wit the right , power of electing the Pope himself , and ordering the See Apostolick . 3ly . It granted him the dignity of a Patricius , or Protector of Rome . 4ly . That all Archbishops and Bishops in all Provinces ( therefore in France and in Spain , as the Glosse observes , as well as other places ) should receive their investitures from the Emperor alone . 5ly . That none of them shall be recommended , invested , or consecrated a Bishop by any person , unlesse first recommended and invested a Bishop by the King. 6ly . That whosoever should transgresse this Decree , shall not only be excommunicated , but also forfeit his goods , unlesse he repented . What greater evidence for his absolute regal Supremacy over the Pope and all other Archbishops and Bishops in Ecclesiastical matters , then this Councils Decree held in Rome it self , and ratified by the Pope himself in St. Peters pretended unerring chair ? a Cardinal Baronius being unable to untie this Gordian knot , takes upon him to cut it quite asunder , obstinately denying , there was any such Council as this held , or any such Decree made ; as doth his Apologist b Gretzer the Jesuit , who pretend it a forgery of Sigebert : But Pope Leo the 3d. mentioning it in his subsequent Decree recorded next after it by Gratian , and he in other Decrees there recorded by him ; Bartholomeus Buxiensis , Dr. Thierry , and all other Glossers on Gratian glossing it as unquestionable : our antient Historian c William of Malmesbury and Pope Gregory cited by him , d Eutropius Presbyter , e Plantina , f Lupoldus , g Theodoricus de Niem , h Marsilius Patavinus , i Radulphus de Columna , k Occam , l Johannis Semeca , m Antonius de Rosellis , n Cardinal Turre Cremata , o Cardinal Zabarella , p Cardinal Cusanus , q Cardinal Cameracensis , r Nauclerus , ſ Martinus Polonus , t Wernerus , u Chronicon Richespergense , x Matthew Paris , y Mat. Westminster , z Robertus Gagninus , a Boetius Epon , b Onuphrius , and c sundry others , mentioning and asserting its reality , it must needs be both unpardonable impudency and falsity for these shamelesse Lyars to gainsay it , without the least shadow of truth , or evidence to the contrary , near one thousand years after this Synod . The a 2d . Synod of Nice was summoned by the Decree of Constantine and Irene , as the Prologue to it attests , Imperantibus piissimis & Christo deditissimis Dominis nostris , cum matre sua Irene , per pium illorum Imperatorum sancte Orbem terrarum gubernantum Decretum congregata est . And in their Epistles to the Bishops , ( divina voluntate , et nostra gratia jussuque sacrati nostri Imperii congregatis in Nicena Synodo : ) treating of the benefits received by Christs incarnation , and his imperial office and duty , they assert : Jesus Christus primus factus summus Sacerdos , hujus appellationis reddidit NOS consortes , O viri Sacerdotes , &c. Hanc igitur ob beatitudinem quae nobis donataest , nobilitatisque causa qua Deus nos adoptavit , Imperatoria nostra & pia Majestas ad concordiam et pacem universum Romanum Imperium erigere contendens , praecipue tamen sanctarum Dei nostri Ecclesiarum statum , qua possumus cura et consilio conservare intendimus . After which they granted all assembled in this Synod this Liberty . Damus quoque unicuique libertatem , ut sine omni formidine eloquatur , quae secum animo deliberavit , quo veritas magis magisque elucescat : et intrepiva voce audiatur . Then speaking of Tharaseus Patriarch of Constantinople , who oft refused to accept that office when elected to it , as too heavy for his shoulders , omnibus libertatem dedimus , ut si quid adversus virum haberent , dicerent , ut purgare sese posset . After they direct , that the Letters of Pope Adrian should first be read in the Synod , Post id etiam duas quaterniones umbelicas conclusas legetis , &c. ut per 〈◊〉 cognoscatis , quaenam sit Catholicae Ecclesiae sententia & judicium . Sancta Synodus respondit : Servet Deus Imperium eorum , producat illorum tempora Deus , augeat Dominos eos gratia . Then they proceeded according to their instructions . When a Tharasius President of this Synod would have caused another Book to be read before Pope Adrians Letter , contrary to the Emperors direction , Leontius gloriosissimus , Imperatori a Secretis , dixit , Sacra & a Deo collecta Synodus meminerit , in priore conventione , D●i obserantium magnorum Imperatorum nostrorum fuisse lectas literas , in quibus mentio fiebat sanctissimi & beatissimi Archiepiscopi veteris Romae , et religiosissimorum Pontificum Orientis Synodicarum literarum , quas in duabus quaternionibus adducimus ( which they ordered to be read first ) de quibus vos , quid fieri vultis , admonemus ? Sancta Synodus dixit , Legantur libelli beatissimi & sanctissimi Archiepiscopi veteris Romae . Et legit eos Nicephorus gloriosissimus ab Imperialibus secretis . The Emperors Great Officers and Privy Counsellors being present in this Synod , directed the proceedings therein , as these passages , & b praesentibus simul & audientibus Illustrissimis juxta ac magnificentissimis Senatoribus , nimirum Petronio glorioso exconsule Patricio , & Theophilacto Comite Imperialis obsequii , Joanne regio ostiario , &c. with others there named evidence . Pope Adrians Letters there read , are thus directed , c Dominis piissimis et serenissimis Victoribus , &c. Constantino et Irenae Augustis , Adrianus Servus servorum Dei. In the beginning of his Epistle he writes , Deus in Ecclesiae suae faciem respiciens , pietatem vestram & praedestinatam Serenitatem Imperatoriae mansuetudinis , ad profectionem fidei vocare non dedignatus est , quo omnem emendari improbitatem PER VOS contigat , veritatemque in lucem perducat . Then he subjoyns , Quemadmodum enimà Superioribus haereseos schismatibus eramus conterrefacti ; ita nunc rursum per vestram jussionem ( their summons to him ) exultatione sumus perfusi : nam in regia vestra Civitate venerandum Imaginum causa jussistis retractari , &c. Nuper verò per piam vestram jussionem de voluntate vestra instructi , Omnipotenti Deo pro vestro imperio precibus solicitantes , gratiarum actione gloriam istius praedicamus . Illud autem in stabilimentum & confirmationem regni vestri maxime fit , quod magnum opus hoc aggressi estis , quod sine mediatione vestra in hoc mundo vix fieri potest , &c. Vos autem partem habebatis cum eo , qui nunc in divina requiescit , Constantino Imperatore , & Helena ejus matre , qui orthodoxam fidem illustrarunt et confirmarunt , adeoque sanctam matrem vestram catholicam et spiritualem , Romanam Ecclesiam exaltarunt , ut plane spes sit , eorum piam appellationem in vestra cognomenta piissima et a Deo data , transituram , ut per omnem terrarum orbem novus Constantinus , et nova Helena praedicetur , per quos sancta Catholica et Apostolica Ecclesia renovabitur , &c. After which relating the story of Constantines baptism ; he adds , Non immemor accepti beneficii Ecclesias aedificare coepit , &c. nec alia de causa , quam ut Christianissimum in lucem et veritatem , ubique multum proveheret , et omnes gentes a cultu idolorum et diabolica deceptione converteret ; which he esteemed his bounden duty . This Pope clozeth his Epistle with this submissive supplication : * Obsecrantes igitur ex animi fervore vestram mansuetudinem attestando , et veluti praesentes genibus advoluti , et coram vestigiis pedum volutando ; ego cum fratribus meis coram Deo supplico , obtestor , adjuro , sacras Imagines in ipsa Regia Vrbe , et in utrisque Graeciae partibus in pristinum statum restitui et firmari jubeatis . In this Council there are d many passages concerning the propagation , defence , protection of the Orthodox faith , religion , and suppression of heresies by Christian Emperors ; and these frequent Acclamations , Prayers for Constantine and Irene , who summoned and directed this Council , Multi anni Imperatoribus , Constantino & Irenae magnis Regibus : Orthodoxis Imperatoribus multi anni . Custodes fidei Domine protegas : Propugnatores Ecclesiae Domine confirma . Novi Constantini et novae Helenae aeterna memoria : pacificam vitam da illis Domine . Amen . As this Pope , so e Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople , in his Epistle to Constantine and Irene , written from , and in the name of this Synod , stiles them : Vniversi Populi Christiani Principes ac Duces ; ad pietatem veritate Sermonem contulistis , et orthodoxae fidei pietatisque figuram descripsistis . Vnde fidelibus tanquam faces ardentes relucetis , et periclitanti Ecclesiae manum porrexistis . Nam et sanas doctrinas conservatis , et dissidentium unanimiter concordiam gubernatis : pietatis officia per vos sunt stabilitata : Quamobrem , f Os noster impletum est gaudio , & lingua nostra exultatione . Quid enim splendidius magnificentiusque esse posset Principi , quam Ecclesiasticarum constitutionum firmitatem et stabilimentum integrum conservavisse , & c ? Neque putastis ferendum aut tolerabile , quod in reliquis omnibus rebus bene inter nos conveniret , de vitae autem vestrae summa et praecipuo , nimirum fide et pace Ecclesiae inter nos essent dissidia ; maxime cum nostrum caput Vnicum sit Christus , ( not the Pope ) nos autem deinceps illius unius corporis membra , propter eam quae inter nos communem fidem et sententiam . This Idolatrous Synod of Nice , and Pope Adrian having confirmed not only the lawfullnesse of making , g but adoration of Images , and Elepandus Archbishop of Toledo in Spain having broached an heretical Opinion concerning the Sonship of Christ ; thereupon King Charles the Great , Anno 794. summoned a Councila t Frankford , to which Abbot Alchuinus was called , who writ * several Treatises against Elepandus . The Acts whereof begin thus , Sacro incitante spiritu , ac zelo fidei Catholicae scintillatim subfervescente , clementissimi & tranquillissimi gloriosique Caroli Regis , Domini terrae , Imperii ejus decreto per diversas provincias regni ejus ditioni subjecta , multitudo Antistitum sacris obtemperando praeceptis , in uno collegio adgregata convenit . When they were sate , praecipiente & Praesidente piissimo & gloriosissimo Domino nostro Carolo Rege , ( Charles being not only present , but President in that Synod ) jubente Rege , Elepandus his Epistle being read with a lowd voyce ; the King thereupon made a long Oration against it ; and then demanded , Quid vobis videtur ? Cumque impetrata et concessa esset invisa dilatio per dies aliquot , placuit ejus mansuetudini , ut unusquisque quicquid Ingenii captu rectius sentire potuisset , per sacras syllabas die statuto ejus clementiae oblatum , deferret . Whereupon Paulinus Bishop of Aquilegia and others tendred a refutation of Elepandus his Opinion , in the cloze whereof they made a large Prayer to God for King Charles his prosperous successe , and peaceable Government of the Church and Kingdom , and use these expressions : Sit Dominus et Pater , sit REX & SACERDOS , sit omnium Christianum moderatissimus gubernator , auxiliante Domino nostro Iesu Christo , &c. After which followes an h Epistle of all the Bishops of Germany , France , Aquitain , and other places met in this Synod , to the Bishops and Clergy of Spain , reciting their Summons by King Charles , Domini Regis nostri , praecipua pietate et laudabili sapientia adsedente et auriliante Nobis ; by whose direction and assistance they had read , debated , and refuted Elepandus his Epistle : Then follows this Kings own Epistle to Elepandus , and the Clergy of Spain , with this inscription , Carolus Gratia Dei Rex Francorum , & Longobardorum , ac Patricius Romanorum , Filius & Defensor Sanclae Dei Ecclesiae , &c. Wherein he refutes Elepandus his Opinion , makes a large , pious , Orthodox Consession of his faith , in imitation of Constantine the Great : adding , Hanc igitur fidem orthodoxam , & ab Apostolicis traditam doctoribus , & ab univer●ali servatam Ecclesia , Nos pro unione nostrarum partium utique in omnibus SERVARE & PRAEDICARE PROFITEMUR , quia non est in alia aliqua salus , nisi in illa . Exhorting them to return to the Church , and embrace this faith ; Habetote Nos cooperatores salutis vestrae , Catholicae pacis auriliares , &c. In this Council he likewise i condemned the adoration of Images , against the Epistle and resolution of Pope Adrian , and the Council of Nice , which this Council revoked , as neither oecumenical , nor as any thing : ut nec septima , nec aliquid diceretur , quasi supervacua ab omnibus abdicata est , writes Abbas Uspergensis . Our famous Country-man Flaccus Alchuinus Abbas , ( Scholar to our Venerable Beda , and Tutor to the Emperor Charles the Great , ) thus defines , describes the Office , duty of a a King , with the care he ought to have of the Orthodox Faith , Church , Religion , and Ecclesiastical affairs , asserting the Emperors Supremacy over the Church and Pope himself ; Regis est , omnes iniquitates , pietatis suae potentia opprimere , &c. Ecclesiarum Christi sint defensores et tutores , ut servorum Dei orationibus longa vivant prosperitate . In his Epistola 1. to King Charles the Great , ( to whom he usually directed his Epistles under the stile of , a Deo dilecto , atque a Deo electo David Regi , powring out many fervent thanksgivings and prayers to God for him both in Verse and Prose ) he writes , Tota sancta Dei Ecclesia unanimo charitatis concentu gratias agere Deo omnipotenti debebit ; Qui tam pium , prudentem & justum , his novissimis mundi & periculosissimis temporibus , populo Christiano perdonavit clementissimo munere Rectorem et Defensorem : qui prava corrigere , et recta corroborare , et sancta sublimare omni intentione studeat , et nomen Domini Dei excelsi per multa terrarum spatia dilatare gaudeat , et Catholicae fidei lumen in extremis mundi partibus incendere conetur . Haec est , O dulcissime David , gloria , laus , et merces tua in judicio diei magni , &c. Epist . 11. he writes , Tres Personae altissimae in mundo fuerunt ; Apostolica sublimitas , quae beati Petri Principis Apostolorum sedem Vicario munere regere solet . Alia est Imperialis dignitas , et secundae Romae secularis potentia . Terna est Regalis dignitas , in qua vos Domini nostri Iesu Christi dispensatio Rectorem Christiani populi disposuit , caeteris praefatis dignitatibus potentia excellentiorem , sapientia clariorem , regni dignitate sublimiorem . b Ecce in te solo tota salus Ecclesiarum Christi inclinata recumbit . Tu vindex scelerum ; tu Rector errantium , tu Consolator merentium , tu exaltatio bonorum . Nonne Romana in sede , ubi religio maximae pietatis quondam claruerit , ibi extrema impietatis exempla emerserunt ? Ipsi cordibus suis excaecati caput suum excaecaverunt . Nec ibi timor Dei , nec sapientia , nec charitas esse videtur : Then relating sundry abuses fit to be redressed both in Rome and elsewhere : he infers , Ex his omnibus tibi plena scientia data est a Deo , ut per te sancta Dei Ecclesia ( not by the Pope ) in populo Christiano regatur , exaltetur , et conservetur . Epist . 12. he useth these expressions of this Charles . O dulcissime decus populi Christiani ! O defensio Ecclesiarum Christi ! consolatio vitae praesentis . Quibus tuam beatitudinem omnibus necessarium est votis exaltare , intercessionibus adjuvare , quatenus per vestram prosperitatem Christianum tueatur Imperium , fides Catholica defendatur , justitiae regula omnibus innotescat . Ecce quid actum est de Apostolica sede in civitate praecipua ( Roma ) in dignitate excellentissima , quae omnia vestro tantummodo servantur judicio ( not to the Popes , nor Synods ) ut prudentissimo consilio sapientiae vobis a Deo datae , temperata consideratione corrigantur quae corrigenda sunt , et conserventur quae conservanda sunt ; et quae clementia divina gessit pietas extollentur in laudem illius , qui salvum fecit servum suum . c Epist . 13. Vestra clarissima voluntas in hoc omni laboret studio , ut Christi nomen clarificetur , ut ejus divina potentia per fortitudinis vestrae triumphos * multis terrarum regnis innotescat ; quatenus non solum magnitudo potestatis te Regem ostendat , sed etiam instantia seminandi verbi Dei , in laude Domini nostri Iesu Christi PRAEDICATOREM EFFICIAT . Ideo divina gratia his duobus mirabiliter te ditavit muneribus , id est , terrenae foelicitatis imperio , et spiritalis sapientiae latitudine , ut in utroque proficias , donec ad aeternae beatitudinis pervenias foelicitatem : Parce populo Christiano , et Ecclesias Christi defende , &c. Epist . 14. He adds , Sanctae religionis fervore omnibus praecellis . Felix populi qui tali Principe gaudet ; cujus solium dissipat iniquitatem . Nam quod olim Apostolici Patres suis scriptis in confirmationem Fidei Catholicae , diversis mundi partibus peragerunt ; hoc vestra sanctissima sollicitudo implere non cessat . Hoc mirabile et speciale in te , pietatis mi Domine praedicamus , quod tanta devotione Ecclesias Christi a perfidorum doctrinis intrinsecus purgare tuerique niteris ; quanto forinsecus à Paganorum vastatione defendere vel propagare curaris . His duobus gladiis ( the two swords then by Gods appointment belong to the Emperor , not the Pope ) venerandam excellentiam dertra levaque armavit divina Potentia : In quibus Victor laudabilis et Triumphator gloriosus existis . His Epist . 24. to the same King Charles , hath this Exordium ; Gloria & Laus Deo Omnipotenti pro salute & prosperitate vestra ; Dulcissime mi David , atque pro omni honore & sapientia , in quibus te speciali gratia omnibus supercellere fecit . Perpetua gratiarum actio resonet , & assidua sanctarum intercessio orationum ad Deum dirigatur , quatenus longaeva prosperitate , feliciter vivas , valeas , et regnes , ad correctionem et exaltationem sanctae suae Ecclesiae , ut sub protectione tuae venerandae potestatis secura quiete Deo deserviat . After which craving his favor in two Ecclesiastical matters expressed in his Epistle ; he concludes it thus ; Tu prosperitas regni , tu salus populi ; Tu Decus Ecclesiae , tu omnium protectio fidelium Christi . Nobis igitur sub umbrae potentiae , & sub tegmine pietatis tua divina concessit gratia religiosam ducere vitam ; atque secura quiete Deo Christo deservire . Ideo sollicita mente , & pia intentione , pro tua prosperitate & salute curam habere , & intercedere justum & necessarium habemus Domine desiderantissime , atque omni honore dignissime David Rex . In his d Epist . 106. ad Karolum Imperatorem , he hath this passage ; Unde patenter cognosci poterit , non tantum Imperatoriae vestrae prudentiae potestatem a Deo ad solum mundi Regimen , SED MAXIME AD ECCLESIAE PRAESIDIUM et sapientiae decorem collatum . Siquidem praeter Imperiales et publicas curas , evangelicas quaestiones Academicis vestris a nobis enucleandas inquiritis , &c. Epistola 83 & 84. contain an Admonition of this Charles to Pope Leo , where he stiles himself Karolus Dei gratia Rex , & Defensor Sanctae Ecclesiae . Wherein among other things he admonisheth this Pope ( who promised to do him Fealty upon the certificate of the Charter of his Election sent to him ) De Simoniaca subvertenda haeresi , quae sanctae Ecclesiae corpus multis malè maculat in locis . Then informs the Pope , Nostrum est secundum aurilium divinae pietatis , sanctam ubique Christi Ecclesiam ab incursu Paganorum , et ab infidelium devastatione , armis defendere foris , et intus Catholicae fidei agnitione munire . Vestram est sanctissime Pater elevatis ad Deum cum Moysi manibus nostram adjuvare militiam , quatenus vobis intercedentibus Deo ductore et datore , e populus Christianus super inimicos sui sancti nominis ubique semper habeat victoriam , &c. In his Poemata , Section 221. he writes thus to him . Tu decus Eccleclesiae , Rector , defensor , amator . And elsewhere . Rex Carolus , Caput orbis ; Europae venerandus apex : altaque disponens venturae moenia Romae . P●urima nempe tibi sunt emendanda per orbem . O f Rex , O Rector , O Decus Ecclesiae : Grex est quippe tuus populus ; tu pastor ovilis . Ipsa caput mundi spectat te Roma Patronum ; Rector et Ecclesiae , per te rex rite regatur , &c. O pater , O Pastor , Rector , spes alma tuorum ; Sit tibi vita , salus , sit sine fine , Vale. Most of his Writings , Poems , Epistles are full of the like expressions . In few words he writes of him , g Plurimos convertit populos ad caritatem Christi et laudes . Antiqui Saxones et omnes Frisones populi , instante Rege Karolo , alios praemiis , alios minis sollicitante , ad fidem Christi conversi sunt ; besides many others . Charles the Great , whiles King of France , ( the greatest Protector of the Pope , and See of Rome ) by his Soveraign Ecclesiastical Authority , out of sacred Councils and Synods , collected a Book of Ecclesiastical Lawes and Constitutions , for the preservation and propagation of the Orthodox Faith , the peace , good government , and discipline of the Church ; the discharge of his regal trust , duty , and salvation of his peoples souls which he enjoyned all Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priests , Monks Clergymen , and other his Subjects to observe , thus prefaced by himself : h Regnante Domino nostro Jesu Christo in perpetuum , Ego Karolus gratia Dei , ejusque misericordia donan●e Rex et Rector regni Francorum , et devotus Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae defensor , humilisque ad , utor , omnibus Ecclesiasticae pietutis ordinibus seu seculari potentiae dignitatibus , in Christo Deo aeterno perpetuae pacis et beatitudinis , salutem . Considerans pacifico piae mentis intuitu , una cum Sacerdotibus , & consiliariis nostris , abundantem in nos nostrumque populum Christi Regis ●clementiam , et quam necessarium est , non solum toto corde & ore ejus pietati ag●regratias incessanter , sed etiam continuo bonorum operum exercitatione ejus insistere laudibus , quatenus , qui nostro regno tantos contulit honores , sua protectione nos , nostrumque regnum , in aeternum conservare dignetur . Quapropter placuit nobis vestram rogare solertiam , O Pastores Ecclesiarum Christi , & Ductores Gregis ejus , & clarissima mundi luminaria , ut vigili cura , et sedula admonitione populum Dei per pascua vitae aeternae ducere studeatis , et errantes oves bonorum exemplo operum seu adhortatione , humeris intra Ecclesiasticae firmitatis muros reportare satagatis : ne lupus insidians aliquem canonicas sanctiones transgredientem , vel paternas traditiones Vniversalium Conciliorum excedentem , quod absit , inveniens devoret . Ideo magnae devotionis studio admonendi & adhortandi sunt , imo compellendi , ut firma fide et infatigabili perseverantia , intra paternas sanctiones se contineant . In quo operis studio , sciat certissime sanctitas vestra nostram vobis cooperari diligentiam . Quapropter et nostros ad vos direximus missas , qui ex nostri nominis authoritate , una vobiscum corrigerent quae corrigenda essent . Sed et aliqua Capitula ex Canonicis institutionibus , quae magis vobis necessaria videbantur , subjunximus . Ne aliquis quaeso hujus pietatis admonitionem esse praesumptuosam putet vel judicet , qua nos errata corrigere , superflua abscindere , recta coarctare studeamus , sed magis benevolo charitatis animo suscipiat . Nam legimus in Regnorum libris , quomodo sanctus Josias Regnum sibi , a Deo datum circumeundo , corrigendo & admonendo cultum veri Dei studuit revocare . Non ut me ejus sanctitati aquiparabilem faciam , sed quod nobis sint ubique Sanctorum semper exempla exsequenda , et quoscunque poterimus ad studium bonae vitae in laudem et in gloriam Domini nostri Iesu Christi congregare necesse est . Quapropter ut praedirimus , aliqua Capitula notare jussimus , ut simul nec eadem vos admonere studeatis , et quaecunque vobis alia necessaria esse scitis , ut et ista et illa aequali intentione praedicetis : Nec aliquid quod vestrae sanctitati populoque Dei utile videatur omittatis , sed pio studio admoneatis , quatenus et vestra solertia , subjectorum obedientia aeterna faelicitate ab omnipotenti Deo remuneretur . These Ecclesiastical Lawes of his , a with the Lawes of Ludovicus Pius his sonne , and Lothorius , collected , 〈◊〉 into 7 Books by Abbot Ansegisus ( upon the command of Ludovicus Pius ) contain in them all matters concerning the Orthodox faith , the Canonical Scriptures , b the Sacraments of Baptism , & Lords Supper , Preaching , Catechising , sanctification of the Lords day , the Ordination , qualification , duty , electing , installing of Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priests , Monks , Deacons , their respective offices , duties , orders , excesses , holy dayes , Churches , Chappels , Tithis , Churchlands , Excommunications , Masse , Sacriledge , Simony , Appeals , Ecclesiastical Judges , Synods , Consistories , Visitations , Vowes , Marriage , Vi●ginity , Altars , Church-ornaments , Sanctuaries , Burials , Penance , and all manner of Divine and Ecclesiastical affairs ; where those who please may peruse them for their satisfaction . This pious Emperor to reform all corruptions , abuses in Doctrine , Discipline in the Churches of France , Italy , Germany , summoned several Councils under him , being present and president in most of them . c Pope Leo the 3d. being distressed , misit ad Carolum claves Sancti Petri , Urbisque Romae vexilla , & alia 〈◊〉 pete●s , ut Romanum populum Papae Sacramento fidei data sub●iceret , against their wills ; upon this occasion , Anno 799. there was a great sedition raised at Rome against this Pope , whose Opposites as he was riding in procession from his Palace of Lateran to St. Laurence Church , threw him from his horse , put out his eyes , and cut off his tongue as they imagined , leaving him naked and half dead in the Streets , and afterwards thrust him into the Monastery of St. Erasmus as a prisoner ; whence he escaping went into France , complained of this injury to Charles the Great , who Anno 800. marched to Rome accompanied with this Pope ; where after 7. days stay calling an Assembly of the Bishops , Abbots , et omnem Nobilitatem Francorum et Romanorum , He acquainted them , that the principal cause of his comming to Rome , and convening them now , was ; De discutiendis quae objecta sunt Pontifici criminibus : ejus calumniatores mortiferum ei crimen imposuerunt . Rege autem hoc inquirente , cum nullus esset criminis probator , Pontifer assumpto Evangelii textu coram Rege et omni populo ambonem conscendit , astantibusque accusatoribus invocato sanctae Trinitatis nomine , jure jurando ab objectis se expurgavit , &c. Lo here King Charls before he was crowned Emperor sat as Supreme Judge in Rome it self , examining the Crimes objected against the Pope , who when witnesses failed , purged himself before him and all the people by his Oath , and was thereupon acquitted . Immediately after , ( by way of gratitude for his restitution to the Papacy , and absolution from his objected crimes ) King Charls comming on Christmas day to divine Service , this Pope Leo on a sudden rising from prayers , Carolo , nihil minus speranti ( as Abbas Uspergensis relates , though others conceive it was by his own appointment ) Papa coronam imposuit , et Imperatorem Romanum pronunciavit , et a cuncto Romano populo acclamatum est , Carolo Augusto a Deo ( not Papa ) coronato , Magno et Pacifico , Imperatori Romanorum , vita et victoria . Post quas laudes , unctus ab Apostolico , et antiquorum more Principum , ab eo adoratur , ablato Patricii nomine , Imperator et Augustus appellatus est : Which a Mantuanus the Poet thus expresseth : Imperii tandem Roma applaudente Coronam Impo●u●t Carolo , tantique insignia Regni . b Gratia , Anastatius , Onuphrius , Platina , Stella , Baronius , Alvarus Pelagius , Marta , 〈◊〉 Schioppius , Bellarmin , and other Pontificians conclude from lience , that the Pope is above the Emperor , and may , de jure , dispose of Empires , Kingdoms ; and at his pleasure translate them from one Family and Nation to another . Romani Imperii 〈◊〉 Gracis per Papam , ad Gallos est translata , postea a Gallis ad Germanos secundum beneplacitum ejus . Ita est Imperium , quod antea a coelo dari creditum fuit , nunc ad Papae manus devolutum . Pipinum queque Caroli hujus filium illius partis Itahae regem declaravit hic Pontifex , quam nec ipse , nec ullus praedecessorum suorum subjicere poterant , writes c Balaeus and others . But whosoever shall impartially consider these ensuing particulars , will at first discover the falsity and absurdity of these Conclusions : 1. The several Letters , supplications , addresses of Pope Hadrian , Stephen , Leo , and others , to Pipin , Carolomannus , and this King Charles , to protect and desend them against Aistulphus , Desiderius , the Lombards , Romans , Exarchs , and other their opposites , who deposed , expelled , and seised upon their persons , possessions from time to time ; who thereupon restored these Popes to , yea confirmed them in their Papacy by their swords , and new Charters of Donations . 2ly . That they submitted themselves to them as their Lords , Patrons , Protectors , surrendred up St. Peters Keyes , and the Roman Ensigns to them . 3ly . That the Pope , Council , Nobles and people of Rome , granted the power of electing , confirming the Pope , and the Government of the See and City of Rome to this Charles and his successors . 4ly . That before he was crowned Emperor he sat as Judge of this Popes crimes , when others refused out of fear to Judge him ; that after his purgation he absolved and pronounced him innocent , then gave judgement of death , banishment against his false accusers and persecutors , beheading no lesse then 300 of them , as some record . 5ly . That Charles by way of conquest got actual possession of Rome and Italy ; made himself Emperor thereof , his son Pipin King of Italy , and this Leo actual Pope , by his own sword alone , not by this Popes antecedent gift or donation , who never had any precedent right in , or possession of them . Hence d Otto Frisingensis and * sundry others truly observe , Qualiter Carolus , assumpto Pontifice totoque populo , Augustus vocatus , Imperium a Gracis ad Francos transtulit ; Hujus virtute Regnum Francorum plurimum augmentatum est , omniumque Regnorum Maximum , Romanum scilicet , ab Oriente ad Occidentem translatum , Not by the Popes or St. Peters authority , as Pontificians fancre . 6ly . e That all this Popes Predecessors were subject to the Emperors , their elections approved , yea their persons judged , deposed by them from time to time , as the premises evidence . 7ly . That the people of * Rome by their unanimous acclamations and assents , rather elected and made Charles their Emperor , then the Pope , ( who only declared , anointed , crowned him Emperor , ministerially , as other Archbishops and Bishops crown their Kings , as Cardinals , Bishops crown Popes themselves ) not authoritatively , as disposers of their Crowns , Empires , Kingdoms , as Supream Lords thereof . 8ly . That this Pope , together with the people of Rome , and all present at Charls his Coronation cryed out , That God had made and crowned him Emperor ( by his providences and his own victorious successes ) not the Pope , or Romans , as Carolo Augusto A DEO CORONATO , &c. resolves . 9ly . That as the f High Priests and Priests anointing and crowning of David , Solomon , and other Kings of Judah and Jerusalem by Gods appointment under the Law , gave them no Jurisdiction or superiority over their persons or Kingdoms : So the Popes and Bishops annointing , crowning of Emperors , Kings under the Gospel , ( warranted by no Gospel precept or president of Christ , Peter , or any other Apostle , Bishop , Priest ) can much lesse do it . Hence g Thomas Waldensis ( though a great Champion for the Popes and Bishops Jurisdiction and Supremacy ) dogmatically resolves : 1. Regia potestas prima sui origine a Deo est , non a Sacerdo●e . 2. Quanquam ministerio Episcoporum Regibus imponatur * Corona , et insignia conferantur , non est propterea dicendum , Regiam illam dignitatem ortum habere a sacerdote . Quanquam ministerio Episcoporum solemnitates adhibentur Regibus unctionis , jusjurandi , fidei et coronae ; non tamen habet regia illa dignitas ortum a Sacerdotio , quanquam per ministerium Sacerdotis hoc habet a Deo ; sicut nec ordinatus quisquam habet ordinationis ortum a Praesule , aut Sacramentum Eucharistiae a Sacerdote quolibet celebrante ; ab homine enim est solennitatis ministerium : Deus vero solus largitur officium . Which he proves by St. Chrysostom , Tom : 1. Hom. 1. De Unctione Samuelis in David Regem : On whose words he observes : Palam dicit , Deum coronasse Regem quem homo despexit , et ungitur quidem Ministerio hominis , sed Dei nutu . Ita quidem est et per hoc evidens , quod a Sacerdote non habet Rex originem . Vel iterato concludimus , quod Sacerdotium initium habet a Duce , quia Moyses unxit Aaron , Levit. 8. Nec tamen hoc verum est , nec quod autumat Doctor Adam , ideo regnum Cain defecisse , quia sine Sacerdote regnavit . Thus he most solidly and unanswerably determines : which quite subverts the Popes Supremacy over the Emperor from his bare designation , unction , coronation of him . 10ly . That all * the People of Rome and other Prelats present at this Coronation had a hand , voyce in this designation and coronation of Charles to be Emperor , & in translating the Empire to him from the Germans , as much as this Pope : Will it therefore follow , that all and every of them there present paramount the Emperor , or Kings , and might dispose of the Emperor , Empire and Italy at their pleasure ? If yea : then each of them was as great and omnipotent as this Pope . If not , then the inference is most absurd . 11ly . a Marsilius Patavinus long since thus discovers and refutes this inserence of the Pope and his Parasites . Quae autem finaliter addebatur deductio , quoniam secundum Jurisdictionem ille superior est ad Romanum Imperatorem , ipsumque de jure instituere atque deponere potest , qui transtulit Imperium a Graecis in Germanos in persona Magni Caroli . Hic autem est Papa Romanus . Ergo Imperatoris superior , ipsumque instituere atque deponere potest . Dicendum , quod si major indefinite sumatur , ex ipsa cum minore nihil infertur , propter non fieri syllogismum ex indefinita cum particulari . Si vero signatur universaliter , ut dicatur ; Omnis translater imperii Romani a Graecis i● Romanos , superior est , &c. nisi determinetur subjectum , quam plures haberet haec propositio veras instantias . Si enim quis de facto & non de jure transtulisset imperium ; aut si aliena , ceu sibi ab altero tunc data potestate ad hoc , tanquam procuratori , vel quasi ; qui sic inquam transtulisset ( as this Pope did to Charles ) non propter hoc solus superiorem Jurisdictionem haberet , nec potestatem justam Romanum Principem instituendi aut deponendi . Si vero determinata jam dicta priori propositione , ut omnis mortalis qui transtulit , aut transferre potest Romanum Imperium a Graecis in Germanos juste , autoritate propria , non sibi concessa per alterum , superior est secundum coactivam jurisdictionem ad Romanum Principem , ipsumque juste instituere atque deponere potest ; Quae huic annectitur secunda , videlicet , Romanus Episcopus , sive Papa est , qui transtulit Imperium , ut dictum est ; neganda est tanquam omnino falsa ; Nam eius opposita demonstrata est , l. 1. c. 15. &c. per Scripturam , & dicta Sanctorum atque catholicorum Doctorum , Lib. 2. c. 4 , 5. sicque observatum de facto sine reclamatione fuisse per antiquos patres et pastores Romanos Episcopos , persuasimus ( 21. hujus ) ex approbatis historiis , Esto igitur Imperii translationem a Graecis in Germanos juste factam , &c. Dico tamen , quod non authoritate Romanae Papae solius , aut cum suo solo collegio Clericorum , ut pridem diximus . Et propterea oportet attendere ( secundum demonstrationes inductas , c. 12. 13 , & 15. lib. 1. ) quod ejusdem est autoritas prima secundum rationem rectam intendentibus , leges humanas statuendi , principatum instituendi , Principem assumendi , authoritatem illi concedendi , & haec omnia mutandi , destruendi , augendi ve● minuendi , suspendendi , corrigendi , deponendi , transferendi , recreandi , & reliqua faciendi circa ea quae jam dictam aut horitatem habenti principaliter , non ab altero expedire videntur , & per suam expresserit voluntatem : Cujus autem sit auctoritas supradicta , determinatum est , c. 12 , 13. l. 1. ( viz. ) Legislator vel causa legis effectiva prima ac propria , esse populus , seu Civium Vniversitas , aut ejus valentior pars ( quantitate ) per suam electionem , vel per voluntatem in generali civium congregatione per sermonem expressam , praecipientem vel determinantem aliquid fieri vel remitti , circa civiles actus humanos , sub poena vel supplicio temporali ) Propter quod ubicunque legatur , & a quocunque dicatur translatum fuisse Imperium , aut alter quicunque Principatus , aut Princeps aliquis qui per electionem assumitur , institutus per Papam , vel aliam personam singularem , aut per Collegium singulare aliquod provinciae sive regni : si vera debeat esse Scriptura vel sermo , et valida seu justa institutio , sive translatio talis , oportet fieri , aut factam esse autoritate Legislatoris primi in provincia vel provinciis , super quas , a quibus , et ad quas debet institutio aut translatio fieri , aut facta fore . Ideoque translatio Imperii Romani , vel Imperatoris alicujus institutio , dicatur aut scribatur ritè facta fuisse per Papam Romanum solum , aut per ipsum cum suo solo collegio Clericorum , & verum sit hujusmodi dictum aut scriptum , oportet translationem aut institutionem jam dictam per ipsos intelligere factam , per autoritatem illis concessam adhoc a Romani Imperii Legislatore humano supremo , per medium , aut sine medio , vel ab eis quidem non factam simpliciter , sed modo quodam , ut publicatam vel pronunciatam , autoritate tamen praedicta . But neither this Pope nor his successors had any such authority , either from the rightful Roman Emperor Leo , then residing at Constantinople , nor from the Universality or majority of the Nobles , Princes , Bishops , Clergy , People of the then Roman Empire , thus sodenly at Rome to translate the Empire from the Grecians to the French , and to intail it upon them ; nor yet from God himself , or St. Peter , as I have proved at large in the precedent Chapters ; and Marsilius Patavinus in his two whole Books intituled Defensor Pacis : Therefore it must needs be altogether illegal , invalid , injurious , yea an Antichristian Usurpation , as the forecited , together with Dr. Barnes , Balaeus , the Century Writers , Morney , Jewel , with * other Protestant Writers censure it ; and the ill effects thereof , in sowing the seeds of perpetual enmity , desolation , schisms , wars between the Emperors , Churches , Bishops of the East and West , and since that between the Popes and German Emperors , unde tot strages , tot incendia , tot regnorum vastationes , schismata & bella plusquam civilia subsecutae sunt , as Heronimus Marius , * Balaeus , and others observe . All which considered , the Pontificians grand Argument of the Popes Supremacy over all Kings , kingdoms , the Roman and Grecian Emperors and Empires , to remove and translate them at their Papal arbitrary pleasures , must fall quite to ground . b John , a Bishop , being violently and in a strange manner murdered in Gascoigne ; thereupon 32 Archbishops and Bishops assembled in a Synod apud Theodoms villam in the County of Lutzenberg , and having drawn up a Writing , inflicting Ecclesiastical & pecuniary punishments on those who should assault or murder any Bishop , Priest , or Clergy man , tendred them to the Emperor Charles the Great , his Princes and peoples consideration and approbation ; Si Principibus placuerit , aliisque fidelibus suis , rogamus , ut conlaudetur et subscribatur . After perusal of them . Et conlaudatum et subscriptum est tam a Principe , quam a caeteris omnibus . With this addition . Si quis per industrian Episcopum occiderit , juxta id quod apud Triburiae a 24 Episcopis decretum est , et quod ibi a nobis ( Carolo magno & Ludovico ) et a principibus totius Germaniae benigne collaudatione conlaudatum est , et subscriptum est . Et hoc de nostro adjecimus : ut si quis in his supradictis sanctorum Canonum nostrique Decreti santionibus , Episcopis inobediens & contumax extiterit , primum cancnica sententia feriatur . Deinde in nostro regno beneficium non habeat , & alodiscius in annum mittatur . Et si annum & diem in banno permanserit , ad fiscum nostrum redigatur , & captus , in exilium religetur , &c. Et si omnibus vobis ista placuerint , dicite . Et tertio ab omnibus acclamatum est , Placet . Et Imperatores , et pene omnes Galliae Principes subscripserunt , singuli singulas facientes cruces . Et ecclesiasticus ordo Deo et Principibus laudes referentes , hymnum , Te Deum laudamus , decantaverunt . Et sic soluta est Synodus . Their Canons being all first approved and subscribed by the Emperors and their Nobles , with some Additions , to make them valid . The 4. Synod of Arelat , convened Caroh Magni Imperatoris jus●u , amongst other prayers to God for him , a desire , Carolum nostrum , Carolum In p●ratorem fidei suae conservatione stabiliat , ut commissos sibi benigne regat , aeque disponat , & jure pietatis modificet . This Synod having drawn up 26. Canons , submitted them to his Royal censure , to correct , disapprove , or ratifie them at his pleasure . Haec igitur sub brevitate quae emendatione digna persperimus , poscentes ejus Clementiam , ut si quid hic minus est , ejus prudentia suppleatur , si quid secus quam se ratio habeat , ejus judicio emendetur ; si quid rationabiliter taxatum est , ejus adjutorio , divina opitulante Clementia perficiatur . A clear acknowledgement of his Ecclesiastical Supremacy in and over Councils themselves , all their Canons concerning the Confessions of Faith , Sacraments , Bishops , Priests , and all Ecclesiastical affairs , being thus totally submitted to his judgement to alter , diminish , enlarge , reject or ratifie at his pleasure . b Synodus Turonensis 3. summoned by the Emperor Charles the Great , commends his extraordinary divine wisdom , industry and government , et eo praecipue quod hic toto animo invigilat , investigando quae ad pietatem et veram religionem pertineant , quorum fructus hominem in bono beatitudinis collocat . Exhorting and admonishing all Bishops and Priests , ut operam darent , & actibus eminerent , quibus & se bene operando , & sibi commissos verbo & exemplis instruendo , regere●t : Whereupon the Bishops , Abbots , and Clergy in this Synod , quod a tanto Principe nobis injunctum est , pro parvitate nostra , pauca , quae ad tantum opus pertinere advertimus , et quae secundum Canonum Regulam emendatione indigent , distincte per Capitula adnotavimus , serenissimo Imperatori nostro ostendenda . After which , compiling 51. Canons ( whereof the first is for the inviolable observation of their faith and allegiance to , and constant praying for the Emperor and his sons ) they thus submit them wholly to his judgement to confirm or disallow . Haec nos in Conventu nostro ita ventilavimus ; sed quomodo deinceps piissimo Principi nostro , de his agendum placebit , nos fideles ejus famuli , libenti animo , ad nutum et voluntatem ejus parati sumus . The Bishops , Abbots and Clergy assembled in Cabilonensi Synodo 2. sub Imperatore Carolo magno , c thus Preface their Constitutions : Quaedam capitula quae subter inserta sunt [ in all 67. ] eidem Domino Imperatori praesentanda , et ad ejus sacratissimum judicium referenda , adnotavimus ; quatenus ejus prudenti examine , ea quae rationabiliter decrevimus , confirmentur ; sicubi minus aliquid egimus , illius sapientia suppleatur . Their Canon 3. begins thus . Oportet etiam , ut sicut Dominus Imperator Carolus , vir singularis mansuetudinis , fortitudinis , prudentiae , justitiae & temperantiae praecepit , scholas constituant , in quibus & literaria solertia disciplinae , & sacrae scripturae documenta discantur , & tales ibi audiantur , quibus merito dicatur a Domino ; Vos estis sal terrae , &c. Their Canons being drawn up as the Emperor prescribed : In the Cloze they thus submitted them to him : Haec itaque pauca de pluribus quae necessaria perspeximus , cum magna brevitate Domini Imperatoris prudenti judicio praesentanda adnotavimus ; To confirm , alter , inlarge , or reject , as he thought fit in his Royal Judgement . The famous d Council of Mentz under Charles the Great who summoned it , consisted of 3. several Companies , sitting distinct one from another , The 1. of Bishops and other Clergymen ; The 2. of Abbots and religious persons ; In tertia denique turma sederunt Comites & Judices , in mundanis legibus decertantes , &c. All which concurred in the 56. Constitutions there made , as , In his itaque omnibus omnes decrevimus , &c. with the Acts of this Council attest . The Preface of the Bishops and Clergy to this Council , begins thus . Gloriosissimo & Christianissimo Imperatori Carolo Augusto , verae religionis Rectori , ac defensori Sauctae Dei Ecclesiae ; una cum prole sua ejusque fidelibus , vita & salus , honor & benedictio , cum victoria sine fine mansura . Then relating their proceedings so soon as they assembled in this Council ; they adde : Consona voce gratias agimus Deo patri Omnipotenti , quia sanctae Ecclesiae suae tam pium et devotum in servitio Dei concessit habere Rectorem , qui suis temporibus sacrae sapientiae fontem aperiens , oves Christi indesinenter sanctis reficit alimentis , ac divinis instruit disciplinis ; Christianumque populum indefesso labore amplificare conatur , hilariterque Christi honorat Ecclesias , ac de fauce diri draconis multorum animas studet eripere , et ad sinum sanctae matris Ecclesiae revocare , atque ad gaudia paradisi , atque ad regna coelestia omnes communiter invitare , sanctaque sapientia sua devotissimo studio caeteros Reges terrae transcendens . If this were not the principal part of his Imperial , Regal office , care , trust , duty , these Bishops , Clergymen , and this whole Council , would never have thus blessed God , nor applauded the Emperor , nor left this testimony of his transcendent piety , care of the salvation of all his Subjects and peoples souls to posterity : In this Council they compiled 56. Canons and Constitutions ; which they thus most humbly tendred and submitted wholly to the Emperors royal wisdom or pleasure . a De his tamen omnibus valde indigemns vestro adjutorio , atque sana doctrina , quae et nos jugiter admoneat , atque clementer erudiat , quatenus ea quae paucis subter perstrinximus capitulis , a vestra authoritate firmentur : si tamen vestra pietas ita dignum esse judicaverit , et quicquid in eis emendatione dignum reperitur , vestra magnifica imperialis dignitas jubeat emendare : ut ita emendata , nobis omnibus et cunctae Christianae plebi , ac posteris nostris proficiant ad vitam , et salutem , et ad Gloriam sempiternam , vobisque inde merces , honor , et laus , et benedictio ac beatitudo permaneat in omnes aeternitates seculi , Amen . Tue Council of Rhemes , Anno 813. ( a Domino Carolo piissimo Caesare more priscorum Imperatorum congregato , b writes Surius ) made severall Canons and Constitutions which they intreated the Emperor to ratifie : witness the 33 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44. Canons , wherein we have these passages . Domini Imperatoris misericordia imploranda , ut victum & necessaria a sibi Praelatis consequi possunt sanctimoniales , & vita illarum & castitas secundum fragilitatem sexus diligenter provisa tueatur . Vt Dominus Imperator , secundum statutum bonae memoriae Domini Pipini , misericordiam faciat , ne solidi qui in lege habentur , per Quadraginta denarios discurrant , ut in sua eleemosyna firmiter statuat , ne quilibet in suum pergentibus servitium , ullatenus prohibere audeat mansionem , neque aliis quibus necessitas incumbit : Vt ejus magnificum , et cuncto Imperio ejus , suis et futuris temporibus firmetur Capitulum , sive ab anno 30 , a quo adhuc testes haberi possunt , seu etiam ab illo , a quo felicissimum ejus sumpsit exordium , qualiter omnes lites & jurgia in sua misericordia terminum habere potuissent . Ut de falsis testibus ejus simili modo piissimum firmetur capitulum , qualiter & hoc , quod ille Bononiae statuit , firmissimum habeatur , & adhuc quaermur , quatenus in sua piissima misericordia , si qua necessaria sunt augeantur , &c. All these Canons standing at the Emperors curtesie to ratifie , proves undeniably , that without his approbation and confirmation , they were meer nullities . Wherefore Aistulphus Archbishop of Mentz , ( as e Bochellus informs us ) spake thus in that Synod ; Si Principi placuerit aliisque fidelibus suis , rogamus , ut conlaudetur , et subscribatur . Et conlaudatum est , et subscriptum est , tam a Principe quam a caeteris omnibus . f Ludovicus Pius his son succeding this Emperor Charles , in the 1. year of his raign , ( before he was crowned Emperor ) was informed , that Pope Leo had commanded some Chief men in Rome to be slain , for conspiring against him . Ad quod perscrutandum , vocatum ad se nepotem suum Bernardum , Italiae Regem , Romam misit : qui in urbe informatus , rei eventum per Heroldum Comitem Augusto mandavit : Leo quoque missis ad Imperatorem nunciis , de his quae sibi imposita erant , se expurgavit . Legati de his quae Domino suo objiciebantur , regi Ludovico per omnia satisfecerunt . Lo here the Emperor in Rome it self , inquired by his Delegates of the Popes crimes for which he was accused , who by his special Legates purged himself from them before the King , and gave him full satisfaction therein . This Pope Leo confirmed the forecited Decree of Pope Hadrian his Predecessor , Jus eligendi Romanum Pontificem , ordinan●● Romanam sedem , & consedendi investituras Episcopis , &c. ratum habens ; as a Dr. Barnes and others record : Neither was this a Novelty in that age , since Pope Leo the 1. ( as b Gratian resolves us ) by this his Papal Decree , declared it near 270. years before . Vota Civium , testimonia populorum , honoratorum arbitrium , & electio Clericorum in ordinationibus Sacerdotum constituantur . Princibus vero atque Imperatoribus electiones Romanorum Pontificum atque aliorum Episcoporum referendas , USUS ET CONSTITUTIO TRADIDIT , pro schismaticorum atque haereticorum dissentionibus , quibus nonnunquam Ecclesia Dei concussa , periclitabatur : contra quos legibus fidelissimorum Imperatorum frequenter Ecclesia munita legitur . Representabatur ergo electio Cleri coram Principibus , ut eorum authoritate roborata , nullus haereticorum vel schismaticorum auderet contraire ; et ut ipsi Principes tanquam devotissimi filii in eum consentient , quem sibi in Patrem eligi viderentur , ut in omnibus suffragatores existerent ; sicut Valentinianus beato Ambrosio legitur dirisse , Noli timere , quia Deus qui te elegit , semper te adjuvabit , et ego adjutor et defensor tuus ut meum ordinem decet , semper eristam . On which Bartholomeus Buxiensis , and Dr. Thierry in their Glosses , observe . Hic duplex ratio redditur quare quondam Regibus et Imperatoribus electiones representabantu : scilicet , ut nullus haereticorum et schismaticorum electionem contraveniret , pro quibus saepe Ecclesia periclitabatur , et ut ipsi Principes tanquam filii devotissimi , consentirent in electum , quem sibi viderint in patrem eligi &c. c Pope Leo the 3. deceasing Anno 816. Stephen the 4th . without the Emperor Ludovicus his privity or license , was elected and consecrated Pope in his place , contrary to Law ; and the Decrees of Pope Adrian , Leo , and this ancient usage : who post completam solenniter consecrationem suam , quam maximis potuit itineribus ad Imperatorem venire contendit , Legatis cum excusationibus de sui consecratione praemissis ; qui ejus animum lenirent . Meeting Ludovicus at Rhemes , and giving him an account of his comming to him , to exp●ate his offence , eum impositione diadematis coronavit , Romanorumque Imperatorem procla navit , eique omnem populum Romanum sid litatem cum juramento promittere procuravit . Moreover he published this decree in confirmation of the Emperors right in electing Popes , though with some allay , thus recorded by d Gratian , Stephanus Papastatuit , dicens , Quia sancta Romana Ecclesia ( cui Deo authore praesidemus ) a pluribus patitur violentias Pontifice obeunte , quae ob hoc inferuntur , quia absque Imperiali notitia Pontificis fit electio et consecratio , nec canonico ritu et consuetudine , ab Imperatore directi sunt Nuncii ; qui vetent scandala fieri ; Volumus , ut cum instituendus est Pontife● , convenientibus Episcopis et universo Clero , eligant praesente Senatu et populo qui ordinandus est , et sic ab omnibus electus praesentibus Legatis Imperialibus consecretur , nullusque sine periculo sui juramenta vel promissiones aliquas nova adinventione audeat extorquere , nisi quae antiqua erigit consuetudo , ne vel Ecclesia scandalizetur , et Imperialis magnificentia minuatur . On which Papal Decree , Dr. Thierry , Bartholomeus Buxiensis , and the ordinary Glosse thus descant and paraphrase , Quia , Casus , Romana Ecclesia saepe patiebatur molestiam in obitu Papae in electione successoris quia Nuncii Imperatoris defuerant : ideo statuit Stephanus , quod electio Papae non fieret , nisi praesente populo , et Senatu , et Imperatore , vel ejus Legatis , ut scandala removeantur , et eis praesentibus consecretur , et nullus audeat extorquere juramenta vel promissiones nisi quae fuerint de antiqua consuetudine . This Pope Stephanus the 4. durst not presume to consecrate the Bishop of Reatine when elected by the Clergy and people , till his election was first approved and ratified by the Emperor Ludovicus his special Patent , according to ancient custom , as appears by his Letter to Earl Guide , registred by * Gratiam , who prefixeth this Rubrick to it . Imperatoris Epistola in electionis confirmatione desideratur . Lectis sagacitatis vestrae 〈◊〉 , quod defuncto Ecclesiae Reatinae Antistite , Clerum & Plebem e●usdem 〈◊〉 futurum Antistitem & a Nobis consecrandum , vestro studio directum ess● , ne ipsa Ecclesia diu sine proprio constat Pastore , fatebantur : nos de obitu prioris dolentes , nunc ipsum ●l●ctum unanimitate & Canonica ipsius Ecclesiae electione ut mandastis tam citissime ordinare omisimus , eo quod Imperialem nobis ( ut mos est ) absolutionis minime detulerit Epistolam : pro qua scilicet re ambiguum est nobis ; ideo voluntati vestrae in hoc parere distulimus , ne Augustalis animus durissime hoc quocunque modo perciperet . Sed scientes Ecclesiam Dei sine proprio diu pastore non debere consistere , gloriae vestrae Mandamus ( quoniam aliter nos agere non debuimus ) ut a vestra solertia imperiali , ut prisca consuetudo dictat , percepta licentia , et nobis , quemadmodum et vos scire credimus , Imperatoria directa Epistola , tunc voluntati vestrae de hoc parebimus , eundemque electum Domino adjuvante consecrabimus , quod Charissime fili moleste nullo modo suscipias . Not long after , this Pope * Stephen Ludovici pii pietate , probitate , & longanimitate animadversa , fingens jus Carolo & Successoribus ejus , a Pontifice Hadriano 1. & Leone 3. ( viz. ) eligendi Romani Pontificem , ordinandi Romanam sedem , et concedendi investituras Episcopis , &c. ) plurimum mali secum trahere , jus illud abrogabat , pronunciatque , jus eligendi Pontificis , debere esse penes Clerum , Senatum , populumque Romanum . Ne vero Imperator suum jus asseret vi , addidit Decreto Hadriani 1. & Leonis 3. interpretationem : Pontificem Romanum eligere licere ●ine Imperatoris auctoritate ; sed non licere consecrare , sine praesentia Casaris , vel Caesariorum Legatorum . Post haec tempora Imperatoribus invitis electionem Pontificis & investituram Episcoporum , Romana se es ( paulatim ) sibi usurpavit . After which this Emperor by his perswasions released his right and Prerogative in electing and confirming the Pope , formerly granted by Pope Adrian , and Leo , illam tantum praerogativam Imperatoribus servans , ut electus & consecratus Pontifex ad stabiliendam amicitiam Legationem mittat Regibus Francorum . b Ego Ludovicus Imperator Romanus Augustus , Statuo et concedo per hoc pactum confirmationis nostrae , tibi beato Petro Principi Apostolorum , et per te Vicario tuo Domino Paschali Summo Pontifici et successoribus ejus in perpetuum , sicut a predecessoribus vestris usque nunc in vestra potestate , et ditione tenuistis et disposuistis Romanam Civitatem , cum Ducatu suo , et suburbanis atque villiculis omnibus et territoriis ejus montanis , et maritimis littoribus et Portubus , seu cunctis Civitatibus , Castellis , oppidis ac villis in Tusciae partibus . Idem , quando divina vocatione hujus sacratissimae sedis Pontifex de hoc seculo migraverit , nullus ex regno nostro aut Francus , aut Longobardus , de quibussibet parte homo sub nostra potestate constitutus , licentiam habeat contra Romanos aut publice aut privatim conveniendi aut electionem faciendi , nullusque in Civitatibus aut in Territoriis ad Ecclesiae beati Petri Apostoli potestatem pertinentibus , aliquod malum praeterea facere praesumat , sed liceat Romanis cum omni veneratione , et sine qualibet perturbatione honorificam suo Pontifici exhibere sepulturam , et eum quem divina inspiratione ad Pontificatus ordinem elegerint , sine a●qua ambiguitate atque contradictione , more canonico consecrare , et dum consecratus fuerit , Legati ad nos , vel ad nostros successores Reges Francorum dirigantur , qui inter nos et inter illum amicitiam , et charitatem , et pacem consocient . This Pope Stephen dying within 3. moneths after his return to Rome , Paschalis the 1. was elected by all the Priests , a Clergie , as also by the Nobles , and all the People of Rome , & consecrated contrary to the forementioned Decrees of his predecessors , without the Emperors license first obtained , or his Embassadors assent to , or presence thereat . Whereupon post completam solenniter ordinationem suam , to excuse this his innovation , presumption and contempt against the Emperors Prerogative Royal , munera & excusatoriam Epistolam misit , sibi non solum nolenti , sed etiam plurimum poenitenti Pontificatus honorem impactum asseverans . Missaratum , alia legatione pactum quod cum praedecessoribus suis factum fuerat , & secum fieri & firmari rogavit ( to wit , concerning the election of Popes by the Emperors license , and in the presence of him , or his Ambassadors , not otherwise , for the transgression wherof , he humbly craved the Emperors pardon , upon his repentance of , and enforcement thereunto against his will ) & ea quae petierat , in petravit . The Emperor Ludovicus accepting this his submission and excuse , monet Clerum atque populum Romanum , ne in futurum Caesaream majestatem laedant , & ut majorum statuta servent in creando Ponifice , wherein they had of late no lesse then thrice transgressed . This Emperor soon after crowned Lotharius his son King of Italy , and his companion in the Empire ; who passing near Rome , Pope Paschal invited him to the City , and receiving him there honourably on Easter-day , apud sanctum Petrum , & regni coronam & Imp. Augusti nomen accepit , from this Popes hands who consecrated him . After his return from Rome , the Emperor was informed that Theodorus Pincernus , & Leo per seditionem privantur oculis , & truncantur capite , quod fideliter juvarent partes Lotharii , which sedition and murther in Rome was by common fame and just suspition , imputed to Pope Paschal , as the contriver or commander thereof , or at least conniver●at it . Ludovicus thereupon , Legatos designat ad perscrutandam facti veritatem , viz. Adalindum Abbatem , & Humfridum Co●●item Curiensem . Pope Paschal being informed of the Emperors intention , sent two Delegats , the one a Bishop , the other an Archdeacon to the Emperor , ad se purgandum ab infamia excitatae seditionis & perpetratae caedis . Caesar autem ( auditis etiam Ponticis Legatis ) being unsatisfied with their excuses , jubet suos Legatos Romam proficisci , ut quid sit verum percunctentur . But the businesse being so smothered at Rome , that they could not find out the truth upon examination ; thereupon this Pope , coa●●a Synodo 〈◊〉 Episcoporum , Iurejurando se purgat , & interfectores in ea seditione absolvens , cae os reos agit laesae Majestatis , ( as if they were Traytors to the Emperor ) and so iure occisos esse pronunciat . All clear evidences of the Emperors Supremacy over this Pope . The antient Right of Emperors and Kings to grant Licenses to elect Bishops upon Petitions of the Clergy and People , to confirm them after they were chosen Bishops , and install them in their Bishopricks , is most clearly evidenced by * Marculfus a Monk , ( flourishing as some conjectur● , about the year 660. though I conceive he lived nearer Ludevicus his reign , ) in his Formulae solemnes publicorum privatorumque Negotionum , cap. 1. De Episcepatu ; conteining the usual form of Christian Kings Charters in that and former ages , for conferring of a Bishoprick , and consecrating a Bishop , when elected and approved by the King , having some memorable expressions , evidencing the supream care of the Church and Peoples souls to belong to Kings , who are to provide able godly Bishops under them , diligently to preach to the Peoples , as well as govern them , and to pray for Kings prosperity . Ille Rex viro Apostolico illo Episcopo . Quamlibet nos ad ministrandum guberrandumque rerum statum praecelsis occupationibus regis sollicitudinis causa constringat : nihil tamen tam principale , quam ut , cum a Pastorali paululum oberrat plebs destituta praesidio , pro salute animarum hujusmodi personis loci Celsioris Pontificalem prospiciat committere dignitatem , in quibus maneat dupliciter sermo , ut populus Magistrum , actus Christi imitetur Discipulus . Qui plebem non minus pietate , quam severitate constringat qui sciat commissa sibi talenta assidua praedicatione sermonibus expolire , et adquisitam multiplicatamque gregis sui salutem , ad ovile dominicum nullis maculis sorditatum , valeat praesentare . Et quia cognovimus sanctae recordationis Dominum ill . urbis ill . antistitem , evocatione divina ab hac luce migrasse , de cujus successione sollicitudinem congruam una cum Pontificibus vel Proceribus nostris plenius pertractantes , decrevimus illustri viro , aut venerabili ill . in ipsa urbe Pontificalem in Dei nomine committere dignitatem , quem plerunque apud animos nostros & actio probata commendat , et nobilitatis ordo sublimat , ac morum probitas , vel mansuetudinis & prudentiae honestas exornat . Qua de re statutae praesentibus ordinamus , ut cum adunatorum caterva Pontificum , ad quos tamen nostrae serenitatis devotio scripta pervenit , ipsum , ut ordo postulat , benedicere vestra industria studeat ; Et voluntates nostrae deliberationis reseratis oraculis publicare . Quatenus dum Ecclesias sibi a dispensatione divina commissas , strenue regere atque gubernare videtur , nobis apud aeternum retributorem mercedem suffragia largiantur , & ille pro peccatorum nostrorum mole indesinenter immensum Dominum debeat deprecari . Cap. 2. & 3. contein the form of a Mandate to consecrate a Bishop elect , and a Petition to the King for a License to elect a Bishop . * Cap. 4. Carta de Episcopatu , runs in this form . Dum juxta Apostoli dictum , omnis potestas sublimatur a Domino , et quatenus post Dominum in regia manet potestate , * taliter cuncta terrena debeant gubernari . Unde oportet nos salubri consilio retractare , ut illi in locis sanctorum instituantur Custodes , qui digne ipsum officium gubernandum apparere noscuntur . Igitur dum & vestra , & Cleri , vel Pagensium Civitatis ipsius adfuit petitio , ut relicta urbe ill . prius regert & gubernare videbamini , in suprascripta urbe ill . Cathedram Pontificalem suscipere deberetis . Et dum vos apud animos nostros & actio commendat probata , & nobilitatis ordo sublimat , ac morum probitas vel mansuetudo , & prudentiae honestas exornat , cum consilio & voluntate Pontificum Procerumque nostrorum , juxta voluntatem & consensum Cleri & Plebeium ipsius Civitatis , in supradicta urbe ill . Pontificalem in Dei nomine vobis commisimus dignitatem . Propterea per praesens praeceptum decernimus acjubemus , ut supradicta Vrbs vel Res Ecclesiae ipsius , & Clerus , sub vestro arbitrio & gubernatione consistant , et erga regimen nostrum semper fidem illibatam custodire debeatis , et juxta canonicam institutionem plebem vobis commissam assiduis praedicationum sermonibus expolire ; & non minus pietate , quam severitate constringere studeatis . Et curam pauperum , vel necessitatem patientium cum ingenti dilectione procuretis , ut adquisitam multiplicatamque gregis vestri salutem , ad ovile dominicum nullis maculis sordidatum valeatis praesentare . Quatenus dum Ecclesiam vobis dispensatione divina commissam strenue regere atque gubernare videamini , nobis apud aeternum retributorem Mercedem suffragia largiantur , et vos immensum Christum pro nostrorum mole peccatorum assidue exorare debeatis . These forms extended as well to Popes and Patriarchs , as other Ordinary Bishops , who were not antiently elected nor consecrated , but by Kings and Emperors precedent Licenses , and special Charters or Letters of approbation , according to these forms , as the premises evidence . This Emperor in the year 819. ( as b Ab●as Uspergensis & others inform us ) summoned a General Council at Aquisgrane : wherein , secundum ardentissimam erga divinum cultū sibi caelitus inspiratam voluntatem , multa magna & necessaria de emendatione sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , scienter & curiosè pertractare caepit ; admonishing , advising , yea assisting this Council what to do , & how to proceed in the reformation of abuses in sorts of Clergymen and religious Persons , whose respective offices , duties are at large defined by this Council in 145 Chapters , which when they had finished , hujus institutionis formam coram memorato glorioso Principe prolatam , the whole Council approving and applauding it as usefull for the Church , and containing nothing in it , which any person well advised could dislike ; the Emperor when he had heard it read , approved it ; and he with all there present cried out , Deo gratias ; Nec immerito ; quippe qui & occulta sua dispensatione , & gratissima inspiratione praefatum Principem , ut id fieri moneret , compulit , et ad effectum produceretur , miserando adiuvet . Proinde omnium sententia statutum est , ab omnibus juxta virium possibilitatem modis omnibus observandum . In this Council c Legibus etiam Capitula quaedam pernecessaria , quae deceant addita sunt , as Vspergensis , and the Title to these Additional Lawes assure us . These d Additional Lawes are reduced into 4. Books consisting of 306. Chapters , concerning Abbots , Abbesses , Monks , Nuns , Metropolitans , Bishops , Priests , all sorts of Ecclesiastical persons , affairs , duties , vices , crimes , and their respective punishments : to which he prefixed this Preface ; Quia Scriptura testatur , Quodcunque possumus , instanter operari debemus quia nulli ad bene operandum crastinus dies permittitur : Omnesque , secundum Apostolum , ante Tribunal Christi stabimus , ut unusquisque rationem pro his , quae gessit , reddat ; Nobis praecipue , ( qui caeteris mortalibus conditione aequales existimus , & dignitate tantum superiores sumus , secundum Scripturam sacram , quae dicit ; Quoniam interrogab●t opera nostra et cogitationes scrutabitur , rationes reddituri sumus ) sollicita circumspectione , totaque mentis intentione satagendum est , ut bonis operibus jugiter insistendo , his quibus praeesse videmur , modis omnibus , quantum nobis divina suffragante misericordia facultas adtributa fuerit , prodesse curemus . Sed quia omne datum optimum , et omne donum perfectum desursum est , debemus continuis Precibus dominum humiliter exorare , faciemque illius humili confessione et congrua , prout ipse posse dederit , emendatione praevenire : ut sicut ejus est muneris quod regnamus , ejus sit pietatis quod foeliciter regnamus . Quatenus eo miserante , & regni gubernacula aequissimo libramine tenere , & ad eum qui Rex Regum est , et Dominus Dominantium , cum multiplici fructu administrationis nostrae , justitiae scilicet , & pietate atque humilitate , sine fine cum eo regnaturi mereamur pervenire . Et quoniam per Apostolum suum nos adjutores suos appellare dignatus est : et Sancta Ecclesia , ejus videlicet sponsa , in Scripturis sacris hortus est appellata , quotidianis exercitiis adhibito sarculo bonae operationis est excolenda . Ut sicut semper nociva in ea velut in bono agro emergunt : ita semper laboris boni studio eradicentur noxia , plantentur utilia . Oportet et Nos cunctis ejus necessitatibus nisibus quibus possumus devote consulere : quatenus in ejus emendatione , quantum Dominus posse dederit , tota cum mentis devotione elaborantes , in aliqua parte aedificiorum illius , a fabricatore ejus , Domino scilicet Iesu Christo , aptari mereamur . Proinde notum sit omnibus fidelibus Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae nostrisque Domino dispensante successoribus , quia cum nos nullis existentibus meritis , divina pietas genitore nostro a rebus humanis exempto , ad ejus Imperii culmen provexisset , quomodo aut qualiter desiderium divini cultus , quod ab ineunte aetate Christo inspirante , mente conceperam , ad effectum Domino suffragante perduceremus , et quid studii , quidve laboris progenitores nostri , praecipue tamen piae recordationis genitor , in utilitatibus sanctae Dei Ecclesiae exhibuerit adverteremus , et pia illorum facta non solum inviolata conservare , sed etiam imitari , pro viribus nobis a Domino concessis optaremus . Scilicet , ut sive in Ecclesiasticis negotiis , sive in statu Reipublicae emendatione dignum prospexissemus , quantum Dominus posse dabat , nostro studio emendaretur . Et hactenus hinc inde mundanorum turbinum procellis emergentibus , diversissimisque occupationibus ingruentibus praepediti , ut optaveramus efficere nequivissemus , ejus rei gratia 4. Anno Imperii nostri accersitis nonnullis Episcopis , Abbatibus , Canonicis , & Monachis , & fidelibus obtutibus nostris studuimus eorum consulta sagacissima investigare inquisitione , qualiter unicuique ordini , Canonicorum videlicet & Monachorum , & Laicorum , juxta quod ratio dictabat , & facultas suppetebat , Deo opem ferente consuleremus . Et quoniam licet saepe de statu Ecclesiarum , et de ritibus praeterito tempore ordinassemus , et missos per singula loca destinassemus , sed invidente Diabolo , per tyrannicam pravitatem praepeditum fuisset , oportebat ut hoc tempus paucis indultum ad communem Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , et omnium nostrorum utilitatem impenderemus , tribus videlicet modis , ut quae bene inchoata erant , Deo auxiliante effectum obtinerent , et si quae bona voluntate sed incauta discretione , variis praepedientibus causis , inchoata fuissent , ut diligenter inspicerentur , et discrete , prout facultas suppetebat corrigerentur , si quae etiam de his , quae necessaria erant , deesse videremus , ut quaererentur , et Deo auxiliante ad effectum perducerentur , quatenus deinceps opus nostrum a nemine juste posset reprehendi , et tam nostris quam futuris temporibus multorum saluti proficeret , et Deo opitulante stabile permaneret . Sed qualiter de his divina cooperante gratia , consulta fidelium p●o viribus et temporis brevitate , licet non quantum debuimus & voluimus , sed quantum a Deo posse accepimus egerimus , et quid unicuique ordini communi voto , communique consensu consulere studuerimus , ita ut quid Canonicis proprie de his , quidve Monachis observandum , quid etiam in Legibus mundanis , quid quoque in Capitulis inferendum foret adnotaverimus , et singulis singula observanda contraderemus . Tamen ut sive nostris , sive successorum nostrorum temporibus rata forent , et inviolabiliter Deo annuente conservarentur , libuit nobis ea quae gesta sunt , ob memoriae firmitatisque gratiam , in unum strictim congerere , et subjectis Capitulis annotare , et in publico archivo recondere , ut successores nostri Deo dispensante , nostra pia facta conservantes , et ipsi nihilominus bona facta sua successoribus suis servanda perdoceant . Amongst these a Additional Laws this is one , specially recommended to the Emperor by this Council , as a principal , part of his Kingly office , and duty ; Quod in eligendis & constituendis Pastoribus , rectoribusque in Ecclesiis Dei , Regem magnum studium atque solertissimam vigilantiam et curam adhibere oporteat . Quia si aliter factum fuerit , & ordo Ecclesiasticus suam non habebit dignitatem , & Religio Christiana in multis labefactanda damna detrimenti sui patiatur , et animae Regiae vestrae periculum generabitur . Moreover this pious Emperor , and Charles the Great , Universos quoque Veteris ac Novi Testamenti libros , librariorum imperitia , lectorum oscitantia , interpretum inscitia , & incuria temporum depravatos , ad amussim et veritatem fontis correxit . Extat publicum * Decretum , ut Canonici libri tantum legantur in Ecclesia , nec sinit in divinis Lectionibus templisque inter sacra officia , inconditos solae cismos , barbarismo que inconcinnos obstrepere , in quibus quidam religiosuli nostra memoria , sanctitatem collocant ; as * Joannes Aventinus informs us . All these particulars abundantly evidence the Supremacy of Charles the Great , and Ludovicus his sonne , both as Kings and Emperors , in and over all Ecclesiastical persons , causes , and Popes themselves during their reigns , and that the care , protection , propagation of Religion , the Church , and their peoples salvation , belonged principally to , and were managed by them , as the chief branch of their Kingly office . This Emperor Ludovicus Pius collected , published sundry Ecclesiastical Lawes and Constitutions , which he thus prefaced ; a Omnibus vobis aut visu aut auditu notum esse non dubitamus , quia genitor noster , & progenitores , postquam a Deo ad hoc electi sunt , in hoc praecipue studuerunt , ut honor Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , et status Regni decens maneret . Nos etiam juxta modum nostrum eorum sequentes Exemplum , saepe vestram devotionem de his admonere curavimus , et Deo miserante , multa jam emendata et correcta videmus . Vnde et Deo justas laudes persolvere , & vestrae bonae intentioni multimodas , debemus gratias referre . Sed quoniam complacuit divinae providentiae nostram mediocritatem ad hoc constituere , ut sanctae suae Ecclesiae et regni huius curam gereremus ( observe it ) ad hoc certare , et nos et filios ac socios nostros diebus vitae nostrae optamus , ut tria specialiter Capitula , et a nobis , et a vobis , Deo opem ferente , in hujus regni administratione specialiter conserventur ; id est , ut defensio et exaltatio vel honor sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , et servorum illius congruus maneat , et pax , et Iustitia in omni generalitate populi nostri conservetur . In his quippe maxime studere , et de his in omnibus placitis quae vobiscum Deo auxiliante habituri sumus , vos admonere optamus , sicut debitores sumus . Sed quanquam summa hujus ministerii in nostra persona consistere videatur , tamen & divina authoritate , & humana or sinatione , ita per partes divisum esse cogoscitur . Vnde apparet , quod ego omnium vestrum admonitor esse debeo , et omnes vos nostri adiutores esse debetis . Nec enim ignoramus , quid unicuique vestrum in sibi commissa portione conveniat , & ideo praetermittere non possumus quin unumquemque juxta suum ordinem admoneamus . Sed quoniam scimus , quod specialiter pertineat ad Episcopos , ut primum ad sacrum ministerium suscipiendum justè accedant , & in eodem Ministerio religiose vivant , & tam bene vivendo , quam recte praedicando populis sibi commissis , it er vitae praebeant : & ut in Monasteriis in suis Parochiis constitutis sancta religio observata fiat , unusquisque juxta suam professionem veraciter vivat , curam impendant . Omnes vos in hoc sacro ordine constitutos , et officio Pastorali functos , monemus atque rogamus , ut in hoc maxime elaborare studeatis , et per vosmetipsos , et per vobis subjectos , quantum ad vestrum ministerium pertinet , nobis veri adjutores in administratione ministerii nobis commissi existatis , ut in judicio non condemnari pro nostra & vestra negligentia , sed potius pro utrorumque bono studio remunerari mereamur . Et ubicunque per negligentiam Abbatis aut Abbatissae , vel Comitis , sive * vassi nostri , aut alicujus cujuslibet personae , aliquod vobis difficultatis in hoc apparuerit obstaculum , nostrae dignoscentiae id ad tempus insinuare non differatis , ut nostro aurilio suffulti , quod vestra auctoritas exposcit , famulante , ut decet , potestate nostra , facilius perficere valeatis . This pious King and Emperor employed a Abbot Ansegisus to collect all his own , his Fathers King Charls the Great , and other his Predecessors Ecclesiastical Lawes ( made by the advice of their Nobles as well as Bishops ) scattered in divers Schedules , into one Volume , and to present them to him , for the honour and good of the Church , who accordingly collected , digested them into several Books , Chapters , intituled , Capitularia Caroli Magni , & Ludovici , consisting of 7. Books , and near 1600 brief Chapters or Constitutions , besides 4. Books of Additions to them , printed all together in * Fridericus Lindebrogus his Codex Legum Antiquarum , wherein are comprised all sorts of Laws , Canons , Constitutions relating to the Orthodox faith , worship , service of God , Scriptures , Sacraments , all Ecclesiastical persons , duties , matters , Christians whatsoever , to whom he prescribed these Laws , by his Royal authority , ( corrected , augmented by advice of his Nobles , as the Titles to each Book declare ) and sundry penalties , as having the principal care of the Church and people of God committed to him , for which trust he was to give a strict account at the day of Judgement . In his 7th . Book cap : 375 , 376. he thus ratified all the precedent Lawes . Has omnes Constitutiones quas summatim breviterque perstrinximus , sicut plenius in Canone continentur , manere perenni stabilitate sancimus Si quis ergo Clericus aut Laicus harum sanctionum obediens esse noluerit , si Clericus fuerit , excommunicationi subjaceat . Si vero Laicus fuerit , & honestioris loci persona , medietatem facultatum suarum amittat , fisci juribus profuturam : si vero majoris loci persona est , amissione rerum suarum multatus , in exilio deputetur . Quaecunque a Parentibus nostris diversis sunt statuta temporibus , manere inv●olata et incorrupta circa sacrosanctas Ecclesias praecipimus . Nihil igitur a privilegiis immutetur , omnibus qui Ecclesiis serviunt tuitio deferatur , Quia temporibus nostris addi potius reverentiae cupimus , quam ex his , quae olim praestituta sunt , immutari . About the year 824. Lotharius , both Emperor and King of Italy , in the time of Pope a Eugenius the 2d . appointed Magistrates in Rome and through all Italy , qui jus Romano populo dicerent , eo quod libertate , qua sub Carolo Magno & Ludovico usi essent , abuterentur ; statuit etiam , juxta antiquum morem , ut ex latere Imp. miterentur qui judiciariam exercentes potestatem justitiā omni populo facerent , & tempore , quo visum foret Imp●ratori , aequa lance penderent . Yea he made this Law to prevent the tumults about elections of Popes : Volumus , ut ad electionem Pontificis nemo audeat venire , neque liber , neque servus qui aliquod impedimentū inferat , exceptis illis tantū Romanis quibus antiqua fuit consuetudo , per constitutionem Sanctorum Patrum , concessa eligendi Pontificem . Quod si quis contra nostram jussionem facere ausus fuerit , exilio afficiatur . Illud enim propter superiores tumultus adjectum videtur , ut ad vitanda Comitiorum dissidia , aut Legati Regis , aut Rex ipse , si in Vrbe adessent , consecrationi Pontificis interessent , sic enim subsequentibus 〈◊〉 est observatum , & postremo nova lege sancitum . By reason of this new Law , b Gregory the 4th . was elected Pope ( Anno 827. ) by the people , sed ante non est ordinatus , quam Imperatoris Legatus Romam veniens , electionem populi qualis esset , examinavit : Et Gregorius Papatum inire noluit ( futura pericula timens ) donec Imperator ejus approbasset electionem . This c Pope coming to the Emperor Ludovicus in France , under pretext to reconcile Lotharius to his Father , but in truth to forment and promote his sons and some French and German Bishops conspiracies to deprive him of his Empire , ( for which they were afterwards condemned and banished ) and to excommunicate those Bishops who adhered to Ludovicus ; they returned him this answer : Si excomminaturus adverniret , excommunicatus abiret , who departing thence , returned not with that honour he expected . The d Synod of Mentz under the Archbishop Rabanus Maurus , assembled by the Command of this Emperor Ludovicus Pius , Anno 829. sent all their Canons with a Preface before them to this Emperor , with this inscription : Domino Serenissimo & Christianissimo Regi Ludovico , verae Religionis Serenissimo Rectori , ac Defensori Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae : una cum uxore & prole sua , ejusque fidelibus , vita & salus , honor & benedictio , cum victoria sine sive mansura . Dignissimae reverentiae vestrae patefecimus nos humiles simul vestri Rabanus cum Coepiscopis ejus , &c. wherein they have this notable passage touching Princes Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction . Petimus , ut sicut apud antecessores vestros Reges atque Imperatores , qui ante vos fuerunt , honorem sancta Dei Ecclesia habuit , & per immunitatem eorum possessiones Ecclesiasticae inconvulsae perstiterunt , manentesque in eis semper inlaesae perseveraverunt ; ita apud vos modernis temporibus incontaminatae permaneant . Zelo enum Dei oportet vos defendere Ecclesias Christi , qui vobis Regnum in terra et dominationem tribuit , ut per nullius suggestiones iniquas vestram concessionem quam in Eleemosynam vestram Ecclesiis Christi contulistis , sinatis permutari . Quia inhonestum est ut hoc , quod non solum Christianis temporibus a Christianis Imperatoribus , sed etiam a Paganis regibus tempore Gentilitatis ad honorem Dei collatum est , vestris temporibus in vestro Regno permutetur : Nam legimus apud e Esdram , quod Artaxerxes Rex Esdrae scribae legis Dei per Epistolam mandaverit , Ego Artaxerxes , &c. De Christianis vero Regibus & Imperatoribus non necesse est aliqua exempla ponere , cum omnes qui rectae fidei , et sani dogmatis fuerint , a Constantino Imperatore , ( qui primus Imperatorum Christianam Religionem defendere , atque honorem Ecclesiarum Dei amplificare caepit ) usque ad vos , semper in hoc studio solerter laboraverint , ut Ecclesia Dei pacem et tranquillitatem haberet , quatenus cultus Dei incontaminatus foret , et servi●e jus sine impedimento , Deo delectabiliter deservirent . At the end of their last Chapter they conclude with this Petition to the Emperor : f Haec vero quae vobis transmissa sunt , petimus , ut vestra authoritate firmentur . Et si quis adversarius illis existere voluerit , praevalere non permittatur . Dei enim cooperatores vos esse debetis , et adjutores sanctae ejus Ecclesiae , quatenns Religio Christiana incontaminata temporibus Regni vestri usque ad finem servetur . In the year of our Lord 829. the Religious Emperors g Lewes and Lotharius commanded a general Fast to be kept throughout their Realms , to divert Gods warth and judgements , and likewise summoned 4. Councils , at Paris , Mentz , Lyons , and Tholose , to reform both in the Clergy and Laity , Church and State , all sins , vices , errors , corruptions , contrary to Gods word , which had brought plagues , wars , and other judgements on them , to appease Gods wrath against them and their Subjects . Et quia nos magis in hoc peccasse cognoscimus , qua forma salutis omnibus esse debuimus , et omnium curam gerere , et per authoritatem Imperialem pravorum acta ne tantum adcrescerent , corrigere cupimus , ( write these Emperors in their summons of , and pious prologue to the Council of Paris ) wherefore , totius Ecclesiae sibi commissae ( mark it ) generalitati consulere gestientes . they summoned these Councils to assist them in this their general desired reformation . Consultu Episcoporum , Sacerdotum & Optimatum caeterorumque fidelium nostrorum . Whereupon the Bishops and others assembled in the Council of Paris , Orthodoxorum Principum jussionibus obedientes , compiled several Constitutions and Rules for the reformation of themselves and other Christians , which they digested into three Bookes . The first , for the reformation of the corruptions , lives of Bishops , Priests , Monks , abuses in Gods worship , and prophanations of the Lords day . The 2d . describing the respective duties , and regulating the enormities of Kings , Civil Magistrates , Officers , and sinnes of the people , in relation to Gods worship and service . The 3d. relating both to Kings , Bishops , Priests and people . In the 2d . Book they thus describe the office and duty of a King , Cap. 1. Quid sit Rex , quid esse , quidque cavere debet . a Rex a recte agendo vocatur . Si enim piè , & justè , & misericorditer regit , merito , Rex appellatur : si his caruerit , non Rex , sed Tyrannus est , &c. Quia ergo Rex a regendo dicitur , primò ei studendum est , ut semet ipsum suamque domum , Christi adjuvante gratiâ , ab operibus nequam emaculet , bonisque operibus exuberare faciat , ut ab ea caeteri subjecti bonum exemplum semper capiant ; ipse etiam salutiferis Christi praeceptis fideliter atque obedienter obsecundet , & recte agendo eis quibus temporaliter imperat , in pace & concordia atque charitate caeterorumque bonorum operum exhibitione , quantum sibi divinitus datur , consistere faciat , et dictis atque exemplis ad opus pietatis et justitiae , et misericordiae solerter excitet , attendens , quod pro his Deo rationem redditurus sit , quatenus ita agendo sanctorum Regum , qui Deo syncere serviendo , placuerunt , post hane peregrinationem consors efficiatur . De Rege autem qualis esse , vel quid cavere debeat , ita in Deuteronomo legitur , Cum ingressus fueris terram , quam Dominus Deus tuus dabit tibi , & possederis eam , habitaverisque in illa . et dixeris , Constituam super me Regem , sicut habent omnes per circuitum Nationes : eum constitues , quem Dominus Deus tuus elegerit de numero fratrum tuorum . Et post pauca . Non habebit Uxores plurimas quae alliciant animum ejus , neque Argenti & Auri immensa pondera . Postquam autem sederit in solio regni sui , describat sibi Deuteronomium legis hujus in volumine , accipiens exemplar a Sacerdotibus Leviticae tribus , & habebit secum , legetque illud omnibus diebus vitae suae , ut discat timere Dominum Deum suum , & custodire verba , & Ceremonias ejus , quae lege praecepta sunt : nec extolletur cor ejus in superbiam super fratres suos , neque declinet in partem dextram vel sinistram , ut longo tempore regnet ipse & filii ejus super Israel . Attende quod timor Dei & custodia praeceptorum ejus , & humilitas , quae non patitur eum extolli super fratres suos , & Justitiae rectitudo non solum Regem , sed & filios ejus longo faciet regnare tempore , Ut ergo Princeps extollentiam cavere debeat : Ecclesiasticus admonens ait , Principem te constituerunt ? noli extolli , sed esto in illis , quasi unus ex ipsis . In Proverbiis , Rex qui Judicat in veritate pauperes , Thronus ejus in aeternum firmabitur . Item , Misericordia & veritas custodiunt Regem , & roboratur Clementia Thronus ejus . Quantae igitur foelicitatis sit bonus Rex , quantaeve infoelicitatis si nequam fuerit ; Beatus Cyprianus , eximius Martyr Christi , de Duodecim abusionibus ; Scribens , inter caetera ita ait , Nonus inquiens , abusionis gradus est , Rex iniquus ; etenim Regem non iniquum , sed correctorem iniquorum esse oportet . Unde in semetipso nominis sui dignitatem custodire debet . Nomen enim Regis intellectualiter hoc retinet , ut subjectis omnibus rectoris officium procuret : sed qualiter alios corrigere poterit , qui proprios mores , ne iniquisint , non corrigat ? Quoniam Justitia Regis exaltatur solium , & veritate solidantur gubernacula populorum , Justitia vero Regis est , neminem injuste per potentiam opprimere , sine acceptione personarum inter virum & proximum suum judicare : advenis & pupillis & viduis defensorem esse : furta cohibere , adulteria punire , iniquos non exaltare , impudicos & histriones non nutrire , impios de terra perdere , parricid is & pejcrantes vivere non sinere , Ecclesias defendere , paup●res eleemosynis alere , justos super regni negotia constituere , senes & sapientes & sobrios Consiliarios habere . Magorum & hariolorum Pythonissarumque super stitionibus non intendere , iracundiam differre , patriam & fortiter & juste contra adversarios defendere , per omnia in Deo vivere , prosperitatibus non elevare animum , cuncta adversa paenter ferre , fidem Catholicam in Deum habere , filios suos non sinere impie agere , certis horis orationibus insistere : ante horas congruas non gustare cibum : Vae enim terrae , cujus Rex est puer , & cujus Principes mane comedunt . Haec regni prosperitatem in praesenti faciunt , & Regem ad Coelestia regna meliora perducunt . Qui vero secundum hanc Legem non dissensat , multas nimirum adversitates imperii tolerat . 〈◊〉 enim saepe pax populorum rumpitur , & offendicula etiam de regno suscitantur , terrarum quoque fructus diminuuntur , & servitia populorum praepediuntur ; multi etiam dolores prosperitatem regni inficiunt , ●harorum & liberorum mortes tristitiam conferunt , hostium incursus provincias undique vastant , bestiae armentorum & pecorum greges dilacerant , tempestates veris & hyemis terr●rum foecunditatem , & maris Ministeria prohibent , & aliquando fulminum ictus segetes , & arborum stores , & pampinos exurunt . Super omnia vero Regis injustitia non solum praesentis Imperii faciem fuscat , sed etiam filios suos & nepotes , ne post se regni haereditatem teneant , obscurat . Propter piaculum enim Solomonis regnum domus , Israel Dominus de manibus filiorum ejus dispersit , & propter meritum David Regis , lucernam de semine ejus semper in Hierusalem reliquit . Ecce quantum justitia Regis seculo valet , intuentibus perspicue patet ; Pax populorum est , tutamentum patriae , immunitas plebis , munimentum gentis , cura larguorum , gaudium hominum , temperies atris , serenias maris , terrae foecunditas , solatium pauperum , haereditas filiorum , & sibimetipsi●●●● futurae beatitudinis . Attamen sciat , quod sicut in Throno hominum primus constitutus est , sic et in poenis , si Iustitiam non fecerit , primatum habiturus est . Omnes namque quoscunque peccatores sub se in praesenti habuit , supra se modo in illa futura poena habebit . ( After which they insert the * forecited passage of Fulgentius in Libro de veritate Praedestinationis & Gratiae . ) * Isiodorus , Qui recte utitur regni potestate , ita praestare se omnibus debet , ut quanto magis honoris celsitudine claret , tanto semetipsum mente humiliet . Proponens sibi exemplum humilitatis David , qui de suis meritis non tumuit , sed humiliter sese dejiciens , dixit ; Vilis incedam , & vilis apparebo ante Dominum qui elegit me . Item Isidorus . Qui intra seculum bene temporaliter imperat , sine fine in perpetuum regnat , & de Gloria seculi hujus ad a ternam transmeat gloriam : qui vero prave regnum exercent , post vestem fulgentem & lumina lapillorum , nudi & miseri ad inferna torquendi descendunt . Reges a recte agendo vocati sunt , ideoque sicut recte agendo , Regis nomen tenetur , ita peccando amittitur . Nam & viros sanctos proinde Reges vocari in sacris eloquiis , eo quod recte agant , sensusque proprios bene regant , & motus resistentes sibi rationabili discretione componant . Recte igitur illi Reges vocantur , qui tam semetipsos , quam subjectos bene regendo modificare noverunt . Quidam ipsum nomen regiminis ad immanitatem transvertunt crudelitatis ; dumque ad culmen potestatis venerint , in Apostasiam confestim labuntur : tantoque se tumore cordis extollunt , ut cunctos subditos in sui comparatione despiciant , cosque quibus praeesse contigit , non agnoscant . Et paulo post . Dum mundi Reges ●●blimiores se caeteris sentiunt , mortales tamen se esse agnoscant , nec regni Gloriam , qua in seculo sublimantur , adspiciant : sed opus quod secum deportant , intendant Item non post multa . Reges quando boni sunt , muneris esse Dei , quando vero mali , sceleris esse populi . Secundum meritum enim plebium , disponitur vita rectorum , testante Job : Qui regnare facit hypocritam propter peccata populi . Irascente enim Deo , talem Rectorem populi suscipiunt qualem pro peccato merentur . Nonnunquam pro malitia plebis , etiam Reges mutantur , & qui ante videbantur esse boni , accepto regno siunt iniqui . His ita praemissis , studendum est Regi , ut non solum in se , verum etiam in sibi subjectis Regis nomen adimpleat : provideatque ut populus sibi subjectus , pietate , pace , charitate , justitia et misericordia , atque concordia , et unanimitate , ceterisque bonis exuberet operibus , ut haec habentes , Dominum secum habere mereantur ; sciatque certissime , quod non solum de se , verum etiam de ipsis Dominus ab eo fructum bonae operationis exacturus est . After which they thus proceed , Cap. 2. Quid sit propriè Ministerium Regis ? Regale Ministerium specialiter est populum Dei gubernare et regere cum aequalitate et justitia , et ut pacem et concordiam habeant , studere : ipse enim debet primo Defensor esse Ecclesiarum et servorum Dei , viduarum , orphanorum , caeterorumque pauperum , necnon et omnium indigentium . Ipsius enim terror & studium hujuscemodi in quantum possibile est , esse debet primò , ut nulla injusticia fiat ; deinde , si evenerit , ut nullo modo ea subsistere permittat , nec spem delitescendi , sive audaciam malè agendi cuiquam relinquat , sed sciant omnes , quoniam si ad ipsius notitiam pervenerit quippiam mali quod admiserint , nequaquam incorrectum & ●●ultum remanebit , sed juxta sacti qualitatem , erit & modus justae correptionis . Quapropter in Throno regiminis positus est , ad judicia recta peragenda , ut ipse per se provideat , & perquirat , ne in judicio aliquis a veritate & aequitate declinet : Scire etiam debet , quod causa quam juxta ministerium sibi commissum administrat , non hominum , sed Dei causa existit , cui pro Ministerio quod suscepit , in examinis tremendi die rationem redditurus est . Et ideo oportet , ut ipse qui Judex est Judicum , causam pauperum ad se ingredifaciat & diligenter inquirat , ne forte illi , qui ab eo constituti sunt , & vicem eius agere debent in populo , injuste aut negligenter pauperis oppressiones pati permittant . De Ministerio autem Regis ita Job loquitur ; Cum sederem quasi Rex circunstante exercitu , eram tamen maerentium Consolator . Auris audiens beatificabat me , & oculus videns testimonium reddebat mihi , quod liberassem pauperem vociferantem , & pupillam cui non esset adjutor . Benedictio perituri super me veniebat , & cor viduae consolatus sum : Justitia indutus sum , & vestivi me sicut vestimento & Diademate judicio meo : Oculus fui caeco , & pes claudo : Pater eram pauperum , & causam quam nesciebam diligentissime investigabam : conterebam molas iniqui , & de dentibus illius auferebam praedam . Solomon : Rex qui sedet in solio judicu dissipat omne malum intuitu suo . Item , Dissipat impios Rex sapiens , & curvat super eos fornicem . Item , Judex sapiens vindicabit populum suum , & principatus sensati stabilis est . Item , Rex Justus erigit terram , & vir avarus destruit eam . In Libro Sapientiae . Diligite Justitiam , qui iudicatis terram , sentite de Domino in bonitate , & simplicitate cordis quaerite illum . Item ibi . Audite ergo Reges & intelligite , discite Judices finium terrae ; praebete aures vos qui continetis multitudines & placetis vobis in turbis Nationum , quoniam data est a Domino vobis potestas & virtus ab altissimo , qui interrogabit opera vestra , & cogitationes scrutabitur ; quoniam cum essetis Ministeri ejus , non recte judicastis , neque custodistis legem Justitiae , neque secundum Dei voluntatem ambulastis ; Horrende & cito apparebit vobis , quoniam judicium durissimum in his qui praesunt , fiet ; Exiguo enim conceditur misericordia : Potentes autem potenter tormenta patientur : Non enim subtrahet personam cujusquam Dominus ; nec reverebitur cujusquam magnitudinem : quoniam pusillum & magnum ipse fecit , et aequaliter pro omnibus cura est illi . Tortioribus autem fortior instat cruciatus . * Isiodorus . Principes seculi nonnunquam intra Ecclesiam potestatis adeptae culmina tenent , ut per eandem potestatem disciplinam Ecclesiasticam muniant . Caeterum intra Ecclesiam potestates necessariae non essent , nisi ut quod non praevalet Sacerdos efficere per Doctrinae sermonem , potestas hoc imperet per disciplinae terrorem . Saepe per regnum terrenum , Coeleste regnum proficit , ut qui intra Ecclesiam positi contra fidem et disclplinam Ecclesiae agunt , rigore principum conterantur ipsamque disciplinam quam Ecclesiae * utilitas exercere non praevalet , cervicibus superborum potestas principalis imponat : et ut venerationem mereatur virtutem potestas impertiat . Cognoscant Principes seculi Deo debere se reddere rationem propter Ecclesiam , quam a Christo tuendam suscipiunt . Nam sive augeatur pax , & disciplina Ecclesiae per fideles Principes , sive solvatur , ille ab eis rationem exiget , qui eorum potestati suam Ecclesiam credidit . Sunt & alia utriusque testamenti cracula copiosa , quibus affatim adstraitur , quod Rex Ministerium sibi commissum secundum voluntatem Dei exercere & adimplere debet , quae hic ob prolixitatem vitandum praetermittuntur . Cap. 3. De periculo Regis , & quod bene agentes remunerare , & malè vero ag●ntes suae Authoritate comprimere , causamque pauperum ad se ingredi debeat facere . And Cap. 4. Quod aequitas Judicii , stabilimentum Regni , & ejus injustitia , sit ejus eversio : are worthy perusal to these purposes , but overtedious to insert ; I shall only recite some passages of Cap. 5. Quod regnum non ab hominibus ; sed a Deo , in cujus manu omnia regna consistunt , d●tur . Nemo regum a progenitoribus regnum sibi administrari , sed a Deo veraciter atque humiliter credere debet dari , &c. which they prove by Prov. 8. 14 , 15 , 16. Dan. 4. 25. Dan. 5. 21. Jer. 27. 4 , 5 , 6. Hosea 8. 4. Job 34. 30. Isiodorus exponit , Irascente Deo , talem rectorem populi suscipiunt , qualem pro peccato merentur . Constat ergo quia non actu , non voto , neque brachio fortitudinis humanae , sed virtute , imo occulto Judicio dispensationis divinae regnum confertur terrenum . Et idcirco cuicunque ab eo committitur , ita illud secundum ejus voluntatem disponere et gubernare procuret , quatenus cum eo , a quo illud suscepit , feliciter , in perpetuum regnare valeat ; quoniam nihil prodest cuipiam terreno regno principari , si ( quod absit ) contigerit eum aeterno extortem fieri . After which description of a Kings office and duty , they thus humbly submit all their Constitutions and Resolves in this Council to the Emperors wills , and desire their confirmation of them so farr as they should think expedient , as these passages evidence ; a Nos fidelissimi ac devotissimi salutis vestrae procuratores , juxta parvitatem sensus nostri , prout brevitas temporis permisit , secundum sanctam devotionem et ordinationem vestram , de causis ad religionem Christianam , nostrumque ministerium atque periculum pertinentibus ; necnon et de his quae ad nostram correctionem et emendationem pertinere perspeximus ; sive de his , quae populis generaliter annuncianda , & admonenda praevidimus , capitulatim in praecedentibus adnotavimus libellis , vestraeque Serenitati legenda , immo probanda obtulimus , &c. Et quanquam de his quae praemissa sunt , vestro ardentissimo desiderio prius satisfacere elegerimus , nequaquam tamen haec quae specialiter ad vestram personam ministeriumque pertinere cognovimus , oblivioni tradimus , sed potius vestrae saluti prospicientes , nonnulla capitula necessaria , in secundo hujus operis libello , ad nomen ministeriumque vestrum pertinentia , periculumque cavendum , solerti studio congessimus , & vobis familiarit●r admonitionis gratia , porrigenda devovimus ; ut ea diligenter inspiciendo , legendo & audiendo , aperte & distincte Vestra cognoscat Celsitudo , de quibus , & pro quibus , c in memoratis conventibus nostris , secundum virium nostrarum possibilitatem fideliter salubrierque egerimus . Lib. 3. c. 8. to 27. they use these Petitions , Petimus humiliter Excellentiam vestram , illud etiam specialiter necessarium vestrae suggerere Pietati duximus : similiter etiam obnixe ac suppliter vestrae Celsitudini suggerimus : similiter et hoc a vestra pietate necessarium duximus expetendum . Illud etiam obnixe vestram sanctam piissimamque devotionem suppliciter monendo deposcimus . Iterum , suppliciter admonendo vestrae suggerimus Serenitati : Postulamus etiam , ut Celsitudo vestra . Iterum monendo magnitudini vestrae suppliciter suggerimus . Similiter deposcimus , Rogamus etiam vestram pietatem , et hoc humiliter obsecrando admonemus , &c * Lib. 1. Cap. 50. De Observatione Die Dominicae . Quapropter specialiter atque humiliter a Sacerdotibus Imperialis Celsitudo flagitanda est , ut ejus a Deo ordinata potestas , ob honorem & reverentiam tanti diei , cunctis metum incutiat , ne in hac sancta & venerabili die mercatus & placita , & ruralia quaeque opera , necnon & quaslibet corrigationes , ullius conditionis homines facere praesumant . And they conclude thus , * Lib. 3. Cap. 27. Porro de Episcopali libertate , quam Deo annuente , vestroque adminiculo suffragante adipiscivd Dei servitium peragendum cupimus , suo in tempore vobis dicenda atque vobiscum conferenda reservavimus . a Agobardus Episcopus Lugdunensis , begins his refutation of the heretical position of the deposed Felicis Orgellitani Episcopi , ( dedicated to Ludovicus Pius the Emperor ) with this Prologue ; Christianorum religiosissimo , Christi amatori , ideoque victori ac triumphatori piissimo , Augusto , Domino gloriosissimo Ludovico Imperatori . Pie igitur , & Domine Rector , CAPUT ORBIS , decus mundi , Catholicorum omnium insignis gloriatio , qui illustratis fidem , Propagatis et pacem . Obsecro mansuetudinem vestram , ut in contemplationem Filii Dei , qui vestrum juvat imperium , praefatum Opusculum perlustrare non dedignemini , ut vestro acerrimo judicio probetur , aut improbetur : quia si probatur , illis quibus profuturum est , ad legendum commendatur : si autem improbatur , auctor eius per vos emendatur . If this learned Bishop thus wholly submitted his Treatise concerning one of the highest points of Faith ( to wit , the Unity of the two Natures of Christ in one person ) to this Emperors approbation , correction , or rejection , and gave him these Titles , no doubt he esteemed him the supreamest Judge thereof . Moreover , he dedicated to him his Treatises b De insolentia Judaeorum , & De Judaicis superstitionibus , Quem Deus omnipotens , & praeordinavit Rectorem pium ( Ecclesiae suae ) futurum temporibus valde necessariis , sublimaverit prudentiam vestram , & studium Religionis super caeteros vestri temporis mortales ; ( whether Popes or Bishops ) unde dubium non est praeparari vos ad remedium temporibus periculosis . Cum haec igitur ita se habeant , obsecro tranquillissimam longanimitatem vestram , ut praebeatis patientissmam aurem vestram , vicibus quibus ego infimus servorum vestrorum , minus necessarium puto esse admonendam sanctissimam sollicitudinem vestram de re tam necessaria , quae aut sola , aut praecipua est , cui prae caeteris succurrere debeat gubernatio vestra &c. Et quidem si ( sicut nunc multa necessitas poscit ) ausi essemus aut val●issemus , auribus vestris ingerere damna animarum quae per vasa Diaboli , fidelibus inseruntur , adhiberi animis juberet pietas vestra remedium ; Making it one principal part of his Imperial office , care , trust , to suppresse all Heresies , Blasphemies , and Jewish Superstitions repugnant to the Scriptures , the Honor of God , the De●y of Jesus Christ , and prejudicial to his peoples souls . He wrote two Treasuses to this Emperor , c Contra damnabilem opinionem putantium , Divini Judicii veritatem , igne , vel aqua , vel conflictu armorum patefieri ; desiring him to take away such trials , as unjust , unreasonable , unchristian , and against the word of God. Pope Gregory the 4th . comming into * France about the year 833 , with an intention ( as Ludovicus suspected ) to raise up a Civil Warr , and joyn with Lotharius his sonne ( conioyned with him in the Empire ) to deprive him ; this Emperor summoned Agobardus , amongst other Bishops siding with Lotharius , to appear before him ; who refusing to appear , thereupon the Emperor called an Assembly of such French Bishops as sided with him against Agobardus , c Cujus haec fuerunt capita adversum ipsius contumaciam , pro co●firo a●do Gallicana libertate . 1. Episcopum Romanum vocandum Papam , Fratrem , non autem Patrem , neque Pontificem . 2. Imperialem potestatem plus posse in administranda Ecclesia quam Pontificem . 3. Caesarem non dehonestandum praesumptuosa excommunicatione . 4. Posse unum aliquem Pontificem abjici sine injuria sedis Apostolicae . 5. Episcopos in causa fidei Iusjurandum praestare solitos Imperatori . 6. Agobardum Primatum Aquitaniae , nullam deinceps habituram potestatem in excommunicando , nullamque Iurisdictionem in caeteras Parochias , si obediret potius Pontifici quam Caesari . 7. Privandum Episcopum consortio et honore , qui potius Pontificis quam Ecclesiae Gallicanae Concilio obediret . In answer whereunto , Agobardus writ two particular Treatises , wherein he endeavoured , as far as he could , to answer these particulars , excusing his not appearing , by reason of the publike tumults , and to diminish the Emperors Supremacy , as subordinate in some sence , to the Pontifical Jurisdiction ; which Treatises he dedicated and sent to the Emperor . In his Treatise d De Comp●ratione utriusque Regiminis , Ecclesiastici & Politici , & in quibus Ecclesiastica dignitas praefulgeat Imperiorum Majestati , though he maintains the Popes Supremacy in some respects ; yet he expresly resolves ; Certe clementissime Domiae , si nunc Gregorius Papa irrationabiliter , & ad pugnandum venit , merito et pugnatus , et repulsus recedet ; si autem pro quiete & pace populi & vestra laborare nicitur , benè & rationab●later obtemperandum est , illi non repugnandum . Si enim quod vestra voluntate , et potestate , cum consensu Imperii vestri factum est , & postea in Apostolica sede roboratum , hoc vult in pristinum reducere statum , satis rationabilis & oportunus est ejus adventus . Quia nullatenus quod ita est constitutum a vobis , debetis mutare ; nec enim sine gravi periculo , et reatu animae fieri potest in his sacratissimis diebus Paschalibus . He concludes thus , Quia nemo dubitat de nullo alio opere potestatis , tam chare Deum placare , quam de sollicitudine et administratione Pacis et unitatis Ecclesiae , vestra solertissima Religio elaboret , ut omnis anima fidelis proficeat in fide et cognitione Dei , quae res omnibus rebus Deo cha●●or est , hujus rei nisus merita vestra appropinquare faciat Apostolicis meritis . a Synodus Aquisgranensis summoned by the Emperor Ludovicus Pius Anno 833. gave him this account of their proceedings . Ibi de statu Sanctae Ecclesiae , admonente Serenissimo atque totius religionis devotissimo praefato Imperatore ( Ludovico ) tractare caepissemus : Revolutis igitur a vestra nobis benignissima devotione , collatis tribus Capitulis , id est , ut ventilarentur , &c. Vestram siquidem nihilominus supplici admonitione & affectu charita●is excellentiam admonentes , si quae sunt Ecclesiastici juris vestra piissima gubernatione erigenda , ut per vos vestrosque Christianae Religionis commilitones , subleventur , &c. Haec nos fideles , & devotissimi famuli & Oratores vestri , juxta parvitatem sensus nostri , secundum sanctam ordinationem vestram , de his quae ad nostram , & consacerdotum subjectorumque nostrorum correctionem & emendationem pertinere pers●eximus , &c. Sed nunc quia de his quae praemissa sunt , vestro ardentissimo desiderio prius satisfacere studuimus , illud tamen quod ad vestram specialiter personam ministeriumque pertinere cognoscimus , nullatenus oblivioni tradidimus , sed potius vestrae saluti prospicientes , nonnulla capitula necessaria fideliter collegimus ; & vobis familiaeriter admonitionis gratia devoteque porrigenda devovimus . Similiter quaedam ad filios vestros pertinentia , quaedam vero ad commilitones vestros non minus pertinentia . Which Constitutions commonly begin thus ; being farr from arrogating any supream Legislative , or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to themselves , but ascribing all to the Emperor , Petimus humiliter Excellentiam vestram , &c. Rogamus etiam vestram Pietatem propter divinam misericordiam , vestramquesalutem . Et hoc humiliter admonemns . Innotescimus vobis , quod ea quae in Capitulis vestris nobis tractanda commisistis , &c. Vestram interea Deo amabilis Auguste petimus clementiam . Similiter est postulandum . Meminimus in pesteriis Conventibus nonnulla capitula ab Episcopis vestra admonitione fuisse tractata , atque statuta , pro necessitate , & communi salute , utrorumque ordinum , Ecclesiasticorum scilicet & secularium , sed nescimus quibus impedientibus obstaculis , quasi oblivioni tradita . Ideoque affectu devo●o supplici admonitione admonemus , & admonendo precamur , ne ista quae nunc licet perpaucae praelibavimus , ad statum Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , simili modo oblivioni tradantur , sed prospeculo omnibus inconvulsa habeantur atque conserventur , &c. All they concluded being invalid without his imperial Sanction , and care to see the same put in due execution . a Theodulphus Abbas Floriacensis , postea Aurealensis Episcopus , for conspiring with the Emperor Ludovicus Pius his sons , and exciting them to depose their Father from the Empire , was imprisoned by the Emperor , whom he afterwards presenting with some sacred Hymnes , was thereupon released by him : After which he presented him with this Panegyrical Poem , expressing his Supremacy over all Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal persons , his extraordinary piety in promoting Religion , protecting , instructing , edifying the Church and people committed to his charge , both by his precepts and example . * Inclyte Caesar ave , Ludovice serene , valeque ; Et tibi cunctipotens , det bona cuncta Deus . Orbis te totus laudat , veneratur , amatque , Et monitis paret sedulus unde tuis . Primus in orbe micas , nulli es virtute secundus ; Viribus armipotens , te scio nemo parem : Arma es Pontificum , venerandi culmina juris . Tu vigil instanter , ad m●liora levas . Tu decus es Cleri , populi , seu norma salutis . Judicii callem arbiter aequus ames . Haec facis , et facienda doces quae ad sydera tollunt : Quae mergunt , solers semper ad ima caves , &c. Est et Scripturis patulus tibi sensus in almis , Lectio te quarum pascit alitque frequens . Corporeis epulis satiaris corpore parcè ; Sed tua divina mens alimenta sitit ; Nam cibus illatus satiat tua viscera parcus ; Sed cibus aeternus mentem , animumque cibat . Plus epulas animae quam carnis diligis ipse ; His cares ad tempus , has sine fine sitis , &c. Quae mala sunt refuges , bona quaeque amplecteris ultra . Inde Deus tecum Rex benedicte manet . Ecclesiae sanctae dilectus filius extas , Quam * Tibi commisit , unicus ipse Patris , Hanc tu constanter Doctrinis imbuis alimis , Incolis , augmentas , instruis , aedificas : Nemo fide Christi nam te praestantior extat . 〈◊〉 Plus orthodoxus est tibi nemo super , Est tibi nemo super , similis , pietate vel actu : De te vera loqui me tua facta probant . Divitias mundi cauto sectaris amore , Queis tibi constanter regna beata paras , &c. Regius haec fastus , tua non devotio quaerit , Cui semper dulcis gloria Christus inest . Moribus eximius , rutilus bonitate coruscas , Semper adhaerere est tibi velle Deo. Teque , tuas laudes liquido depromere nulla Vox potis est , quas nunc nostra camoena tacet . a Jonas Aureliauensis ( his Successor ) thus seconds Theodulphus ; En adest Caesar , pius & benignus , Orbe et in toto rutilat Coruscus , Atque prae cunctis bonitate pollet . Hic decus quidem Ecclesiae , Paterque , Ornat hanc solers , juvat , so vetque , Erudit , amat , colit , instruitque Dogmate largo , &c. This b Jonas Aurelianensis Episcopus hath this memorable passage concerning Charles the Great , and Ludovicus Pius the Emperors diligence , to protect and instruct the Church of God committed to their care , not the Popes ; Obeunte piae memoriae , pio Principe Carolo , Ecclesiam i●em inclytus filius ejus ( nutu divino ) regendam tuendamque suscepit . Ejusdem piissimi Principis solertissimo studio , Ecclesia ita quotidie , Domino opitulante , ad meliora succrescit , ut omnibus sacrae fidei perspicuum sit , eam et in fidei synceritate salubriter roborari , et in cognitione divinarum Scripturarum sapienter dilatari , et spiritualiter fructificari , &c. Quia igitur idem clarissimus Deo Princeps , divinoque plenius amore succensus , & coelesti gratia adjutus ( Ludovicus ) eandem Ecclesiam sibi traditam instanter erudit , armisque spiritalibus munit , et dictis et exemplis incessanter ad alta sustollit , dignum est , ut sicut Pater illius ( Carolus ) Magistri ejusdem Claudii ( Tauronensi Episcopi ) adhibita sanctarum Scripturarum auctoritate damnavit errorem ; ita nihilominus iste gloriosus filius ejus ( Ludovicus ) nulli pietate , sapientia , fortitudine & puritate secundus ; discipuli ejusdem Felicis ( Urgilitanensis Episcopi ) vesanias damnet blasphemias , divinarumque Scripturarum telis confodiat , ECCLESIAMQUE SIBI COMMISSAM , Christo secum regnante , ab his et huiuscemodi erroribus immunem liberamque reddat . Quod quidem qualiter ejus pio sagacissimoque studio actum sit , in processu huius operis patebit . Moreover , this c Jonas Aurelianensis , in his Praefatio , Opusculo Carolo Regi porrecto , adversus Haeresim Claudii Praesulis Taurinensis , ( which he writ at the command of his Father Ludovicus Pius the Emperor ) gives this character of his religious zeal and care to defend the Faith and Church of Christ committed to his Government ( not the Popes . ) Quantus , Dominus noster gloriosissimus genitor vestor , Deo dilectissimus Ludovicus Caesar , religiosissimus , in fidei synceritate , totius bonitatis virtute , proborum morum claritu line , sapientiae & sanctitatis dote , divinique amoris ac favoris fervore , et in Ecclesiasticis negotiis ( Domino administrante ) ad honorem et cultum divinum pertinentibus augmentandis , et gubernandis emineret , quantumque Ecclesiam Christi precioso sanguine redemptam , SUOQUE REGIMINI DIVINITUS COMMISSAM ( motum Patris tui videlicet pii & omonymi , Caroh nobi●issimi Augusti imitatus , imo supergrediens ) disciplina liberal●um artium educaverit , et utriusque testamenti sancti paginis , atque eximiorum Patrum dictis , ad propellenda haereticorum dogmata venenata , et instrurerat , et instrui fecerit , cunctis Catholicae Apostolicae que fidei filiis perspicuum esse non ambigitur ; quoniam revera id quod dicitur in promptu esse cernitur . Is namque Deo dilectissimus Princip● , inter cae●era bonitatis , suae studia , erga divinum cultum amplificandum multiplici modo ferventia , quendam Presbyterum , &c. ut Ital●cae plebis ( quae magna ex part : a sanctorum Evang●listarum sensibus procul aberant ) sanae doctrinae consultum ferret Taurinensi , praesulem subrogari fecit Ecclesiae , &c. Then giving him an account of his Book against Claudius , he thus prostrates it to his correction . Quicquid minus responsum , minusque praemissis pravis objectis contractum repererit , suae sanioris uberiorisque intelligent●ae scriptis et dictis , ob honorem et defensionem sanctae Dei Ecclesiae , suppleat . a Lupus Abbot of Ferraria in his 64. Epistle ad Regem Carolum , among other instructions to him , ut pacificè foeliciterque regnatis , hath this memorable passage ; Nec vos cuilibet ita vos subjiciatis , ut ad ejus arbitrium omnia faciatis : cur enim regium nomen praetenditis , si regnare nescitis ? Ut pace cunctorum dixerim , non expedit vobis et populo , ut aliquem vobis aequetis , ( whether Pope or Bishop ) nedum praeponatis , &c. Si filiis hoc non est concedendum , quanto minus aliis ? VICEM VOS GERERE DEI QUIS IGNORAT ? At ipse dicit , Gloriam meam alicui non dabo . Non admittentur ergo a vobis , monitores quos bejulos vulgus appellat , &c. Nem●tuatis Potentes , & quos cum vultis extenuare potestis . Therfore neither Popes , nor Prelates ; both made , deposed by Emperors and Kings . About the year 850. Pope Leo the 4th . a Clero & populo eligitur , & nescio Imperatore consecratur Pontifex , b interposita tamen cautione de salvo ejus Iure : perchance by this Papal Decree , Lothario & Ludovico Augustis , registred by * Gratian. Inter Nos & Vos pacti serie statutum est , & confirmatum , quod electio & consecratio futuri Romani Pontificis , non nisi justè & canonicè fieri debeat , ( to wit , by the Emperors consent ) This Pope afterwards super multis Criminibus accusatus , praecipuè quod Consilium inisset de transferendo Imperio iterum de Gallis ad Constantinoplitanos : Lotharius Imperator ergo profectus Roman , ea de re Leonem apud se dilatum convenit ; wherupon Leo , juramento se purgavit , consue●o Pontificum more , & delatores delationis suae dant poe●as . This Emperor therefore was paramount this Pope . c K. Charles & Ludovicus his son , summoned , presided in , directed , ratified the Synod apud Medardum in suburbio Suessionensi , Ann. 853. wherin Laymen as well as Bishops were present . Idem Rex Carolus Episcopis apud urbem Suessionum in Monasterio Sancti Medardi convenire pr●cepit , ubi post habitis secularibus curis , ipse quoque Rex adesse dignatus est . Vt non solum devotione , Ecclesiae se filium esse ostenderet , verum etiam sicubi opus esset , Protectorem Regia potestate monstraret . Cum itaque praesul●s diversarum Ecclesiarum , pio Rege multa humiliter et prudenter proponente , tractata sunt potius quaedam quam deffinita essent , &c. Ja● Rex absque ulla ambitione Synodum solus ingressus , simpliciter cum Episcopis resedebat ; where , the degrading of d Ebbo Archbishop of Rhemes , was debated , approved , and the placing of Hincmarus in his See , justified , ratified ; Ebbo being deprived , and thrust into a Monastery by Ludovicus Pius , for sedition and Treason against him , with other Bishops , where he did 7. years penance . After which , the crimes and insufficiency of many Bishops were there examined ; Statuitque sancta Synodus , annuente pio Principe , 〈◊〉 Legati dirigerentur , &c. Et quae ipsi per se non valerent corrigere , judicio proximi futuri Concilii , et potestati Regiae revelarent . Obtentum est etiam a devotissimo Rege , ut incesti , &c. Postremo , quod a quibusdam conservabatur , praefixum est generaliter ab omnibus custodiendum , ne ullae Res Ecclesiasticae absque Regis cohibentia ( some read it conniventia ) commutantur . After which , Cunctis secundum regulam ecclesiasticam canonice & diligenter patratis , decretum & judicatum est , a sancta et venerabili Synodo , assentiente et favente Christianissimo et gloriosissimo Rege Domino CAROLD , haec omnia gestis inseri , et in conspectu Synodali relegi , et rata omnia judicata , cunctorum manibus , et subscriptione canonica , perpetuo inconvulsa et inviolabiliter permansura , firmari . a Concilium Valentinum , Anno 855. Convened propter causam Episcopi Civitatis ipsius , criminibus diffamati , ex Iussione pii Principis ( Lotharii Imperatoris ) having made 23. Canons , and given judgement against an Archdeacon , Ut vigor legis & pax Ecclesiarum sub tutela pii Principis nostri , integro jure salva consistere valeat ; they supplicated the King , Quod judicium nostrum tam necessarium , et publicae disciplinae Ecclesiasticae defensioni , omnino suppliciter postulamus , ejusdem pii Principis authoritate muniri . Without which their Canons and Sentences were both invalid : subjoyning thereunto the Law of the Emperor Constantine the Great , De confirmando judicio Episcoporum . b Synodus Trevirensis , Anno 855. hath this Prologue , evidencing that the Emperor Ludovicus the 2d . summoned it , prescribed the Bishops therein both by word of mouth and writing , what heads or Chapters they should consider , frame ; and then return them all to him when finished , to examin , alter , ratifie as he saw cause ; Capitula quaedam et commonitorum , Imp : Ludovicus suis Episcopis de statu sui Regni considerare praecepit : De conversatione Episcoporum , Presbyterorum , et caeterorum Clericorum ; de doctrina et praedicatione in populo ; de conscriptione librorum , & restauratione Ecclesiarum ; de ordinatione Plebium & Xenodochiarum ; de Monasteriis virginum seu foeminarum , quae secundum regulam Sancti Benedicti , vel ea quae secundum c●nonicam authoritatem disposita esse debent ; adding , Quicquid in praefatis ordinibus extra ordinem est , aut per negligentiam praepositorum , aut per desidiam subditorum , vehementer cupio scire , et secundum Dei voluntatem vestrumque sanctum consilium , sic emendare desidero , ut in conspectu Dei nec ego reprobus sim , neque vos et populus in commissis iram suae indignationis incurrat . Quomodo autem istud rationabiliter quaesitum & monitum perficiatur , vobis hoc ad tractandum , ac nobis renunciandum committimus . De minoribus quoque causis quae generaliter omnes , specialiter aliquos tangunt , et indigent emendatione , volumus , ut posthac illas quaeratis , et ad nostam notitiam reducatis , sicut est de Comitibus , et eorum Ministris , &c. sicut in reliquis causis , quae ad peccatum nostrum pertinere possunt , ac populi nostri . These heads , exhortations , and admonitions of the Emperor being communicated to , and read before this Synod ; omnes unanimiter pro nostra indole omnipotenti Deo devotissi●●e gratias egerunt , quia populo suo tam piissimum quamque Sanctissimum Princpem dedit , qui cuncta ordinabiliter et rationabiliter disponere cupit . After which the Bishops returned him an answer to each head in writing ; which being read before the Emperor , in Augustali aula residens , tractaturis de statu sanctae matris Ecclesiae , et pace , divina dispositione commissi sibi Imperii , ac generali totius populi salute , praesentibus Optimatibus suis , dixit ; Crebro vestram fidelitatem retroactis temporibus commonuimns , ut secundum normam Christianae religionis vivere unusquisque nostrorum fidelium satageret , &c. Which ended , he enacted several Lawes and Constitutions for the benefit and Peace of the Church , with a Sancimus autem ; Sancimus nihilominus , &c. Concluding , Haec olim saepe inconcu●cata , & Augustali nostra sanctione promulgata , quia ex parte in aliquibus videntur neglecta hactenus , acriori ulcisci debuerat examine , &c. destinaturi post modicum Legatos strenuos emendata inquirere . Qui verò negligens repertus fuerit , propriis honoribus nostro privabitur iudicio . Nicholas the 1. ( as c Ana●●atius with others inform us , ) being elected Pope by the unanimous assent of the Senators , Clergy , and People of Rome , was consecrated and installed in his See in the presence of the Emperor Ludovicus the 2d . by his approbation and assent . After which the Pope , with the Nobles and Great men of Rome out of love and respect going to visit the Emperor in a place called Quintus , where he fixed his seat , the most excellent Emperor so soon as he saw the Pope , obvius in adventum , ejus occurrit , fraenumque Caesar equi Pontificis suis manibus adpraehendens , pedestri more , quantum sagittae jactus extenditur , trarit , After the Emperor had feasted him . Augustus , cujus amore f●oenum Imperialis equi superscandens , accompanying him in his return , cum pervenissent spaciocissimum itineris locum , Imperator equo descendit , equumque Pontificis iterum , ut memmimus supra , traxit , dulcissimisque osculis invicem perornantes , lucifluè gratula●i sunt . What this Emperor then voluntarily did out of overmuch courtship and humility only , some a Popes have since claimed and prescribed as a bounden service , vassalage , & incumbent duty : Which so puffed up this Pope with Antichristian pride , insolency , that he presumptuously , b Imperatores & seculares Principes decreto exclusit ab omnibus Clericorum Conciliis ; nisi quando causae agerentur de fide . Ne Laici de Clericorum vita judicent , Pontificem nec solvi , nec ligari posse decernit a seculari potestate ; quem constat a pio Principe Constantino DEUM appellatum , cum nec posse DEUM ab hominibus judicari manifestum est . When as this Pope and other Parasites who make use of his reason , had quite forgotten , 1. That it appears not by any authentick Historyes , that Constantine the Great ever gave the Title of God , to the Pope 2ly . Admit he gave it to one Pope out of the contemplation of his piety , and the spirit of God dwelling in him , yet this extended not to his Successors , especially to such who were devils incarnate in their actions . 3ly . That the Scripture never called the Pope , nor St. Peter , God ; much lesse made either of them a God in truth : but it particularly , frequently stiles Kings , and Temporal Judges ( Gods Vicegerents on earth , c sitting in his throne , executing Judgement and Justice in his stead ) Gods ; to wit , in a qualfyed sence , not in reality and essence . Exod. 4. 16. c. 7. 1. c. 22. 28. Josh . 22. 22. Ps . 82. 1 , 6. Ps . 136. 2. Ps . 138. 1. 1 Cor. 8. 5. Therefore they being thus frequently called Gods by God himself in sacred Writ ; may lawfully judge , condemn , depose Popes and Priests , who are but men , and never stiled Gods in Scripture . 4ly . Kings being thus stiled Gods , and sitting on Gods Throne , the Pope who is but a man , and sits only in St. Peters chair at most , not Gods own throne ; hath not the least power or pretext ( by this Popes own argument , inference ) to judge , much lesse depose , dethrone these Gods , as they have most d antichristianly presumed . 5ly . Sundry Emperors , Kings notwithstanding this stile of God given to the Pope by Constantine , did e frequently before and after Pope Nicholas his time both judge & depose Popes , Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Bishops , Priests , for their Heresies , Treasons , Schisms , rebellions , and other crimes , as the premised and subsequent examples and Ecclesiastical Histories evidence . This therefore is a nonsense argument for a Pope , especially in his own case , to exempt himself from the Emperors Supreme Jurisdiction . 6ly . His exempting all inferiour Clergymen , as well as Bishops , Popes from Emperors , Kings , and Civil Magistrates censures , powers , though Constantine never stiled them Gods , is an argument , that every Priest whatever , is as much a God , as the Pope himself in this respect , and equal to him in Authority ; which subverts Popes pretended Soveraign Monarchy , and sole Deity , appropriated only to those who sit in Peters imaginary , but f Antichrists real Chair at Rome . 7ly . About the year 865. Guntherus g Archbishop of Coler , and Thetgandus Treverersis , for approving the divorce of the Emperor Lotharius from Thetberga for incest with her brother , in the Synod of Mus , after long attendance at Rome , were by this Pope Nicholas imprisoned , deposed , excommunicated , without sight , hearing , reason , or cause alleged , against all rules of Justice : who complaind to the Emperor of this his Tyranny , and likewise writ a notable Epistle to him in answer to his Letter , after their release , in their own names , behalfs , and their fellow Bishops , in justification of the Emperor and themselves , against his pretended supremacy over them : wherein they have these passages amongst others ; Subito & de inproviso sententiam injustam , temerariam , nefaviam , Christianae religioni repugnantem , de chartulae effutisti , satis protervè tuis fratribus , atque conservis illusisti , &c. Tu Pontificis quidem personam prae te fers , at Tyranum agitas ; sub cultu Pastoris Lupum sentimus . Titulus Parentem mentitur , tu te factis Jovem ostentas . Cum sis Servus servorum , Dominus dominantium esse contendis , atque juxta disciplinam Christi Servatoris nostri infimus ejus omnium minister templi Dei : Tuvero , libidine dominandi in praeceps abis , quicquid tibi libet , licet . Fucus factus 〈◊〉 Christianis . Hisce de causis nos cum fratribus nostris & collegis , neque Edictis tuis stamus , neque vocem tuam agnoscimus , neque tuas Bullas , tonittuaque timemus . ●u eos qui Senatus consultis impiis non parent , impietatis condemnas , iisdem sacrificiis interdicis . Nos tuo te ense jugulamus , qui edictum Domini Deique nostri conspuis , concordiam collegii discindis , pacem , immortalem coelestis Principis tesieram , violas . Spiritus sanctus author est omnium Ecclesiarum , qua longissime & latissime terrarum orbis porrigitur . Civitas Dei nostri cujus municipes sumus , ad universos coeli cardines pertinet , Major est urbe , quae Babylonia , a sacris Vatibus appellatur , ut quae divinitatem usurpat , coelo se aequat , se aeternum fore , neque unquam errasse , aut errare posse gloriatur . This Pope presumed to send this insolent Letter to this Emperour Lotharius , to deprive him of his antient Right of conferring Archbishopricks and Bishopricks , without the Popes consent , which his Predecessors durst not attempt , prefaced by a Gratian with this Rubrick ; Authoritate Apostolica , non Regio favore , Episcopus est eligendus : Porro scias quod relatum est nobis , quod quicunque ad Episcopatum in regno tuo provehendus est , non nisi * faventem tibi permittas eligi . Id circo Apostolica aut horitate , sub divini judicii obtestatione , injungimus tibi , ut in Treverensi Urbe , & in Agrippina Colonia nullum eligi patiaris , antequam relatum super hoc nostro Apostolatui fiat . But neither he nor his Successors would depart with this flower of their Crown to the Pope , as is evident by the 63. Epistle of this Pope Nicholas the 1. to the Bishops under King Lotharius , Anno 863. to grant a license to the Clergy and people to elect a Bishop in Ecclesia , Cameracensi , void above 10. moneths , by sundry other instances collected by b M. Pierre Pithou , a learned French Advocate , and Pope Pelagius his Epistle Laurentio Episcopo , Gratian Dist . 63. Concilium Pistis celebratum , Anno 863. ( as Surius confesseth ) videtur potius quidem esse Regni Procerum Conventus , c quam Episcoporum Synodus ; Carolus enim Rex , & Episcopi , Abbates quoque & Comites , et cateri in Christo fideles , ex diversis Provinciis convenerunt . Wherein they recite and ratifie , plura Capitula Praedecessorum Regum et Synodorum . Vt autem haec quae observanda supra scripsimus ac pronunciavimus , nunc & de coetero certius & expessius a nobis atque Successoribus inconvulsa serventur , propriis manibus his subscribere communi consensu decrevimus , ea conditione servata , ut omni , in cunctis ordinibus lex juris debiti , & honor ab omnibus obedienter & fideliter , cooperante Domino , conservetur . The d Council of Wormes Anno 866. is thus prefaced , Dum studio amatoris Christi , ac jussione excellentissimi gloriosique Domini Ludovici Regis , cujus tanta erga Deum devotio extat , ut non solum in rebus humanis , verum etiam in causis divinis maximam semper sollicitudinem gerat , apud Vormatium Civitatem , &c. convenissemus . After which followes a Confession of faith , and 80 Chapters or Canons there agreed on , published by this Kings approbation . After the death of Pope Nicholas the 1. Hadrian the 2d , notwithstanding some dissents , was elected Pope , collectis omnibus tam Episcopis cum universo Clero , quam primoribus urbis , e cum obsecundantibus sibi populis , & ad Lateranense Patriarchium certatim a Procerum & plebis multitudine deportatur ; Imperator Legatos ad eligendum Pontificem Roman misit , Clerus & populus autoritatem eligendi Pontificem sibi vindicaturi , non quaesita Imperatoris aucthoritate , neque accersitis Legatis eligunt . Quod audientes tunc missi Principes , moleste tulere , indignati scil . non quod tantum virum nollent Pontificem , quem nimium anxie cupiebant , Sed quod se dum praesentes essent , quirites non invitaverint , nec optatae a se futuri Praesuli electioni interesse consenserint . Qui accepta ratione , quod non Augusti causa contemptus , sed futuri temporis hoc omissum fuerit omnino prospectu , ne videlicet Legatos Principum in electione Romanorum Pontificum , mos expectandi , per hujusmodi fomitem inolesceret , omnem suamentis indignationem medullitus sedavere , ac salutandum electum etiam ipsi se humiliter accessere . Denique omnes hunc certatim coram ●isdem Legatis rapere , & ad summum Pontificatus apicem provehendum trahere , ac auxie nitebantur portare , nisi blanditiis Senatorum & consiliis aliquantulum sedati fuissent : ( the Emperor having not yet assented to his election : ) Quorum omnium unanimitatis desilerum audiens Hludovicus Christianissimus Imperator , cognoscens etiam , qualiter in eo decretum suis subscriptionibus reboraverunt , valde gavisus est , &c. Et * mox Imperialem scribens Epistolam , cunctos Romanos quod dignumtanto elegisset officio conlaudavit , per quam videlicet innotuit , nulli quippiam praemii fore er consecratione ipsius quoque modo pollicendum ; cum ipse hanc non suorum suggestione , sed Romanorum potius unanimitate commotus ardentissime cuperet provenire . Maxime cum reddi , quae ablata fuerant , non auferri ab Ecclesia Romana vel deperire quippiam se diceret amare . After the Emperors approbation of his Election by his Letters sent to Rome , he was consecrated and installed Pope , not before . Hincmarus Archbishop of Rhemes in France ( elected , consecrated by the consent of Carolus Calvus ) succeeding Ebbo , ( a who for his Treason against the Emperor Ludovicus Pius , to deprive him of the Empire , and thrust him into a Monastery , was deprived of his Archbishoprick , upon the Emperors complaint against him in Synodo apud Theodonis Villam , but after Ludovicus his death , restored to it by Lotharius , with whom he confederated ) the Kings of France having an antient Right and Prerogative annexed to their Crowns , to conferre all Archbishopricks and Bishopricks within their Realms , to grant Licenses to elect them to the Clergy and people , and to approve or reject them when elected , as Archbishop Hincmarus informs us , in his Epistola ad Carolum Regem , pro Sylvanectensi Ecclesia Pastore vidnata : in his Epistola ad Clerum & plebem Beluacensis Ecclesiae : & Epistola ad Hludovicum 3. Francorum Regem , pro electione Episcopi Beluacensis , and Pierre Pythou manifestly proves by many evidences ; as likewise to b deprive , imprison , banish , execute Bishops persons , and confiscate their Estates for Treason and other crimes , against their Oathes of Fealty and Homage to them , being the Kings Lieges and Vassals , as Pythou proves at large . This Archbishop Hincmarus in his Epistola 1. ad Ludovicum Balbum Regem , c. 9. resolves thus : c Sollicite unicutque ambulandum est cum Deo suo , et Regi praecipue , qui sub tantis erit poenis in futuro saeculo , si malus fuerit , super quantos fuit in isto saeculo , in quo se a malitia non correxit , et non fecit judicium et justitiam , et non ambulavit sollicite cum Deo suo . And in his Epistola 2. ad Carolum Crassum Imperatorem , he exhorts and intreats him : Vt Ecclesiam Gallicanam pene collapsam restituatis , vestrique sapienti consilio , et potestatis auxilio relevetis , &c. Then shewing him the means to effect it , he concludes : Si enim Domine mi Rex , hujus Regni Ecclesia , et ministri ejus , ac populus haec per vos obtinuerint , quantam mercedem et remunerationem inde apud Deum , et bonum nomen apud saeculum habebitis , ex verbis Apostoli pensare potestis , Jam. 5. 20. Si ergo Apostolus spiritu Dei plenus de uno peccatore converso tantam remunerationem praemittit , colligat sapientia vestra , quantam de tantorum salute ac profectu remunerationem apud Deum habebitis . Epistola 3. & 4. he prescribes many excellent rules , pro recta novi & juvenis Regis institutione , making the care and defence of Religion , and the Church , the suppression of all heresies and sins , the principal part of a Kings Office ; observing , that d in sacra Regum historia legimus , quia Principes Sacerdotum quando sacra unctione Reges in Regnum sacrabant , Coronam , significantem victoriam , ponentes super capita eorum , legem in manum eorum debant , ut scirent , qualiter seipses regere , et pravos corrigere , et bonos in viam rectam deberent dirigere , &c. Unde Principi terrae magnopere providendum atque cavendum est , ne in his Deus offendatur , per quos religio Christiana consistere debet , & caeteri ab offensione salvari . Et ideo , quia res Ecclesiasticas divino judicio tuendas et defensandas suscepit , consensu ejus , electione Cleri ac plebis , et approbatione Episcoporum provinciae , quisque ad Ecclesiasticum regimen absque ulla venalitate provehidebet . He describes the Office of a King at large out of the Scripture , St. Cyprian , Augustine , and others ; Regum est Deum timere et colere , &c. as in the * Council of Paris . Adding , Rex de administrationis talento sibi credito reddatrationem in die judicii . Epist . 6. c. 27 , 28. He records : Imperatorum auctoritate convocatas generales Synodos , et in historiis Ecclesiasticis , et in Epistolis Apostolicae sedis Pontificum reperimus . Et Sanctus Gregorius Reges Francorum Synodos in Gallicis et Beligicis provinciis convocare , saepe commonuit . Epist . 9. c. 2. Habet vos ( Reges ) sancta mater Ecclesia pios pudicitiae et castimoniae custodes ac defensores . e Pope A rian the 2d . writing to this Archbishop Hincmaerus , to excommunicate Charles the Balde K. of France , for seising upon the Realm of Lotharius , to send Hincmarus Laudanensis Episcopus , and other Bishops of France to a Synod at Rome , and enjoyning him several other things , to the prejudice of the Rights of the Crown and Church of France : thereupon he communicated his Letter to the other Bishops , King and Nobles of France , & writ a memorable Epistle to this Pope in answer thereunto ; wherein amongst other things , he informes him , That K. Charles and others denyed the matter , fact wherewith he was charged , as false , averring the quite contrary for verity : That , nec legali nec regulari judicio convictus apparerent : Nos vero querquam ( though the meanest Peasant ) à communione prohibere non possumus , quinimo haec prohibitio non sit mortalis , sed medicinalis , nisi aut sponte consessum , aut aliquo , sive saeculari , sive Ecclesiastico judicio nominatum aut convictum ; much less then could he excommunicate his King , it being contrary to the Canons of the Council of Africk , where St. Angustine was present ; yea to the very Laws , Canons , Decrees of the See Apostolick , and Popes themselves , there cited by him : That the Nobles and French Bishops , to whom he had shewed his Letter , affirmed , That Popes did not excommunicate K. A●stulphus , or Desiderius King of the Lombards , who invaded their possessions in Italy : Neither did this Kings Grandfather Pipin , nor Father K. Charles , conquer them , & restore the Pope & Church to their Right , Excommunicatione Apostolica , sed virtute hostili : Dicunt etiam , secularem scripturam dicere , quia omne Regnum saeculi hujus bellis quaeritur , victoriis propagatur , & non Apostolici vel Episcoporum excommunicationibus obtinetur : & Scripturam divinam proponunt dicere , Quia Domini est Regnum , per quem Reges regnant , & cui voluerit dat illud , ministerio Angelorum & hominum , ( not of Popes ) &c. Sicut volumus de vestris orationibus habere adjutorium , nolite quaere nostrum dis●iendium ; & petite Dominum Apostolicum , ut quia Rex et Episcopus simul esse non potest , & sui antecessores Ecclesiasticum ordinem , quod suum eu , et non Rempublicam , quod Regum est , disposuerunt ; non praecipiat nobis habere Regem , qui nos in sic lo●g●nquis partibus adjuvare non possit contra subitanto ; et frequentes Paganorum impetus et nos Francos non jubeat servire , cui nolumus servire : quia istud jugum sui antecessores nostris antecessoribus non imposuerunt : et nos illud portare non possumus , qui scriptum esse in sanctis libris audimus , ut pro libertate et haereditate nostra usque ad mortem certare debeamus , &c. Non convenit ulli Episcopo dicere , ut Christianum , qui non est incorrigibilis , non propter propria crimina , sed pro terreno Regno alicui tollendo vel acquirendo , nomine Christianitatis debeat privare , cum cum diabolo collocare , quem Christus sua morte , & suo sanguine de potestate Diaboli venit redimere , & Christianos pro fratribus suis ani●as suas docuit ponere . Propterea si Dominus . Apostolicus vult pacem quaerer , sic pacem quaerat , ut rixam non moveat : quia non nos concredemus , ut aliter ad Regnum Dei pervenre non possimus , si illum , quem ipse commendat , terrenum Regem non habuerimus . After which rendring many substantial reasons why he neither could nor ought to obey his command in excommunicating K. Charles , or withdrawing himself from all communion with him , upon his Papal command , he subjoyns , Consulendum qualiter nos Episcopi , & egopraecipue , in quem tantam comminationem intentastis , erga Regem nostrum gerere debeamus ; cum beatus Augustinus , Apostoli exponens sententiam , dicat : Apostolica dominatio , et omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus subdita sit , &c. Et beatus Petrus dicit : Subjecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter Dominum , sive Regi , quasi praecellenti , &c. Omni humanae creaturae , inquit Doctor sagacissin us , omni dignitati hominum , omni personae , omni principatui , cui vos divina dispositio subdi voluerit . Hoc est enim quod ait : Propter Dominum , quia non est potestas , nisi a Deo : & qui potestati resistir , Dei ordinationi resistit . Item S. Augustinus Sermone Evangelii Johannis , &c. Noli dicere , quid mihi & Regi ? Noli dicere possessiones tuas , quia ad ipsa humana jura renunciasti , quibus possidentur possessiones ( Ecclesiae . ) Et si per jura Regum possidebunt ( Episcopi ) possessiones , non possunt ut Regi de Ecclesiasticis possessionibus obfequium non exhibeant , sicut antecessores mei suis antecessoribus exhibuerunt . Quapropter Domine Pater reverendissime , consulite secundum privilegium sedis vestrae , subjectioni nostrae , netalia nobis cujuscunque suggestione mandetis , unde inter Episcopalem auctoritatem et Regalem potestatem , inter Ecclesiam et Rempublicam tantum scandalum possit oriri , quod facile ac sine dispendio religionis , vel detrimento Ecclesiasticarum rerum , unde servi , & ancillae Dei debeant nutriri , & Ecclesiastica negotia contineri postea non possit sedari , &c. De eo , quod pusillitati meae vestra rescripsit sublimitas , ut eundem Hincmarum , & alios tres Episcopos omnium Episcoporum Regni , Domini Caroli vicem ferentes , ad Synodum Romam mitterent : Vestra sciat auctoritas , quia nec praedictum Hincmarum , nec etiam quemlibet Episcoporum Diocaescos Remorum , minime autem aliarum Provinciarum Episcopos , nisi Dominus Rex illis praeceperit , Romam , vel in aliquam partem , mea commendatione , mittendi habeo potestatem , nec ipse ego ultra fines sui Regni absque illius scientia progredi valeo . A strong evidence of the French Kings Ecclesiastical Supremacy . He writ f another Epistle to this Pope , almost to the same effect , which I pretermit . At the same time there fell out a great difference between Charles King of France and Pope Adrian , who writ a most insolent , imperious , scurrilous Letter to him ; whereupon he returned this notable reply , in an Epistle to this Pope , ( penned , as I conceive , by Archbishop Hincmarus , being printed with his Epistles ) answering all the clauses of his unchristian Libel . g Sanctissimo ac Reverendissimo Patri , Hadr●ano summo Pontifici & Papae , Carolus Dei gratia Rex & spiritualis filius vester . Legimus in lib. Paralip . filios Israel mente pacifica ivisse ad Praelium : quia non livoris vindicta , sed obtinendae pacis gratia dimicaverunt . Quod rursum dicimus , quia cogitis nos indecentibus potestati Regiae Literis vestris inhonoratum , inconvenientibus Episcopali modestiae vestrae mandatis gravatum , contumeliis & opprobriis dehonestatum , aliter quam vellemus mente pacifica vobis rescribere , ut tandem animadvertatis , quamquam perturbationibus humanis obnoxium , in imaginem tamen Dei ambulantem esse nos hominem , habere sensum , paterna & avita successione Dei gratia Regio nomine ac culmine sublimatum : & quod his majus est , Christianum , Catholicum , fidei Orthodoxae cultorem , sacris Literis ac legibus tam Ecclesiasticis quam secularibus ab infantia eruditum , nullo crimine publico in audientia Episcopali legaliter ac regulariter accusatum , minime autem convictum . Et , ut ( quae superaddere poteramus ) alia taceamus , ne nos potius jactare , quam vera dicere videamur , licet legamus Apostolum plura de se dixisse ob aliorum salutem necessitate compulsum : Quoniam saepe humiliter vobis locuti , benigna & pacifica atque honorabilia nobis scripta impetrare nequivimus , ut quietam pacis venerationem , quam apud antecessores vestros nostri decessores & nos habuimus , quoquomodo obtinere possemus : Scripsimus vobis per Actardum Episcopum , & mansuetudinis nostrae legatum , singillatim ac viritim , quam inconvenientia pro Hincmaro quondam Laudunensi Episcopo , ex nomine vestro nobis scripta fuerunt , quae nos a vobis processisse non credebamus , putantes nos ratione comperta ab incompetentibus , quae aliorum instinctu nobis eatenus scripta fuerunt , calamum revocare . Sed spe vana frustratis , aliter nobis quam sperabamus evenit . In capite quippe Literarum , quas per praefatum Actardum Episcopum nobis vestra direxit paternitas , auditam laudabilem charitatis & sapientiae nostrae magnitudinem , vos praetulisse invenimus , & mox de comperto murmure , & tumultuoso clamore indebitae reprehensionis adversus paternitatem vestram nos denotatos , reperimus : sicque auditam nostram sapientiam collaudastis , ut quasi honestius , & revera onustius , nos solitis contumeliis afficere volueritis , quem non per insipientiam , sed per industriam in murmuratione & clamore contra debitam charitatem delinquere demonstrabitis , & quasi ad ora vasculi melle illiti , & de eodem fonte , quo & ante missae Literae istae posteriores , nobis perniciosum poculum propinaverunt , fatentes illa , quae aliorum instinctu , & non a vobis processisse credamus , vestra fuisse . Nam in praecedentibus Literis nos perjurum , tyrannum , ac perfidum , & distractorem rerum Ecclesiasticarum , non confessum nec ordine judiciario legaliter ac regulariter convictum , vocastis : in istis autem murmurationis crimen nobis impegistis , & tumultuosi clamoris naevum imposuistis , arguente Domino carnalem Israel per Prophetam , unde nos coarguitis , Quia non fecerit judicium , sed clamorem . Et Apostolus , Omnis , inquit , clamor & indignatio tollatur à vobis . Et non levius malum est murmuratio , his quibus nos antea denotastis , dicente Apostolo , Neque murmuraveritis , sicut quidam illorum murmuraverunt , & à serpentibus perierunt . Et ut beatus dicit Gregorius , Nullus murmurans Regnum Dei intrare permittitur . Hinc colligendum est , quantum peccatum sit murmuratio quae Regnum Dei intercludit . Sicut & illa peccata gravia , post quorum enumerationem dicit Apostolus , Qui talia agunt , Regnum Dei non possidebunt . Et non ut scripsistis tumultuoso clamore paternitatem vestram indebite reprehendimus , sed quae nobis ex vestro nomine scripta fuerunt , non multorum vocibus quibus tumultus fieri solet , sed nostra tantum voce rescripsimus . Et quoniam talia vos misisse & a sancta Romana Ecclesia , in omnibus semper discretissima atque cautissima , dictata fuisse , nequaquam credidimus ; Quia ipsa sancta sedes cum modestia & discretione semper corripere , & salubriter corrigere , secundum uniuscujusque personam & ordinem solita fuit suggessimus . Igitur si male locuti sumus , testimonium perhibete de malo ; si autem bene , quid nobis succensetis ? Scriptum est Abraham licet sanctum , ut a Deo sanctificatum hominem , tamen eidem Deo dixisse : Num perdes justum cum impio ? non est hoc tuum , qui judicas omnem terram : Et non ingrate hoc Dominum suscepisse : Et nos arguitis , quoniam humili placatione vobis suggessimus , non esse vestrum non confesso , nec legaliter aut regulariter convicto , regia etiam potestate gratia Dei praedito , talia sicut plebeio , & de criminibus confutato scribendo impingere , scientes , quam grave sit fratrr ( quod nobis impactis minus est ) dicere fatue , nullique detrahendum vel contra fas maledicendum : minime autem Regi , ut Apostolica doctrina , atque Sancti in Saulis jam a Domino reprobati reverentia , & Salomonis sapientia , ac Nabuthae prodit historia . Invenimus etiam in eisdem literis nobis datum consilium ( si forte dici potest consilium , quod est Domini exemplo contrarium , & decretis Sanctorum invenitur adversum ) scilicet ( ut verbis vestris dicamus ) Omnia quae a sede Apostolica , cui per Dei gratiam praesidetis , directa sunt , alacri mente percipere , animo grato amplecti , & humili semper debemus intentione recipere . Scriptum est enim nobis ex vestro nomine , Nos perjurum , tyrannum , ac perfidum & distractorem rerum esse Ecclesiasticarum . Et haec alacri mente percipere , animo grato amplecti , & humili semper debemus intentione recipere ? Nisi scriptor forte velit nos cum vulgo Aethiopes vocare argenteos ; & ideo quis nobis pulcher videatur , qui a nomine bellus vocatur , & sibi cantare cum Persio , Quicquid calcaveris rosa fiat ; illudque Propheticum incurrere : Vae his qui ponunt amarum in dulce ; Cum Dominus dicentibus ad se Judaeis : Nonne bene dicimus nos quia Samaritanus es tu , & daemonium habes ? quod recognovit , tacendo consensit ; & patienter repulit , quod dictum fallaciter audivit , dicens : Ego demonium non habeo . Cujus pro modulo nostro in hoc exemplum secuti , qui non dedignatus ex ratione ostendere se peccatorem non esse , qui ex virtute divinitatis poterat peccatores justificare ; de his quae in nobis non recognovimus humiliter & patienter apud paternitatem vestram nos excusavimus , ne , si penitus taceremus , tales ; quales denotabamur , tacendo & consentiendo esse nos fateremur ; & quasi confessi & nostra confessione convicti judicaremur . Et hoc hortamentum , quod in literis ex nomine vestro ab Actardo Episcopo nobis delatis invenimus , scilicet , ut omnia , quae a sede Apostolica nobis ve●●nt , humili semper debeamus intentione recipere , non solum , ut praemisimus , Evangelicae veritati , sed etiam decretis sanctorum invenitur adversum . In quorum decretis legimus , Eum absolvi non posse , qui in seipsum dixerit mortis causam , qua edicta in alium puniretur , falsum videlicet testimonium : cum omnis , qui sibi fuerit mortis causa , major homicida sit . Et hinc decreverunt , Ut quicunque sub ordinatione , vel Diaconatus , vel Presbyterii , vel Episcopatus , mortali crimine dixerint se esse pollutos , a supradictis ordinationibus submovendos . Et nos , si ad talia nobis impacta tacendo consentiremus , non solum a regimine regio , verum & a Catholicae Ecclesiae communione nos ipsos sequestraremus . Non igitur talia nobis ex parte sedis Apostolicae & nomine vestro scripta , mente alacri percipere , & animo grato amplecti , & humili semper debemus intentione recipere , quae , sicut in eisdem literis ex sententia sapientis Salomonis subjungitur , Quasi stimuli , & sicut clavi in altum defixi esse viderentur : quia culpas delinquentium nesciunt palpare , sed pungere . Cui sententiae item Sapientis verba referimus , quibus dixit : Priusquam interroges , ne vituperes quenquam ; & cum interrogaveris , id est , probaveris ; corripe justè , sicut Nathan David regem prius interrogavit , & interrogatione probatum corripuit : & cum causa correptionis defuit , humiliter adoravit , veluti in sacra historia legimus . Mandate et scribite , quae vestro et nostro ministerio congr●●mt , ut decessores vestri nobis et nostris decessoribus mandaverunt , atque scripserunt , & alacri mente , gratoque animo recipiemus . Literae autem ex nomine vestro semper sine interrogatione , id est , sine probatione nos pungunt , & peccata , pro quibus invitum pungunt , sponte confessa , vel ordine judiciario legaliter ac regulariter comprobata non ostendunt , & cum peccata manifesta & probata desint , fomentis benignae adhortationis & allocutionis non refovent : reprehendente hinc Domino populorum rectores asperos , atque dicente , Vos autem cum austeritate imperabatis eis , & cum potentia . Quibus Apostolus regulam dedit commonitionis , singulis dicens : Argue , obsecra , increpa in omni patientia & doctrina : misceas temporibus tempora , terroribus blandimenta : Dirum magistri , pium patris ostendentes affectum , id est , indisciplinatos & inquietos debent durius arguere : obedientes autem ac patientes , ut in melius proficiant , obsecrare : negligentes autem & contemnentes , debent utique increpare aut corripere : & de criminalibus peccatis aut ultro confessos , aut ordine judiciario comprobatos , atque convictos , secundum modum culpae , legaliter ac regulariter judicare . Noluit Apostolus , inquit beatus Augustinus , hominem ab hoc homine judicari ex arbitrio suspicionis , vel etiam extraordinario usurpato judicio : sed potius ex lege Dei , secundum ordinem Ecclesiae , sive ultro confessum , sive accusatum atque convictum . Alioquin illud cur dixit ? Si quis cum frater nominatur , aut fornicator , aut idolis serviens , &c. nisi quia eam nominationem intelligi voluit , quae sit in quenquam , cum sententia ordine judiciario atque integritate profertur . Nam si nominatio sufficit , multi damnandi sunt innocentes : quia saepe falso in quenquam crimen nominatur . Plerique antem boni Christiani propterea tacent , & sufferunt aliorum peccata , quae noverunt , quia documentis saepe deferuntur , ut ea quae sciunt , judicibus ecclesiastic is probare non possint . Quamvis enim vera sint quaedam , non tamen judici facile credenda sunt , nisi certis indiciis demonstrentur , nisi ordine judiciario comprobentur : ut si per judicium mali ab Ecclesiae communione auferri non possunt , tolerentur potius , ne perverse malos evitando , quisque ab Ecclesia ipse discedens , eos quos fugere videtur , vinciat ad gehennam . Quod scriptum est in eisdem ex nomine vestro literis , quia sane non patienter Pontificii vestri monita , & correctiones , nos audisse comperistis , liquido patet , adhuc perfectae aliquid charitatis minus duntaxat haberet , de qua dicit Apostolus : Charitas patiens est , benigna est , non inflatur , non irritatur , non agit perperam , omnia suffert , omnia sustinet . Cujus charitatis modum & perfectionem in benignitate , ac patientia , in humilitate , & sufferentia , exemplo sanctae paternitatis vestrae in literis vestris discere admodum cuperemus , si Deus nos inde honorare dignaretur . Quod & in hoc possemus addiscere , si in his , quae ex nomine vestro nobis scripta , sanctitati vestrae rescripsimus , sustineretis modicum quid insipientiae nostrae , & supportaretis nos , sicut magnus Petrus , Apostolicae & primae Sedis primus Episcopus , non solum patienter , sed & gaudenter adeo suscepit reprehensionem suam a coapostolo suo Paulo sibi ostensam , ut ejus epistolas , in quibus se reprehensum legerat , cum maximo favore laudaverit . Non enim ita supputate eas laudare poterat , nisi legisset : & quia legit scriptum , reprehensum se in eis invenit : & quoniam eas tam granditer laudavit , quam gratanter justam reprehensionem suam accepto tulerit patienter , ostendit ; Et cum a minoribus suis reprehensus fuit , cur ad Gentiles intraverit , non eis nudo & tumido sermone respondit , ut omnia quae egerat patientissime sustinerent : nec aliquid in eorum querela de sua potestate dixit , sed humili ejus ratione placavit , atque in causa reprehensionis suae etiam testes adhibuit . Quia si in querela fidelium , ut beatus dicit Gregorius , a●quid de sua potestate diceret , profecto Doctor mansuetudinis non fuisset . Si igitur pastor Ecclesiae Apostolorum princeps , signa & miracula singulariter faciens , non dedignatus est , in causa reprehensionis suae , rationem humiliter reddere : quanto magis , inquit Gregorius Apostolicae sedis Pontifex , nos peccatores cum de re aliqua reprehendimur , nostros ratione humili placare debemus ? Literae autem ex nomine vestro nobis directae , non humili nos ratione placarunt : nec contra rationem nos ex ratione & authoritate quaesiisse monstrarunt : sed indebita increpatione os nostrum oppilare studuerunt , quum Dei gratia , libera adhuc fronte de his , quae nobis per literas ex nomine vestro directas impacta sunt , loqui possimus . Scriptum est etiam in praefatis literis nobis ex nomine vestro directis de Hincmaro hoc modo . * Volumus , & auctoritate Apostolica jubemus , ipsum Hincmarum Laudunensem Episcopum vestra fretum potentia , ad limina sanctorum , nostramque venire clementiam . Quo sane veniente , veniat pariter accusator idoneus , quia nulla possit auctoritate legitima respui : & tunc in praesentia nostra , & totius sedis Romanae synodali collegio , causa illius prudenti ventilata examine , ac diligenter inquisita , secundum Deum & sacrorum Canonum constitutiones spiritu Dei prolatas , sine protelatione aliqua finietur . Quae relegentes , licet contra morem decessorum ac praedecessorum vestrorum hoc dictum invenerimus , id est , umbrosum saeculi typhum inducere in ecclesiam suam , quae lucem simplicitatis & humilitatis diem Domini videre desiderantibus praefert ; tamen de voluntate non dubitavimus . Quia humano animo facile potest subripi , quod ex deliberatione conveniat immutari . Sed valde mirati sumus , ubi hoc dictator Epistolae nobis per Actardum Episcopum delatae scriptum invenetit ? esse Apostolica auctoritate praecipiendum , ut Rex corrector iniquorum , et districtor reorum , ac secundum leges Ecclesiasticas atque mundanas ultor criminum , reum legaliter & regulariter pro excessibus suis damnatum , sua fretum potentia , Romam dirigat : maxime autem illum , qui & ante depositionem contra custodiam publicam , & contra quietem moliri in tribus Synodis extitit deprehensus , sicut in gestis Episcopalibus paternitati vestrae directis continetur , & post depositionem suam , & per se , & per quoscunque potuit , a sua pervicacia non quievit . Sed non miramur , si in posterioribus literis ex nomine vestro nobis directis , est infulcitum , ut legaliter ac regulariter damnatus , qui nullis legibus decernitur , a quoquam gradu seu rebus aut facultatibus redonandus , antequam si contra custodiam & quietem publicam moliri non fuerit deprehensus , renovato Apostolicae sedis auctoritate judicio in provincia , qua fuerit judicatus , forte inveniatur innoxius , Regia nostra potentia ad vestram veniat fretus , cum se authore damnato debeatur zelus rectitudinis , non clementia resolutionis : quae si non de eodem foramine , de eodem tamen conamine manarunt , de quo & anteriores fluxerunt , in quibus continetur , ut res omnes Hincmaro commissae Ecclesiae , donec ad propria reverteretur , nobis committeretis , ut indemnes consisterent , & aliquod dispendium non incurrerent . Unde , sicut vobis rescripsimus , & nunc iterum vobis scribere non piguit , sed exigente causa necessarium est : quia Reges Francorum ex Regio genere nati , non Episcoporum vicedomini , sed terrae Domini hactenus fuimus computati : & ut Leo ac Romana Synodus scripsit , Reges & Imperatores , quos terris divina potentia praecepit praeesse , jus distinguendorum negotiorum Episcopis sanctis juxta divalia constituta permiserunt ; non autem Episcoporum villici extiterunt . Et sanctus Augustinus dicit ; Per jura regum possidentur possessiones : non autem per Episcopale imperium Reges villici fiunt , actoresque Episcoporum . Et Dominus , Quae sunt Caesaris , Caesari : & quae sunt Dei , Deo reddi praecipit ; qui etiam censum regi reddidit . Et Apostolus voluit serviri Regibus , voluit honorari , et non conculcari Reges ; Regem , inquit , honorificate . Et iterum , Omnis , inquiens , anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit : Reddite ergo omnibus debita . Et paulo superius : Ideo necessitate subditi estote , non solum propter iram , sed & propter conscientiam . Et si revolueritis regesta decessorum ac praedecessorum vestrorum , talia mandata , sicut habentur in literis ex nomine vestro nobis directis per Actardum Episcopum , decessores nostros a decessoribus vestris accepisse nullatenus invenietis : Unde pauca de pluribus vobis scribere necessarium duximus . Sanctus Gregorius , merito vitae & sapientiae doctrina Apostolicae sedis Pontifex , & toti orbi colendus , Francorum Regibus Theodorico & Theodeberto praedecessoribus nostris , de praejudicio cujusdam Episcopi , non ita , ut vos nobis scripsistis , pro eo , qui pro meritis suis ac regulariter juste depositus est , scripsit hoc modo . Frater & coepiscopus noster Ursinus Taurinae Civitatis antistes , in parochiis suis , quae intra Regni vestri sunt terminos constitutae , grave omnino dicitur praeju●icium sustinere : adeo ut contra Ecclesiasticam observatiam , contraque Sacerdotalem gravitatem , & contra sacrorum Canonum definita , nullo ejus exigente crimine , alter illis nunc meruerit ordinari . Et quia parum visum est , si in licitis non jungerentur illicita , etiam res Ecclesiae suae ( ut fertur ) ablatae sunt . Quod si ita se veritas habet , quoniam nimis intolerabile est , ut virtute opprimeretur , cui culpa non nocuit , praemisso paternae salutationis alloquio , petimus , ut quod excellentia vestra amore Ecclesiasticae reverentiae , & aequitatis contemplatione , sponte potest impendere , nostrae studeat benignius intercessioni concedere : & justitiam illi , sicut de aequitatis ejus bona confidimus , faciat in omnibus custodiri , atque patefacta veritate , quod illicite actum est corrigi . Pro utilitate ergo animae vestrae haec apud vos nostra exhortatic locum inveniat , &c. Sed & ad Romanum Exarchum , minoris dignitatis , quam simus Dei gratia Regiae potestatis , de quodam Episcopo scripsit hoc modo . Pervenit ad nos , Blandum Ortonesis civitatis Episcopum , longo jam tempore , in civitate Ravennatia vestra excellentia detineri , & fit ut Ecclesia sine rectore , & populus quasi sine pastore grex fuit : & ibidem infante● pro p●ccatis absque baptismate moriantur . Et rursus . Quia non credimus , quod cum excellentia vestra , nisi ex aliqua probabilis excessus causa tenuerit , oportet , ut habita Synodo , palam fiat , si quod in eum crimen intenditur , & si talis in eo culpa reperiatur , quae ad usque degradationem Sacerdotii deducatur ; aliam ordinationem necesse est inquiramus , ne Ecclesia Dei in his , sine quibus eam Christiana non patitur esse Religio , inculta ac destituta maneat . Sin autem excellentia vestra aliter se habere , quam de eo quod dicitur esse , perspexerit , eum ad Ecclesiam suam reverti concedat , ut officium suum in commissis sibi animabus adimpleat . Quibus mandatis B. Gregorii praedecessoris vestri de his , qui nec dum judicio Synodali legaliter ac regulariter pro criminibus suis fuere depositi , collatis cum scriptis ex nomine vestro ac nobis directis , ex eo qui legaliter ac regulariter pro suis excessibus judicio Synodali habetur depositus , ut eum nostra fretum potentia Romam mittamus , quae potius sequenda sint , judicate . Nos autem authoritatem vestram judicaturam potius credimus , ut ea sequamur , quae decessores ac praedecessores vestri secundum Scripturarum tramitem , praedicationemque majorum scripserunt , quam illa , quae scriptor saepe dictae Epistolae ex nomine vestro nobis directae confinxit . Ait enim beatus Augustinus libro ad Jannuarium , Omnia talia , quae neque sanctarum Scripturarum auctoritatibus continentur , nec Conciliis Episcoporum statuta inveniuntur , nec consuetudine universalis Ecclesiae roborata sunt , resecanda existimo . Et S. Leo , de his quae a sacris Canonibus habentur ita praefixa , & eisdem Apostolicae sedis sunt promulgata decr●is , ut nullapossint ratione convelli , constituit ; Ut omni penitus autoritate fit vacuum , quicquid ab illorum fuerit constitutione diversum . Ac si cum Paulo diceret ; Quia sibi ipsi Apostolica sedes in suis constitutionibus esse non potest contraria ; Licet nos , aut Angelus de coelo Evangelizet vobis p●aeter quod Evangelizavimus vobis , anathema sit . Sed ut in controversia Quintiliani legitur , Floribus vafricia nebulonum veneficatis apes mortuas esse , quibus mellificandum fuerat ; De Scripturis sacris B. Petrus agi demonstrat , loquens de Pauli Epistolis , Quae indocti & instabiles , inquit , depravant , sicut & caeteras Scripturas ad suam ipsorum perditionem : Et de traditionibus Ecclesiasticis S. Innocentius , Dum , inquiens , unusquisque non quod traditum est , sed quod sibi visum fuerit , hoc existimat esse tenendum , inde diversa in diversis locis aut Ecclesiis , aut teneri , aut celebrari videntur , ac fit scandalum populis , qui , dum nesciunt traditiones antiquas humana praesumptione corruptas , putant sibi aut Ecclesiis non convenire , aut ab Apostolis vel Apostolicis viris contrarietatem inductam . Contra quem morbum S. Caelestinus salubre cunctis celebravit antidotum , dicens : Nulli Sacerdoti suos liceat Canones ignorare , nec quicquam facere quod Patrum regulis possit obviare . Quae enim a nobis res digna servabitur , si decretalium norma constitutorum , pro aliquorum libitu licentia populis permissa frangatur ? Et sanctus Gelasius in decretis suis : Patres nostri , Catholici videlicet & docti Pontifices , in unaquaque secta , quolibet tempore suscitata , quicquid pro fide , pro veritate , pro communione Catholica atque Apostolica , secundum Scripturarum tramitem , praedicationemque majorum , facta semel congregatione sanxerunt , inconvulsum voluerunt deinceps firmumque constare : nec in eadem causa denuo quae praefixa fuerant retractari , qualibet recenti praesumptione permiserunt . Videndum est igitur , quid hic trames sanctarum scripturarum , & praedicatio majorum definiant . Scriptum quippe legimus in sacra historia dixisse Dominum per Prophetam Josaphat Regi , Impio praebes auxilium , & his qui ●derunt Dominum amicitia jungeris : & idcirco iram quidem Domini merebaris , sed bona opera inventa suns in te , eo quod abstuleris lucos de terra Juda. Et in Evangelio semel & ●ecundo ac tertio monitum , & non obedientem ad correctionem debitam , Dominus sicut Ethnicum & publicanum jubet haberi . Et beatus Gregorius in decretis suis , sicut in gestis Synodi invenire potestis , pervasorem non solum rerum alienarum , sed etiam Ecclesiae sibi commissae anathematizatum definit : verum etsi alius hoc egerit , is qui praeest Ecclesiae , si hoc vel ipse fieri praecipit , vel sine sua praeceptione factum digna punire animadversione neglexerit , eum anathematizat : satis ergo mirari non possumus , unde scriptor Epistolae , nobis ex nomine vestro delatae , hanc legem apud se auro sculptam produxit , quam Dominus digito suo non scripsit ; nec scribendam cuiquam inspiravit , neque ordinatam per Angelos in manu Mediatoris illius dedit : quam non paganus indixit , non Christianus induxit , non Ecclesiasticus vir decrevit , quae de se sub isto coelo sicut non attramento manu justitiae , ita nec Spiritu Dei vivi scripta personuit : qua me Regem a Deo constitutum , et gladio ex utraque parte acuto : ultore scilicet nocentium & defensore innocentium in●ignitum , ad vindictam malefactorum , ut exponit Apostolus , laudem vero bonorum , rei atque damnati , atque anathematizari fautorem esse praecipit , jubemus ut Hincmarum sacrarum legum praevaricatorem , sancti Sacerdotii vituperatorem , Regiae dignitatis contra regulam Apostolicam dehortatorem , regni perturbatorem , perjurum , & seditionum authorem , Ecclesiae sibi commissae afflictorem , facultatum Ecclesiasticarum sacrilegum , fraudatorem , ac extirpatorem Episcoporum , ac totius populi nostrarum partium scandalizatorem , alienarum rerum pervasorem , & veniendo contra subscriptiones & professiones suas a scipso damnatum , potentia Regia frerum , Romam venire fac●amus . Quis igitur hanc universam legem infernus evomuit ? Quis tartarus de suis abditis & tenebrosis cumculis eructavit ? Contra quam literis sacris ostensa nobis est via , quam sequamur , apposita forma , cui impriimmur . Clamavit , inquit , Propheta ad Regem Israel , & ait : Servus tuus egressus est ad prae●●andum cominus : cumque fugisset vir unus , adduxit eum quidam ad me , & dixit : Custodi virum istum , qui fuerit lapsus , erit anima tua pro anima ejus , aut talentum argenti appendes . Dum autem ego turbatus huc illucque me v●rterem , subito non comparuit . Et ait Rex Israel ad eum , Hoc est judicium tuum , quod ipse decrevisti . At ille statimabstersit pulverem de facie sua , & cognovit eum Rex Israel , quod esset de Prophetis . Qui ait ad eum , Haec dicit tibi Dominus ; Quia dimisisti virum dignum morte 〈◊〉 manu tua , erit anima tua pro anima ejus , & populus tuus pro populo ejus . Reversus est igitur Rex Israel in domum suam audire contemnens , & furibundus venit in Samariam . Quaenam vos dementia coepit scientes dixisse Christum Dei virtutem & Dei sapientiam ? Per me Reges regnant , & conditores legum justa decernunt . Et sacri Canones ( sicut credimus , & in Apostolicis literis saepius regimus ) Spiritu Dei conditi , & totius mundi reverentia sunt consecrati ; propterea videamus , quid de hujusmodi sancti Canones & sacrae leges decernant : Ait enim S. Africanum Concilium , Et illud petendum ( quin apud terrae Principes ) statuere dignentur , ut si quis cujus●ibet honoris cl●ricus judicio Episcoporum quocumque crimine fuerit damnatus , non liceat eum sive ab Ecclesiis quibus praefuit ; sive a quolibet homine defensari , interposita poena damni , pecuniae atque honoris , quo nec aetatem , nec sexum excusandum esse praecipiant . Et tunc Valens , Gratianus & Valentinianus constituerunt , Vt quicunque residentibus Sacerdotibus fuerit Episcopali loco detrusus , & nomine ; si aliquid contra custodiam publicam , vel contra quietem moliri fuerit deprehensus ; rursumque Sacerdotium petere , a quo videtur expulsus , procul ab urbe quam infecit , secundum legem divae memoriae Gratiani , centum millibus vitam agat , sit ab eorum caetibus separatus , a quorum est societate discretus ; Sique hujusmodi personis illicatum , hujus legis tenore , sacra nostra adire secreta , & imperare scripta , omnibus abiectis per culpam Sacerdotio personis , quae impretata sunt infecta permoveant , scituris his , quorum defensione nituntur , absque sui praehensione non futurum , si hoc eis pollicetur suffragium , qui divinum no● videntur mer●●ie judicium . Unde & Leo Papa apud principalem potestatem petiit de Eutiche scandali & pravitatis authore , Ut ab eo loco , qui Constantinopolitanae urbi nimis vicinus erat , longius transferretur , ne frequentioribus solatiis eorum , quos ad impietatem suam traxit , uteretur . Et Gregorius Paulum Diadinae civitatis quondam Episcopum , quousque omne , quod dilapidavit , vel de substantia tulit Ecclesiae , restitueret , in monasterium mirtendum esse decrevit . Et si sorte post depositionem suam inverecunde ac mente perversa aliquando de Episcopatu loqui , aut rursus ad hoc qualibet aspirare praesumptione tentaverit , Dominici corporis & sanguinis communione privatum , in monasterio eum usque ad diem obitus sui , ad agendam poenitentiam retrudi , studio Joannis Primae Justinianae Episcopi jussit , ut perpetrati sceleris maculas dignus disceret fletibus emendare , juxta legem Justiniani imper . qui in libro Constitutionum decrevit . Ut si quis Episcopus explosus , ausus fuerit ingredi civitatem , d● qua repulsus est , vel exire de loco , in quo degere iussus est , jubemus eum in monasterio , in alia Provincia constituto tradi , ut quae in Sacerdotio peccavit , degens in monasterio corrigat . Quas leges ab Imp. et Regibus nostris yidelicet praedecessoribus , promulgatas atque decretas , nos immutilate et irrefragabiliter convenit conservare , sicut Apostolicae sedis Antistites ad Dominos & terrae Principes scripserunt : Ait enim Leo ad Leonem Augustum , Debes , inquiens , incunctanter advertere Regiam potestatem tibi non ad solum mundi regimen , sed maxime ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam , ut ausus nefarios comprimendo , quae bene sunt statuta , defendas , & veram pacem his , quae sunt turbata , restituas . Et Gelasius ad Anastasium : Etenim Imperator Auguste , si contra leges publicas aliquid ( quod absit ) quispiam fortasse tentaret , nulla id ratione potuisset admitti . Quas etiam leges principales authoritate promulgatas , non solum quibuscumque Episcopis , sed etiam ab ipsis Apostolicae sedis Pontificibus , ipsius primae sedis Antistites observari debere scripserunt , sicut beatus Leo ad Leonem Augustum scribe●s demonstrat , dicens , Non se refragari debere edicta Imperialia , vel ea quae sui decessores secundum tramitem scripturarum praedicationemque majorum statuerant . Si quae , inquiens , destruxi , ego aedifico , praevaricatorem me constituo , & eis me ultionum conditionibus subdo , quas non solum auctoritas beatae memoriae Principis Martiani , sed etiam ego mea consensione firmavi . Et S. Gelasius ad Anastasium Imperatorem , Si , inquit , quantum ad ordinem publicae pertinet disciplinae , cognoscentes imperium tibi superna dispositione collatum , legibus tuis ipsi quoque parent roligionis Antistites , ne vel in rebus mundanis excluso , videantur obviare sententiae : Quo , oro te , affectu eis convenit obedire , qui pro erogandis venerabilibus sunt attributi mysteriis . Quod & nos juxta hortamentum beati Gelasii incunctanter atque libenter exequi cupimus in his , quae ad suum ministerium pertinent , cunctis generaliter Sacerdotibus recte divina tractantibus , & potissime sedis illius Praesulis , quem cunctis Sacerdotibus divinitas summa voluit praeeminere , & subsequens Ecclesiae jugiter pietas celebravit : sicut nostri decessores ac progenitores orthodoxi Imperatores , & Reges egerunt , ut & Apostolicae sedis Pontifex , & reliqui Domini Sacerdotes nobis , quae a Deo sunt consecuta , exhibeant : Scientes sicut idem B. Gelasius dicit , Quoniam Christus memor fragilitatis humanae , quod suorum saluti congrueret , dispensatione magnifica temperavit , sic actionibus propriis , dignitatibusque distinctis officia potestatis utriusque discrevit , suosque volens medicinali humilitate salvari , non humana superbia rursus intercipi , ut & Christiani Principes pro aeterna vita Pontificibus indigerent , & Pontifices pro temporalium cursu rerum Imperialibus dispositionibus uterentur : quatenus spiritualis actio à carnalibus distaret incursibus : & ideo militans Deo minime se negotiis saecularibus implicaret , ac vicissim non ille rebus divinis praesidere videretur , qui esset negotiis saecularibus implicatus , ut & modestia utriusque ordinis curaretur , nec extolleretur utroque suffultus , & competens qualitatibus actionum specialiter professio aptaretur . Omnis Pontifex , inquit Apostolus , ex hominibus assumptus , pro hominibus constituitur in his quae sunt ad Deum , ut offerat dona & sacrificia pro peccatis , videlicet non solum pro populi , sed quia & ipse circundatus est infirmitate , pro suis . Et Regis est regni negotia dispensare , sicut inculcant literae divinitus inspiratae . Quia ergo sanctarum Scripturarum tramite , & praedicatione majorum ostenditur sancto etiam attestante Galesio , Quia duo sunt , quibus principaliter mundus hic regitur , auctoritas sacra Pontificum , & Regalis potestas . Et per Regem Regum , ac summum Pontificem cunctorum Pontificum , qui solus Rex & Sacerdos fieri potuit , Conditores legum justa decernunt : Quas leges Principales potestates appellaverunt aeternas , & sacri Canones Spiritu Dei sunt conditi , & totius mundi reverentia consectati , & ut beatus Ambrosius ad Valentinianum dicit , Legis Imperator fert , quas primus ipse custodiat , quia quod praescripsit aliis , praescripsit sibi , ne cui esset liberum aliud judicare . Et beatus Augustinus dicit , Quia postquam leges subscriptae fuerint & firmatae , non licet judici de ipsis judicare , sed secundum ipsas : Quia secundum Pontificale Ministerium vestrum , regio ministerio nostro monita vestrae paternitatis obedienter ac libenter cupimus obaudire : patimini nos ea servare , quae praedecessores vestri ac nostri de hujusmodi , unde agitur , constituerunt , & roborantes servando , quae gesta sunt , rata doceamus esse debere , quae gerimus . Nam quomodo leges Principum rite vocabuntur aeternae , si transeuntibus principibus , una cum eis constitutio legis transibit ? Et Papa Symmachus ad Eonium ; Dum , inquit , ad Trinitatis instar , cui una est atque individua potestas unum , sit per diversos Antistites Sacerdotium , quomodo priorum statuta a sequentibus convenit violari ? Huc accedit , quod sibaec eveniat sententiarum varietas ad ipsam sacrosanctam religionem credimus pertinere , cujus omnis potestas infringitur , nisi universa , quae a Domini Sacerdotibus semel statuuntur perpetua sint . Quod alias contingere poterit , si successor decessoris actibus non tribuerit firmitatem , & roborando quae gesta sunt , faciat rata esse quae gesserit ? Quanta enim Vicariis B. Petri Apostoli judicabitur esse reverentia , si quae in Sacerdotio praecipiunt , eisdem transeuntibus dissolvantur . Vniversa , inquit , perpetua sint , quae a Domini Sacerdotibus statuuntur , qui ut Moyses , ea quae statuunt ab oraculo divino suscipiunt : non quae ab his statuuntur , de quibus per Prophetam dicitur : Vae his qui condunt leges iniquas , & scribentes injustitiam scripserunt . Et nihilominus , quae a Vicariis B. Petri costituuntur maneant inconvuls● . Quia ut Leo dicit , nec nimia est severitas vel remissio , ubi nihil constituitur , nisi quod ex beati Petri aequitate profertur . Haec enim scimus esse Canonica , scimus esse Apostolica auctoritate robrata , & Apostolicae sedis decreta , quae , ut Gelasius dicit , unamquamque Synodum & sua auctoritate confirmat , & continua modo ratione custodit , pro suo scilicet principatu , quem B. Petrus Apostolus Domini voce , praeceptum , Ecclesia nihilominus subsequente , & tenuit semper & retinet . Et paulo superius . Confidimus quod nullus jam veraciter Christianus ignorat , uniuscu●usque Synodi constitutum , quod universalis Ecclesiae probavit assensus , nullum magis exequi sedem prae caeteris oportere , quam primam . Et item idem . Cumque nobis contra salutarium reverentiam regularum cupiamus temere licere , & cum sedes Apostolica super his omnibus favente Domino , quae paternis Canonibus sunt praefixa , pio devotoque studeat tenere proposito , satis indignum est , quenquam , vel Pontificum , vel ordinum subsequentium , hanc observantiam refutare , quam B. Petri sedem & sequi videat & docere : Satisque conveniens sit , ut totum corpus Ecclesiae in hac sibimet observatione concordet , quam illic videre conspiciat , ubi Dominus Ecclesiae totius posuit principatum . Et de sacris legibus , quas una cum Sanctis Canonibus Catholica observat Ecclesia , idem Gelasius , ut praemisimus , dicit in Epistola ad Anastasium Imperatorem , Quantum , inquiens , ad ordinem publicae pertinet disciplinae , cognoscentes imperum tibi superna dispositione collatum , legibus tuis ipsi quoque parent Religionis Antistites , ne vel in rebus mundanis exclusae videantur obviare sententiae . Et cum ita sacrae leges , tam Ecclesiasticae quam mundanae , de damnato Episcopali & Synodali Concilio decernant , non est nostri Regii ministerii , reum & sacrorum Canonum judicio condemnatum , atque Apostolicae sedis definitione , sicut in gestis Synodi invenire potestis , anathematizatum , nostra potentia fretum quoquam dirigere : cum apertissime sacri Canones definiant , & leges Justiniani ac caeterorum Imperatorum Catholicorum edicta qualiter , & pro quibus & a quibus debeat Episcopus judicari ; & post judicium , quid & qualiter , & per quos sit inde Apostolicae sedis agendum : quae non abnuimus , sed incunctanter & competenter annuimus . A quibus definitionibus nulli est licitum deviare : quia , ut S Hilarus Papa dicit , Non minus in Sanctarum traditionum delinquitur sanctiones , quam in injuriam ipsius Domini prosilitur . Quocirca , quia Dominus dicit per Prophetam , Labia Sacerdotis custodient scientiam , & legem requirent ex ore ejus , quia Angelus , id est , nuncius Domini exercituum est ; Nolite permittere nobis scribi ex vestrae authoritatis nomine , quae in legibus sacris , Dei sapientia conditis , & in sanctis regulis Spiritu promulgatis , non continentur , dicente item Propheta , id est , Sacerdoti praecipiente , Audiens nunciabis eis ex me , ex me inquit , & non ex te , Et redarguuntur , qui de corde suo loquuntur . Quoniam , qui à semetipso loquitur , gloriam proprium quaerit : Nolite igitur , ●t praemisimus , ex vestro nomine , vel Apostolicae sedis authoritate , visiones vel excommunicationum intentationes contra sacrarum scripturarum tramitem , praedicationemque majorum ac sacrarum legum , sanctorumque Canonum constitutiones nobis de caetero scribi cuiuscunque instinctu permittere precamur . Quia scitis , & scimus , totum esse irritum , quicquid ab eorum fuerit constitutione diversum . Dicitur , inquit S. Leo , à Domino beatissimo Petro , Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum , & quemcunque solveris super terram , erunt soluta & in coelis . Transivit quidem etiam in alios Apostolos jus istius potestatis , & ad omnes Ecclesiae principes decreti hujus constitutio commeavit : sed non frustrauni commendatur , quod omnibus intimatur . Petro enim ideo hoc singulariter creditur , quia cunctis Ecclesiae rectoribus Petri forma praeponitur . Manet ergo Petri privilegium , ubi ex ipsius aequitate fertur ●udicium : Qua sententia constat , quia non manet Petri privilegium , ubi ex ipsius a quitate non fertur judicium . Cum enim ubicunque dicitur , sicuti nullus locus , ita nemo rector Ecclesiae , ex Petri aequitate judicium . Cum enim ubicunque dicitur , sicuti nullus locus , ita nemo rector Ecclesiae ex Petri aequitate judicum ferens excipitur , vel contra illius aequitatem judicium proferens commendatur . Et quia ubicunque sine ulla exceptione non manet Petri privilegium , ubi ex ipsius aequitate non fertur judicium , prolatum obaudiemus jussum , vel recipiemus judicium , quod non ex Petri aequitate fuerit prolatum ac per hoc ipsius privilegio fuerit destitutum ? De quo Episcopali judicio , quid cunctis Episcopis sequendum , & quid Ecclesiae filiis sit tenendum atque servandum , B. Gregorius sufficienter inculcat . Ergo jubete & judicate privilegio magni Petri juxta aequitatis ejus judicium , quae jubenda & judicanda sunt . Ne , ut dicit ejus Coapostolus , vituperetur ministerium vestrum . Quia & nos secundum regium ministerium nostrum , quantum ex nobis est cupimus servare quod scriptum est , Filii , obedite parentibus vestris in Domino , videlicet , quod fuerit jussum , vel indicatum a Domino : dicente illo singulis , quia pro patribus , Apostolis Ecclesiae , nati sunt filii , Apostolici viri : Tu autem audiens nunciabis eis ex me . Divina quippe nos lectio docet , quia nec etiam Balaam satis superque a Rege Balac petitus , licet medicamento avaritiae delinitus in concilio dando corruptus ostenderit , ullo tamen aut ullius instinctu in judicio justitiae aliud loqui adversus Israel persuaderi vel extorqueri potuit , quam quod a Domino audivit . De eo , quod in literis ex nomine vestro nobis directis habetur , Ut veniente Hincmaro Romam , veniat accusator idoneus , qui nulla possit auctoritate legitima respui : rescribimus : Quia licet haec commendatio nulla sit ratione atque auctoritate suffulta , si forte apud vos exlex solus Hincmarus nova lege priscis tam publicis , quam Ecclesiasticis contraria , imo ordine novoque more habetur , ut non nisi a vobis et Romae valeat judicari pro his excessibus , de quibus habentur certa sacrorum Canonum ac legum decreta : Quae , ut Leo dicit , nulla possunt ratione convelli , cum etiam de causa fidei , ut dicit Gelasius , cuicumque Pontifici licet secundum regulam erroris ante damnati , quemlibet a Catholica communione discernere ; Et ego ita exors ab omnibus accusationibus , non solum ab his quibus legaliter & regulariter accusandi adversus seipsum denegatur licentia , verum & ab his quibus in propriis causis accusatio non negatur : ut sicut leges & regulae jubent , in Provincia , in qua sunt orta negotia , terminari non valeant , & secundum Antiochenos Canones , Provincialium Synodorum non debeant experiri examen . Si vobis vias cum voluntate & consensu dilectissimi nepotis nostri Imperatoris vestri , contra cujus dilectionem & debitum honorem vobis exhibere studuerit , illuc ire non volumus , obtinueritis , cooperante Domino , pace in regno nostro contra Paganos virtute vel quacunque dispositione Dei obtenta , Romam venire congruo tempore non differemus . Et quia illum legaliter aut regulariter in Synodo Episcoporum , plurimarum Provinciarum de certis causis accusavimus , idoneum nos accusatorem illius ostendemus : & tantos testes idoneos diversi ordinis ac dignitatis nobiscum ducemus , cum quibus eum legaliter ac regulariter nos accusasse , & comprobasse , sufficientissime comprobabimus . Tandem , quia vos non legisse , vel audisse collegimus ex literis ab Actardo Episcopo nobis delatis , quae antea per illum paternitati vestrae direximus , iterato scribimus ea , quae tunc scripseramus , deprecantes vos in omnipotentis Dei honore , & Sanctorum Apostolorum veneratione , ut tales inhonorationis nostrae Epistolas , taliaque mandata , sicut hactenus ex nomine vestro suscepimus , nobis , et regni nostri Episcopis ac Primoribus de caetero non mandetis , et non compellatis nos mandata , et Epistolas vestras inhonorandas contemnere , et missos vestros dehonorare , qui , vobis , in his , quae ad vestrum ministerium pertinent , si tamen ministerium vestrum , cupimus obtemperare . Quae pro vestri honore privilegii vobis dicimus , quia vobis , sicut revera Vicario B. Petri Apostolorum Principis , in omnibus debite ac competenter obedire desideramus , & ne aliter eveniat cavere per omnia cupimus , ac vestram sanctitatem id ipsum cavere humili prece deposcimus : ne nos & nostros satis invitos ad id cogatis convertere quod in quinta Universali Synodo , a sede Apostolica ut in Apostolicis literis , praecipue autem in Synodica B. Gregorii ad quatuor Patriarchas , & in aliis ejus Epistolis , una cum quatuor praecedentibus legimus collandatum atque susceptum invenitur , nobis tenendum . Quod adhuc nostris literis ad exemplum inserere no luimus donec sciamus , si duritiam mandatorum vestrorum erga nos aliter ad benignitatem inflectere poterimus . Quia quod ex Apostolicae sedis nomine secundum sanctarum Scripturarum tramitem , praedicationemque majorum & orthodoxorum decreta scribuntur , sequendum & tenendum non ignoravimus ; et quod secus a quoquam fuerit compilatum sive confictum , non solum respuendum , sed et redarguendum esse cognoscimus . Si denique aliter quam nos & vos decuerat , reverendistimae paternitati vestrae rescribendo , factus sum insipiens , vos me coegistis . Petimus autem omnipotentem Dominum ut inspiret cordi vestro sic nos benigne tractare , quatenus ulterius nobis non sit necesse vobis ita rescribere . Sed ut cupimus in veneratione Apostolorum Apostolico Pontificio vestro humiliter ac devote colla & corda submittere . Deus omnipotens ad honorem & salutationem , atque exaltationem sanctae suae Ecclesiae , vos per multa annorum curricula conservare dignetur , Domine sanctissime & reverendissime pater in Domino . Hincmarus Archbishop of Rhemes with his Suffragans , and four other Archbishops of France with their Suffragans , by command of this King Charles , in their respective Synods , compiled several Canons and Ecclesiastical decrees , which they presented to the King and his Nobles , to confirm and ratify ; Upon perusal , they finding some of them entrenching upon the Kings prerogative ; the Priviledges of the Nobles , and peoples Liberties , and giving overmuch power to the Bishops by enlarging their Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions , the Nobles would by no means assent unto them , but only selected 21. out of 88. of their Canons , * rejecting all the rest , which 21. were confirmed by King Charles , and published in his Name with this Title ; [ a ] Karoli Hludovici Imp. F. Capitula , printed in [ b ] Fredericus Lindebregus , with this preface to them . Haec quae sequuntur Capitula excerpta sunt a Domino Rege Carolo , Domini Hludovici Imp. Filio , & Principibus ejus , ex Capitulis quae anno DCCCXLVI . ediderant * Episcopi in Synodis , Wenilo scilicet cum Suffraganeis suis ; Guntboldus cum Suffraganeis suis ; Ursmarus cum Suffraganeis suis ; Hincmarus cum Suffraganeis suis ; Amalo cum Suffraganeis suis : et oblata sunt ( some time after ) eidem Principi , sicut ipse jusserat , collecta ad relegendum , in Sparnaco Villa Remensis Ecclesiae . Et quia , factione qudrundam , motus est animus ipsius Regis contra Episcopos , dissidentibus regni sui Primoribus ab eorundem Episcoporum admonitione , et remotis ab eodem Concilio Episcopis , ex omnibus illis Capitulis , Haec tantum observanda et complacenda sibi collegerunt , et Episcopis scripto tradiderunt ; dicentes , Non amplius de eorum Capitulis acceptasse , quam ista , et ista se velle cum Principe observare . A memorable clear Evidence , 1. That no Ecclesiastical Canons and Constitutions made by Archbishops and Bishops in their Synods , were obligatory , or valid , unlesse first examined , approved by Kings and their Nobles , to whom they were usually presented for their examination , & ratified , if approved by them . 2ly . That the Nobles , as well as Kings and Emperors , had a negative voice in Councils and Synods , to reject Canons or Constitutions when made and drawn up in them by the Bishops . 3ly . That they rejected such of them as they deemed prejudicial to the Crown , their own or the peoples Priviledges , or enlarged the Bishops Ecclesiastical Authority beyond its due antient limits , which the Bishops were over prone to amplify in most of their Synods , as well as Popes ; that so they might tyrannize over Kings , Nobles , and Laymen at their pleasures . Anno 876. there was a General Synod ( as the Romanists stile it ) assembled at Constantinopl , consisting of 373. Bishops ; a wherein these particulars are observable ; 1. That it was summoned by the Emperor Basilius his industry , about the restitution of Ignatius to the See of Constantinople , of which he was deprived by Michael the Emperor , and to remove Photius , intruded into it in his room . 2ly . That Pope Adrian the 2d . writ to this Emperor , importuning him to summon this Council . 3dly . That this Pope sent his Legates to it . 4ly . That this Emperor Basilius , though he advanced the Popes Supremacy over the Greek Church in a great measure in this Council , yet in exordio Synodi ita locutus est ; Cum divina et benignissima providentia NOBIS GUBERNACULA UNIVERSALIS NAVIS ( Ecclesiae ) COMMISISSET , ( not to the Pope , or Patriarch of Constantinople , the two competitors for this trust ) omne studium arripu●●us , et ante publicas curas Ecclesiasticas , Ecclesiasticas dissolvere et procellas , quae per multos annos ex invidia odientis bonum Satanae expansae sunt , in stabilem tranquilitatem per meliorem quandam provisionem transferre , &c. Igitur iis quae prava vobis omnibus esse videbantur et aspera , in vias planas imperatoria diligentiaet studio nostro translatis , commonemus et hortamur omnes vos fratres , ut cum multo pondere et reverentia conveniatis ad sanctam hanc et universalem Synodum , tanquam ad communem et universis aptam , atque sine labore medelam , nullam vitiosam motionem , vel affectum ferentes , nec ad contentiosam voluntatem respicientes , sed potius vinci bene , quam vincere periculose ac injuste sitientes . Sic enim unusquisque qui vitiatum interiorem patitur hominem , sanitatem recipiet , et aeternam salutem percipiet , &c. 5ly . That Photius the Patriarchand his followers summoned to and entring into this Synod , * Actio 4. & 5. would give no answer at all to the Questions demanded of them by the Popes Legats , nor acknowledge their authority : wherupon the Legates spake thus to the Princes , Principibus , qui jussu Basi●i Imperatoris interfuerunt Interrogate illos magni , fortissimi , & gloriosissimi Principes , an illi qui introterunt , faciunt libellum hoc ? That Actio 7. Bahanis Patricius , et Praepositus , dixit ad Synodum , Photio praesente , cum Episcopis suis , Sanctus Imperator noster vult facere also cutionem ad istos per me indignum servum suum . Whereupon Sanctissimi Vicarii senioris Romae ●●ixerunt ; Sicut jubet Imperium ejus . Bahanis dixit , Hortatorie alloquitur vos Imperator ; Homines , 〈…〉 , estis ? &c. Episcopi Photii dixerunt ; Deus custodiat Imperatorem nostrum , Verbum petivimus impunitatis , ut diceremus negocia nostra cum fiducia , & non accepimus , ( according to the Emperors promise ) quantum ergo habemus loqui , &c. After many discourses between Bahanis and them , Bahanis dixit ; Per Imperatorem nostrum sanctum nihil prohibemini , jubet enim , vult et acquiescit ut loquamini : Sed viaentes Judices convicia vestra ( Judices dicit Vicarios Papae & Patriarcham , as Binius informs us in his Marginal Note ) Episcopi Photii dixerunt ; et nos Iudices ipsos non recipimus . After many more discourses , answers and replies between them and Bahanis , speaking in the name and by the command of the Emperor , Photius and his Bishops would by no means submit to the Judgement of the Pope and Patriarch , or their Delegates , as unfit and partial Judges in this case . 6ly . That Justinian was in truth President and chief Judge in this Synod , not the Popes Legates ; as is evident 1. By his Oration in the beginning of this Synod , Action 1. 2ly . By his elegant Oration to Photius , and his Bishops , * and the whole Synod , exhorting them all to Peace , unity , humility and reconciliation , Action 2. & 5. with his Oration to them at the cioze of this Synod , and his & Bahanis Interlocutory Speeches therein recorded , worthy reading , over-long to insert . 3ly . By giving Photius & his Bps. 7. days respite to consider whether they would submit and comply , or not , Action 6. 4ly . By these his memorable Questions propounded to the Synod and others when they had finished their Canons and Sentences . Quisquis habet aliquid adversus hanc Sanctam et Vniversalem Synodum dicendum , aut contra hujus Canones aut terminum , stet in medio , et quae sibi videntur edicat , sive Episcopus sit , sive quisquam de Ecclesiastio Clero , sive Laicus , aut ex iis qui civilibus officiis mancipantur , existat : Licentiam damus omnibus , ut qui in mente habet quid ambiguum de iis , quae decreta sunt in hac sancta Synodo , hoc in medium exhibeat , et suscipiat satisfactione salubre remedium , &c. Qui ergo habet quid dicendum , dicat dum haec celebratur : Nam soluta sancta & universali Synodo , qui apparuerit Ecclesiae Dei contradicens , aut non communicans ei , sive Episcopus sit , sive absolutè Sacerdos , sive dignitate aliqua praeditus , vel aliqua conversatus , veniam ab Imperio nostro minime consequetur , sed juste condemnabitur , et a civitate nostra pelletur ut corruptor et pestilens , et membrum putridum et inutile , et commune corpus Ecclesiae violans . 5ly . When the Acts of this Synod were publikely read , Post Lectionem , Basilius amicus Christi , & magnus Imperator dixit , Dicat nunc quicunque voluerit ex sedentibus in hac sancta et universali Synodo , in quo istorum haesitet vel ambiget , quae nunc lecta sunt . Sancta Synodus exclamavit , Omnibus placent quae lecta sunt ; omnes eisdem ipsis concordamus , omnes libenter subscribimus . Item , post lectum ter : inum Synodi , Basilius Imperator ad Synodum dixit ; Dicat nunc Sancta & Universalis Synodus , Si omnibus sanctissimis Episcopis concordantibus ac consentientibus praesens terminus sit depromptus ; oportet enim divina quaeque cum universorum consensu et concordantia in Ecclesiastis praedicari et confirmari collegus . Sancta Synodus dixit , Omnes ita sapimus , omnes ita praedicamus ; omnes concinentes & consentientes prompte subscribimus . Hoc est veritatis judicium , hoc est justitiae decretum , &c. 6ly . By his and the other Emperors approbations and ratifications of the Acts of this Synod by their Subscriptions in this form , after all the Bishops and their Delegates had subscribed them . Post quos tandem subscripserunt Imperatores his verbis . Basilius , Constantinus , & Leo , perpetui Augusti , Christo Deo fideles Principes Romanorum , et magni Imperatores sanctam hanc et universalem Synodum suscipientes , et omnibus quae ab ipsa definita et scripta sunt , concordantibus , subscribimus manu propria . To which subscription , Benius subjoyns this his observation : In qua subscriptione Imperatorum , hoc obiter advertendum est , quod aiunt quidem , suscipientes et concordantes , non autem definientes ; id enim Episcoporum est , non Principum : when as all the premised Presidents of former Councils resolve , that Emperors and Kings had the chiefest hand in prescribing , enacting , defining , confirming , as well as receiving and assenting to their Acts and Constitutions ; And the Popes Legates presiding and representing his person therein , subscribed only consensi , not definientes , * which the Greek Bishops only used . 7ly . There fell out a Notable difference between the Popes Legates and the Greek and Oriental Bishops , about the form of subscribing the Acts and Canons of this Synod . Cum ad subscriptionem actus esset res deducta , Pontificii deprehendunt , Graecos de suo exemplari de Epistola Nicholai , ea quae de la●de Imp. Ludovici erant scripta , avulsisse , propterea quod moleste ferrent alii Imperatoris et Caesaris nomen tribui , quam suo Domino : quare oboritur ea de re contentio . Romani subscribere denegant , nisi illa restituatur . Graeci respondent , in actis Synodalibus non esse de Imp. sed de Solius Domini laude tractandum . Romani autem metuentes sui Pontificis severitatem , indefinite subscribunt ; * Ego Donatus Dei gratia Episcopus Ostiensis Ecclesiae , locum obtinens Domini mei Adriani , huic sanctae ac universali Synodo praesidens , usque ad voluntatem ejusdem eximii Praesulis ad omnia ut superius legitur consensi , & manu propria subscripsi . Eodem modo & alii duo Legati subscripserunt . His peractis , quidam ex Graecorum Episcopis Imperatorem adeunt , & queruntur , per libellos , quod initio scribere , juxta formam Pontificis coacti sunt , Constantinopolitanam Ecclesiam plane in potestate Romani Pontificis esse , nec posse unquam libertatem pristinam recuperari , nisi libelli Pontificiis extorqueantur , et sibi reddantur . Agitur ea de re magna contentione cum Pontificiis , ac aegerrime impetratur restitutio . After which Ignatius the restored Patriarch of Constantinople subscripsit sic : Ignatius misericordia Dei Ecclesiae Constantinopoleos , Novae Romae sanctam hanc & universalem Synodum suscipiens , & omnibus quae ab ea judicata & scripta sunt , concordans , & definiens subscripsi manu propria . Eadem forma usi sunt etiam Legati Patriarcharum Orientis ; whereby they avoyded the snare they were like to be intangled in by the Popes Legates policy . * 9ly . That there fell out another difference and hot contest between the Roman Legates and Grecians in this Council , to whose Jurisdiction the Bulgarians ( newly converted to the faith ) should belong ; whether to the Pope and Church of Rome , or the Greek Church and Patriarch of Constantinople ? they having Greek a Preists that converted , preached to , and resided among them , before the Pope sent any Latin Priests to convert them ; This was left undecided , Ignatius refusing to give away the right of his See to the Pope , though restored by his means ; or to read the Popes Letter to him , not to send any Greek Priest among the Bulgarians , though conjured by him not to do it . 10ly . * That the Popes Legates returning to Rome . were taken prisoners by the Sclavi , & bonis omnibus atque autentico , in quo omnes subscriptiones erant , privati , qui Imperialibus & Apostolicis literis vix liberati , sine autentico actorum libro revertuntur : so that Surius and other Romanists having no authentick Copies of this Synod , have foisted into the fragments of it many passages making for the Popes and Church of Romes Supremacy , the Clergies power , but against the Emperors Jurisdiction , & Laymens presence , votes in Councils in matters of faith , and Ecclesiastical affairs ( out of Pope Nicholas , and Adrians Letters ) which was never assented to , nor recorded in the Authentick Acts of this Synod , wherein * Bahanis a Layman bare chief sway . 11ly . That Laurentius Surius himself hath prefixed before his imperfect fragments and Epitome of its Actions , De octavo Synodo admonitio ad Lectorem , viz. Triplicem Octavam Constantinopoli habitam Synodum , historiae loquuntur . Primam , in qua praeter fas ejecto Ignatio , repente ex aulico & neophyto creatus est Constantinopolitana Urbis Antistes Photius . Alteram , quae pulso Photio , restituit suae sedi Ignatium . Tertiam , sub Johanne Octavo Romano Pontifice , qui mortuo Ignatio , pacis conciliandae causa Photium Constantinopolitanis Episcopum reddidit . Ex his mediam , docti viri Octavam recte ac merito oecumenicam censent dici oportere , tametsi Graeci quidem aliter sentire videantur , quorum judicia non sunt magni penaenda . Semper enim illi quadam a mulatione feruntur erga Latinam Ecclesiam , & difficile est morosis ingeniis per omnia satisfacere , &c. Sed iis omissis , hoc te lector admonitum volumus , nos dare quidem in praesentiarum legendam tibi Octavam Synodum , sed ita tamen , ut multa ex ejus Actionibus desiderentur . Neque enim habuimus exemplar integrum , sed ab illis mutua● sumus , qui in compendium & epitomen ipsas Actiones redigere voluerint . Sub finem tamen quaedam adjuximus , ex aliis bona fide collectis , ad eandem Synodum pertinentia . 2ly . It is observable , that the true cause of Photius his deposition , and Ignatius his restitution by the Emperor Basilius , and this Synod , was , because * Basilius prohibitus fuit a Communione per Photium Patriarcham , propter caedem Michaelis Imperatoris ; not because he was made Patriarch in his stead , being a meer Courtier and Layman before , against the Canons ; St. Ambrose , with sundry others being made Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , yea Popes , in the Eastern and Western Churches , and England , though mere Laymen and Courtiers when elected ; yea after Ignatius his death , Photius was restored to his Patriarchship notwithstanding this exception . 13ly . It is worthy consideration what advantage Pope Nicholas the 1. and Adrian the 2d made of these schisms and differences between Ignatius and Michael , Photius and Basilius , Patriarchs and Emperors of Constantinople , to advance their own usurped Supremacy over the Greek Emperors and Church , all other Princes , Prelates , and Councils themselves , if their Epistles , Rescripts registred by Gratian and others be genuine , not forged , as many justly repute them . For Pope Nicholas in his Letters to the Emperor Michael , upon the complaint of Ignatius , that he was unjustly deposed by the Emperor , took upon him not only most insolently to revile , check , and trample upon the Emperor Michael , but likewise to inlarge his own Papal power beyond all bounds , and to deny , abridge , abolish the Emperors antient Ecclesiastical Right and Jurisdiction : * averring , 1. That Popes have an Universal Jurisdiction over all Patriarchs , Archbishops , and Bishops , to receive appeals from , and restore them to their Sees whereof they were deprived , either by Emperors , Kings or Councils , by their Papal authority . 2. That Popes have power to summon General , National or Provincial Synods for this purpose , without Emperors or Kings assents ; and to enjoyn Emperors to suppresse all Councils , Synods enacting any thing to the prejudice of the Pope or Church of Rome , as meer wicked Conventicles . 3ly . That Emperors , Kings , or Laymen ought not to be present , much lesse to preside in any Synods or Councils where Ecclesiastical matters are debated , nor have any authority to intermeddle with , or to make Lawes , Constitutions for the Church or Clergy , but only Popes and Bishops . 4ly . That Emperors and Kings have no right , power to judge or dethrone Popes , Bishops , or other Clergy-men , for any crimes , nor yet to elect , promote , constitute Bishops , or confer Bishopricks , but only Popes and their Delegates . 5ly . That Popes may judge , excommunicate , depose , Emperors , Kings and other Laymen . 7ly . That the Jurisdiction , power , office of Emperors and Kings , is confined by God and Christ , only to worldly or secular , not extended to Ecclesiastical , religious , or divine affairs , which belong wholly and solely to Popes , Bishops , and Church-men . 7ly . That Popes and Prelates by their Canons and Constitutions may repeal , null , controll the Lawes , Edicts of Kings , or Emperors ; but they can neither null nor repeal their Canons , Constitutions , nor act ought against them . These with other Antichristian Paradoxes Pope Adrian broached , decreed , upon the score of Ignatius , and his successors have since incorporated them into the body of their Canon Lawes . a After the death of Caro●us Calvus , Pope John the 9th . intended to make and Crown Ludovicus Balbus Emperor , but the Senate and Citizens of Rome standing for Carolus Crassus , against the bribed Pope , who persisted obstinate , they thereupon cast him into prison , from whence he escaping , fled into France for succour , and there Crowned Ludovicus Balbus Emperor : Charles in the mean time seising upon Rome , called the Pope out of France to Rome by menaces ; who returning thither upon his summons , crowned Charles Emperor in Rome , to purchase his peace with him , that so he might safely reside there . An Argument of his Supremacy over this Pope . b Pope Martin the 2d . Seditione & malis artibus Pontificalem dignitatem acquisivit ; whereupon , Primo , huius tempore , non expectabatur Caesaris authoritas in creando Pontifice , nec quaerebatur eius admissio ; which till then was customarily required . Ita paulatim sese Pontifices Imperatorum potestate exuerunt , ut facilius eos tum demum contererent pedibus . Sed eo foelicius provenit Ecclesiae & Urbi , quod in tam male acquisito Papatu , diutius non duraverit ; writes Balaeus , he dying within 13. months after . c Pope Hadrian the 3d. statim post initum Pontificatum nactus opportunitatem , per Caroli Crassi absentiam , qui tunc exercitum ab Italia in Normannos diripientes Galliam eduxerat ; encouraged by his predecessors Usurpations upon the Emperors antient right in the election and confirmation of Popes , proceeded one step further , utterly to abolish it for the future . Tantae audaciae & supercilii fuit , ut mox adepto Papatu , Decretum faceret , ut in creando Pontifice , non amplius expectaretur Imperatoris authoritas , sed ut Romae semper essent libera & Cleri & popul . suffragia . If we believe Gratian , this Decree of his ( or another after it ) extended further , even to deprive all Emperors & Kings of their rights in electing , promoting , or confirming any Bishops : * Nullus Laicorum Principum vel p●t●ntum semet inserat electioni aut promotioni Patriarchae , Metropolitae , aut cujuslibet Episcopi , n● videlicet inordinata & incongrua fiat electio , vel confusio , vel contentio : praesertim cum nullam in talibus potestatem quemque potestativorum vel caeterorum Laicorum hab●re convenia : & infra . Quisquis saecularium Principum vel potentum vel alterius dignitatis Laicus adversus communem consonantem atque Canonicam electio●em Ecclesiastici ordinis agere tentaverit , anathema sit , donec obediat & consentiat quicquid Eccl●sia de electio●… & ordinatione proprii praesulis se velle monstraverit . From this Antichristian Decree , controuling the practi●e of the Church , and revoking the undoubted right both of Emperors , Kings , Princes , and Lay-men , in the election of Bishops in all preceding ages , Crantzius ( and Balaeus out of him ) observes ; Sic ausi sunt Pontifices ac Romanorum improbitas , Imperatores suos contemnere dum Imperii virtus elangueret : Unde quod antecessores sui multis am annis parturierant , ipse uno foetu edito , in lucem protulit . Porro hanc rem tentavit Prior Nicholaus primus : sed ad effectum , ut ipsi loquuntur , non perduxit . Atque hic perpende 〈◊〉 , quomodo per hoc Decretum , jus Imperatoribus omne quod in Pontificem atque Vrbem Romanam habuere , sit ademptum : Ita ut in hoc foetu Pontifices magno cum Triumpho , superiores ac victores evaserint . Videbis eos adhuc majora tentare , & non cessare donec sese extulerint super omne quod dicitur Deus , aut quod colitur , 2 Thes . 2. ut dicant ejus adoratores , Quis similis bestiae ? aut quis poterit pugnare cum ea ? Apoc. 13. Sed nec diu superstes marsit hic Adrianus post depressam authoritatem Caesaream ; Anno enim Domini 886. ex hac vita repente migravit , cum magnam de ipso spem concepissent Papicolae . d Rhemigius Antissiodorensis Episcopus , who flourished under Carolus Calvus , and Crassus , in his Enarrationes in Psalmos , Psal . 50. Tibi soli peccavi : hath this Exposition : Alii si peccant , Regi , qui judex positus est , peccant & Deo. Rex si peccat , soli Deo peccat , quia solus Deus punit eum ; not the Pope . e The Council of Mentz , under Arnulphus the Emperor , Cap. 1 , 2. decreed : Statuimus , ut oratio ab omnibus nobis tam pro glorioso Rege Arnulpho , seu etiam & pro gloriosissima conjuge sua , ne●non & prostatu totius Christianitatis , prout nos debitores esse cognoscimus , in Ecclesiis nostris quotidie celebretur . Ut annuncietur glorioso Regi nostro & Domino Arnulpho , quid sit Rex , quidve vocari 〈◊〉 . Rex a r●cte rege●●●●o vocatur . Si enim pie , et juste , et misericorditer regit , merito Rex appellatur , &c. ( as in the Council of Paris , * forecited . ) Eos quibus temporaliter imperat dictis atque exemplis , ad opus pietatis , justitiae et misericordiae solerter excitet , attendens , quod pro his Deo rationem redditurus sit , &c. as the Council of Paris de●i●ed . f In the Council of M●ts , ( Concilium Metense ) the Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , and Priests , cum Comitibus , et pluribus Nobilibus et Deum timentibus viris , adfuerunt ; by the Emperor Arnulphus his order ; ubi pari voto , parique consensu , pro vera charitate , et tranquillitate Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae : They enacted 9. Can●ns , ( the last was for extraordinary Prayers , and three dayes Fast , with Letanies for the Emperor Arnulphus ) as Episcopi et Presbyteri , et fideles Laici , qui ante nos fuerunt , juxta 〈◊〉 Canonum authoritatem , saepius in Christi nomine convenientes , justitiam Dei 〈◊〉 , &c. Therefore Earls , Noble men , and other 〈…〉 acknowledgment , had then , and frequently 〈◊〉 before this 〈…〉 voyce and consent with Archbishops , Bishops , Abb●●s , Priests , in 〈◊〉 in ●aking Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons , to which the Emperor assented , 〈…〉 them valid and obligatory . g About the year 890. Nicholas Patriarch of Constantinople , excommunicated the Emperor 〈◊〉 , surnamed Philosophus , ob quartas Nuptias , for marrying 44th . wife 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 3. former wives , being no● prohibited by the Law of God. The 〈…〉 entring into the Church or Mocii , on the day of Pentecost , to perform his 〈…〉 Cancellis approp●● quaret , qui●am è superiore loco prodiens , baculum gravissimur , quem manibus gestabat , Imperatoris capiti impegit , quod plane contulisset , nisi fustis 〈…〉 candelabro illisus , maximam vim ami●sset . Proceres cum sanguinem è capite Impera●●●● manantem viderent , turbati sunt . Sed qui id facinus ausus fuerat , quaestionibus adhibitus , 〈◊〉 conscio nominato , pedibus & manibus amputatis , in 〈◊〉 est conjectus . The Emperor hereupon sent to Nicholas the Patriarch , ut se reciperet & 〈◊〉 eximeret ; quem cum 〈◊〉 , neque ulla ratione exorare posset : statim è Regia 〈…〉 navi transvehendum , atque ind● pedestri itinere in Galacrenaeum Monasterium , 〈…〉 curat . Ejus vero loco Patriarcha designatus est Syngelus Euthymius , 〈…〉 , qui 〈◊〉 studio obstitit , ne 〈◊〉 ab In peratore promulgaretur , ut ipsius exemplo , 〈…〉 secundam , tertiam , & qua●tam etiam uxorem ducere . After this Emperors death , Alexander who succeeded 〈◊〉 , restored Nicholas , and deposed , banished E●thymius the Patriarch . It is observable , that within the space of 40. year ; in this age , the Emperor of Constantinople deposed , imprisoned , banished no lesse then ● . patriarchs one after another , for presuming to oppose or excommunicate their , though they contested with the Pope of Rome for Supremacy , and held themselves as universal and omnipotent as the Roman Pontiffs . * The 1. was Nicephorus , deposed and banished by the Emperor Leo , for opposing the removing and worshipping 〈…〉 out of Churches , according to his Imperial Edicts . The 2. was ●ohannes Syngelus , who for opposing the restitution of Images by Theodora , and putting out the eyes of a statue of the Virgin Mary , à dignitate dejectus , flagris caesus , & in monasterium conclusus est . The 3. Methodius , imaginum venerator ac patronus , a Michaele Balbo ob camhaeresim in carcerem conjectus , & a Theophylo paulo post , in insulam Panormo relegatus , & inter duos latrones conclusus , quorum altero mortuo & putres●eme , foetore propemodum enecatus ; qui a Theodora pulso Sygelio constituitur Patriarcha . The 4. Ignatius , qui Bardam Caesarem , qui uxorom sine causa dimi erat , ab aditu in sacram 〈◊〉 repulit ; Bardas cum ob excommunicationem sui , ab officio removit , & sepulchro inclusit , atque inde extractum in Mitylenam insulum deportavit , & Photi●●m ubstituit : Pope Nicholas sent Letters and Legates to move and importune the Emperor Michael to restore him , and remove Photius , who refused to do it . The 5. Photius . Ba●lius murdring and succeeding Michael , Photius for this crime , ab aditu Ecclesiae & communionis , eo quod parricida esset , Basilium prohibuit : Thereupon * Basilius calling a Council at Constantinople , by the Popes importunity , Legates , and Letters , deprived Photius , ( a great opposite to the Pope and his Supremacy ) and restored 〈◊〉 ; after whose death , Basilius re-invested Photius in this See ; unde ite●em 〈…〉 cupulit Leo Philosophus , & in monasterium Armeniorum relegavit , fratremque saum 〈◊〉 Patriarcham designat . The 6. Nicholas . The 7. Euthymius Syngelus . A sufficient argument of Emperors Ecclesiastical Supremacy over their Patriarchs , Bishops , and against Popes , Patriarchs , Bishops superiority over them . h Triburiense Concilium , was summoned by Arnulphus the Emperor . In hoc 〈◊〉 Concilio praesidente & adjuvante pio Princepe Arnulpho ; there were 58. Ecclesiastical Constitutions made , by the joynt advice and consent both of his Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , et omnibus Regni sui Principibus , necnon convenientibus Ecclesiasticorum et seculariorum innumeris turbis , quatenus infatigabili perseverantia , divina et humana tractarentur , atque emergentia mala comprimerentur , ut liberius sancta Dei Ecclesia suo potiretur honore . After 3. dayes fasting and prayers for the Emperor & Councils good success ; The Emperor , pergens ad Palacium , Regale sedit solium , indutus veste splendidissima , quam texit sapientia , repletus est prudentia , erectus & potentia , tractans practice de statu Regni , & theorice de ordine & stabilitate Ecclesiarum Christi , & qualiter boni quiete viverent , & mali inulte non peccarent . Episcoporum sacer conventus , inter alia quibus divina & humana tractaturi erant , communi voto & pari consensu , de collegio sanctorum Sacerdotum graves & idoneos direxerunt mediatores ad praefatum pium Regem , inquirentes , quo studio , & quali benignitate , secundum sapientiam & possibilitatem ab ipse Deo sibi datam , Ecclesiam Christi , illi per Regalem potestatem , & ipsis per Sacerdotalem eminentiam commissam , defendere , & ministerium illorum amplificare & sublimare dignaretur ; proponentes ei propriam Regis eminentiam , id est , ut misericordia & modestia omnes praecellat . After which the Emperor made an Oration to the Bishops & Clergy , admonishing them of , and enjoyning them to perform their Pastoral duties with all diligence ; which they performing , Haberetis me omnibus Ecclesiae Christi adversantibus , & vestro Sacerdotali ministerio renitentibus , oppositissimum bellatorem , &c. Upon report of the Emperors Speech to the Council , all the Clergy and Nobility standing up , blessed God , prayed for Arnulphus his long life , and sung Te Deum Laudamus , glorifying the Lord Jesus Christ , qui Ecclesiae suae sanctae tam piam & mitem censolatorem , tamque strenuum adjutorem ad honorem nominis sui condonare dignatus est . Some of the Canons concerning excommunicated persons contemning the censures of the Church , were made by this Emperors special direction and command , and all of them approved as well by consent and approbation of the Nobility and Laity , as of the Bishops and Clergy , several of the Laws being Temporal , intermixed with the Ecclesiastical . After Pope Hadrian the 3d. had deprived the Emperors of their antient right in electing and confirming Popes , there arose sundry schisms , seditions , factions , corruptions in their elections and installments , till this their right was restored to them by Pope Leo the 8. For i Formosus the 1. obtaining the Papacy by gifts , ( notwithstanding he had by Oath abjured the City , Episcopacy , and his Priestly Office , to avoyd the indignation of Pope John the 9. from which Oath Pope Martin the 2. absolved him ) was opposed by Sergius , his Competitor , ( elected by the contrary faction ) To suppresse which , Formosus Arnulphum Romam vocat ; who marching thither with an Army , excipitur , consecratur , & donatur Imperiali corona ; Arnulphus , gratias relaturus Pontifici pro isto officio , praecipuos ex Formosi adversariis capite truncat : which occasioned such factions not only between the Romans , but Popes and Clergy themselves , and their parties , that Pope Stephen the 6. tanto odio Formosi nomen persecutus est , ut statim ejus Decreta abrogaverit , ac res gestas resciderit ; tantoque in mortuum quoque rabie desaeviit , ut habita Synodo , ejus è tumulo corpus tractum , Pontificali habitu spolitatum , indutumque saeculari , sepulturae Laicorum mandavit , abscissis antea duobus dextrae manus digitis & in Tyberim projectis , Anno 896. Pope Romanus who succeeded him Anno 897. Formosi partibus favens , Stephani praedecessoris Decreta & acta statim reprobavit ac sustulit , and would have proceeded further , had he not been prevented by death within four months after his consecration . Theodorus the 2. succeeding him , Formosi facta restituit , ejusque sectatores in precio plurimum habuit , being elected by their faction , Anno 898. but dying the next year , John the 10. causam Formosi in integrum restituere volens , repugnante maxima Romani populi parte , dissidium ingens excitavit , being forced by the Romans ( with whom he fought ) to retire from Rome to Ravenna , coactaque ibidem 74. Episcoporum Synodo , omnia Formosi Decreta ad plenum restituit , Stephani vero sexti facta coram omnibus damnavit , & omnia quae ex ipsius Synodo contra Formosum erant scripta , combussit . Anno 900. k Pope Leo the 5. being deposed and imprisoned , by the Romans and one Christopher a Priest , cui multa beneficia contulerat , dyed of grief , Anno 905. This Christopher the 1. scortis adminiculantibus Papatum violenter inv●sit . Sed quia malis artibus , & immani scelere sedem illam acquisiverat , per Sergium quendam , Mazoriae splendidae meretricis an●sium , eandem vehementer affectantem , turpiter ipsam & ille amisit , & monasterio extractus , ( into which he had entred after his expulsion ) atque in arctissimum carcerem conjectus est . Anno 905. Sergius the 3. Caroli Simplicis Francorum Regis , & Adelberti Thuscorum Marchionis auxilio , having dejected and imprisoned Christopher , Papalem Cathedram violentia invasit : & Formosi cadavere post octo annos denuo è terra extra●i fecit , & sedi Papali impositum , capitali supplicio affecit . Tres quoque digitos ex altera mutilatione relictos amputavit , & corpus ipsum cum his omnibus in Tyberim projeci jussit , tanquam communi Christianorum hominum sepultura indignum . Omniaque ejus acta improbavit , irritavit , damnavit , ita ut tunc denuo ad eorum ordines necesse fuit illos admittere , quos ipse vivus Sacerdotali officio dignos censurat , compulitque Romanos timore Regis Galliae haec omnia confirmare , & ipsis subscribere . Pope Laudo the 1. qui inter meretrices majorem vitae suae partem consumpsit , electus & consecratus & ipse tum demum ab ipsis : he dying within 7. months after . An. 921. l Pope John the 11. ( Papae Laudonis cum adulterio filius ) Papatum quasi haereditario jure per scortationem obtinuit . Theodora scortum impudens & Romanae Urbis Domina , veneris calore succensa , eum ob mutuas scortationes Bononiensem Episcopum primo , Ravennae Archiepiscopum secundo , & tertio ( ut sic insano ejus amore commodius fruiretur ) Romanum Papam fecit . At last he was apprehended in Rome by the Souldiers of Guido Marquesse of Thuscia , Anno Dom. 928. cast into prison , & cervicale super os ejus injecto suffocatur , to set up Theodoraes daughters Bastard son . Quo mortuo , Marozia filium Johannem 12. quem ex Sergio Papa meretrix ipsa genuerat , 〈◊〉 Papam constituerunt . Sed quia Romanus Clerus & populus in ejus electionem non consen●erant , eodem anno est iterum depositus , & in maximo Civium tumultu , Leo sextus in ejus locum suffectus : Qui statim post septimum ejus regiminis mensem . Anno Dom. 930. veneno sublatus à Marozia fertur , ut s●urio locum daret . Stephanus the 7. who succeeded him , Anno Dom. 932. vitam cum morte , per venenatum poculum ( ut fertur ) commutavit , to make way for John the 12. Pope Sergius the 3. his Bastard son by Marozia , ( formerly deposed , expelled by the Romans ) who after the poysoning of Leo and Stephen , was restored to the Papacy by the power of Marozia his Mother , and Albericus his Brother , during whose Papacy , Metetrix mater ( Marozia ) Romae tam Regnum quam Ecclesiam regebat . Pope Stephanus the 8. ita civilibus Romanorum seditionibus vexatus fuit , ut nil memoria dignum ab eo geri potuerit . In populari enim tumultu tam turpiter mutilatus erat , ac cicatricum deformitate signatus , ut puduerit eum postea in publicum prodire . Adeo sancti tunc temporis Papae fuerunt , ut eorum oves nulla sanctitatis , aut beatitudinis ( aut superioritatis ) ipsorum habita ratione , eos vulneribus afficerent : he dyed ingloriously Anno 944. During all this space the Emperors by reason of their intestine Wars , and Competitors for the Empire , were disabled to claim or exercise their antient Imperial Jurisdiction at Rome , in the election , confirmation , correction and deposition of these wicked scandalous Popes , who were for the * most part elected , deposed , ruled by most infamous Roman Whores and Strumpets , bearing chiefest sway in Rome ; none of all these Popes exercising any Supreme Jurisdiction over Emperors , Kings , or Foreign Prelates , who for the most part slighted their Authority and Bulls in all places , and acknowledged their Kings Supremacy over Popes , Bishops , as these Histories well demonstrate . m Helduinus Episcopus Tungrensis Ecclesiae , about the year 920. against his Allegiance , revolting from King Charles the 3. of France , to Henry his Enemy , by great sums of money given to him and his followers , procured a grant of this Bishoprick from him , who by force and menaces enforced Archbishop Herimannus to consecrate him , procuring sundry Clerks and Laymen likewise to swear , That King Charles had conferred this Bishoprick upon him : Whereupon King Charles writ a Letter to the Bishops of his Realm against this intruder : Qui contra Regalem agens potestatem , contra quoque Apostoli dicta ubi dicitur , Deum timete , Regem honorificate ; Et , Qui potestati resistit , Dei ordinationi resistit ; non est enim potestas nisi a Deo : Et adversus cytharedi David dicta , ubi ad Dominum loquitur ; Imposuisti homines super capita nostra : Quique ultra Rhenum ad inimicos nostros proficiscens , minimeque reminiscens Sacramentorum suorum nobis promissorum , eaque retro deorsum abjiciens , ab Henrico inimico nostro Episcopatum Tungrensis Ecclesiae expetivit , suaque damnatione contra omnia statuta tam sacrorum patrum quam Regum , viz. antecessorum nostrorum usurpavit , &c. commanding them to ordain Ruherus Bishop in his place , upon the petition of the Laity and Clergy of that Church to the King , whom they had unanimously elected by his License , which they did accordingly . Pope John the 10. in his Epistle to Herimannus Archbishop of Colen , affirmed that this forcible intrusion and consecration of Helduinus into this Bishoprick , absque Clericorum electione & Laicorum acclamatione , and Kings assent , was illegal , and against the Apostles rule , Lay hands suddenly on noman ; cum prisca consuetudo vigeat , qualiter nullus alicui Clerici Episcopatum conferre debeat , nisi Rex , cui divinitus sceptra collata sunt . Concluding , Quia nos Caroli Regis decus nullo modo auferre volumus , sed pro vigore atque dilectione vel consanguinitate nostri dilecti filii Berengarii gloriosissimi Imperatoris , ut prior antecessorum suorum Regum mos fuit , eum ita illibatam atque inconcussam Dominationem obtinere delectamur : et sicut Priores suos antecessores nostrorum antecessorum authoritate , Episcopum per unamquamque Parochiam ordinare probabiliter statutum est , ita ut Carolus Rex faciat confirmando jubemus . A clear Papal concession and ratification of this their Royal prerogative of conferring Bishopricks . After the death of Seulfus Archbishop of Rhemes , Herebertus Earl of Aquitaine coming to Rhemes perswaded the Clergy and people to elect Hugo his sonne ( not above 5 years old ) for their Bishop ; and sent to Rodulphus King of Burgundy to confirm his election by his authority ; who thereupon by advice of some Bishops , Remensem Episcopatum committit Hereberto ( Comiti ) aequitatis censura disponendum atque regendum ab ipso : Qui etiam legatos Ecclesiae , cum Abbone praesule Romam mittere satagit , hujus electionis decretum secum ferentis , & assensum Papae super eum petentes . Johannes itaque Papa interveniente Abbone presule , petitioni corum assensum praebens , Episcopium Remense Abboni Episcopo delegat , quae sunt Episcopalis ministerii ab ipso in eodem Episcopio tractanda & sirmanda decernens . Abbo being Guardian only of the spiritualties , and Count Herebertus of the temporalties during Hughs minority ; the Earl by force of arms turned many Clerks and Laymen out of their benefices and possessions belonging to the Archbishoprick , disposing of them prolibitu suae voluntatis , quibuscunque placuerit ; A tumult arising thereupon , his souldiers slew two Canons in the Cloisters of the Church ; After which he called a Synod of 6. Bishops of the Province of Rhemes , apud Trosteium , Anno 927. Rege tamen Rodulpho contradicente , In the mean time , Pope John being apprehended and kept Prisoner by Wido , and King Rodolph falling out with Herebertus , Rodulphus Rex literas Remis mittit , ad Clerum & populum , pro electione Praesulis celibranda : ad quas illi respondent , id agere se non posse , salvo suo electo , ( to wit , Hugh the infant ) & electione quam fecerant , permanente . The K. thereupon besieged Rhemes 3. weeks , then being admitted into it , Conjunctis igitur sibi nonnullis Episcopis ex Francia & Burgundia , facit ordinari hac in sede Artoldum quendam ex eoenobio sancti Remigii monachum , without any election , by his own regal authority ; who above one year after received his Pall from Pope John. Artoldus excommunicating Herebertus for invading and detaining some Towns belonging to his Church , Anno 940. thereupon Herebertus with his friends and certain Bishops , wasted the villages which belonged to the Bishoprick , with fire and sword , besieged and took Rhemes , then by perswasions of friends and menaces forced Artoldus Episcopii se precuratione vel potestate abdicare , and to accept of the Abbey of Saint Basol in lieu thereof : which done , they consecrated and installed Hugh for their Bishop , asserentibus , fautoribus ejus , quod Artoldus , nequaquam electus , sed per violentiam fuerit intromissus , seseque Episcopali abdicaverit ditione ; Soon after the Legates of Rhemes bringing Hugo a Pall from Pope Stephen , Artoldus breaking all his forced agreements with Hugh and Herbert , repaired to King Ludovicus , to whom he complained of the injury ; who thereupon besieged Rhemes so long , that Archbp. Hugh unable to hold out , or make any composition without quitting his Archbishoprick , secretly departed the City after 3. dayes siege , to avoid the putting out his eyes , if taken prisoner . Sicque Reges cum Episcopis & Principibus ingredientes Urbem , Dominum Artoldum Praesulem , qui dudum fuerat ejectus , iterum inthronizari fecerunt ; quem Robertus Trevirensis Archiepiscopus , & Fred. Moguntiacensis accipientes utraque manu eidem sedi restituerunt . After which , to end the differences between these Competitors , Synodus postea Verduni habetur , where sundry Archbishops , Bishops and Abbots assembled to that end ; ad quam Hugo evocatus , nissis quoque duobus ad eum deducendum Episcopis , venire noluit . Upon which contempt , Vniversa Synodus Artoldo Remense regendum decernit Episcopium . Soon after Indicitur Synodus , quae & convenit in Ecclesiam Sancti Petri in prospectu Mosomi , ex Diocaesi Trevirensi atque Remensi . Veniens autem illuc Hugo Praesul , & locu us cum Rotberto Archiepiscopo , Synodum noluit ingredi . Literas vero quasdam er nomine Agapeti Papae misit ad Episcopos per Clericum suum , qui eas Roma detulerat , nihil auctoritatis canonicae continentes , sed hoc tantum praecipientes , ut Hugoni Remense redderetur Episcopium . Quibus lectis , responderunt Episcopi , non esse dignum vel congruum , ut Apostolicae Legationis mandatum , quod dudum Rotbertus Archiepiscopus , deferente Frederico Magontiacensi Praesule coram Regibus , et Episcopis susceperat , intermitterent propter has literas quae insidiator , aemulus Artoldi Praesulis exhibebat : immo quod regulariter caeperant Canonice pertractaretur . Sicque praecipitur recitari capitulum xix . Carthaginensis Concilii de accusato & accusatore . Quo recitato , dijudicatum est juxta diffinitionem hujus Capituli , ut Artoldo communionem et Parochiam Remensem retinente , Hugo qui ad duas jam Synodes evocatus venire centemps●rat , à communione & regimine Remensis Episcopii abstiner●t , donec ad universalem Synodum sese purgaturus occurreret . Ipsumque Capitulum mex in Charta describi feceruat Episcopi coram se , subnectentes hanc etiam diffinitionem suam , & eidem Hugoni miserunt . Qui post alteram diem eamdem Chartam Rotberto Pontifici remisit , hoc verbis remandans , quod ipsorum judicio nequaquam obediturus esset . Interea literae proclamationis Artoldi Praesulis ad Romanam diriguntur sedem Dominus igitur Agapitus Papa , Vicarium suum Marinum Episcopum misit ad Othonem Regem , propter evocandum et aggregandum generalem Synodum , ( as proper only for the Emperor to summon . ) Literae quoque ipsius Papae mittuntur ab Urbe quibusdam speciatim Episcopis , vocantes eos ad eandem Synodum Congregato , denique Synodo in Pallatio Engulenheim , recitata sunt haec quae sequuntur coram Regibus et Episcopis , * present therein . This general Synod being assembled , all the premises concerning Artoldus and Hugo , with the Popes Letter , commanding Hugh to be restored , were read before them . The Synod upon debate passed the same sentence for Artoldus against Hugo , notwithstanding the Popes Letter , as the last Synod did , approving their sentence , and excommunicating Hugo . From this History I shall observe ; 1. That the Archbishops of Rhemes were usually elected by the Clergy and people , but yet by the Kings license , who had a power to confirm or reject the person elected . 2ly . That the Kings of France , in special cases , did conferre Bishopricks on whom they pleased , without any precedent election by the Clergy and people . 3ly That they committed the Temporalties of Bishopricks to Noblemen and others , during the vacancy of the Sees , or Minority of the Bishop . 4ly . That they had a just power to remove Bishops unduly elected , or forcibly intruded into Bishopricks , even by force of armes when necessary . 5ly . That both the Kings of France , and successive Synods , reproved , condemned the Popes own Letters as Un-canonical , and gave sentence against them , which sentence was afterwards approved by a General Synod . 6ly . That Kings may and ought to remove unfitting or scandalous Bishops , notwithstanding the Popes Bulls , Palls , Mandates to confirm , or continue them . 7ly . That no Synods ought to be summoned , but by Kings , or their Authority within their Realms ; and that if any be otherwise called by Popes , Archbishops , or others , they may and ought to prohibit them , and their Bishops resort unto them . This is evident by the antient memorable Inhibition of Sigebertus King of France , to Desiderius Cadurcensis Episcopus , in this his Letter directed to him . * Dum fabula currente , à plurimis & fidelibus nostris cognovimas , quasi vocati , ab eodemque Patre nostro Vulfolendo Episcopo Synodali consilio Kal. Sept. in Regno nostro : ignoramus in quo loco , una cum * reliquos fratres , & comprovinciales vestros debeatis conjungere ; Licet nos Statuta Canonum & Ecclesiasticas regulas , sicut parentes nostri in Dei nomen conservarunt , ita & nos conservare optamus . Tamen dum ad nostram antea notitiam non fuit perlatum , sic Nobis cum nostris Proceribus convenit , ut sine nostra scientia Synodale consilium in Regno nostro non agatur , nec ad dictas Kal. Septemb. nulla conjunctio Sacerdotum , ex his qui ad nostram ditionem pertinere noscuntur , non fiatur . Postea vero opportuno tempore , si nobis antea denunciatur , utrum pro statu Ecclesiastico , an pro Regni utilitate , sive etiam pro qualibet rationabili conditione conventio esse decreverit , non abnuimus , sic tamen , ut diximus , ut in nostri prius deferatur cognitionem . Provide praesentia scripta sanctitati vestrae destinare curavimus , per quae petimus , ut per nos orare dignetis , et ad istam conjunctionem , priusquam nostram cognoscatis voluntatem , penitus accedere non debeatis , & ut certius credatis , hunc indiculum manu propria subter subscripsimus . Sigebertus Rex subs . For further proof of these particulars , I shall referre the Readers to Pierre Pithou , his Preuves des Libertez de Leglise Gallicane , cap. 10 , 11 , 12 , 15 , 16 , 35 , 36. in relation to the Realm of France . Pope Agapet the 2. and after his death 〈…〉 others stile him , partim muneribus , partim minis , 〈…〉 mans , sent solonm Legates to the Emperor 〈…〉 portuning and adjuring him , ut italiam 〈…〉 tyrannide vindicaret ; who thereupon marching into Italy with an 〈…〉 them , entred Rome , conquering all who resisted him ; and enjoyned 〈…〉 Crown him Emperor ; which he performing , before his return home , 〈…〉 the Popes fidelity towards him , 〈…〉 & Alberti partes nunqua ● esset secuturus . No sooner was he returned into Germani , but the Pope presently violating his Oath , received Albertue into Rome and 〈◊〉 his pastoral duty , in co officio non Papalite , 〈…〉 omni voluptatum & 〈…〉 venationibus , ludicris , ludis , 〈…〉 aliisque slagitiis ab ipsa adol 〈…〉 ratorem hortarentur , ut reversus , ruinae totius Ecclesiae & Politiae subveniret ; Hereupon this good Emperor returning towards Rome , 〈◊〉 Papam pro suis sceleribus arguens , monet cum sui officii , dum adhuc est in 〈◊〉 verum lapiai verbasiua , 〈◊〉 cum corrigere potuit . Whereupon , Anno 963. the Emperor marched from Papia to Rome with a great Army , pro sceleribus Papae Johannis dijudicandis ; The Pope conscious of his own guilt , together with Albertus , fled thence to the 〈◊〉 hiding himself in the woods amongst the wild beasts for a time . The Romans opening their gates , received the Emperor without resistance ; who upon the 〈◊〉 Complaints of the Clergy and people against this Monster of men Pope John , summoned a Council of several Bishops , Cardinals , Priests out of Italy , France , Germany and other parts , and of sundry Nobles , Senators , Chief Officers , certain Commoners , and Military Officers of Rome , ( mentioned by name in Luitprandus , who at large relates the proceeding in this Council against the Pope : ) Wherein the Emperor sitting as President , demanded of the Council , who the Pope declared to be present in so holy and famous a Council , to which he was summoned ? 〈…〉 Pontifices & Cardinales , Presbyteri 〈◊〉 D●acom , cum universa plebe diverunt , Miramur sanctissimam prudentiam vestram , nos hoc velle per●o●ari , quod noc 〈…〉 Babylonicos , nec Indicos 〈…〉 . Nam hic jam ●e illis e●d , qui veriunt in v●●●mentis ovium , intus autem sum 〈…〉 ; ita apertè savis , ita 〈…〉 pertractat negotia , ut nihil circuitioni● utatur . Imperator respondit , 〈…〉 ue accusatio● es nominatim exprimantur : deinde quod agendum est , 〈…〉 pertractetur . Tunc consurg●● Petrus Cardinalis , Presbyter , se 〈…〉 celebrasse , & non communicatie , testatus ed. Johannes Episcopus 〈…〉 Johannes Cardinalis Diaconus , 〈…〉 Diaconum ordinasse in equorum 〈…〉 non certis temporibus , sunt prose●●i . Benedictus , 〈…〉 byteris dixit , se scire , quod ordinationes Episcoporum pre●●o faceret ; & quod annorum decem Episcopum in Tudertina Civitatu 〈◊〉 De Sacrilego non esse necesse percontari , dixit , quia plus videndo , quam 〈…〉 adulterio dixerunt , quod oculis non viderant , sed 〈…〉 & Stephanam Patris Concubinam , & 〈…〉 absum este , & Sanctum Palatium lupanar et prostibulum fecisse : Venationem dixerunt publicae exercuisse ; Benedictum 〈…〉 & mox mortuum esse . Johannem Cardinalem ●ubdiaconum 〈…〉 incendia fecisse , ense accinctum , galea & lor ca●ndurum fuisse , 〈◊〉 sunt . Diaboli in amorem vinum bibisse , omnes tam Clerici quam Laici acclamarunt . In ludo 〈◊〉 Jovis , Veneris , caeterorumque Demonum 〈…〉 & canonicas horas eum non celebrasse , nec signo 〈…〉 sunt Hisce criminibus adjiciuntur , quod juramentum imperatori , supra ipsam Corpus Petri praestitum , non servaret , quod aureas 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 Sancti Petri , scortis distribuerit ; quod Zacheum , virum reprobatum , divinarum atque humanarum ●●erarum inscius , consecravit Episcopum , & Ungariis destinarit , ut suis concionibus ipsos contra Imperatorem instigaret . The truth whereof they all attested , under pain of being accursed and condemned by Christ in the great day of Judgement , and that there were as many Witnesses of his crimes , as there were souldiers in the Emperors Army . Hereupon he was summoned by the Emperors Letters to answer these crimes inserted into the summons ; but the Messengers not finding him ( he hiding himself in woods ) after a treble search and summons ; thereupon the Emperor , as President , said , Expectavimus adventum ejus , ut praesente eo quod nobis egerit quaereremus , verum quoniam eum non affuturum certo scimus , quam perfide nobiscum egerit , ut diligenter agnoscatis etiam atque etiam flagitamus . Notum itaque vobis facimus , Archiepiscopis , Presbyteris , Diaconis , reliquoque Clero , necnon et Comitibus , Iudicibus , omnique plebi , quod idem Johannes Papa oppressus a Berengario , atque Adelberto , rebellibus nostris , misit nobis in Sexoniam nuncios , rogans , ut pro amore Dei in Italiam veniremus , & Ecclesiam Sancti Petri , ac seipsum ex saucibus eorum liberaremus . Nos vero , adjuvante Deo , quantum fecerimus , non est necesse dicere , ut in praesentiarum , videtis . Ereptus vero mea opera ex eorum manibus , & honori debito restitutus , oblitus juramenti et fidelitatis quam mihi supra corpus S. Petri promisit ; eundem Adelbertum Roman venire fecit , & contra me defendit , seditiones fecit : & videntibus nostris Militibus , Dux belli factus , lorica & galea est indutus . Quid super hoc sancta Synodus decernat , edicat ? Whereupon , Ad haec Romani Pontifices , reliquus Clerus , et cunctus populus dixerunt , Inauditum vulnus inaudito est cauterio exurendum . Si corruptis moribus sibi soli , & non cunctis obesset , quoquo modo tolerandus esset . Quot prius Casti , hujus facti sunt imitatione incaesti ? Quot probi , hujus exemplo conversationis sunt reprobi ? Petimus itaque magnitudinem Imperii vestri , monstrum illud nulla virtute redemptum a vitiis , a Sancta Ecclesia Romana pelli , aliumque loco ejus constitui , qui nobis exemplo bonae conversationis praeesse valeat , et prodesse sibi : recte vivat , ac bene vivendi nobis exemplum praebeat . Tunc Imperator . Placet inquit , quod dicitis : nihilque gratius nobis , quam ut talis , qui huic sanctae et universali sedi praeponatur , inveniri possit . His dictis , omnes una voce dixerunt : Leonem venerabilem sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Protoscriniarium , virum approbatum , ad summum Sacerdotii gradum nobis in Pastorem eligimus , ut sit summus & universalis Papa Romanae Ecclesiae , reprobato ob improbos mores Ioanne Apostata . Quum haec omnes tertio dixissent , annuente Imperatore , nominatum Leonem ad Lateranense Palatium , secundum consuetudinem , cum laudibus ducunt : & certo tempore in Ecclesia Sancti Petri ( Leonem adhuc Laicum , as some record ) ad summum Sacerdotium sancta consecratione attollunt , & fideles se ei affuturos , jurejurando promittuut . Pope John thus legally deposed , Minime sibi quiescendum putabat , sed simulc intelligebat , Othonem praesidium quod penes se in urbe fuerat , demisisse , ne populum Romanum minime gravaret ; mox Proceres Romanos clandestinis literis solicitat , ut Imperatorem et ipsum quoque Leonem de medio tollant , ut jugum Caesareum excuterent , ut qui parva hominum manu stipatus esset : deinde largissime promisit , se ipsis omnes Ecclesiae the sauros sponte traditurum & concessurum esse . Hac ampla spe inescati per●●di Romani , rem mota seditione quamprimum aggrediuntur . Milites vero Imperatoris summa alacritate arma capientes , tantam stragem in seditiosorum cohorte edunt , ut ipse Imperator , misericordia erga sceleratos affectus , receptui caneret , vindictamque militum coerceret . Not long after , the Emperor departing from Rome , this lecherous , treacherous Pope , Meretrices plures , easque genere non ignobiles , cum quibus commercium habuerat , by his secret messages and instigations , Nobiles Romanos concitaverunt , promissis Ecclesiarum thesauris , ut Iohannem rursus in Urbem reciperent , & Leonem comprehensum de medio tollerent . Quod & ipsi statim fecerunt , dejecto Leone quem Caesar creaverat : qui mirabiliter tamen evasit carnificum manus , atque ad Imperatorem confugit . Iohannes sanctissimus scortorum leno votis potitus , caput sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae constituitur . Sede occupata , Iohanni Diacono Cardinali manum amputat : Azorio Scriniario linguam praecidit , duos digitos amputat , & nares ei mutilat . O Apostolici Apostolica prorsus facinora ! Then calling a Synod of his own Creatures at Rome , Ille Synodo collecta Leonem deposuit , & ejus gesta cassavit , statutumque est , ab Othone Imperatore & Leone habitam , non nominandam Synodum , sed prostibulum faciens adulteris . Quicunque ergo a Leone ordinati sunt , privantur honore quem ab ipso acceperunt ; jussique sunt eorum proscriptionem praesentare in charcula , haec continente ; Pater meus nihil sibi habuit , nihil mihi dedit : et sic depositi remansecunt in illis gradibus quos habuerunt antequam a 〈◊〉 ordinati . The Emperor informed of these proceedings , marched with his Army towards Rome to chastise the seditious , treacherous Romans , and depose this lecherous Pope ; but before his arrival there , Iohannes Papa se cum uxore cujusdam oblectans , a Diabolo in tempore percutitur ; ( as Radulphus de Diceto and others story ; though some relate it was by her husband ) & sine Viatico Dominico obiit , dignas sceleratistimae vitae dans poenas ; & ut vitae moribus , exitus justo Dei judicio responderet . The seditious Romans after his death , pristinam libertatem spirantes , cum jam Imperatorem armatum , & irritatum in conspectu haberent , attamen prodigioso partis furore , contra juramentum quod Imperatori fecerant , se nunquam electuros Papam sine ejus , et sine filii ejus Ottonis contensu , Benedictum quendam propria auctoritate Papam constituunt , Leone qui in exercitu Caesaris erat posthabito . Hac contumelia ac perfidia graviter offensus Imperator , primum obsessam & duriter pressam Civitatem , cogit facere deditionem ; atque de paucis supplicium sumit . Postea Synodum Romae absque mora cogit , multis Episcopis , Abbatibus , Sacerdotibus , Clericis , Monachis , et praecipuis er populo praesentibus , in Ecclesia Lateranensi : In which Synod Pope Leo being restored to his See , sitting with the Emperor , ( to whose hands Pope Benedict the 5. was delivered up ) by the Emperors command , advenit Benedictus Apostolicae sedis invasor , eorum qui se eligerant , manibus adductus , Pontificalibus vestibus indutus . Quem Benedictus Cardinalis Archidiaconus , tali est Sermone aggressus . Qua tibi authoritate , quave lege , O invasor , haec pontificalia indumenta usurpasti , superstite hoc praesente Domino nostro , venerabili Papa Leone , quem tu nobiscum , accusato & reprobato Iohanne , ad Apostolicatus culmen eligisti ? Num inficiari potes praesenti Domino Imp : juramento promisisse , unquam te cum saeteris Romanum Papam electurum , aut ordinaturum absque illius filiique sui Regis Otthonis consensu ? Benedictus respondit , Si quid peccavi , miseremim mei . Tunc Imperator effusis lachrymis , quam misericors esset ostendens , rogavit Synodum , Ne Benedicto praejudicium fieret : si vellet et posset , ad interrogata responderet : quod si non posset , aut nollet , ac se culpabilem redderet , tamen pro timore Dei misericordiam aliquam inveniret . Quo audito , ad Domini Leonis Papae pedes , ipsiusque Imperatoris , idem Benedictus concite procidens , Se peccasse , seque Sanctae Romanae sedis invasorent esse acclamavit : post haec pallium sibi abstulit , quod simul cum Pontificali ferula , quam manu gestabat , Domino Papae Leoni reddidit . Quam ferulam idem Papa sregir , & fractam populo ostendit . Deinde Benedictum in terra sedere praecepit , cui Casulam , quam Planetam vocant , cum Stola pariter abstulit ; post autem omnibus Episcopis dixit , Benedictum Sanctae & Apostolicae sedis Romanae invasorem , omni Pontificatus et Presbyteratus honore privamus : ob eleemosynam vero Domini Imperatoris Otthonis , cujus sumus opera in sedem debitam restituti , Diaconatus eum ordinem habere permittimus , et non jam Romae , sed in exilium destinamus . ●uit autem ablegatus Benedictus Hamburgum , ubi in exi●●o vitam finivit . Porro in hoc Concilio , de jure eligendi Pontificem , deque bonis Imperatoris in Italia actum est . Pontifex enim non solum grati●udims , sed etiam Justitiae gratia restituit , aut potius confirmat , quae ad Imperatorem per●nebant . Cardinal Baronius , Annal. Anno 964. num . 21 , 22 , &c. and Gretzer the Jesuit in his Apologia pro Baronio , cap. 18. stile this Synod , imposturam , & ascititiam Synodum ; and the Decree and Bull of Pope Leo made therein , Bulla , seu Decretum commentitium , as they did that of Pope Adrian the 1. before ; without the least shadow of authority or truth ; since a Gratian himself , Luitprandus , Theodoricus de Niem , Marsilius Patavinus , Hermannus Schedel , Crantzius , Signoius , Lupoldus , Cusanus , Petrus de Alliaco , & Cameracensis 3. Cardinals ; Waltramus Naumbregenlis , Radulphus do Columna , Nauclerus , Martinus Polonus , Regino , Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Fasciculus Temporum , and others , assert this Council , Decree , Charter of Pope Leo ( which sundry of them affirm they had seen ) to be true and real which I shall here insert at large . b Convenit ( inquit Leo ) Apostolico moderamine , pollentibus benevola compa●●●●ne succurrere , & poscentium animis alacri devotione assensum pra bere . Ex hoc enim lucri potissimum praemium apud Conditorem omnium reperitur . Deinde quoque & cunctum Clerum , & omnem populum , asserimus esse concordem , & ad meliorem statum fore productum : atque ideo , quia juste rationabiliter vestra humilitas nostro Apostolatui humiliter postulat , quatenus gratulanter , peragrantes sanctam Synodum , vestro consilio congregatam , Patriarchio Lateranensi in Ecclesia Sancti Salvatoris constitutam , a pluribus viris Catholicis , Episcopis et Abbatibus , insuper Iudicibus , et legis Doctoribus , promulgantes , qualiter quiete ac pacince stare & vivere valeamus , praesentibus omnibus & singulis regionibus hujus al●● Urbis Romae , & ex omnibus ordinibus Cleri et populi , asserentibus et confirmantibus per omnia , ut haere● , & altercatione , ac omni errore expulso , quoniam 〈…〉 temporibus error ex hoc accrescere discernitur , tam de Romano Imperio , quam de Apostolica sede , ac dignitate Patriciatus , & de investituris Episcopatuum ; 〈◊〉 , ad exemplum beati Adriani Apostolicae sedis Antistitis ( cujus vitam & actionem satis discretum audivimus & rationabilem ) qui suis spiritualibus sanctionibus Domino CAROLO victoriosissimo Regi Francorum et Longobardorum , regni Italiae Patriciatus dignitatem , et ordinationem Apostolicae sedis , et Investituras Episcoporum concessit : Igitur Ego quoque Leo , Servus servorum Dei , Episcopus , idem exemplum beati Adriani , cum toto similiter Clero , et universo Romano populo , omnibusque ordinibus hujus almae Vrbis ( sicut in suis scripturis apparet ) constituimus , et confirmamus , et corroboramus , et per nostram Apostolicam authoritatem concedimus atque largimur Domino OTTHONI primo , Regi Teutonicorum , ejusque Successoribus hujus regni Italiae in perpetuum , facultatem Successorem eligendi , atque summae Apostolicae sedis Pontificem ordinandi : et per hoc Archiepiscopos , seu Episcopos , ut ipsi tantum ab eo investituram accipiant , et consecrationem , unde debent ; exceptis his quos Imperator Pontificibus , et Archiepiscopis concessit . Et ut nemo deinceps , cujuscunque gradus vel dignitatis , vel religionis , eligendi Regem , vel Patricium , vel Pontificem summae sedis Apostolicae , aut quemcunque Episcopum , vel ordinandi habeat facultatem , absque consensu ipsius Imperatoris , sed soli Regi Romani Imp. hanc reverendam tribui facultatem ; quod tamen fiat absque omni pecunia ; et ut ipse sit Patricius et Rex Romanus . Quod si a cuncto Clero et universo populo quis eligatur Episcopus , nisi a supradicto Rege laudetur , et investiatur , non consecretur . Si quis contra hanc authoritatem Apostolicam , et traditionem aliquid molietur , aut temerator in aliquo repertus fuerit , sive contra hoc nostrum consilium agens , sciat se iram Sancti Petri , Principis et Filii nostri Domini Otthonis , ejusque successorum , et omnium praedecessorum nostrorum Censuram , et sub Anathematis vinculo emersurum , ac per hoc Excommunicationi universalis Ecclesiae , omnisque populi Christiani , eum subjacere decernimus . Insuper , nisi a malo resipuerit , irrevocabili exilio prematur , vel ultimis suppliciis feriatur . Qui vero pro intuitu custos et observator extiterit , benedictionis gratiam , vitamque aeternam cum omnibus Sanctis , sine fine mereatur habere in secula seculorum , Amen . In his Actis interfuere Seniores , Proconsules , Exarchatus quidam tenentes , regionarii Scholae Graecorum , Arabum , Judaeorum , & Paganorum , & de Majoribus omnium platearum . Insuper Cardinales , Archiepiscopi , omnes Presbyteri , & Episcopi de finitimus Civitatibus , processuarii , Notarii , Cancellarii , & ex omni plebe Romani Imperii . This Decree of Pope Leo , is prefaced by a Gratian himself with this Rubrick , Electio Romani Pontificis ad Ius pertinet Imperatoris , and incorporated into the body of the Canon Law , authorized by sundry Popes : Which being made , ratified by two famous Popes , Adrian and Leo , in two Councils held in Rome it self , with the suffrage and unanimous consent of all the Clergy . Senators , Officers and People of Rome in a most solemn manner , and the violators thereof subjected to such severe Ecclesiastical and Civil punishments , to prevent all future Schisms , seditions , symonaical contracts , indirect practises , and interpositions of prevalent infamous Whores , and Strumpets in the election of Popes , for the peace , honour , benefit of the whole Church , no succeeding Popes had any power at all to null or revoke by their Pontifical usurped power upon any pretext , without the concurrent authority at least of a General Council , and universal consent of all the Clergy , Senators , and people of Rome , as b Marsilius Patavinus proves at large . c Bartholomeus Buxiensis , and Dr. Thierry in their Glosse upon this Decree , in Gratian , demand this Question : Cum haec privilegia fuerint omnibus ( Imperatoris ) successoribus data , quare non utuntur eis ? To which they return these unsatisfactory Answers : Quia Imperator eis renunciavit : A grosse mistake , since no Emperor since the reign of Otho ever renounced it by any Charter : and Gratians conclusion , Ex istis Constitutionibus & pacto Ludovici Imperatoris , deprehenduntur Imp●ratores renunciasse privilegiis quae de electione Summi Pontificis Adrianus Papa Carolo Imperatori , & ad imitationem ejus , Leo Papa Ottonis primo Regi Theutonicorum fecerat , is but a meer Nonsequitur , contradicted by his pr●mises ; whereupon they subjoyn these ensuing answers , Item , quia per abusum ea pe●diderunt : ( without expressing any abuse , the Roman Clergy , people , and Cardinals since having much more for feited their right to elect Popes , for their manifold abuses therein , recorded by sundry Historians ) Item , quia ex causa fu●rint eis concessa , unde cessante causa ipsa , cessaverunt . Nec obstat quod hic dicitur de successoribus ; quia hoc intelligendum est de illis successoribus , qui hoc impetrare possunt : A pretry equivocating evasion worthy Popes and Popish Canonists . They further propound this second question on this Popes Decree : Nunquid Papa posset Imperatori potestatem dare , ut deponeret ipsum ? Which they thus affirmatively resolve : Sic , in Haresi , ( therefore a Pope may be an Heretick , and deposed for Heresie by the Emperor ; ) et de consensu Cardinalium : immo , in omnibus se potest subjicere ei ; Therefore the Emperor in all things is superiour to the Pope , not the Pope to him ; since this Pope Leo by his Bull and Charter resigned , regranted to this Emperor Otho , not only the Right of electing and confirming Popes , and the Investitures of Bishops , but also what ever Lands , Cities , Territories , Possessio●● , Gifts , either Charles or Pipin , or Justinian , or Aripert had given of the Regalities of the Kingdom of Italy , or the Empire to St. Peter , or the Church of Rome : which Bull or Charter is recorded at large in d Theodoricus de Niem , e Crantzius , the f Century Writers , and g others , being made in a General Council , and subscribed by 15. Archbishops and Bishops , 7. Cardinals , and 15. Chief Citizens of Rome : Both which conjoyned , eternally subvert as well the pretended usurped Temporal as Ecclesiastical Monarchy of the Roman Pontifs . h Cardinal Bellarmin and the Jesuit i Gretzer his Apologist , being unable to answer or evade these Decrees and Charters of this Synod and Pope , totally subverting the Popes pretended Supremacy , have the impudency to averr , there was no such Synod or Decree as this ; stiling the Synod , Imposturam , & ascititiam Synodum , Pseudo-Synodus , Pope Leo , Pseudo-Papa , and this Bull or Decree , Bulla seu Decretum commentitium ; without any authority but their own ( as they branded the Synod and Decree of Pope Adrian beforementioned : ) But this impudent forgery , and calumny of these Impostors , is not only refuted by Gratian himself , Bartholomeus Buxiensis , Dr. Thierry , and other Glossers , but likewise by Theodoricus de Niem , Marsilius Patavinus , Paulus Diaconus , Luitprandus , Martinus Polonus , Hermannus Schedel , Crantzius , Sigonius , Lupoldus , Nauclerus , Platina , Radulphus de Columna , Fasciculus Temporum , W●rnerus , Onuphrius , Radulphus de Diceto , Dr. Barnes , Balaeus , Mornay , Bishop Jewel , Dr. Crakenthorp , the Century Writers , and others forecited ; but likewise by Cardinal C●●●…anus , Cardinal Cameracensis , and Cardinal Petrus de Alliaco , as eminent Pillars of the Church of Rome as Baronius , and by Baronius k himself ; who recites this very D●cree he formerly denyed , as authentick , and acknowledgeth Leo to be a lawfull Pope : Which Decree is further attested , averred by the 4. famous Universities of Oxford , Paris , Prague , and Rome it self , in a Treatise written by them all to Pope Urba● , and Wenceslaus the Emperour , about the year 1374. wherein they assert , Pope Leo the 8. by reason of the malice and turbulency of the Romans , decreed , that none should be made Pope , but with the con●ent of the Emperor ; and further , with the consent of the Cardinals , Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , yea , of the whole Clergy and people of Rome , he remised , regranted , resigned to Otho , and his Successors , the whole Donations in Italy , which were formerly made to the Roman Church , by Justinian , Pipin , Charles , and others : So as ( by their resolutions ) these Decrees and Charters of Leo remain unquestionable , and cannot be evaded . Pope Leo deceasing , the Roman An. 970. dispatched two Embassadors to the Emperour to crave his license to elect a Pope ; a who thereupon sent the Bishops of Constance 〈◊〉 Spires to Rome , in his name , by whose advice and consent John the 14. was elected Pope , populi totius Suffragio . b About the year 971. Peter the Governour , with the two Consuls , and 12. Senators of Rome , apprehended this Pope John in the Church of Lateran for his tyrippy , and adhering to the Emperor , imprisoning him near 11. moneths , and then 〈◊〉 him into Campania ; of which the Emperor Otho being informed , marched to Rome with an Army , and there , by his Soveraign power punished some of the seditions Citizens with death , others with banishment , the residue with confiscation of their goods , delivering Peter to the Pope , to inflict what punishments he pleased on him , who used him with most inhumane , unchristian , barbarous tyranny . His Successor c Pope Benedict the 6. A Cynthio Romano Cive ob quasdam nequitias captus , in Castello Sancti Angeli intrusus , eodem carcere non multo post laqueo stragulatus est , as most relate ; others affirm that he was there starved to death . De tanta illa injuria nullam esse sumptam vindictam , vel a Civibus Romanis aversae factionis , vel ab O●hone Imperatore non possum ego ( inquit Platina ) non satis admirari , praesertim cum Otho ipse , vir optimus sit habitus , & Ecclesiae Romanae acerrimus defensor . Sed vereor ne talia fuerunt Benedicti merita , quale praemium à Cynthio consecutus est . Doubtles these 2. Popes thus imprisoned , punished successively by the Roman Consuls and Magistrates for their notorious unsufferable Crimes , were not deemed supream heads over Emperors , or Christs universal Church in that age ; no not in Rome it self . d Pope Boniface the 7. Malis artibus adeptus Pontificatum , horrendum monstrum cunctos mortales nequitia superans , etiam prioris Pontificis sanguine cruentatus , cunctaque gubernationis officia male ministrans , omnium apud Romanos odia incurrit ; whereupon being enforced to hide himself , he secretly stole all the precious Treasures out of St. Peters Church , and fled with them to Constantinople , where he sold them for a great summ of money , wherewith he returning to Rome , made such a party against Pope Iohn the 15. ( whom the Romans had elected and made Pope in his absence ) that Joannem paratis praesidiis caepit , oculis privavit , carcere inclusit , fame necavit , occupavitque rursus Pontificiam sedem ; But dying soon after , the people were so enraged against him , that they would not suffer his corps to be buried ; but cadaver ejus fune ad pedes alligato , per plateas tractum , ac lanceis & contis opprobriose confossum , 〈◊〉 à Clericis beneficio sepulturae populari tralitum est . So little did they value his pretended Sanctity or Supremacy , whiles alive and dead . e Pope Iohn the 16. ( a Priests base Sonne ) being elected by the Clergy and People of Rome , soon incurred both their hatreds , for his extraordinary covetousnesse ; maxime autem quod omnia cognatis & affinibus , scortis ac spuriis , postposito Romanae sedis honore , sit elargitus ; Quem certe errorem ( as Platina , Stella , Balaeus , and others complain ) al nostra usque tempora , pessimo posteritatis exemplo pervenisse cernimus . Qua quidem consuetudine nil perniciosius dici potest , cum non ob religionem & Dei cultum , appetere Pontificatum Sacerdotes nostri videantur , sed ut Nepotum & familiarium , nothorum & meretricum ingluviem atque avaritiam expleant . Quae non omnino praetermisit Baptista Mantuanus in 3. Libro de suorum temporum Calamitatibus . Sanctus ager Scurris , venerabilis ara Cinaedis , Servit , honorandae divum Ganymedibus aedes . In carcerem igitur conjectus , à Clero & Populo , quarto sui regiminis mense , fame in eo periit . A strong Argument against his Supremacy over Emperors and Kings , since thus imprisoned , corrected for his vices , by the very Clergy and people of Rome themselves , ( never questioned for their proceedings against him ; ) who likewise forced his Successor Iohn the 17. to retire and exile himself from Rome for a time . After the death of f Ludovicus King of France , Duke Charles his brother claimed the Crown as next heir , but Hugo Caepet obtaining it by power , Charles seised upon the City of Rhemes by the treachery of his Nephew Arnulphus Archbishop thereof : Hereupon by the command of King Hugo , there were two Synods called at Rhemes ; in the first whereof Archbishop Arnulphus was accused , and in the 2d . convicted of Treason against the King by many witnesses , and thereupon deposed , excommunicated , and imprisoned . In this 2d . Synod Signinus Archbishop of Sens , president therein , related , That Arnulphus was accused of pillaging , and betraying the City of Rhemes to the Kings Enemies , which drew not only a scandal and suspition upon himself , but upon all the Clergy . Nunc , quia Religionis amore , & studio Serenissimi Regis nostri Domini Hugonis congregati sumus , quaerendum est , quomed , tanta infamia tacere possumus ? & si frater & coepiscopus noster Arnulphus illata crimina diluere queat , vel crimen laesae Majestatis propulsare : Scitis enim omnes nos insimulari probo infidelitatis & perfidiae , causa unius . Si , inquiunt , justis Episcopi utuatur legibas , si lissimique suis Regibus sunt , cur hominem impurissimum suis legibus non puniunt ? nimirum aliorum flagitia adeo moliuntur celare , ut impune liccat eis peccare . Absit hoc ab hoc sanctissimo coetu vestro , absit ut contra divinas ac humanas leges quenquam moliamur defendere vel 〈◊〉 re , &c. After which Siguinus said , Non patiar , discussionem fieri ejus , quid citur Majestatis obn●xius , nisi forte convicto , ( Episcopo ) supplicii indulgentia promittatur : citing 31. capur Toletani Concilii , to this purpose : who being seconded by Daibertus , thereupon Herveus Episcopus replyed , Si hoc periculosum est ( for Bishops to judge and condemn a Bishop as guilty of High Treason ) videte ne sit periculosius , judicia Ecclesiastica deinceps a Secularibus non expectari . Consequens enim est , ad forensia Iura nos pertrahi , si divinis legibus videmur in aliquo obniti . At quomodo sine judicio relinquetur , quod commissum esse constiterit ? vel cur contrae Principem nostrum causabimur , si quod attingere non audebinus , iudiciaria potestate conceditur ? After some debates pro & contra , Arnulphus his Oath of Algiance to the King ( which he had apparently violated ) was produced , and publickly read in these words , g Ego Arnulphus gratia Dei praeveniente Remorum Archiepiscopus , promitto Regibus Francorum , Hugoni & Roberto , me fidem purissimam servaturum , consilium & duxilium , secundum meum scire & posse , in omnibus negotiis praebiturum : inimicos eorum nec consilio , nec auxilio ad eorum infidelitatem scienter adjuturum . Haec in confectu divinae Majestatis & Beatorum Spirituum , & totius Ecclesiae * assistens promitto ; pro bene servatis laturus praemia aeternae benedictionis . Si vero , quod nolo , & quod absit , ab his deviavero , omnis benedictio mea convertatur in maledictionem , & fiant dies mei pauci , et Episcopatum meum accipiat alter , Recedant a me amici mei , sintque perpetuo inimici . Huic vero chirographo a me● edito in testimonium benedictionis vel maledictionis meae subscribo , fratresque & filios meos ut subscribant , rogo ; Ego Arnulphus Archiepiscopus . After much debate , Arnulphus his Advocates were called into the Synod to make his defence , who principally insisted on the Decrees of Pope Damasus , Pope Stephen , Sixtus , Iulius , Symmachus , Eusebius , Adrian , Fabian , and Anacletus , which were all read , to this effect ; Quod Episcoporum judicia non aliter quam authoritate sedis Apostolicae sunt terminanda , and that no Clerk ought to accuse , or be heard against his own Bishop . To which was answered , That Hildemannus Beluacensis Episcopus , & Ebo Remorum Archiepiscopus , were imprisoned in Monasteries by Ludovicus the Emperor , and deposed by a Synod without the Popes privity , consent , or leave first obtained : That King Huge and his Bishops of the Province of Rhemes had voluntarily complained to Pope Iohn of Arnulphus his treasons , demanding his advice , how to proceed against him in this new case , who delayed or refused to return his resolution therein ; therfore they might justly proceed against him without the Popes advice ; That Popes were now so infamous , scandalous , ignorant , &c. That they were unfit to be Judges in any case , and other inferiour Bishops of greater knowledge and holinesse , fitter to be their Judges , and all Bishops their equals . I shall recite King Hughs Letter to the Pope , desiring him only to inform him being ignorant , how to proceed , and what Judgement to pronounce against Arnulphus his treasons therein recited . Beatissimo Papae Iohanni , a Hugo gratia Dei Francorum Rex . Novis atque inusitatis rebus permoti , summo studio , summaque cura vestra consilia expetenda decrevimus , quippe cum sciamus , vos omne tempus in divinis ac humanis studiis exigisse . Considerate ergo quae facta sunt , & facienda praescribite , ut & sacis legibus su●● honor reddatur , & regalis potestas non annulletur . Arnulfus Regis Lotharii ( ut dicunt ) filius , post graves inimicitias , ac scelera quae in regnum nostrum exercuit , loco parentis adoptatus est a nobis , ac Metropoli Remorum gratis donatus : jusjurandum praebuit , quod contra praeterita & futura valeret Sacramenta , Libellum Chirographi conscripsit , recitavit , corroboravit , corroborarique fecit . Milites ac omnes Cives jurare coegit , ut in nostra persisterent Fide , si ipse aliquando in potestatem hostium deveniret . Contra haec omnia , ut certissimi testes sunt , ipse portas hostibus patefecit , Clerum ac populum , suae fidei creditum , captivitati & praedae distribuit . Sed esto , eum esse addictum alienae potestati , ut ipse videri vult ; ●ur Cives & Milites pejerare cogit ? Cur arma contra nos comparat ? Cur urbem ac Castra contra nos munit ? Si Captus est , cur non patitur liberari ? Si vi hostium oppressus , quare non vult sibi subveniri ? Et si liberatus est , cur ad nos non redit ? Vocatur ad Palatium , & venire contemnit . Invitatur ab Archiepiscopis , nihil se eis debere respondet . Ergo qui vices Apostolorum tenetis , statuite , quid de altero Iuda fieri debeat , ne nomen Dei per nos blasphemetur , & ne forte justo dolore permoti , ac vestra taciturnitate , urbis excidium , totiusque provinciae moliamur incendium : nec judici Deo excusationem praetendetis , si nobis quaerentibus atque ignorantibus , formam Iudicii dare nolueritis . This Letter makes not the Pope the sole Judge of this Archbishop or his cause , but only craves his advice , how this King might proceed against him , in this new case : So did the French Bishops Letter to him sent along with it , to this effect . Domino & Reverendissimo Papae Iohanni , b Episcopi Remorum Diaeceseos . Non sumus nescii , Beatissime Pater , jamdudum opportuisse nos expetere consulta sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae , pro ruina atque occasu sacerdotalis ordinis , sed multitudine tyrannorum pressi , longitudine terrarum semoti , desideria nostra hactenus implere nequivimus . Nunc itaque vestro examini , non sine magno dolore perferimus novum atque inusitatum crimen Arnulfi Remorum Archiescopi , qui famosus Apostate factus , locum Iudae traditoris , olim in Ecclesia tenet , qui filius quondam Ecclesiae Laudunensis , cum Episcopum suum dolo & fraude ceperit , Ecclesiam ejus pervaserit , ad cumulum suae damnationis Remensem Ecclesiam sibi creditam , cum Clero & populo captivavit : nec movet eum nostra vocatio , vel potius saluberrima exhortatio , non Archiepiscoporum comprovincialium multoties repetita admonitio , non canonice facta coram Deo & Angelis ejus professio , non Chirographi in conspectu Eccleseiae recitata descriptio , non numerosa Sacramenta miris excogitata consiliis . Stant suo vitio , quamplures Ecclesiae pastoribus viduatae , pereunt innumerabiles populi sine Sacerdotali benedictione & confirmatione : ipse factione tyrannica , divina humanaque jura contemens , tyrannidem exercet . Regibus nostris , a quibus tantam Gloriam gratis consecutus est , interitum meditatur . Ergo tandem monstro perditissimi hominis expergefacti ivimus in Sententiam Domini dicentis ; Si peccaverit in te frater tuus , vade & corripe eum inter te , & ipsum solum . Si te audierit , lucratus es fratrem tuum ; si autem te non audierit , adhibe tecum adhuc unum vel duos , ut in ore testium duorum vel trium stet omne verbum ; Quod si non audierit eos , dic Ecclesiae ; Si autem & Ecclesiae , non audierit , sit tibi sicut Ethnicus & Publicanus . Adesto Pater ruenti Ecclesiae , & sententiam ex sacris canonibus promulgatam , vel potius ab ipsa veritate prolatam , profer in reum . ( To wit , only by way of advice communicated to the King and them , not of actual execution . ) Sentiamus in vobis alterum Petrum , defensorem , & corroboratorem Christiane fidei ; ferat Sancta Romana Ecclesia sententiam damnationis in reum , quem universalis damnat Ecclesia . Suffragetur nobis ( by way of direction and approbation of their proceedings in a former Synod ) vestra Authoritas , & in hujus Apostatae dejectione , & in ejus qui domni Dei praeesse possit , Archiepiscopi nova ordinatione : Simulque invocatis Episcopis nostris fratribus , necessaria promotione , ut sciamus & intelligamus , cur inter caeteros Apostolatum vestrum praeferre debeamus . The Pope receiving these Letters from the King and his Bishops against Arnulfus , Legatos primo blande accepit ; postea verò quam Hereberti Comitis Legati ( on behalf of Arnulfus ) equum corpore praestantem , niveo colore insignem , cum aliis muneribus Pontifici obtulerunt ; se per triduum ante januam palatii defatigatos , nec admissos : Thereupon , infecto negotio redierunt . Upon which account the Synod of Rhemes resolved , That they might justly proceed against this Trayterous Archbishop without the Popes advice . In pursuit whereof : * Multa super his Pater Arnulfus ( President in this Synod ) publice loquutus est , multa cum sibi tantum assidentibus contulit , to this effect : Nos vero , inquit , Reverendissimi Patres , Romanam Ecclesiam propter beati Petri memoriam semper honorandam decernimus , nec decretis Romanorum Pontificum obviare contendimus ; salva tamen Authoritate Niceni Concilii , quod eadem Romana Ecclesia semper venerata est . Statuta etiam Sacrorum Canonum diversis locis , diversis temporibus ( sed eodem Dei spiritu conditorum ) in aeternum valere praecipimus , ab omnibus servanda censemus . Duo autem sunt , quae magnopere a nobis praevideri debent : id est , Romani Pontificis silentium , aut nova Constitutio , promulgatis legibus Canonum vel decretis priorum praejudicare potest . Si enim silentium praejudicat , omnes leges , omnia priorum decreta , * & silente silere necesse est . Si autem nova Constitutio , quid prosunt leges conditae , cum ad unius arbitrium omnia dirigantur ? Videtis , quia his duabus causis admissis , Ecclesiarum Dei status periclitatur : et dum legibus leges quaerimus , nullas omnino leges habemus . Quid ergo ? Num privilegio Romani Pontificis derogabimus ? minime : Sed si Romanus Episcopus is est quem scientiae & vitae meritum commendat , nec silentium , nec nova Constitutio metuenda sunt . Quod si vel ignorantia , vel metu , vel cupiditate abalienetur , vel conditio invidiam facit , ( quod fere sub haec tempora vidimus ) Romae tyrannide praevalente : tunc multo minus idem silentium , & nova Constitutio formidanda sunt . Non enim is qui quolibet modo contra leges est , legibus praejudicare potest . Sed O lugenda Roma , quae nostris majoribus clara Patrum lumina praebuisti , nostris temporibus monstrosas tenebras futuro saeculo famosas effudisti . Olim accepimus claros Leones , magnos Gregorios . Quid dicam de Gelasio & Innocentio , qui omnem mundanam Philosophiam sua sapientia & eloquentia superant ? Longa series eorum est , qui sua Doctrina mundum repleverunt . Eorum itaque dispositioni , qui vitae merito & scientia cunctos mortales anteirent , recte universalis Ecclesia credita est ; quamvis et in hac ipsa foelicitate hoc privilegium tibi ab Affricanis Episcopis contradictum sit , has credo quas patimur miserias magis , quam typum dominationis formidantibus . Nam quid sub haec tempora non vidimus ? Vidimus Johannem cognomento Octavianum , in volutabro libidinum versatum , etiam contra eum Othonem , quem Augustum creaverat , conjurasse : quo fugato , Leo Neophytus in Pontificem creatur . Sed Otthone Caesare Roma discedente , Octavianus Romam redit , Leonem fugat : Johannem Diaconum naso , dextris digitis , ac lingua mutilat : multaque caede primorum in Urbe debacchatus , in brevi moritur : cui Benedictum Diaconum , cognomento Grammaticum , Romani substituunt : eum quoque Leo Neophytus cum suo Caesare non longe post aggreditur , obsidet , capit , deponit , perpetuoque exilio in Germaniam dirigit . Succedit Otthoni Caesari Caesar Ottho , natura , aetate , cunctos Principes armis , consilio ac scientia superans . Succedit Romae in Pontificatus horrendum monstrum , Malefacius , cunctos mortales nequicia superans , etiam prioris Pontificis sanguine cruentus : sed hic etiam fugatus est , in magna Synodo damnatus : post obitum divi Otthonis Romam redit , insignem virum Apostolicum , Petrum Papiensis Ecclesiae prius Antistitem , data Sacramentorum fide , ab arce Urbis dejicit , deponit : squalore carceris affectum perimit . Num talibus monstris hominum , ignominia plenis , scientia divinarum et humanarum rerum vacuis , innumeris Sacerdotes Dei per orbem terrarum scientia et vitae merito conspicuos , subjici decretum est ? Quid est hoc Reverendissimi Patres ? vel quonam vitio fieri credendum est , ut caput Ecclesiarum Dei , quod in sublime erectum , gloria & honore coronatum est , ita in infima dejectum , ignominia et dedecore deturpatum sit ? Nostrum , nostrum est hoc peccatum , nostra impietas , qui quaerimus quae nostra sunt , non quae Jesu Christi . Si enim in quovis ad Episcopatum electo , morum gravitas , vitae meritum , divinarum ac humanarum rerum scientia , subtiliter investigantur ; quid in eo qui omnium Episcoporum Magister videri appetit , investigandum non est ? cur ergo in summa sede sic infimus constituitur , ut etiam in Clero nullum habere locum dignus inveniatur ? Quid hunc Reverendi Patres in sub●●● solio residentem , veste purpurea & aurea radiantem , quid hunc ( inquam ) esse censetis ? Nimirum si charitate destituitur , solaque scientia inflatur , & extollitur , Antichristus est , in Templo Dei sedens , et se ostendens tanquam sit Deus . Si autem nec charitate fundatur , nec scientia erigitur , in Templo Dei tanquam statua , tanquam idolum est ; a quo responsa petere , marmora consulere est . Quo ergo consultum ibimus ? Evangelium docet , quendam in ficulnea ter fructum quaesisse , & quia non repererit , succidere voluisse , sed admonitum expectasse . Expectemus ergo primates nostros , quoad possumus : atque interim divini verbi pabula , ubinam reperiri valeant , investigemus . Certe in Belgica & Germania , quae vicinae nobis sunt , summus Sacerdotes Dei , in religione admodum praestantes , inventri , in hoc sacro conven●●testes quidam sunt . Proinde , si Regum dissidentium animositas non prohibere● , inde magis Episcoporum judicium petendum fore videtur , quam ab ea Vrbe , quae nunc temporis venalis exposita , ad nummorum quantitatem judicia trutinat . Quod si quispiam dixerit , secundum Gela●ium , Romanum Ecclesiam de tota Ecclesia judicare , ipsam ad nullius comeare judicium , nec de ejus unquam judicio judicari posse : quanquam hoc ipsum Affricani Episcopi impossibile judicant , nisi forte ( inquiunt ) quisquam est qui credat , unic●ilibet posse Dominum nostrum examinis inspirare justiciam , et innumerabilibus congregatis in Concilium Sacerdotibus deuegare . Sed cum hoc tempore Romae nullus pene sit ( ut fama est ) qui Literas didicerit , sine quibus ( ut scriptum est ) vix ossiarius efficitur , qua fronte aliquis eorum docere audebit , quod minime didicit ? Ad comparationem quippe Romani Pontificis , in aliis Sacerdotibus ignorantia utcunque tolerabilis est ; in Romano autem , cui de fide , vita , moribus , disciplina Sacerdotum , deque universali Ecclesia Catholica iudicandum est , intolerabilis videri potest . Is enim est ( ut quibusdam placet ) qui secundum Ezechielem Prophetam , moratur in Gazophylacio , quod respicit viam meridianam , & excubat in custodiis Templi ; Cur autem loco prior , scientia inferior , non aequo animo ferat judicium loco inferioris , scientia prioris ? Certe ipse Apostolorum Princeps non abnuit judicium , quamvis loco minoris , Pauli scientia prioris , in faciem sibi resistentis , quoniam non sana videbatur Doctrina Magistri ; & Gregorius Papa cum dicat , Si quae culpa in Episcopis invenitur , nescio quis Apostolicae sedi subjectus non sit ; subinfert , Cum vero culpa non exegit , omnes secundum rationem humilitatis pares sunt . Involutus ergo criminibus , sentiat praeesse sibi Romanum Pontificem : qui nullis atrocioribus factis praegravatur , intelligat , parem dignamque se ac Romano Pontifice in quolibet negotio laturus sententiam . Sed esto , ponamus nunc Romae esse Damasum , quid contra ejus decretum actum est ? Nempe , fi bene recordor , primum Capitulum suit quod Episcoporum & summorum negotiorum Ecclesiasticorum causae semper ad sedem Apostolicam sint referendae . Utique relatae sunt , non solum ab Episcopis , sed etiam a Principe nostro serenissimo , liberaque potestas Apostolicae sedi data est , & vera investigandi , & cognoscendi & di judicandi , per temporum intervalla nimis prolixa : nec prius ad causam accessimus , quam desperatione judicii ejus ( by way of advice , rather then final censure ) protraheremur . Consultus est ergo Romanus Episcopus ut oportuit , & de hujus Arnulsi depositione , & de ejus qui domui Dei digne praeesse posset substitutione ; sed our nihil responderit , quorum interest ipsi viderint . Nos autem Sardicense Concilium , quod privilegio Romanae Ecclesiae plurimum favet , ita ad hanc causam inflectimus , ut quod de solo Episcopo in qualibet provincia relicto dicit , ad Romanum Episcopum affectum esse credamus , &c. In fine , after long debate , * Arnulfus being demanded by the President , Vi●ne te abdicare a Sacerdotii honore , quo hactenus abusus es ? and he thereto answering dubiously , Sicut dicitis . Tum Comes Brochardus ( the Nobles as well as Bishops being present in this Synod ) demanded , Quid est istud , Sicut dicitis ? palam cloquatur , palam confiteatur , ne postea Episcopos crimina , quae voluerint finxisse dictitet , se confessum esse abneget . Whereupon he answered , Palam dico & profiteor me errasse , & a fidelitate deviasse , &c. And by a * Writing under his hand , confessed his crime and abuse of his Pontifical Office and Ministry , whereof he acknowledged himself unworthy , desiring that another Archbishop , qui digne praesse & prodesse possit Ecclesiae , might be consecrated in his place . Arnulfus being thereupon deposed and committed to prison in the City of Aurelia , Gerbertus ( afterwards Pope ) was made Archbishop in his place ; and Siguinus Senonensis Archiepiscopus ( who would not consent to Arnulfus his deposition , quae magis ipsius aulae insatiabili odio , quam Episcoporum sententia fiebat , as he conceived ) una cum Arnulfo in carcerem ire jubetur : qua quidem re Hugo Rex suae tranquillitati consulere studebat : ac Triennium utrique in captivitate conservantur . About the year 996. * Pope John the 17. as some , or Benedict the 7. as others write , receiving and perusing the Acts of this Synod at Rome , ingenti ira exardescit , & protinus suum fulmen vibrans , omnibus Episcopis Galliae qui Arnulfum dejecerant aliumque suffecerant , omnibus sacris interdicit . Hisce plus quam panicis terroribus praemissis ; he caused another Synod of the French Bishops to meet at Rhemes , whereof Siguinus , è carcere eductus , was made President ; wherein the deposition of Archbishop Arnulfus was examined , and in conclusion , by the connivance of King Hugo , Arnulfus ( against the Canons , and his own confession ) was restored , Gerbertus ( who made a most elegant Oration therein , demonstrating the simony and intrusion of Arnulfus , the justice of his deposition , and legality of his own advancement to it ) deposed , or rather translated from thence to the Bishoprick of Ravenna , to give satisfaction to the King and him , ex qua veluti scala postea in Romanum Episcopatum emergit . This Archbishop Gerbertus in his * 1. Epistle , Othoni Caesari , hath these expressions : Loquatur Dominus mens servo suo propriis Epistolis soli●o more , ut ejus servitutis fiat exhibitio , &c. Quantum enim in nobis est , quod possibile este esse , consequens est nos perficere , si vestrum cognoverimus velle . Non dicatur Majestatis reus , cui pro Caesare stare semper fuit gloria , contra Caesarem ignominia . Epistola 154. Domino & glorioso Othoni Imperatori semper Augusto ; Gerbertus gratia Domini Remorum Episcopus , quicquid tanto Imperatori dignum , &c. Paremus ergo Caesar , Imperialibus edictis , tum in hoc , tum in omnibus quaecunque divina Majestas vestra decreverit . Non enim deesse possumus obsequio , qui nihil inter humanas res dulcius aspicimus vestro Imperio . Epist . 34. he hath the like passages . Epist . 12. he thus complains : Ipse Caesar omnium hominum excellentissimus , a furciferis asino coaequatur . O amicorum fidelissime ; recordare quod te oraverim , me malle esse nulitem in Caesarianis castris , quam Regem in extraneis . And in his * Epistola ad Wilderodonem Episcopum Argentinensem , he thus asserts the Rights of the Kings and Church of France , against the Popes Usurpations . Tu dicis Arunlphum incendia , seditiones , traditiones , flagitia , captivitates , suorumque direptiones exercentem , suorum Regum interritus molientem , Patriam hostibus prodentem , divina humanaque contemnentem , nec communione debuisse privari , nec potestate Principis abjici , sine Episcopi Romani jussione ; cum Apostolus dicat : Quia Princeps non sine causa gladium portat , sed ad vindictam malefactorum , laudem vero bonorum . Favete omnes , qui Regibus vestris fidem promisistis , promissamque servare vultis , qui Clerum vobis commissum & populum nec tradidistis , nec tradere disponitis ; vos inquam , qui tantorum scelerum facta perhorrescitis , favete his qui obediunt Deo jubenti . Peccantem & Ecclesiae non obaudientem habendum sicut Ethnicum & Publicanum : qui iterum dicit vobis ; Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisaei qui transgredimini mandatum Dei , &c. Et ne quis nos in invidiam adducat , quasi privilegiis Romanae Ecclesiae derogantes , audiat Hieronymum dicentem . Si authoritas quaeritur , orbis major est Urbe : Quod si persona major Presbytero quaeritur , ille Sacerdos magnus Leo Papa accedat ; Non tenetur , inquit , Petri privilegium , ubi non ex ejus aequitate fertur judicium , &c. At quid judicata , si judicanda exinde non informantur ? aut quomodo mansuras in aeternum leges trecenti decem & octo Patres constituerunt , si horum constituta ad unius libitum permutantur , aut perimuutur ? Apiarius Presbyter ab Afris damnatus , a Romanis communioni restitutus est . Scribunt Africani Papae Coelestino , contra Nycaenam Synodum factum videri . Aiunt Calumniatores nostri , Summum Sacerdotem Arnulphum a Summo Sacerdote Romano debuisse tantum dijudicari ; ait Beatus Augustinus , si Caecilianum totius Africae primatem ejus accusatores , quod in vita non potuerunt , post mortem convincant , a sacrorum proditoribus voluminum ordinatum , vel ipsum proditorem fuisse , & post mortem sine r●tractatione se ei Anathema dicturum . Licuit ergo Episcopis Galliarum viventi Arnulpho confesso & convicto , ut Ethnico & Publicano dixisse Anathema ; licuit inquam , sequi Evangelistas , Apostolos , Prophetas , sacra Concilia , vivorum Apostolorum decreta , ab his quatuor non discordantia , semper in usu habita , semper habenda , &c. Pressa jacet Tyrannide omnis Ecclesia Gallorum , atqui non a Gallis , sed ab his a quibus sperebatur salus . Sed una salus hominis ô Christe tu es ; Ipsa Roma omnium Ecclesiarum hactenus habita mater , malis benedicere , bonis maledicere fertur , et quibus nec ave dicendum est , communicare , tuamque legem zelantes damnare , abutens ligandi et solvendi potestate a te accepta . So little did this Archbishop ( soon after made Pope ) esteem the pretended Supremacy of the Pope , or See of Rome . After the death of Pope John the 17. * Otto the 3. coming with an Army into Italy , jubet , commanded the Romans to chuse Bruno his kinsman , son of Otto Duke of Suevia , Pope ; sperans ista ratione posse pacem stabilire , quae electionibus Novorum Pontificum semper solebat perturbari . Hereupon , Clerus & populus sibi ab Imperatore metuentes , Brunonem in Pontificem eligunt , ( called Gregory the 5. ) à quo Otto cum benedictionem , tum Coronam Imperii accepit : Ottone ad Germaniam regresso , Romanus populus , novarum rerum cupidus , Crescentium ad consularem potestatem trabunt , & res Romanas ejus fidei atque industriae committunt . Crescentius & populus aegre ferentes Gregorium , Germanum natione , Auctoritate Imperatoris creatum Pontificem , ideo illum sede Pontificia ejiciunt , & Johannem 18. natione Graecum , Placentinum Episcopum ( hominem perniciosum , insatiabili mentis ardore Papatum muneribus , tumultu ac seditione , aliorum Pontificum more , ambientem ) Pontificem creant ; qui per factionem pecuniis corruptam sedem occupavit , quod illi exitium , divina ultione , horridum postea peperit . Gregorius , ad Imperatorem se conferens , de injuria queritur . Imperator indigne ferens hanc contumeliam , cum exercitu in Italiam redit ; Urbem obsedit , oppugnavit impigre : Hereupon the Romans deserting Crescentius and Pope John , veniam ab Imperatore sibi dari petunt , aperiuntque Germanis portas : The Pope and Crescentius thereupon fled to the strong Castle of St. Angelo , where after some assaults , descendunt ad Imperatorem veniam petituri ; in itinere intercipiuntur . Johannes Novus Pontifex , effossis prius oculis , ( auribus quoque & naribus abscissis , as Damianus and others write ) Pontificatu simul et vita privabatur . On this Pope John and his followers * Baptista Mantuanus bestowed these verses . Pernices mercantur equos ; venalia Romae , Templa , Sacerdotes , Altaria Sacra , Coronae , Ignes , Thura , Preces , Coelum est venale , Deusque . Miror ego ( inquit Platina ) Historicos Johannem istum inter Pontifices numerasse , cum vivente adhuc Gregorio , sedem occupasset , nisi forte in conscribendis Pontificum vitis , ita faciendum censeant , ut in perpetua Historia fit . Nam & Tyrannorum perversa facta , optimorum Pricipum rebus gestis annumerantur ; ut quantum inter se boni & mali dissident à legentibus agnosci possit ; quo malorum exemplo a vitiis deterreantur , & bonorum exemplo al virtutes impulsi , vitam in terris beatam ducant . Qua quidem beatitudine Johannes iste caruit , Fur certe in Pontificatu et latro . Flores Temporum , and Aventinus relate , that this Pope John , de Capitolio praecipitatus sit , indeque esse , ut nulli Pontifici invisere liceat . Crescentius ( his Patron and advancer ) vili jumento imponebatur , & vultu ad caudam verso , nasoque cum auribus abscisso , ut spectaculo esset omnibus , per plateas circumducebatur , ac truncatis membris , ante Vribis moenia patibulo suspendebatur : This Emperor , Gregorium 5. in pristinam Pontificum sedem restituit : an unanswerable evidence of his Soveraign Jurisdiction , both over the Pope , City and Citizens of Rome , in relation to the election and confirmation of the Roman Pontiff . After which , Congregata Romae Synodo , the Emperor and Pope perceiving the various contentions and events concerning the Emperors election , arising from the ambition of Princes , & Episcoporum philargyria , they ordained in this Synod , ut jus eligendi Caesares apud Germaniae Principes deinde maneret ; scilicet , Maguntinensem , Treverensem , & Coloniensem Archiepiscopos , Comitem Palatinum Rheni , Ducem Saxoniae , ac Marchionem Brandeburgensem , & Bohemiae Principem ad dirimendas discordias in paribus suffragiis . Quam sanctionem Anno Dom. 1002. Otto Imperator approbavit , without which it had been a meer nullity . Which Constitution the Kings of France , iniquissime ferebant , sed aper to bello id illis eripere non audebant . This Pope Gregory deceasing Anno 997. a Gilbertus , ( alias Gerbertus ) Archbishop of Ravenna , ( of whom before ) per Otthonem Imperatorem ad Romanae urbis sedem evehitur , and named Sylvester the 2d . This Pope , artibus Diabolicis intentus , totus se Satanae mancipabat , & jurejurando se tradidit from his youth , obtaining all his former preferments , and the Papacy , magicis artibus , & strenua opera Diaboli adjutus . Which he concealing after he was made Pope ( lest he should seem the Devils Vicar , rather then Christs ) Aeneum vero caput domi in abdito quodam loco servabat , per quod Diabolus de rebus futuris an ipso rogatus , responsa dabat . Sylvester in tanto honorum gradu Diaboli ope constitutus , consuluit aliquando Diabolum de tantae foelicitatis suae dinturnitate : qui ressondit , Non eum moriturum , nisi Hierosolymas missam celebraret . Pontifex urbem Palestinae intelligens , longissime mortem a se abesse somniabat , cumnihil minus quam de Hierosolyma adcunda cogitaret : Impiam igitur & ab omni ●mendations cura , liberam agebat vitam . But soon after saying Masse in Lent , according to the custom of former Popes , in the Church of St. Crosse , called ●rusalem , in ipsis sacris ardenti febre corripitur , daemonumque audit strepitum ; whereupon conceiving himself deluded by the Devils ambiguous answer , and that his death approached , Conscientiae morsu saevissimo excitatus , scelus suum deploravit , & praesentibus Cardinalibus rem omnem multo cum gemitu aperuit . Membra omnia quibus Diabolo obsequium praestiterat ( viz. manus & linguam , sunt , qui addunt , genitalia ) praecidi jussit : Deinde truncum mortuum super bigam jussit poni , at ubicunque animalia perducerent & subsisterent sepeliretur ; And then expiring ( Anno Dom. 1001. as some , or 1003. as others compute ) the Cardinals executed what he desired on his corps . Et quis non hinc intelligat ( writes Balaeus ) qualenam istud munus sit , qualis sit dignitas , quale officium , quod Diabolus sine censura novit , quodque Satanicis atque nefariis artibus adepisci possunt homines perditissimi ? Quale sit etiam Missae sacrificum , quod vivis & mortuis prodesse crebro jactitant , cum Diabolus tantam tragoe●iam adversus sanctissimum Petri successorem & socium ( Simonem Magum , potius ) sub eo excitaverit , atque ad lacum tartareum secum tandem traxerit . Before I proceed further , I cannot but take notice of a memorable passage of Cardinal b Baronius ( a chief Assertor of the universal Supremacy , and uninterrupted Succession of the Popes and Church of Rome ) touching the corrupt , detestable state of the Church and Bishops of Rome , in this age . Quae tunc facies Ecclesiae Romanae ? quam foedissima , cum Romae dominarentur potentissimae aeque ac sordidissimae Meretrices ? Quarum arbitrio mutarentur sedes , darentur Episcopi , & quod auditu horrendum & infandum est , intruderentur in sedem Petri eorum amasii , et Pseudo-Pontifices , qui non sunt nisi ad consignanda tanta tempora in Catalogo Romanorum Pontificum scripti . Quis enim a Scortis hujusmodi intrusos , sine lege , legitimos dicere posset , Romanos fuisse Pontifices ? Nusquam Cleri eligentis , vel consentientis postea , aliqua mentio , Canones pressi silentio , decreta Pontificum suffocata , proscriptae antiquae traditiones veteresque in eligendo Summo Pontifice consuetudines , sacr●que ritus & pristinus usus , prorsus extincti . Sic vendicaverat omnia sibi libido seculari potentia freta , insaniens , aestro percita dominandi . Dormiebat tunc plane alto ( ut apparet ) sopore Christus in Navi , cum ipse flantibus validis ventis , navis ipsa fluctibus operiretur . Dormiebat , inquam , qui ista non videre dissimulans , sineret sic fieri , dum non exurgeret vindex . Et quod deterius videtur , deerant qui Dominum sic dormientem clamoribus excitarent discipuli , stertentibus omnibus . Qualesnam reris delectos ab hisce monstris Presbyteros & Diaconos Cardinales fuisse putandum , cum nihil tam naturae insitum sit , quam unumquemque sibi similem generare ? Quos in omnibus his , a quibus delecti fuerint , consensisse dubitare quis poterit ? imitatosque esse ipsos , sectatosque eorum vestigia quis non facile credat , & optasse hos omnes Dominum dormisse semper , & nunquam in judicium surrecturum , evigilaturum , nunquam ad ipsorum cognoscenda & punienda facinora quis non intelligat ? On which passage , Philip Lord Morney hath this observation . Et ex hoc solo loco judicet Lector , quam tantopere ostentavit Episcoporum Romanorum successionem , ( he might adde , his Supremacy , Headship over the Church , as Christs Vicar General ) quo jure defendere possit ? To which I shall subjoyn this observation of learned c Gualther , relating to the successive Popes in the same age . Jam ergo penes cordatum quemvis judicium esto , non merito de Pontificum tyrannide & iniquitate conquesti sint optimi quique , cum tot ( quos modo commemoravimus ) nebulones , tyrannos , fures , raptores , latrones , seditiosos , adulteros , et palam sacrilegos ( he might have added homicidas , apostatas , Necromanticos , haereticos , idololatricos , atheisticos ) intra tam paucos annos , sedes illa gestaverit . Et quis sodes ceu sanctam veneretur , quae tor pestes sustinere potuit ? Nondum tamen impletus satis fuit impiissimorum hominum catalogus , &c. To these I could subjoyn the concurrent Testimonies of Platina , Sabellicus , Wernerus , St. Bernard , Genebrardus , Bellarmin , and others , collected by our incomparable Iacobus Usserius , in his Book , De Christianarum Ecclesiarum Successione & statu , c. 2 , 3 , 4. to which I refer the Reader : concluding with this memorable passage of c Ant. Coccius Sabellicus , evidencing the Emperors Supremacy over Popes : Non possum non multum mirar● , unde Tragica haec Pontificum fluxerint exempla , quam dira pretatis oblivio eorum mentes irrepserit , ut neque personae quem sustinebant ratio ab his ulla haberetur , neque loci quem tenerent , ut non immerito aliquis suspicaretur , quicquid moderaminis fuit et Majestatis in illis , qui●a Caroli cognomento Magni temporibus ad Gallici Imperii exitum interfuit ( interfuit enim aetas una ) sedem tenuerunt , non tam sua sponte , quam Regum , Imperatorum , et in quorum tutela essent metu et reverentia , in officio manserunt . Wherefore it was very necessary , at least expedient for the good government , reformation of Popes , Prelates , and the Church of God , that Christian Kings and Emperors should have a Superintendent coercive power over them , to keep them all in good order , to restrain , correct their detestable Enormities and exorbitances ; especially since Wernerus ( a Carthu●●an Monk ) writing of this degenerate age , and Popes therein , pronounceth , Sanctitatem Papam dimisisse , ac ad Imperatores accessisse hoc tempore , sicut Clare apparet ; and d Genebrardus records , Hoc seculum uno infelix , quod per annos f●re 150. Pontifices circiter 50. a virtute majorum prorsus defecerint , Apotactici , Apostaticive potius , quam Apostolici : And could such Monsters of men , and Apostates from the life and faith of Christ , be his Universal Vicars over his Church on earth , and not rather those pious Christian Kings , Emperors , who punished their excesses ? e Pope John the 19. adjutore Diabolo , cujus tum erat Papatum dare , Sylvestro , mago ac Satanico monstro , successit in Romana sede ; but with some contest ; Certamen enim fuit ( as Benno Cardinalis , and others record ) inter ipsius Sylvestri discipulos necromantes dum quisque anhelaret ad rapiendum sibi Papatum . This Pope by the perswasion of his Clergy Romanum populum Pontificis electione privavit , adjectis his clausulis , Docendus ( Ducendus ) est populus , non sequendus : Major est dignitas legis quae regitur Spiritu sancto ( whereby these Popes were not ruled , but by the unclean Spirit the Devil ) quam legis secularis . Leges Imperatorias nihil esse dicebat : But by a divine retalation , his Papal authority was so much slighted , that Veneno a suis domesticis sublatus est , within 5. moneths after his consecration , to make way for his successor Iohn the 20. qui prodig iosis artibus Satanici Papatus sellam occupavit . A praedicto enim Sylvestro , qui Magus diabolicus erat , usque ad Gregorium septimum , sceleratissimum nebulonem , ac praestigiatorem iniquissimum , famosi fuerunt incantatores Romani Pontifices omnes , Jannem & Jambrem Aegyptos Magos longe superantes , as Benno Cardinalis , Balaeus , and others inform us . This Pope totum se voluptatibus dedit , during all his Papacy , till at last by the practice of such who aspired after his Papal See , non sine veneni suspitione expiravit , Anno 1009. Earl Rodulph , a near neighbour to f Fulbertus Bishop of Carnotum , about the year 1007. res Ecclesia Carnotensis per injustam occasionem invasit , unum de Clericis suis manibus interfecit ; duos alios captos Sacramento illigavit . Et de his omnibus appellatus in Curia Regis , ( upon the frequent complaints of Fulbertus ) & coram plena Ecclesia saepe vocatus , nec propter hominem , nec propter Deum ad justitiam venire dignatus ; he was at last excommunicated by Fulbertus : whereupon appealing to Pope John the 20. ad limina Sancti Petri contendit , tanquam ibi possit accipere de pecca●● absolutionem , unde venire non vult ad emendationem . Fulbertus on this occasion writ an Epistle to Pope John , ut eum de sanguine filiorum tuorum ita arguere & castigare memineris , sic ut meritum esse tua prudentia novit . Nec tua sanctitas injuste in communionem recipiat , quem divina authoritas sicut Ethnicum alienat . Unde bone pastor evigila , evigila super nos , ne per incuriam tuam grex Domini detrimentum sustineat . Moreover , a Gaufridus Vicecomes , building a Castle at Iseras , within the Lands of St. Mary , belonging to his Bishoprick , bestowed on him by Robert King of France , he appealed to this King by Messengers and Letters , for advice and relief against these injuries , to command them vestra regali auctoritate vivaciter imperando , to redresse these injuries ; ne apud extraneum Regem , vel Imperatorem , quod absit , compellamur a vobis exules , noluisse vos , vel non valuisse , Sponsam Christi sanctam Ecclesiam vobis regere commissam , intueri : acknowledging the chief Government of the Church , as well as protection , to belong to the King , not Pope , within his Kingdom ; and that the conferring of b Bishopricks and placing , confirming Bishops in vacant Sces , appertained to the King ( not Pope or Clergy ) as sundry of his Epistles evidence . c The Emperor Henry the 2d . who ob eximium religionis studium Pii nomen sortitus est ; by his Imperial power about the year 1007. summoned two Synods , not only of his Bishops and Clergy , but likewise of his Nobles ; wherein himself was present , sharply reprehending the Bishops in publick Orations to them , for neglecting their duties , and not rooting out , and cutting off putrid Members with the sword of the Spirit , lest they should corrupt the sound . After which , about the year 1016. Conventum Aquisgrani indicit , ubi Episcopis et Principibus congregatis , de republica quaedam tractata sunt ; after which certain Masses , Fasts , and A●ms were prescribed , to prevent Gods judgments then hanging over and inflicted on them for their sins , to appease his wrath . Anno 1017. Idem Imperator Naviomagi et Politicorum et Ecclesiasticorum coegit Senatum . ubi inter caetera quaedam de restauranda religione , quae jam ad interitum inclmabat , deliberata & constituta sunt . Anno 1023. the same Emperor called another Synod at Salegunstat , ( Selgenstat ) to compose the manifold differences and varieties of divine Offices , * Canons , Customs in the German Churches , which caused manifold dissentions , and reduce them into one : which they endeavoured to effect by 20. Constitutions ; whereof the 16. was this : Vt nullus Romam eat , nisi cum licentia sui Episcopi , vel ejus Vicarii . A sufficient evidence of this Emperors Supremacy , in calling Synods , and over all Ecclesiastical persons , causes , and in reforming corruptions in the Church and Clergy . d Pope Benedict the 8. a meer Layman , magicis artibus ad Papatum pervenit , by the assistance of Theophylact his Nephew . He demanded no lesse them 100 marks annual rent , cum equo albo & phalerato , to be reserved to the Church of Rome for consecrating the Cathedral Church of Bamberg , from Henry the Emperor who built it . After whose death , ab aemulis Cardinalibus sede pellitur , & alius surrogatus , factumque inde fuit schisma gravissimum . Postea tamen per aureos nummos , inita cum adversariis concordia , pulso adulterino Pontifice , in sedem restituebatur . John the 21. Theophylacti Nepotis arte nefaria , nullis adhuc initiatus ordinibus sacris , Pontificatum est adeptus . Hujus Theophylacti et aliorum Pseudo-sacrificulorum incantationibus & maleficiis , e omnia tunc Romae ad Satanae nutum regebantur . Theophylactus enim Sacrificiis Daemoniorum in sylvis et montibus deditus , mulieres post se currere faeiebat , quas magicis artibus ad sui amorem coegerat . This Pope was so vexed , opposed by the Romans ( who sought to depose him ) that he was enforced to crave the Emperor Conrades protection ( whom he crowned ) to secure him : who threatned utterly to destroy the Romans if they offered any violence to him . An evidence , that the Emperors Power and Supremacy then exceeded the Popes , even in Rome it self . f Theophylactus , Pope Johns Nephew , sedem Romanam Satanicis artibus de magicis praestigiis obtinuit ; ( being called Benedict the 9th . ) although he and his complices before his Papacy , per nefariae curiositatis ritus atque caeremonias , Spiritus malignos invocare solebat , & foeminas quascunque volebat necromanticis operationibus in quibusdam nemoribus & sylvis in foedos amplexus trahere ; He trained up Hildebrand in these magical arts , tantorum maleficiorum fidus minister , & pessimis magistrus , pejor est factus discipulus . He was often deiected from his Papal See by the Romans for his vices , cruelty , ignorance ; Literarum enim adeo rudis erat , ut collegam qui suo loco sacra tractaret , secum consecrare voluerit : verum pluribus id fieri improbantibus , ab incepto destitit . Anno 1045. Sede dejectus est , & Romani Johannem Sabinensem Episcopum in ejus locum substituerunt , Sylvestrum tertium appellantes . Pope Benedict agrestium & amicorum manu stipatus , Romam pergit ; Sylvestrum 40. sui Pontificatus die , ex Lateranensi Patriarchio exturbat . Suoque jam loco restitutus , Antichristi vicarium egit strenue , sibi summum in Romano Imperio constituendi gubernatorem arrogans potestatem . Mortuo enim Conrado Imperatore , ( this Pope endeavouring to disinherit Henry the 3d. his son ) ipse ad Petrum Hungariae Regem id honoris fastigium transferre ausus est , missa ei corona hoc versu insigni , Petra dedit Romam Petro , tibi Papa Coronam : Sed Henricus primo conflictu Petrum capit , Romamque venire disposuit . Quo audit● , Benedictus timore perterritus , Papatum Johanni Gratiano , Complici suo ( qui postea dictus est Gregorius sextus ) vendidit , acceptis ab eo libris mille quingentis . Ob hanc venditionem ab omnibus accusatus erat Benedictus , ac judicio divino damnatus ; as Plaina and Stella relate : to which our Balaeus subjoyns : Et cur non magis ob Scortationes , idololatrias , necromanticas artes , incantationes , exorcismos , invocationes daemoniorum , & id genus alia diabolorum portenta ? Mysterium est , solum hoc damnabile vitium reputatur , caetera omnia in Papatu virtutes sunt . Notwithstanding in sylvis meritum sortitus est sinem , a quodam daemonum , quem familiari saepius uti consueverat colloquio , suffocatus est : a After his death , his ghost wandred about in the shape of an horrid monster , seen by a certain Hermit neer a Mill , having the body of a Bear , but head and tayl of an Asse . Being interrogated by the Hermit , Vnde in eam incidisset metamorphosin ? respondisse fertur , Hac specie oberro , quia in Pontificatu sine eatione , sine lege , sine Deo vixi , et omnibus probris Romanam sedem inquinavi : And was not this an excellent , real , universal Vicar of Christ , and Head of Christs Catholike Church ? Or not rather a true Vicar , Head , Heir of the Antichristian , Malignant Church of Satan ? * This Pope , Anno 1041. dispensed with Cazimere a professed Monk , right heir to the Crown of Poland , to marry , and to be made King of Poland , upon this condition , That the Polanders should render to him and his Successors an annual Tribute of money , one farthing for every head , shave their heads , not suffer their hair or beards to grow long , &c. and perpetually remember , that they were Feudataries and Tributaries to the Roman See. * Bruno Bishop of Herbipolis in his Expositio in Psalterium , Psal . 50. thus comments on these words of King David ; Tibi soli peccavi ; as * sundry others before him . Si quis enim de populo erraverit , & Deo peccat , & Regi . Nam quando Rex delinquit , Soli Deo reus est Iste igitur Rex , soli Deo peccare se dicit , quia hominem non habet qui eius facta dijudicet . Therefore neither the High Priest , nor Pope , by his glosse upon this Text , hath any power to judge or depose Kings for their sinnes , much lesse for opposing their usurpations , and correcting their exorbitances . b Pope Sylvester the 3d. largitionibus , Magicis imposturis & per tumultum in pulsi Benedicti locum a suis Civibus surrogatus erat : which caused much bloodshed and schism in the Church , one Devil expelling and succeeding another . Platina , Stella , Balaeus and others observe in his life , Eo tum Pontificatus devenerat , ut qui plus largitione & ambitione , non dico sanctitate vitae & doctrina , valeret ; is tantummodo dignitatis gradum , bonis oppressis & rejectis , obtineret . Quem morem , utinam non aliquando non retinuissent nostra tempora . Sed hoc parum est ; pejora ( ni Deus avertat ) visuri aliquando sumus . a Pope Gregory the 6. having bought the Papacy of Benedict the 9th . to recruit his Treasury , after solemn admonition , excommunicated , and that not prevailing , made War upon , and sent unto all those who robbed pilgrims or strangers , and took away their oblations by force , slaying and robbing them even in the very Churches of Rome , as our Malmesbury and others relate , by which means he not only restored , but exceedingly augmented the goods of the Church ; whereupon the Cardinals stiled him a Symoniack , a Man-slayer , a thirster after blood , and unworthy Christian burial . Yea b Radulphus Glaber , a Monk of Clungy , living in that age , records , that Henry the 2. calling the Archbishops and Bishops of his Dominions together , complained thus of the universal corruption in the Clergy . Omnes gradus Ecclesiastici à maximo Pontifice usque ad Ostiarium opprimuntur per suae damnationis pretium , ac juxta vocem Dominicam , in cunctis grassatur spirituale latrocinium : Glaber subjoyns , Et haec non solum in Gallicanis Episcopis , pullulaverat nequitia pessima , sed totam occupaverat Italiam : omnia quippe Ministeria Ecclesiastica eo tempore ita habebantur venalia , quasi in foro secularia mercimonia . Ipso tempore Romana sedes quae universalis jure habetur in orbe terrarum , praefato morbo pestifero , per viginti quinque annorum spatia miserrime l●boraverat ; fuerat enim eidem sedi ordinatus quidam puer circiter annorum duodecim , contra jus fasque , quem scilicet sola pecunia auri et argenti plus commendavit , quam aetas & sanctitas . Et quoniam infelicem habuit introitum , infeliciorem persersit exitum : suitable , turpitudini illius conversationis & vitae . c Tunc , tum in saeculari potestate , tum etiam in Ecclesiastica Religione totius regiminis personae constiterant , in puerili aetate , propter peccata enim populi contigit tunc illud Salomonicum , quod ait , Vae tibi terrae . Nam & ipse universalis Papa Romanus , nepos scilicet duorum , Benedicti atque Johannis , qui ei praecesserant , puer ferme decennis intercedente Thesaurorum pecunia electus extitit a Romanis , a quibus exinde frequenter ejectus , ac inhoneste receptus , nulla potestate viguit . Et ut jam superius taxavimus , caeteros tunc temporis Ecclesiarum Praelatos , aurum potius vel argentum exaltabat , quam meritum . Prohpudor , de his evidentissime Scriptura ait , imo os ipsius Dei , Principes extiterunt & non cognovi , &c. Yea * William Archbishop of Tyrus made this just complaint of the general Apostacy and corruptions in all professors of Christianity in that age , occasioned by the evil examples , vitious and Athestical lives of Popes , Bishops , and Clergymen , which drew down Gods judgements on them in most places : In occidente & in omni pene orbe terrarum , minime inter eos qui fideles dicebantur , fides defecerat , & Domini timor erat de medio sublatus : perierat de rebus justitia , & aequitate subacta violentia dominabatur in populis . Fraus , dolus & circumventio late involaverant universa . Virtus omnis locum dederat , & cesserat quasi inutilis , malitia subintrante . Videbatur sane mundus declinasse ad vesperam , & filii hominis adventus secundus fore vicinior . Nam multorum refrixerat charitas , & fides non inveniebatur super terram . Confusis ordinibus cuncta ferebantur , & in Chaos pristinum mundus videbatur redire velle . Fornicationum genus quodlibet , quasi res licita , passim & sine rubore exercebatur impune . Sed nec inter affines aut propinquos tuta erant Matrimoniorum federa . Amica coelestibus & Deo placens , quasi res vilis , jussa migrare erat continentia . Nec parsimoniae aut sobrietati locus erat , ubi luxus & ebrietas , & pernox alea praeoccupaverant additus , atque atria possidebant . Nec Clerus a populo vita nobiliore differebat , sed sicut in d Propheta legitur , Sicut populus , ita & Sacerdos . ( Yea e St. Bernard addes , Non est jam dicere , ut populus sic Sacerdos , quia nec sic populus ut Sacerdos , the Popes , Prelates , Priests being then far more unchast , impious , atheistical , exorbitant in all kinds then the common people . ) Nam Episcopi , aegligentes facti erant : Canes muti , non valentes latrare , &c. Quid plura ? ut in summa dicatur , omne in praecipiti vitium stetit , & omnis caro corruperat viam suam . Nec pronos ad malum revocare poterant Domini comminantis in coelo sursum ostenta , nec signa in terra deorsum . f Erant enim pestilentiae & fames terroresque de coelo , & terrae motus magni per loca : & caetera quae Dominus in Evangelio diligenter enumerat . Sed obstinati in operibus mortuis , quasi sus in volutabro , & quasi jumenta putrescebant in stercore suo , pia Domini longanimitate abutentes : quasi quibus à Domino diceretur . g Percussi eos , & non doluerunt ; curavi eos , & non sunt sauciati . The source , fountain of all this impiety , pravity , Apostacy , sprang from Rome , which instead of one sacred head , had a Three-headed Cerberus ruling over it , thus related by h Otto Frisingensis , i Gotfridus Viterbiensis , and k others . Circa idem tempus pudenda confusio Ecclesiae Dei in Urbe Roma fuit , tribus ibi invasoribus ( quorum unus Benedictus dicebatur ) sedem illam simul occupantibus ; atque ad majoris miseriae cumulum , divisis simul cum redditibus Patriarchiis : uno ad Sanctum Petrum ; altero ad Sanctam Mariam majorem ; tertio , id est , Benedicto in Palatio Lateranensi sedente , flagitiosum et turpem vitam ( & egomet in Urbe Romanis tradentibus audivi , writes Otto ) duxere , dabantque operam singuli , ne alter alteri seditione , impietate , & flagitiis esset inferior . Hunc miserimum statum Ecclesiae religiosus quidam Presbyter , Gratianus nomine , videns , reliquiis pietatis matri suae compatiendo animadvertens , praefatos viros adiit , eisque a sancta sede recedere , pecunia persuasit : Benedicto redditibus Angliae , quia majoris videbatur auctoritatis esse , relictis . Ob ea Cives praefatum Presbyterum tanquam Ecclesiae Dei liberatorem in summum Pontificem eligunt , eumque mutato nomine Gregorium Sextum ( mis-printed Septimum ) vocaverunt . Yea a certain l Hermite to quell these Schisms , writ thus to Henry the Emperour ( as supreme Governor and Reformer of the Church and Popes of Rome ) to suppresse this Schism . Imperator Henrice , Omnipotentis vice , Vna Sunamitis Nupsit tribus maritis Dissolve Connubium , Et triforme dubium . Hereupon , m Rex Henricus Conradi filius contra eos Romam vadit , et eis Canonica et Imperiali censura depositis , Suidgerum Babenbergensem Episcopum , Papam fecit , qui & Clemens ( Romanae Ecclesiae 146. Episcopus ) vocatus est , & vicissim ab eo Rex Henricus in Imperatorem benedictus est ; jurantibus Romanis , se sine ejus consensu , ejusque successorum , nunquam Papam electuros , according to the forecited Decrees of Popes , Councils , and the antient custom , right , prerogative of the Roman Emperors . n Sigonius observes : Ecclesia jam prope per ducentos annos agrotans , & multa , & ea valida remedia requisivit , usque adeo ut ad extremum , ne igne● quidem & ferrum , quae ultima insanabilium morborum unt medicamenta , reprobavit : which the Emperor , her chief Physician & Chyrurgian , now applyed to her most festred ulcers . And o Leo Cardinalis Ostensis , relating the schisms and tumults occasioned by these three Popes at Rome , addes , that Henry the Emperor , his de sede Romana & Apostolica nefanda auditis , coelitus inspiratus . Anno 1047. Italiam petens adiit Romam , cupiensque sedem Apostolicam hujusmodi pugare maculus , Sutrii restitit , & super tali tantoque negotio deliberaturus , universale ibi Episcoporum Concilium fieri statuit . Igitur ad ejus Imperium ( not the Popes ) illic Episcoporum , Abbatum , Religiosorumque virorum grandi multitudine , Romanum quoque Pontificem , qui praeesset Concilio , invitat . Quid multa ? Concilio habito , Synodicis Canonibus atque sententiis Gregorius Symoniacus probatus , sponte sua sede desiliens , Pontificalibus se infulis exuit , & humi prostratus ( at the Emperors feet ) temeratae dignitatis veniam sibi humiliter petiit . Clemens secundus , natione Germanus , Bambergensis Episcopus , in Synodo Romae , jubente Imperatore Henrico tertio , viventibusque adhuc tribus alius Pontificibus , Pontifex et ipse creabatur . Iste eundem Henricum Coronavit . Cogitque Romanos jure urando ( which some attribute to the Emperor , others to this New Pope ) renunciare suo jure in eligendo Pontifice ; ut scismata et simultates , quae ex Pontificum electionibus nasci consueverant , p hoc modo vitarentur : Abeunte itaque in Germaniam Imperatore , Romani jusjurandi immemores , ut moris est eis , Pontificem aliis quam suis suffragiis creatum , Anno Dom. 1048. post novem menses veneno tollunt . Quod veneuum miscuisse scribitur Brazutus , ( as most , or as others ) Stephanus , qui in Pontificatu successit , afterwards called Damasus the 2d . who out of ambition violently invaded St. Peters Chair ( as Platina observes ) according to the custom then grown usual at Rome ; But this ambitious intruder Damasus , without the Emperors license , vigesimo tertiodie Pontificatus sui , venenato etiam poculo per eundem Brazutum sublatus est , Anno Dom : 1049. q After the death of Damasus , the Romans being much vexed by Pope Benedict the 9th . formerly deposed and banished by the Emperor , who returning to Rome , ad pristinam dignitatem perfas nefasque aspirabat ; thereupon , Romani ( pertaesi seditionum quas excitaverant Papatus invasores ) consilio Cardinalium , legatos ad ipsum Imperatorem dirigunt , et ut aliquem in Papam eligendum Romam mittat exposcunt , as some ; or , ut Pontificem ipsis daret , as others expresse it : Alterna invidia magis , quam honore Regio moti , as Crantzius observes . The Emperor thereupon Brunonem Tullensem Episcopum ( invitum & coactum ) Romam mittit , simplicem ingenio virum ; cum inter Episcopos Germaniae non esset qui veneficiis Romanis praefici vellet : Who travelling toward Rome in his Pontifical habit ; Abbatem Cluniacensem , & Hildebrandum Monachum ( Sacerdotium & Regnum sub specie religionis eversurum , ac juramentum Imperatori praestitum non diu servaturum , multarumque calamitatum authorem ) in itinere obvios habuit . Qui videntes eum Pontificiis ornatum insigniis , apostaseos crimen illi odiose impingebant . Persuadebant ergo illi , ut deposito habitu Pontificio , Romam consueto cultu peteret ; dicentes , Imperatori non esse concessum ius eligendi Papam ( egregie mentita est sibi iniquitas , adds Balaeus ) sed Clero & Romano populo , tam bene memores juramenti sui boni patres erant . Bruno admonentibus morem gessit , deposito Pontificio apparatu privatus urbem ingreditur , seipsum accusans ( Hildebrando persuasore ) quod Imperatori maluerit quam Deo obtemperari . Hereupon , Romanus Clerus eundem Brunonem , ( some stile him Barronem ) in Pontificem eligunt , & eo libentius , quod omnem authoritatem eligendorum Pontificum ab Imperatore ( ut par erat , writes Platina ) ad Clerum transtulisset , non ad Caesarem , & propterea Leonem 9. illum appellabant , cum merus esset Asinus , as Balaeus brands him . Hildebrandum ipsum statim sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Diaconum Cardinalem creat , ac Pontificii muneris consortem , committens ei curam Ecclesiae Sancti Petri. This a Pope Leo the 9. writ a large Epistle , Michaeli Constantinopolitano & Leoni Acridano Episcopis , adversus eorum inauditas praesumptiones ; for denying the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome , and stiling Michael , Universal Bishop and Patriarch , in derogation of his Papal Supremacy ; which this Pope endeavours to vindicate by misapplied Scriptures , and the Emperor Constantines forged Donation , ( therein recited at large , and in Gratian Distinct . 96. ) giving Pope Sylvester therein , a superiority over all the other 4. Sees of Alexandria , Antioch , Jerusalem , and Constantinople , ac etiam super omnes universo orbe terrarum Dei Ecclesias ; granting him his Royal Palace of Rome ; quod omnibus in toto orbe terrarum praefertur atque prae●ellit Palatiis . Deind● Diadema , videlicet Coronam capitis nostri , deinde Phrygium , id est mitram , with all his Imperial robes ; and Decreeing , That Pope Sylvester , and all his Successors . Diademate ( quod ex capite nostro illi concessimus ) ex auro purissimo & gemmis preciosis , uti debeant , & in capite ad laudem Dei pro honore beati Petri gestare . Which forged Donation ( at large refuted by b Dr. Crakenthorp and sundry others ) if admitted true , infallibly evidenceth all the Popes Temporal and Ecclesiastical pretended Supremacy , Dominion , State , to be derived from this Emperor , not from Christ , or St. Peter , and that it was originally vested in the Emperor and his Successors by Christ himself , else his grant thereof to Pope Sylvester and his successors , was but a meer nullity : since , Nemo potest dare , quod non habet . Besides , this Pope writ an c Epistle , Glorioso & Religioso Imperatori Constantino Monomacho , beginning thus : Quantas gratias referre jugiter debeamus creatrici , & gubernatrici omnium sanctae & individuae Trinitati , d super inenarrabili dono ejus , e quo operatur omnia in omnibus , etiam ex tua devotione et religiosa industria , gloriosissime Fili atque Serenissime Imperator , perpendere possumus quare talem nostris exhibuit , et grata pietate providit diebus , cujus fida ope statum Sanctae et Catholicae Ecclesiae relevari , et terreni Imperii rempublicam meliorari confidamus . Tu enim post nimium longas et perniciosas discordias , primus pacis et concordiae monitor , portitor , et exoptatus exactor efficeris ; & cum ipso vase electionis humillimo Paulo dicere videris : f Pro Christo legatione fungentes , tanquam Deo exhortante per nos , obsecramus , reconciliamini propter eum , qui est g pax nostra , qui facit utraque unum , &c. After which asserting the Headship and Supremacy of the Church of Rome above other Churches , upon false principles , he subjoynes ; Cujus venerabilem faciem tu quoque honorificare disponis , non ingratus illi , quae tuum verticem diademate terreni Principatus decenter insignivit , & tremendum & amandum populis effecit , & ut in sempiternum regnes , Chrismate adoptionis inunxit . Nempe ipsa antiqua & jam emerita Roma illum primum nobilissimum & religiosissimum Constantinum , cujus genealogia gloriaris & potentia magnificaris , cujusque de nomine dictam urbem famosam regis , temporaliter edidit , nutrivit , provexit , & super omnes mortales constituit , nec a beneficiis cessavit , donec eundem aeterni regni gloria cumulavit . Unde multimoda gratiarum actione tuam excellentiam gloriosissime fili , magnificando , tanto majori super tua devotione , & recognitione replemur gaudio , quanto copiosior animarum numerus ex tuo regimine pendet ; ( therefore by this Popes confession , this Emperor had the chief regiment and care of his Subjects souls ) tuoque innititur exemplo . Et ideo non cessamus orare communem Dominum , h per quem Regis regnant , & Principes justa decernunt , ut in suo beneplacito te conservet longaevum , & compleat in bonis desiderium tuum . Porro ergo qualiscunque Apostolicae Vicarius sedis , pro modulo humilitatis meae & possibilitatis , supplere laborans vicem mihi commissae dispensationis , secundum Dei eloquium i Vae mihi est , si non evangelizavero : necessitas enim mihi incumbit maxima , posituro rationem aeterno & districto judici propter unius regimen Ecclesiae ex omnium Ecclesiarum merito , &c. After which expressing his endeavours for the Churches peace , he thus proceeds , Ad quam acquirendam & obtinendam habemus maximum ex divina pretate solatium , & praesidium Charissimum , atque clarissimum filium nostrum Imperatorem Henricum , cujus de die in diem expectamus promissum et proximum adventum , utpote cum procinctu , & expeditione Imperiali properantis ad nostrum subsidium . Ad quod etiam superna gratia tuam Serenitatem animavit , ut hinc inde vobis duobus velut totidem brachiis inimicam gentem ab Ecclesia Christi propellentibus et procul effugantibus , afflictae nunc Christianitatis relevetur decus , & Reipublicae reformetur status . Et quia abundante iniquitate & refrigescente charitate , Sancta Romana Ecclesia & Apostolica sedes nimium diu obsessa fuit mercenariis et non Pastoribus , a quibus sua , non quae sunt Christi , quaerentibus , devastata jacebat miserabiliter hactenus , divinum consilium voluit meam humilitatem suscipere tantae Cathedrae pondus . Quo licet plurimum mei imbecilles praegraventur & deprimantur humeri , non parvum nihi subest sanctae spei , quandoquidem ex utroque latere tales adstant Filii , religione et potentia praeclarissimi . Quapropter devotissime fili , & Serenissime Imperator , collaborare nobis dignare ad relevationem tuae Matris Sanctae Ecclesiae , et privilegia dignitatis atque reverentiae ejus , necnon patrimonia re cuperanda in tuae ditionis partibus , sicut manifeste cognoscere poteris ex venerabilium praedecessorum nostrorum , seu tuorum scriptis & gestis . Tu ergo magnus successor Magni Constantini , sanguine , nomine et imperio factus , ut fias etiam imitator devotionis ejus erga Apostolicam sedem , exhortamur , et quae ille mirabilis vir post Christum eidem sedi contulit , et confirmavit , et defendit , tu juxta tui nominis etymologiam constanter adjuva recuperare , retinere , et defendere . Ita enim apud Deum singulariter pugnans cognominaberis , quod jamdudum inter homines cognominaris . Hoc sane gloriosissimus filius noster Henricus perficere molitur in suis partibus . Quae omnia nobis & vobis provenient felicius & multiplicius , ubi quantocyus Dei gratia praeveniente , & beatissimis Apostolorum principibus intervenientibus , & me qualicunque Vicario eorum mediante & obtinente , firmissimum pacis & amicitiae inter vos ambos componetur foedus , &c. He concludes his Epistle to him with these words , and this prayer for him . Benedictus Deus , & Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi , * Pater misericordiarum , & Deus totius consolationis , dignetur tuam excellentiam benedicere omni benedictione spirituali , repleatque omni gaudio et pace , ut in praesenti seculo per longa tempora feliciter domineris , & in futuro sine fine cum Rege Regum , & Domino Dominantium regno coelorum beate perfruaris , honorabilis , & desiderabilis nobis in Christo fili & gloriose Auguste , Amen . These Passages are a sufficient evidence : 1. That in this age Michael the Patriarch of Constantinople stiled himself , ( as John his predecessor and others before had done ) * OECUMENICUM & UNIVERSALEM PATRIARCHUM , and would be so stiled by all others ; refusing by any means to renounce this Title , or acknowledge the Popes and Roman Churches supremacy . 2ly . That the chief care , protection , government of the Church of God , the restitution , preservation of its peace , by suppressing Schismes , discords , schismaticks , hereticks , and the open Enemies thereof , and invaders of its priviledges , possessions , belonged to Christian Kings and Emperors , by this Popes own confession , who claimed his power , possessions , from their Donations , and implored their assistance upon all occasions . The a Emperor Henry the 3. Anno 1048. Conventum habuit Marsburgi , ubi cum Regni statibus deliberationem habuit , De electione Papae , et Collatione Episcopatuum in Germania , as belonging to the Imperial Jurisdiction . This a Pope Leo the 9. comming into Germany , was present at the Synod of Mentz , summoned by the Emperor Henry the 3. Imperatore praesente et praesidente therein ( as Schafnaburgensis and others record ; ) wherein sundry Decrees were made against Simony , and Clergy-mens marriages , keeping of hounds , hawks , intermedling with secular affairs , and following filthy lucre ; this good Emperor being most active to reform the extravagances of the Clergy in that age , which gave general scandal to the Laity : Sabico Bishop of Spires was accused of Adultery in this Synod , and put to his purgation . This b Pope Leo the 9. having given the Emperor occasion to suspect his fidelity , by renouncing his advancement to the Roman See by the Emperors authority ; to recover his favour and good opinion , Anno 1050. in a Synod at Rome , Principes et Civitates ( Italiae ) Imperatori jure jurando astringit , as to their Soveraign Lord. c Afterwards being routed with all his forces by the Normans , and returning with dishonour to Rome , hausto per Brazutum veneno , ( by the treachery of Hildebrand ) diem clausit extremum , Anno 1054. After his death , Victor 2. d Ex Henrici 3. Imperatoris sententia Pontifex hoc modo declarabatur . The Romans fearing the Emperors power , de ordinando Pontifice non audebant aliquid attentare contra jusjurandum dicto Imperatori sub Clemente 2. prius datum . Mittunt ergo pro eligendo Pontifice , ad ipsum Imperatorem , Nuncium Hildebrandum , qui tum filium ejus Henricum juniorem , authoritate suae legationis fretus , Imperii successorem designavit . Victor inde Pontifex eligebatur , non ●am liberis suffragiis , quam ut Henrico gratificaretur , in eligendo Pontifice Germano . Hic Victor magnam Synodum Florentiae congregavit : in qua ( praesente Caesare , as Hermannus Contractus informs us ) complures Episcopos , de Symonia , hoc est , quod a secularibus Dominis , & non ab ejus Sanctitate , honores ac dignitates pro lucro susceperant ; Some Popes by Hildebrands perswasion beginning then to wrest out of Emperors , Kings , Princes , and Noblemens hands , the Elections , Donations , Collations , Investitures of Archbishopricks , Bishopricks , all sorts of Ecclesiastical Dignities and Benefices , under the specious forged pretext of Symony , that so Popes and Prelates alone , might monopolize the conferring and sale of them to themselves alone . But this Victor Anno 1057. praedicti Brazuti ministerio ad Hildebrandi nutum , veneno absumebatur . Anno 1057. Soon after e Victors death , à Clero & Romano populo , non expectata , nec explorata prius Imperatoris voluntate , Stephanus 9 Pontifex assumebatur , contrary to their former & late oathes and allegiance to the Emperor . This Pope reduced the Church of Millain under the obedience of the See of Rome , from which it had been exempted above 200 years . Per Hildebrandum , cujus operautebatur plurimum , passim per Italiam & Burgundiam Ecclesias Symoniaca haeresi infestas , purgavit : ( Sic enim appellabant asini indocti si quis Ecclesias●icum beneficium à Laico & non ab ipsis acciperet ) & Henricum Imperatorem , ejusdem criminis reum , quo plurimum Romanorum Pontificum auctoritati derogaretur , damnavit ; if Platina deserve credit therein . This Pope holding a Synod at Florence against this pretended Simony , Pluralities , and Priests wives , Brazuh pharmaco , Hildebrandi impulsu , tactus occubuit , Anno 1058. Whereupon Hildebrand posting to Rome , Omnes Clericos adesse jussit , praesentesque Sacramento adegit , ne quenquam patiantur in Pontificem eligi , nisi sit ille omnium , adeoque suo etiam consensu , designatus Pontifex . But the Romans mutinying against the Clergy , who endeavoured to deprive them of their Votes in the Popes election : Benedictus 10. Pontifex acclamatur , & clamore populari Pontifex habebatur , during Hildebrands absence at Florence : who posting to Rome , expostulated with the Cardinals for suffering a Pope to be intruded on them against their Oath , perswading them to elect Gerardus in his place : But fearing and not daring to elect a New Pope at Rome , ob plebis furorem ; Senas simul profugiunt , ibique rem perficiunt ; Gerardus being there elected Pope , assumed the name of Nicholaus secundus : This new Pope and his complices , Sutrii pergens constitit , coactoque Concilie Benedictum Pontificatu exit , qui factiosis ultro cedens , returned to Veltras his former Bishoprick by his Successors consent . After which he held a 2d . Synod in Rome , wherein these Decrees were made concerning the future election of Popes , to secure his own Title against Pope Stephen f si quis pecunia , vel gratia humana , aut populari , militarive tumultu , sine concordi & canonica electione Cardinalium , fuerit in throno Petri collocatus , is non Apostolicus , sed Apostaticus , id est , a ratione deficiens , merito vocetur : liceatque Cardinalibus , Clericis et Laicis Deum colentibus , illum ut praedonem anathematizare , et quovis humano auxilio a sede Apostolica propellere , atque quovis in loco , si in Vrbe non liceat , Catholicos hujusce rei causa congregare . This Decree , if Apostolical , Orthodox , made this Pope himself , all his Predecessors , and most of his Successors in the Roman See both Robbers and Apostates ; and layd a seditious , schismatical ground for all Christians to rise up tumultuously against most succeeding Pontifs as such , Moreover , Inspector Deo est statutum , ut Electio Romani Pontificis in potestate Cardinalium Episcoporum sit ; ita ut si quis Apostolicae sedis sine praemissa concordi & canonica electione eorum , ac deinde sequentium ordinum Religiosorum Clericorum & Laicorum consensu inthronizatur , is , non Papa vel Apostolicus , sed Apostaticus habeatur . This Decree confines the Popes Election only to the Cardinal Bishops , but yet requires the subsequent assent of the inferiour Clergy and people to his inthronization . After which they proceeded to take away all Emperors , Kings , Nobles , & Laymens Rights of Patronage and presentations to any Church or Benefice , either with , or without reward . Ut per Laicos nullo modo quilibet Clericus aut Presbyter obtineat Ecclesiam , nec gratis , nec precio . And to make this bitter pill to be swallowed with less regret , they subjoyned this plausible Decree thereto against Pluralities , Nec aliquis Presbyter duas Ecclesias simul obtineat : not with intention conscientiously to observe it , but to raise moneys by dispensing with it : Next they decreed , Ut cujuslibet ordinis Clericos Laici non judicent , nec de Ecclesi●s ejiciant , to exempt all Clerks from Secular Jurisdiction , though never so criminal , vitious , or indirectly intruded into Churches by the Pope or other Prelates . Ut nullus Laicus ad quemlibet gradum Ecclesiasticum repente promoveatur , nisi post mutatum habitum secularem , diuturna conversatione inter Clericos fuerit comprobatus ; Though many of their Popes were meer Lay-men when first elected ; Yea one of them , Pope Joan ( alias John the 8. ) a woman , a most notorious Whore not a man , so long conversant with Clergymen under the disguise of a Male , in mans apparrel , that she was advanced to the Popes unerring chair , Anno 855. and not long after ( as the a Marginal Authors attest ) begotten with child by one of her leacherous Cardinals , publikely delivered of her spurious issue before all the people in her solemn Papal procession to the Church of Lateran , in the publike street , between the Colosse and St. Clements Church , and there died of child-birth , Anno 857. Ac propter hoc scelus publici partus , omni honore Pontificio spoliata , sine pompa Papali sepulia erat . b Laurentius Surius gives us this further account of Pope Nicholas the 2d . his Decree against Symoniacks , and several resolutions relating thereunto : Dominus Papa Nicholaus Synodo in Basilica Constantiniana praesidens dixit ; Erga Simoniacos nullam misericordiam in dignitate servanda habendam esse , decernimus , sed juxta Caenonum sanctiones , & decreta Sanctorum Patrum , eos omnino damnamus ac deponendos esse Apostolica authoritate sancimus . De iis autem qui non per pecuniam , sed gratis sunt a SIMONIACIS ordinati , quae quaestio a longo tempore est diutius ventilata , omnem modum dubietatis absolvimus , it a ut super hoc Capitulo nominem deinceps ambigere permittamus . Quia igitur usque adeo haec venenata pernicies hactenus inolevit , ut vix quaelibet Ecclesia valeat reperiri quae hoc morbo non sit aliqua ex parte corrupta , eosque usque modo gratis sunt a Simoniacis consecrati , non tam censura justitiae quam misericordiae intuitu in acceptis ordinibus manere permittimus : nisi forte alia culpa ex vita eorum contra canones eis existat . Tanta quippe talium multitudo est , ut dum rigorem Canonici vigoris super eos servare non possumus , necesse sit , ut dispensatorie ad piae condescentionis studium nostros animos ad praesens inclinemus . Ita tamen authoritate Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli omnimodis interdicimus , ne aliquando aliquis Successorum nostrorum , ex hac nostra permissione regulam sibi vel alicui assumat vel praefigat : quia hoc non authoritas antiquorum Patrum jubendo aut concedendo promulgavit , sed temporis nimia necessitas permittendum a nobis extorsit . De caetero autem si quis hinc in posterum ab eo quem Simonaicum esse non dubitat , se consecrari permiserit , & consecrator , & consecratus non disparem damnationis sententiam subeat , sed uterque depositus poenitentiam agat , & privatus a propria dignitate persistat . Nihilominus authoritate Apostolica decernimus , quod in aliis Conventibus nostris decrevimus , ut si quis pecunia vel gratia humana , vel populari seu militari tumultu , sine concordi & canonica electione ac benedictione Cardinalium Episcoporum , ac deinde sequentium ordinum religiosorum Clericorum fuerit Apostolicae sedi inthronizatus , non Papa vel Apostolicus , sed Apostaticus habeatur , liceatque Cardinalibus Episcopis cum religiosis , et Deum timentibus Clericis et Laicis , invasorem etiam cum anathemate , cum humano auxilio et studio a sede Apostolica repellere , et quem dignum judicaverint praeponere . Quod si hoc intra urbem persicere nequiverint , nostra authoritate Apostolica extra urbem congregati in loco qui eis placuerit , eligant , quem digniorem & utiliorem Apostolicae sedi perspexerint , concessa ei authoritate regendi & disponendi res & utilitatem Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae , secuduns quod ei melius vidibitur juxta qualitatem temporis , quasi jam omnino inthronizatus sit : which justifies the Emperors future deposing of such Popes by force of armes . This Pope , was the first I meet with , who by these Constitutions robbed the Emperor , inferiour Clergy , Nobles and Citizens of Rome of their antient Rights and Jurisdictions in the elections of Popes , and vested it only in the Bishops Cardinals , against all former presidents . Our English Apostle John Wickliff asserted , that this election a Electio Papae a Cardinalibus , per Diabolum est introducta ; b Quae major infidelitas , quam opprobare electiones Cardinalium qui ex nobis indubie sunt Diaboli incarnati ? quod si eligerent qualemcunque personam in Papam , tunc ipse esset Pater beatissimus & immediatus Christi Vicarius . Haec autem haeresis loco sortis Apostolorum , qua elegerunt Matthiam , per Diabolum introducta , ponit Zizania ad Catholicos in fide Catholica discordandum . Medicina ergo foret tales electiones , cum non sint Apostolicae , refutare . Neither had the Council of Constans any colour at all to censure these Positions of Wickliff , if we seriously consider what kind of creatures these Cardinals have displayed themselves to be in most ages , places , since this grand trust reposed in them ; whole lively character c Nicholaus Clemangis , Archdeacon of Baion hath long since given us . Cardinalium qui Papae assident Spiritus , verba tumentia , gestus tam insolentes , ut si artifex quisque vellet superbiae simulacrum effingere , nulla congruentius ratione id facere posset , quam Cardinalis effigiem oculis intuentium objectando : ex sortis tamen infimae Clericatu , in hanc elationem cum sedis Apostolicae pompatus incremento , pervenerunt : quippe quibus idolim erat negotii , ut efferendis mortuis , sepultur aeque mandandis inservirent . Nunc vero Phylacteria sua in tantum dilataverunt , ut non modo Episcopos ( quos Episcopellos solent passim vocare ) sed Patriarchas , Primates , sed Archipraesules velut infra se positos despiciant , imo se jam ab illis supplicibus propemodum adorari sinant , quin etiam Reges ipsos aequiparare contendant : ( After which he displays their other vices . ) Their * Flatterers give , and they arrogate to themselves the Titles of Principes , Reges , Senatores et Patricii magni , Patres conscripti in Diademate Principis , Majestas Reipublicae Christianae , Orbis Cardines , Ecclesiae Columnae , Capita , Lumina ; Candelabra lucis , decoris , praestantiae atque splendoris ; stellae fixae in coelo , Reverendissimi , Slendidissimi , Super-illustres , Illustrissimi , Maximi , Potentissimi , Divi : Yea they assert , quod aequip●rentur Regibus ; & faciunt unum corpus cum Papa , ( qui omnes Dignitates mundi praecedit , & est superior , & major Imperatore ) et judicant totum mundum . No wonder then if Popes elected by these new upstart , reprobate Lucifers , have advanced their thrones above the Stars , and all that is called God , or worshipped ; and confederated with Popes to rob all Christian Emperors , Kings , Princes , Nobles , Laymen of their Elections , Patronages , Advowsons , Presentations , Investitures , ( under the false Notion of Symony ) to ingrosse them all into the Popes and their own disposals , by way of Provisions , that they alone might have the Monopoly of their sales to enhance the price . Pope Nicolas having made these Decrees by Hildebrands advice , was by divine retaliation taken in this his own net , thus recorded by d Benno Cardinalis , and e Balaeus , to posterity . Postquam sedit Nicolaus , Hildebrandus , quia Papatura adipisci non potuit , ad Archidiaconatum quoquo modo invadendum se convertit . Et Mancium tunc Archidiaconum Romane Ecclesiae multis injuriis afflixit ac circunvenit . Qui victus contumeliis & dolis , atque ejus Hildebrandi pecunia deceptus , ad ultimum concessit , ut illius vice Archidiaconatu fungeretur . Hac concessione arrepta Hildebrandus Papam Nicholaum ex improviso aggressus , coegit inverecundis percibus & militum minis , quos pecunia collegerat , metum mortis etiam quibusdam terribilibus significationibus incutiendo , ut eum Archidiaconum ordinaret , atque constitueret . Et post paucos dies , Anno scilicet Domini 1061. ipse Nicholaus defunctus est , veneno ( ut dicitur ) a Brazulo Hildebrandi complice suffocatus ; in pursuance of his own Decree . This Pope being thus sent packing by Hildebrand , to make way for himself to possess his See : Cardinales , Hildebrandi ambitionem non ignorantes , Imperatorem multis precibus coegerunt , ut eis in Electo suo Parmensi Episcopo Cadolo favorem et aurilium praestaret . Quod factum , cor Hildebrandi altius percussit , & manifeste factus est ex illo die Imperatoris inimicus : Omnia juratae fidelitatis vincula disrupit : & facta conspiratione cam 〈◊〉 Imperatoris , & cum Normannis , ut quem Cadolo a Cardinalibus Electo opponeret , Anselmum Lucensem Episcopum decepit , & eum in Papam eligi a quibusdam Romanis facit , Imperatore neque salutato , neque consulto , ipsumque mutato nomine , Alexandrum secundum vocavit , Anselmum igitur , quem sub dolo Romani elegerant , pariter , & Parmensem Episcopum Cadolum , quibus poterat artibus Hildebranaus vexavit : qui utrique succedere anhelabat . Cadolus being dispossed by Alexander , thereupon the Lombards sides with Cadolus by the Emperors consent . Qui magno cum exercitu Romam obsedit : commissoque praelio , uno atque altero , cum suis est fugatus . Henricus vero Imperator , ut Schisma tolleretu , Othonem Coloniensem Archiepiscopum cum sua authoritate illuc misit . Qui Romam veniens , multis egit de Imperatoris jure in eligendo Pontifice , et in Alexandrum , qui sine consensu ejus electus esset , graviter incusabat . Tunc Hildebrandus ad hominum perniciem natus , & propter victoriam nuperrime partam elatior factus , orationem Archiepiscopi interrumpit , acriterque tuetur Pontificis partes , Electionem ejus asserens esse apud Clerum . Otho ( plus fortassis , in ea re Pontifici quam Imperatori deferens ) facile cedit : petitque ut Synodus pro sedando Schismate Mantuae congregaretur . In qua constituit Alexander , non esse missam audiendam a Sacerdote Concubinario factam . Filiis tamen Sacerdotum sacris initiari licere permisit , interposita Pontificis authoritate . Papam a solis Cardinalibus eligi decrevit : with other particulars which I pretermit . Hereupon , ( as * Balaeus observes ) His temporibus , ( by Hildebrands perswasions and instructions ) Episcopi plusquam Principes , Regibus imperare ac leges praescribere conantur , decimasque magna austeritate extorquent . Haec quoque fuit eorum Vicariorum Christi religio , ut quo ventri luxuique suo satisfacerent , non sunt veriti totas Nationes bellis immiscere . Accedit nunc * Bennonis Cardinalis de Alexandro Papa testimonium : Ubi Alexander , tandem intellexit , se dolis & arte ab Hildebrando & inimicis Imperatoris Electum atque inthronizatum , quodam die cum intra Missarum solennia sermonem haberet ad populum , praedicavit , se nolle sedere in sede Apostolica , absque licentia Imperatoris : Et publice dixit , Se literas hujus rei gratia missurum ipsi Imperatori . ( Such was his conscientious Loyalty , notwithstanding his predecessor Adrians and the Council of Romes fresh Decrees to the contrary : ) Quo audito , Hildebrandus multa murmurando , vix manus , donec missa compleretur , abstinuit . Missa vero expleta , ipsum Alexandrum cum militari manu , ab Altari duxit in Cameram , & nondum exutum Pontificalibus indumentis , pugnis dure colaphizavit , increpans , et improperans , quod vellet inquirere gratiam Imperatoris . Et statuit Hildebrandus , ut ex eo die non darentur ei amplius quam quinque solidi Lucensium denariorum : Et extunc Hildebrandus omnes redditus Romanae Ecclesiae sibi retinuit ( Alexandro in vincula conjecto ) & immensam pecuniam congregavit . Alexandro igitur sub miserabili jugo Hildebrandi Anno Domini MLXXIV . quodam vespere ( non sine toxico fortalistis ) defuncto , eadem hora Hildebrandus a suis Militibus , sine assensu Cleri et populi est inthronizatus , timens ne alius per moram eligeretur Contrary to his immediate Predecessors , and his own Decrees . In cujus electione , nullus Cardinalium subscripsit . Ad quam cum veniret Abbas Cassinesis , ait ipse Hildebrandus , Frater nimium tardasti . Respondit Abbas , Et tu Hildebrande nimium festinasti , qui nondum sepulto Domino tuo , Papae sedem Apostolicam contra Canones usurpasti . Hoc modo inthronizatus Hildebrandus qualiter vixerit , qualiter a se Cardinales , qui testes vitae & Doctrinae ejus esse debuerant , removerit ; quam miserabiliter vexaverit , quantis haeresibus mundum corruperit , quanta perjuria , quam immensas proditiones consecraverit , vix a multis describi potest . Clamat tamen altius sanguis Christianorum eo authore et incentore miserabiliter effusus . Sex aut octo Pontifices ( as Benno Cardinalis , Platina , Onuphrius , Balaeus , and others attest in his life ) Gerrardi Brazuti Judaei ministerio venenis enecavit , ut ita sterneret ei ad Papatum via . Indeed a Platina , b Surius , and others out of him record , that this Pope was unanimously elected , not only by the Cardinals , ( as the forecited late Popes and Councils Decrees prescribed ) but likewise by all the several Orders of the Clergy , and of the people of Rome ; That , adeptus Pontificatum Gregorius , * Imperator in gratiam cum Gregorio rediit , eundemque in Pontificatu confirmavit , ut tum Imperatorum mos erat . But Benno Cardinalis , Balaeus , and most others averr , that this Impostor , Incantator , ac praestigiator Diabolicus , inaudita tyrannide Papatum invasit , statim usurpans Pontificiam sedem in ipsius Alexandri defuncti , & latenter per ipsum veneno occisi , obsequiis . This Firebrand having thus intruded himself into the Papal Chair , Primus , specie religionis , Antichristi Imperii fundamenta jecit , as c Eberhardus Salisburge sis Episcopus averred about 180. years after his death : And d Johannes Aventinus records , Hildebrandus , qui & Gregorius septimus , fretus armis Normannorum , &c. Primus , contra morem majorum , contempta Imperatoris authoritate , Pontificatum maximum occupavit : Utramque personam sibi impositam esse à Christo , se quodcunque ut liberet , ligare , solvere posse , jactitare , utramque personam agitare . Occidentem adsere omnem potestatem in se transferre , neminem parem nedum superiorem ferre , justa aliorum diminuere , caeteris jus atque honorem praeripere , cuncta in se transferre . Caesares , Reges , Augustos , ut precario regnantes , floccifacere ; Pontifices , Episcopos in ordinem redigere , devovere , capite diminuere ; lites , bella concitare , discordias serere , factiones confirmare , jusjurandum , pacta , sacramenta solvere * capit : etiam si injuria vel ipsum Caesarem affecerit , tamen se metui oportere , in quadam gloriatur Epistola ; utpote qui errare non possit , & a Christo Domino servatore nostro Petrque acceperit potestatem , ut solvat , ligetque utcunque libeat . Tum mores ambitione avaritiaque corrupti paulatim invaluere , tempora periculosa caepere , quae nobis cavenda Christus Servator noster , Petrus ac Paulus longo ante tempore probe cantarunt . Tum illa quae de Sylvestro & Constantino vulgo inculcantur , & alia pleraque , quae ob modestiam Christianam referre pudet , non minus imperi●è , quam impudenter mendaciterque conficta sunt ; simulata religio , species pietatis invasit . Compilationes , mundinae sacrorum irrepsere , & sacrosancta Philosophia humanis commentis , fabulis anilibus a sychophantis callida interpretatione pollui , corrumpi , violari caepit , adeo , ut sine multorum pernicie religio sancta procurari , & ad pristinam majestatem restitui non possit , &c. After which he subjoynes , Hildebrandus primus Imperium Pontificium condidit , quod Successores per 150. continenter annos invito mundo , invitis Imperatoribus adeo duxere , ut inferos superos in servitutem redegerint , atque sub jugum miserint , atque cuncta fulmine perterruerint , Quo bruta tellus & vaga fluminae , Quo Styx , & invisi horrida Taenari Sedes , Atlanteusque finis Concutitur ; mutant ima summis . Utcunque libet de coelo ad inferos praecipitant , rursus ex infero ad astra toliunt : Iam Imperator Romanus nihil amplius ; appellatio modo est sine corpore , sine specie . So Aventinus complains . e Onuphrius Panuinius ( quantumvis summus anthoritatis Pontificiae atque Hildebrandinae di●nitatis fautor & amplificator ) asserts , Huic uni cum omnes Latinae Ecclesiae , tum praecipue Romana acceptum referre debet , quod libera sit , et ab Imperatorum manu eruta , quod tot divitiis , opibus et profana ditione locupletata ; quod Regibus , Imperatoribus , et omnibus Christianis Principibus sit praefecta ; atque postremo , ut omnia verbo uno complectar , maximus iste eximiusque status , in quo Ecclesia Romana est omnium Christianorum Domina ; cum antea , tanquam vilis ancilla , non ab Imperatoribus modo , sed a quovis Principe Romani Imperatoris praesidiis fulto premeretur ; ab hoc maximae illius et omni seculo tremendae venerandaeque Romani Pontificis , et infinitae pene potestatis jus manavit . Nam etsi ante Romani Pontifices , tanquam religionis Christianae Capita , Christique Vicarii , et Petri successores colerentur , non tamen eorum authoritas ultra protendebatur , quam in fidei dogmatibus vel asserendis , vel tuendis . Caeterum , Imperatoribus suberant ; ad eorum nutum omnia fiebant ; ab eis creabantur : de eis judicare , vel quidquam decernere non audebat Papa Romanus . Primus omnium Romanorum Pontificum Gregorius vij . * armis Normannorum fretus , opibus Comitissae Mathildis mulieris per Italiam potentissimae consisus , discordiaque Germanorum Principum Bello Civili laborantium inflammatus , praeter majorum morem contempta Imperatoris authoritate et potestate , cum Summum Pontificatum obtinuisset , Caesarem ipsum , ( a quo , si non Electus , saltem confirmatus fuerat ) non dico excommunicare , sed etiam Regno imperioque privare , ausus est . Res ante ea secula inaudita : Nam fabulas quae de Arcadio , Anastatio , & Leone Iconomacho circumferuntur , nihil moror . This Gregory the 7. to advance the Grandeur and Soveraign Authority of the Church and Pope of Rome , layd down these 27. Papal Dictates , as unquestionable foundations : of which ( * Onuphrius confesseth ) major pars antea parum in usu fuerat , et a nemine praedecessorum suorum unquam attentata . 1. Quod Romana Ecclesia a solo Domino sit fundata . 2. Quod solus Romanus Pontifex jure vocatur Vniversalis . 3. Quod ille solus possit deponere Episcopos , vel reconciliare . 4. Quod Legatus ejus omnibus Episcopis praesit in Concilio , etiam inferioris gradus , & adversus eos sententias depositionis possit dare . 5. Quod absentes Papa possit deponere ( whether Emperors , Kings , or Bishops . ) 6. Quod cum Excommunicatis ab illo , inter caetera , nec in eadem Domo debemus manere . 7. Quod illi soli licet , pro temporis necessitate , novas leges condere , novas plebes congregare , de Canonica Abbatiam facere : & è contra , divitem Episcopatum dividere , & inopes unire . 8. Quod solus possit uti Imperialibus insigniis . 9. Quod solius Papae pedes omnes Principes deosculentur . 10. Quod illius solius nomen in Ecclesiis recitetur . 11. Quod unicum est nomen in mundo . 12. Quod illi liceat Imperatores deponere . 13. Quod illi liceat de sede in sedem , necessitate cogente , Episcopos transmutare . 14. Quod de omni Ecclesia quemcunque voluerit Clericum valeat ordinare . 15. Quod ab illo ordinatus , alii Ecclesiae praeesse potest , sed non mutari : & quod accipere ab alio Episcopo non debet superiorem gradum . 16. Quod nulla Synodus generalis absque praecepto ejus debet vocari . 17. Quod nullum Capitulum , nullusque liber Canonicus habeatur absque illius auctoritate . 18. Quod sententia illius a nullo debeat retractari , & ipse omnium solus retractare possit . 19. Quod a nemine ipse judicari debeat . 20. Quod nullus audeat condemnare Apostolicam sedem appellantem . 21. Quod majores causae cujuscunque Ecclesiae ad eam referri debeant . 22. Quod Romana Ecclesia nunquam erravit , nec in perpetuum ( Scriptura testante ) errabit . 23. Quod Romanus Pontifex , si Canonice fuerit ordinatus , meritis B. Petri indubitanter efficitur sanctus , testante Sancto Ennodio Papiensi Episcopo , ei multis sanctis Patribus faventibus ; sicut in Decretis beati Symmachi Papae continetur . 24 Quod illius praecepto & licentia subjectis liceat Reges accusare . 25. Quod absque Synodali conventu possit Episcopos deponere & reconciliare . 26. Quod Catholicus non habeatur , qui non concordat Romanae Ecclesiae . 27. Quod a fidelitate iniquorum Regum subjectos potest absolvere , Pope Gregory having laid these new Papal foundations , a gradum sibi fecit & viam , ad ea omnia quae animo conceperat , peragenda : designing the enthralling of all Christian Emperors , Kings , Kingdoms , Patriarchs , Prelats to his usurped Antichristian Soveraignty . b Atque cum omnium Principum , summus esset Imp. Henricus , ab ipso faciendum esse exordium Simoniacae tragediae , arrogans Nebulo censuit : Inito igitur Pontificatu , statim caepit urgere Canones antecessorum Pontificum , de Simonia & Caelibatu , quos fecerant ejus usi astuto consilio : non ob id , ( as Balaeus observes ) ut Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum impiam nundinationem tolleret , sed ut aliqua ratione honesti Principibus eriperet potestatem conferendi Ecclesiastica officia ; et ut sic redigerentur sub servitutem Romanae sedis omnes Episcopi , qui propter investiturae jus Principibus erant magis obnoxii et fideles , quam Pontifici Romano . The Original ground of this Popes subsequent insolent summons , and proceedings against the Emperor under this grand pretext of Symony , is worthy special observation , thus related by c Cardinal Benno in his life . Hildebrandus instabat Imperatori ( per literas Pontificalibus Cristis superbas , as others relate ) ut ejiceret Episcopos Simoniacos : quod ni faceret , non posse se partes officii sui exequi . Imperator credens , quasi ex zelo legis , quasi a throno Dei procederent haec mandata , sine mora obediebat ; sine mora , sine discussione , sine judiciario ordine Episcopos ejiciebat : dum per hanc obedientiam se Deo sacrificare existimabat , dum adhuc versutias Hildebrandi minus intelligebat . Hildebrandus vero expulsos a Rege Simoniacos relocabat , & quos Regi infestos reddiderat , eos sibi familiari amicitia reconciliabat , & multis & magnis juramentis sibi fideles & obnoxios efficiens praealiis exaltabat . Et modico tempore iis artibus regia domo perturbata , & pene amicis de●tituta , sibi vero amicitia majorum principum comparata , ex improviso , sine legitima accusatione , sine canonica vocatione , sine judiciario ordine , obedientem sibi Imperatorem excommunicat , et regni Principes ab eo separavit . Et cum Apostolus praecipiat , Ne quis circumveniat in negotio fratrem suum ; quantum in eo fuit , mortificavit potius quam castigavit . Sic autem Imperator multimodo circumventus , praeter Canonum ordinem excommunicatus , et consensu Hildebrandi et consilio , magna ex parte Imperii honore expoliatus , et bellis , et caedibus immensis fidelium suorum praegravatus , frustra Canonicam audientiam imploravit . Among other Bishops advanced by this Emperor , most Saxon Prelates as well as Princes rebelling and taking up arms against him , Anno Dom. 1075. with some more German Bishops revolting from the Emperor , and joyning with these Rebels , against their allegiance ; were thereupon deprived by the Emperor of their Bishopricks , who put others in their places . Having vanquished the Saxons in a set battel , he imprisoned divers of these Prelates and Princes ; who escaping out of prison , to strengthen their rebellious partie and engage this Pope against their lawfull Soveraign , ( to whom they knew him a professed implacable enemy , designing his utter ruine ) d videntes Regem bellis tangi posse , non dejici , vexari , non superari , quippe cujus robur adhuc erat inexpugnabile ; Thereupon , ut vires ejus extenuarent , confictis , conscriptisque super eo criminibus , ( quae pessima et immundissima potuit odium et livor excogitare , et quae mihi scribenti & tibi legenti nauseam pararent , vera falsis miscentes ) apud Romanum Pontificem Gregorium septimum eum deferebant ; non decere tam flagitiosum , plus notum crimine quam nomine , regnare : maxime cum sibi regiam dignitatem Roma non contulerit ; oportere Romae suum jus in constituendis Regibus reddi : providerent Apostolicus et Roma ex consilio Principum , cujus vita et sapientia tanto congrueret honori . Qua surreptione delusus Apostolicus , simul et honore creandi Regis , quem sibi fallaciter obtulerant , impulsus , Regem banno innodavit , et Episcopis aliisque regni Principibus , ut a communione excommunicati Regis se retraherent , denunciavit . Se cito venturum in Teutonicas oras , ubi de negotiis Ecclesiasticis , & potissimum de regno tractaretur . Quin etiam & hoc addidit , absolvit omnes a juramento , qui fidem Regi juraverant , ut contra eum impelleret absolutio , quos fidei tenuit obligatio . Quod factum multis displicuit , ( si cui displicere licet quod Apostolicus fecit ) et asserebant , tam inefficaciter quam illicite factum quod factum est . Sed non ausim assertiones eorum ponere , ne videar cum eis Apostolici factum refellere . Mox et Episcopi , tam illi quos amor , quam quos timor in partem Regis traxerat , metuentes ordini suo , ab ejus auxilio se plerique retrahebant ; quod & major pars Procerum ( by the Bishops perfidious leading example ) factitabat . As an Historian living under this Emperor relates in the History of his life , compiled immediately after his decease . The crimes these Rebellious Saxon Princes and Prelates forged , then complained of and objected against him , a are thus related by a Hermoldus Presbyter Buxoviensis . Missa ergo relatione Saxonum Principes ad Apostolicam sedem conquesti sunt , reverendissimo Papae Gregorio septimo , Qualiter Rex divinae legis contemptor , Ecclesiis Dei , in statuendis Episcopis , omnem Canonicae electionis libertatem adimeret , ponens per violentiam Episcopos quos voluisset . Insuper , quod more Nicolaitarum de uxore sua publicum fecisset prostibulum , subjiciens eam per vim aliorum libidini ; aliaque perplurima , quae inconvenientia visa sunt ; & auditu difficilia , Quamobrem Dominus Apostolicus , zelo justitiae permotus , missis Legatis , vocavit Regem ad Apostolicam audientiam . b Joannes Aventinus more largely & particularly relates those malicious scandals presented by them against the Emperor to the Pope , and what advantage he made thereof . Famam Caesaris , gravi & perenni opprobrio , & ad omnium convicia exposito , laedunt . Crimina , ( quorum ne nomina quidem Gallis , Germanisque nota sunt , & quae ab eo qui Imperatores Suetonii legerit , conficta esse necesse est ) Henrico objectant . Legatos Romam ad cives , Pontificem maximum mittunt , qui dicerent ; avare , superbeque imperari , nullum pauperem , nullum inopem audiri ; lasciviam , superbiam , avaritiam , pro aequitate , jure , & justitia invasisse ; praetores , apparitores , scribas , tineas , muresque aulicos trahere , rapere ; paucorum potentiam invaluisse , horum arbitrio cuncta agitari , pecuniam vi exigi , a fanis quoque tolli , penes eosdem opes , pecuniam , gloriam , magistratus esse , justitiam , sacerdotia , Pontificatus , provincias , cuncta , venalia esse . Illum qui notior sit flagitiis quam nomine , venari , lascivissimum , gaudiis corporis deditum esse , neglecta Republica , non modo inconcessis , permissisque voluptatibus temperantiam non servare , sed etiam ea scelera designare , quae vix referri , audirive nedum credi fas sit . Greges puellarum & adolescentulorum , sacratarum faeminarum , sacrificulorum choros praetorium frequentare : hosque ali publica annona , horum consilio Episcopos , Mystas , Monachorum Praesules , ovibus Christi imponi ; praeterea illum non solum alienas constuprare uxores , sed etiam ( honor sit auribus ) sorores incestasse , uxorem suam vi , sed arte ad id facta prostituere , Veneris sacrificia , ubi amator juxta amicam consideret , moxque extincto lumine iniret , perpetrare ; aedes sacras profluvio genitali polluere , hisque Mysteriis etiam Pontifices declarari commemorant . Proponunt deinde , Imperium beneficium esse Vrbis aeternae ; proinde hortantur atque petunt , ut Caput Orbis terrarum , Pontifex populusque Romanus jure suo dent operam , atque una secum rempublicam administrent , decernantque ex consilii decreto , et coetu Principum , qui regnet , atque tanto imperio , justitia atque sapientia inclytus dignus sit . Pleraque hujuscemodi missa facio . Illud praeterire non possum , statim tum hos versus divulgatos esse Abbatissarum Reginarumque subactor Propter adulterium sumpsit Episcopium . Mundi Roma caput , si non ulciscitur illud , Quae caput Orbis erat , cauda sit & pereat . * Grata admodum Gregorio alioqui faciles aures vituperantibus atque criminantibus Caesarem praebere solito , istaec fuere : tanto Cardine rerum nequaquam cessandum arbitrabatur : quippe sibi persuaserat , tempus oportunum venisse , quando Romanos Flamines a servitute vindicaret , Imperatoris jugum , ejus opibus diminutis , excuteret , authoritatem antiquaret , omnem potestatem in se transferre liceret , itaque Principatum Pontificalem confirmaret . Nihil speciosius videbatur , quam sublato metu , neminem mortalium formidare . Et ut liberet Ecclesiastica libertate persru● atque esse Imperatorem , cujus arma , vis , non metuerentur ; ut qui arbitrio Romani Pontificis precario duntaxat regnaret . Gregorius ergo haec mente observans , Saxonum animos verbis confirmat , sibi hanc rem curae fore respondet ; se propediem in Germaniam profecturum , Concilium totius Imperii in certum diem indicturum , ubi communi consensu de hujusmodi rebus agitetur , pollicetur . In the mean time to cover over this design , * Gregorius statim Henricum Imperatorem admonet , Ne deinceps largitione corruptus , Episcopatus & Beneficia alicui per Simoniacam cupiditatem committat : aliter se usurum in se , et delinquentes censuris Ecclesiasticis . His admonitionibus non modo non obtemperavit Henricus , verum etiam Agnetam Imperatricem bene admonentem , quid fieri cum religione oporteret , omni administratione depulit , quae Romam profecta non diu supervixit . Hereupon this Pope summoning a Council in his Palace of Lateran , Anno 1076. Legatos ad Henricum Caesarem misit , * denunciaturus ei , Ut secunda feria secundae hebdomadae Quadragesimae ad Synodum Romae occurreret , de criminibus quae objicerentur causam dicturus : ( to wit , of his pretended Simony in conferring Bishopricks and Benefices gratis to those he judged most deserving , against his Papal Decrees , which hereditary right he would by no means part with ) alioquin sciret , se absque omni procrastinatione eodem die de corpore sanctae Ecclesiae , Apostolico Anathemate abscindendum esse . The first summons and affront of this kind ever offered by an Antichristian proud Pontiff , to any Christian Emperor . Hereupon the Emperor , then intangled by the Saxon Prelats and Princes in new wars , to prevent as much as in him lay the threatned storms , thunderbolts of this infernal Firebrand , ( to whom he formerly sent Messengers to Rome to expostulate with him , for crying out , * Ius Romanae sedis nequaquam Caesari Germano permittendum esse , et quod Imperatore inscio et inconsulto sedem Pontificalem invasisset : who thereupon returned him this feigned answer ; Se non alia recepisse conditione hanc electionem , quam ut Imperator sua suffragia adiungeret . Hac simulatione humilitatis motus Imperator vocationem quam Romam fecerant ratam habet , ) dispatched new Messengers to Hild brand to satisfie him , and excuse his non appearance there at the time prefixed ; * Primum qua potest celeritate Nuncios Romam mittit , qui se excusent , & Pontificem , a tam horrendis conatibus abducerent : Verum Hildebrandus Pontificali fastu tumidus , Imperatoris Legatos contra Gentium jus in carcerem conjectos , fame , siti , frigore pene enecat ; denique cum dedecore summo urbe ejicit . En tibi Successorem Petri germanum . Hac necessitate compulsus Henricus sibi non stertendum ratus , consilium init de Synodo convocanda Wormaciae ; atque ipsum Pontificem vicissim , ut ibi compareat , sua autoritate citat . Existimabat enim , Papam Sententia Caesaris et Synodi quasi exauctoratum , non posse excommunicationis fulmen promulgare . To this end the Emperor , cunctos Regni sui Episcopos & Abbates Wormaciae in Dominica Septuagesimae coire jubet : dispatching this elegant Epistle to Anno Archbishop of Colen , ( if not the like to other Bishops ) wherein he summoned him to this Council , and relates the causes which induced him to summon it . * Henricus Dei gratia Rex , Annoni Coloniensi Archiepisco , gratiam , salutem dilectionem ; In maximis negotiis , maximis maximorum opus est consiliis , qui & facultatem habeant exterius , & voluntate non careant interius ; ut rei cui bene cupiunt , bene consulere , & velint & possint . Quia in cujuslibet rei profectu , nec facultas sine voluntate , nec volantas sine facultate proderit : quod utrumque tu sidelissime ( ut arbitramur ) aequaliter possides : vel ut verius dicamus , licet maximo tibi , maxima non desit facultas , major tamen adhuc maxima facultate ( si te benè novimus , si fidem tuam diligenter not avimus ) in nostram & regni utilitatem tibi exuberat voluntas ; de praeteritis emm fideliter exhibitis , in futuris crescit spes fidelius exhibendis . Tuae autem dilectioni committimus , ne spes nostra sit major fide tua : quia de nullius regni Principum vel Episcoporum fidelitate , quam 〈◊〉 , majora speramus ; sicut bactenus non modo in praeteritorum rerum exhibitione , verum etiam in sperandarum promissione tua gavisi sumus . Adsic igitur hoc in temport opportuno , tua cum facultate voluntas , quam non modo nostra , verum etiam omnium Episcoporum , fratrumque tuorum , imo totius oppressae Ecclesiae exoptat necessitas . Non etiam hanc oppressionem ignoras ; tantum vide , ne oppressae te Ecclesiae subtrahas , sed regno & sacerdotio condolcas ; quo utroque , sicut hucusque Ecclesia est exaltata , ita nunc heu humiliatur viduata . Nam unus dum utrumque sibi vendicavit , utrumque dissipavit : nec in uno profuit , qui in neutro prodesse voluit , nec potuit . Et ne diutius notati nomine te suspendamus , accipe quem dicimus , Hildebrandum scilicet , Monachum habitu , quidem dictum Apostolicum , non pastoris cura , sed invasoris violentia Apostolicae sedi praesidentem : & de sede pacis catholicae pacis untae vincula dissipantem , ut tibimet in promptu est scire . Vt enim de pluribus pauca referamus , Regnum et Sacerdotium Deo nesciente sibi usurpavit ; in quo piam Dei ordinationem contemp●it , quae non in uno , sed in duobus duo , id est , Regnum et Sacerdotium , principaliter consistere voluit : sicut & ipse Dominus Salvator noster in passione sua , de duorum gladiorum sufficientia typica , intelligi innuit ; cui cum diceretur , * Ecce Domine duo gladii hic , respondit , satis est ; significans , hac sufficienti dualitate , spiritualem & carnalem glalium in Ecclesia esse gerendum , quibus omne nocivum fore tam putandum : videlieet , Sacerdotali , ad obedientiam Regis pro Deo : regali vero gladio ad explodendos Christi inimicos exterius , et ad obedientiam Sacerdotii , interius , omnem hominem docens fore constringendum : & ita de alia in aliam Charitatem tenderetur , dum nec regnum Sacerdotii , nec Sacerdotium regni honore privaretur . Hanc Dei ordinationem qualiter Hildebrandica insania confuderit , tu ipse nosti , si scire voluisti , nam nullum ejus judicio lice● esse Sacerdotem , nisi qui hoc a fastu suo emendicaverit . Me quoque , quem Deus in regnum , non autem illum vocavit in Sacerdotium , quia me de Deo , et non de illo regnare velle vidit , quia ipse me Regem non constituit , regno privare studuit , minitans , regnum animamque mihi se tollere , quorum neutrum concessit . Haec & his similia cum saepius in nostram ( ut ipse nosti ) contumeliam struxerit , non tamen adhuc sufficere credit , qui de die in diem , nova & exquisita confusionis genera nobis ingerit , ut in nostris nunciis noviter argumentum dedit . Nam Charta exponere non sufficit , qualiter eosdem Nuncios nostros tractaverit , quam indignis modis affecerit , quam crudeliter eos incarceravit , & carceratos nuditate , frigore , fam● , siti , ac plagis contriverit , sicque demum in exemplum per medium Civitatis circumductos , omnibus spectaculum praebere jusserit ; ita ut eundem cum Decio Tyranno insanire , & Sanctos assare credas , & dicas . Unde ne pigeat charissime , communi nostrum , scilicet & mea & coepiscoporum tuorum petitioni satisfacere , ut in Pentecostem Wormacia● venias , & ibi plura , quorum pauca docet Chartula , cum caeteris audias Principibus , & quid agendum sit doceas , rogatus per dilectionem Coepiscoporum , monitus per Ecclesiae militatem , obligatus per vitae nostrae , & regni totius honorem . b The Emperor , Bishops and Abbots being assembled in this Synod at Worms , statim de Hildebrando deponendo consilia tractare caeperunt : His itaque consedentibus , Hugo Blancus Cardinalis Romanus supervenit , cum literis eorum quos in Urbe Roma Pontifex habebat adversarios . Illae in frequenti Senatu lectae sunt , in quibus , Hildebrandum perjurii , et ambitus accusant ; eundem pleraque avare , superbe facere conqueruntur , hocque rejecto alium Pastorem postulant . ●it Patrum consultum ; hujuscemodi , Hildbrandus , qui se Gregorium nuncupat ; Primus sine consensu nostro , adversus Imperatoris Romani , rerum Domini a Deo constituti , voluntatem , contra morem majorum , contra leges , contra auspicia , Pontificatum maximum , quem pridem ambivit , et judicio convictus perpetuo abjuravit , invasit , &c. ( Huic Hildebeando , qui 〈◊〉 in Ecclesiastico rigore constantissimus fuit , ista causa ( Clementis 2. ) in qua sententia Principis & Episcoporum praevaluit , semper displicut . Exhinc Romanae Ecclesiae in electione Canonica Pontificum in tantum infirmata invenitur , quod iste , quatuorque sequentes , ab Imperatore ibi positi , in Catalogo ( Pontificum ) inveniantur . Qualibet autem industria & opera pra fati Hildebrandi sub Leone juniore Libertatem ex parte , sub Alexandro vero plene rehabuerit , sicut proborum virorum relatione cognovimus infra dicemus , Exhinc schisma gravissimum , eo quod Hildebrandus absque consensu Regis per electionem constitutus fuerat ; writes Otto Frisinger sis . ) The Letters from Rome adde , Monachus desertor est , novis dogmatibus sacrosanctam Philosophiam adulterat , divinas literas falso interpretando suae causae servire cogit , concordiam Collegii scindit , sacra , prophana , divina , humana comnuscet ; utrumque juxta polluit , Diabolis , hoc est acerbissimorum hostium spurcissimis crimnationibus , iniquorum maledictis aurem commodat & credit , Testis , Judex , Accusator , Inimicus idem est . Maritos ab uxoribus separat : Scorta pudicis conjugibus , stupra , incestus , adulteria casto praefert connubio ; populares adversus sacerdotes , vulgum adversus Episcopos concitat . Neminem initiatum rite esse docet , nisi qui ab eo sacerdorum emendicarit , atque ab ejus aurisugis mercatus fuerit : vili plebecula gratificari studet , vulgi imperiti auram captat , simulata religione , decipit , defraudat , circumvenit : in senatulo muliercularum de Sacratissimis religionis mysteriis pertractat ; supremi numinis legem , qua se idem quoque ligavit , solvit ; utrumque , & Imperium et Pontificatum , sicut Decit , et falsorum Deorum cultores factitare consueverunt , usurpat . Hasce ob causas , sanctissimus Imperator , Pontifices , Senatus , populusque Christianus , illum Hildebrandum abdicandum , sibi eundem non placere , neque oves lupo committendas , censent . Damnationi Pontificis , haud grava●am omnes qui tunc aderant Episcopi , subscripserunt , praeter Adelberonem Herb. polens●● & Hermannum Mediomatricum Episcopos ; minus id convenire , & Canones violari asserentes , quibus Episcopus quivis sine Generali Concilio , sine Legitimis & probatis accusationibus & testibus , necdum probatis quae objicerentur criminibus condemnari , prohiberetur : multo magis Romanus Pontifex , adversus quem nec Episcopi nec Archiepiscopi quicquam haberet ponderis accusatio . Verum Trajectensis Praesul Willielmus monendo eos , ut vel damnationi Pontificis subscriberunt , vel Fidei Regis , quam Sancta attestatione promisissent , renunci●●●ent , utrosque tandem in reliquorum pertraxit sententiam . Omnium itaque nomine Literae ad Hildebrandum adornantur , quibus , commemoratis prius ejus criminibus , Pontificatu quam contra leges hactenus usurpasset , se abdicare jubetur . Verum ipsas subjecimus literas . Cum primum Ecclesiae gubernaculum invasisses , etsi bene nobis cognitum esset quam illicitam & nefariam rem contra jus & fas familiari tibi arrogantia praesumpsisses : dissimulanda tamen dispensatoria quadam taciturnitate , tam vitiosa introitus tui exordia putavimus : sperantes videlicet , tam criminosa principia consequentis regiminis tui probitate & industria emendata , & aliquatenus obliterata . Verum nunc , ut lamentabilis universalis Ecclesiae status clamat , & deplorat , malis initiis tuis pejores actionum decretorumque tuorum progressus , infelici respondens tenore & pertinacia . Cum enim Dominus & Redemptor noster , pacis & charitatis bonum , quasi singularem fidelibus suis characterem impresserit ( cujus rei testimonia plura existant quam ut Epistolari brevitate comprehendi valeant ) Tu ●e contrario , dum prophanis studes novitatibus , dum magis amplo , quam bono nomine delectaris ; dum inaudita elatione , distenderis , veluti quidam signifer Schismatis omnia membra Ecclesiae , quae secundum Apostolum , quietam & tranquillam vitam ante haec tua tempora agebant , Superba crudelitate , crudelique Superbia lacerasti : flammasque discordiae , quas in Romana Ecclesia diris factionibus excitasti , per omnes Ecclesias Italiae , Germaniae , Galliae , Hispaniae furiali dementia sparsisti . Sublata enim quantum fuit , omni potestate ab Episcopis , quae eis divinitus per gratiam Sancti Spiritus , qui maxime in ordinationibus operatur , collata esse dinoscitur , omnique rerum Ecclesiasticarum administratione plebeio furori per te attributa , dum nemo jam alicubi Episcopus aut Presbyter est , nisi qui hac indignissisima assentatione a fastu tuo emendicavit , omnem Apostolicae institutiones vigorem , illamque pulcherrimam membrorum Christi distributionem , quam Doctor gentium toties commendat & inculcat , miserabili confusione miscuisti : sicque per haec tua gloriosa decreta ( quod sine lachrymis d●ci non potest ) Christi fere nomen men perut Quis autem illud pro indignitate rei stupeat , quod novam quandam indebitamque potentiam tibi usurpando arrogas , ut debita universae fraternitati jura destruas ? Asseris enim , cujuscunque nostrûm Parochiani aliquid delictum ad te vel sola faina perveniat , ultra jam non habere quemquam nostrum aliquam potestatem vel ligandi vel solvendi , extra & praeter te solum , aut eum quem tu * spiritualiter ad hoc delegeris . Quae sententia quod omnem insaniam exceda● , quis in sacris literis eruditus non videat ? Quia ergo per hos , aliosque praesumptionum tuarum Spiritus , Ecclesiam Dei tam graviter periclitantem , immo fere pessundatum diutius tolerare omni malo deterius judicavimus : placuit , ut commni omnium nostrum consilio , tibi quod hactenus tacuimus , innocescat : quamobrem nec modo possis , nec unquam potueris Apostolicae sedi praeesse . Tu ipse bonae memoriae N. Imperatori teipsum corporali Sacramento obstrinxisti , quod nunquam ipso vivente Imparatore , aut Filio ejus Domino nostro Glorioso Rege , qui modo summae rerum praeest , Papatum aut ipse susciperes , aut alium ( quantum in te est ) suscipere patereris , absque assensu vel laudamento patris , dum viveret . Ad hoc Sacramentum sunt hodie 〈◊〉 plerique Episeopi , qui hoc tunc & oculis suis videre , & auribus audiere . Illud 〈◊〉 recordare , quomodo ipse in aliquos ex Cardinalibus , cum ambitio Papatus ●●llaret , ad tollendam aemultationem , hac occasione et conditione ut ipsi hoc 〈…〉 sacramento te obligasti , quod nunquam Papatum habiturus esses . Vtraque haec Sacramentorum quam sancte , quam caute observaveris , tu videris . Praeterea , cum tempore Nicholai Papae Synodus celebraretur in qua ●e●tum viginti Episcopi consederant , sub anathemate hoc statutum et decretum est , ut nullus Papa fieret , nisi per electionem Cardinalium , ex approbationem populi , et per consensum et authoritatem Regis : atque hujus Concilii seu Decreti tu ipse autor , persuasor , subscriptorque fuisti ; atque hoc quasi foetore quodam gravissimi scandali , totam Ecclesiam repleiti , de convictu & cohabitatione * alienae mulieris familiariori , quam necesse sit . In qua re verecundia nostra magis quam causa laborat , quamvis haec generalis querela ubique personuerit , omnia Judicia , omnia decreta per foeminas in sede Apostolica act●tati , denique per eas totius Orbis & Ecclesiae jura administrari . Nam de inju●●s & co●●umehis Episcoporum , quos filios meretricum , & id generis indignissime 〈◊〉 null● querimonia sufficit . * Quia ergo & introitus tuus tantis perjuriis 〈…〉 et Ecclesia Dei tam gravi tempestate per abusidnem novitatum tuaru●● periclitatur , et vitam et conversationem tuam tam multiplici infa●●●a dehonestasti , obedientiam quam tibi nullam promisimus , nec de caetero nullam servaturos esse renunciamus : et quia nemo nostrum , ut publice declamas , tibi hactenus fuit Episcopus , ita nulli nostrum amodo eris Apostolicus . H●sce subscripserunt Ecclesiarum Episcopi plurimi : Sigfridus Moguntinus , ( qui juxta * Sabellicum Concilii Praeses extitit ) Udo Treverensis , Wilhelmus Trajectensis ; Hermannus Meaiomatricum , Henricus Lucensis , Richardus Viridunensis , Babo Tullensis , Hermannus Spirensis , Burchardus Halberstadiensis , Wernerus Argentinensis , Burchardus Basiliensis , Ottho Constantiensis , Adelbertus Herbipoli , Rupertus , Bambergae , Ottho Ratisbonensis , Elingardus Fruxini , Ulricus Eichstadii , Fridericus Monasteriensis , Hezelo Hildesianus , Hildebertus Mindensis , Benno Osnaburgensis , Eppo * Numburgensis , Immanus Padelbornensis , Thieto B●andenburgensis , Burchardus Losanus , Bruno Viennensis ad Rhodanum . Ex eadem Synodo , & ipse Imperator ad Pontificem satis duras scribit Literas , & alia●ad Clerum , universumque populum Romanum ; quibus Pontificem sua Sede excuti Sede mandat . His Epistle to Hildebrand runs in this stile . * HENRICUS , non usurpative , sed pia ordinatione Dei , Rex , Hildebrando jam non Apostolico , sed falso Monacho . Hanc talem pro confusione tua salutationem promeruisti , qui nullum in Ecclesia ordinem praetermisisti , quem confusionis , non honoris , maledictionis , non benedictionis , participem non feceris . Ut enim de multis , pauca & egregia loquamur ; Rectores Sanctae Ecclesiae , videlicet Archiepiscopos , Episcopos vel Presbyteros , non modo non tangere , sicut Christos Domini non timuisti ; quin sicut Servos , nescientes quid faciat Dominus eorum , sub pedibus tuis calcasti , in quorum conculcatione tibi favorem ab ore Vulgi comparasti , quos omnes nihil scire , te autem solum omnia nosse judicasti : qua utique scientia non ad aedificationem , sed ad destructionem uti studuisti , ut jure hoc beatum Gregorium , cujus nomen tibi vendicasti , de te credamus prophetasse , dicentem sic , Ex affluentia subjectorum plerunque animus Praelati extollitur ; existimat se plus omnibus nosse , cum se videat plus omnibus posse . Et quidem nos omnia haec sustinuimus , dum Apostolicae sedis honorem conservare studuimus : sed tu humilitatem nostram timori fore intellexisti : ideoque et in ipsam regiam potestatem nobis a Deo concessani , exurgere non timuisti , quam a nobis auferre ausus es minari , quasi a te nos regnum acceperimus : quasi in tua , et non in manu Dei sit Regnum vel Imperium , quia Dominus noster Iesus Christus Nos ad regnum , te autem non vocavit ad Sacerdotium . Tu enim his gradibus ascendisti , scilicet astutia , ( quod Monachica professio abominatur ) pecuniam , pecunia favorem , favore ferrum , ferro sedem pacis adisti : et de sede pacis , pacem turbasti : dum subditos in Praelatos armasti ; dum Episcopos nostros , a Deo vocatos , tu non vocatus spernendos docuisti : dum Laic●s Ministerium eorum super Sacerdotes usurpasti , ut ipsi deponant vel condemnent , aut ipsos de manu domini per impositionem manuum Episcoporum docendos acceperant . Me quoque ( licet indignus inter Christianos sum ad regnum vocatus ) te teste , quem Sanctorum Patrum traditio soli Deo judicandum docuit , pro aliquo crimine nisi a fide ( quod absit ) exorbitaverim , deponendum asseruit ; Cum etiam Iulianum Apostatam prudentia sanctorum Episcoporum , non sibi , sed soli Deo deponendum commiserit . Ipse vero quid verus Papa beatus Petrus , clamat ? * Deum timete , Regem honorificate . Tu autem quia Deum non times , me constitutum ejus inhonoras . Unde Beatus Paulus , ubi Angelo de Coelo , alia si praedicaverit , non pepercit , te quoque in terris alia docentem non excepit : ait enim , * Siquis vel Ego , vel Angelus de Coelo , praeter id quod evangelizavimus , vobis evangelizaverit , anathema sit . Tu igitur hoc Anathemate , et omnium Episcoporum nostrorum judicio damnatus , Descende ; vendicatam tibi sedem Apostolicam relinque ; alius in solium beati Petri ascendat , qui nulla violentia religionem palliet , sed ●cati Petri sanam doctrinam doceat . Ego Henricus Dei gratia , cum omnibus nostris Episcopis tibi dicimus , Descende , Descende . a Huic Decreto , non solum Germaniae , Galliaeque , sed Italiae quoque Episcopi Conventu Ticini acto ( or , Papiae Imperatoris jussu habito , as Onuphrius and others relate ) subscripsere , positisque sanctis Evangeliis , juraverunt , & juramento firmaverunt , nullo modo se deinceps ( or nunquam ) Gregorium pro Papa habituros , recepturos , vel obedientiam exhibituros . Clerum similiter universumque populum tali compellat Epistolio Imperator ( printed with his other Epistles in the forecited Authors . ) Henricus Dei gratiâ Rex , Vniversae Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Clero & populo , gratiam , salutem , & omne bonum : Haec fides & firma , & inconcussa creditur quae semper & eadem & praesenti , & absenti servatur , nec diuturna ejus cui debetur absentia , nec longi temporis taedio immutatur . Et de alia Epistola : Exurgite in eum fidelissimi ; et primus in fide , sit prmus in ejus damnatione ; non autem ut ejus sanguinem effundatis dicimus : quippe cum major sit sibi post damnationem poena , vita , quam mors . Sed ut eum , si nolit descendere ; cogatis , et alium communi omnium Episcoporum vestrorum consilio a Nobis electum , in Apostolicam sedem recipiatis , qui quod iste in Ecclesia vulneravit , curare velit , et possit . Marianus Scotus writes thus of this Councils proceedings . a In Concilio 24. Episcoporum , Abbatum , multorumque Clericorum Wormatiae mense Martio facto , praesente Henrico Rege , decretum est , ut bannum Hildebrandi Papae nullus curaret , nec Papa esset . b Martinus Polonus thus ; Imperator vero tunc Wormatiae 24. Episcoporum & multorum Nobilium congregato ; jubet omnia Decreta Gregorit Papae * cessari ; c Abbas Vspergensis stories ; Habitum est Concilium apud Wormacram , ubi praesente Rege Henrico universi pene Teutonici Episcopi , praeter Saxones ( then in rebellion and confederacy with this Pope ) Hildebrandum Papam labdicarunt , mittentes ei Epistolam ; &c. concluding thus ; Tu quoque nulli nostrum amodo eris Apostolicus . d Bertoldus Constantiensis , thus relates the proceedings ; His temporibus Henricus Rex per Simoniacam haeresin Ecclesiam faedare non cessavit , scilicet pro pretio Episcopatus , Abbatias , & alia hujusmodi investiendo , & inter alia crimina etiam excommunicatis communicando . Cum autem Rex jamdudum saepe a Papa praemonitus se corrigere nollet , & Papa in admonendo nihil proficeret ; ad ultimum mandavit ei , quod in Romana Synodo proxima eum excommunicaturus esset nisi resipisceret . Quae Legatio in oclava Nativitatis Domini ad Regem pervenit . Unde Rex in Septuagesima apud Wormatiam colloquio facto , & aliam in Lombardia apud Placentiam , omnesque quos potuit , obedientiam praedictae Papae exhibendam abiurare fecit ; & missa Legatione ad Romanam Synodum , quae in proxima Quadragesima celebrata est , ipsum Apostolicum ab Apostolica sede contumaciter jussit descendere . Sed missi ejus turpissime in Synodo tractati , vix a Romanis , adjuvante Papa , evaserunt . Ipsum autem Regem , Synodo iudicante , fidelitate hominum , regno , et communione privavit , et omnes ei ad Regnum juratos , juramento absolvit . Omnes Episcopos qui Regi sponte contra Papam fuerunt , officio & communione privavit ; reliquis autem , qui inviti eidem corspirationi intererant , usque ad festivitatem Sancti Petri inducias dedit . * Matthew Paris registers ; Imperator collecto Wormatiae 24. Episcoporum & multorum Concilio Principum decerni jubet , omnia Decreta et facta Gregorii Papae ( qui prius Hildebrandus dicebatur ) debere irritari : ibique omne Concilium , praeter paucos , Hildebrandum abjuravit , &c. The Pope in the mean time to engage the Romans to side with him against the Emperor , b Romae concionem in Templum vocat , cum Sacerdotibus , equitatu , plebe , Senatu agit ; Caput mundi ( inquit ) Romani rerum Domini , victor gentium populus , et Imperium et Pontificatum , in quos libuerit , transferre potest : ( where then is the Popes Supremacy , and Cardinals right of electing Popes without the Romans precedent consent or privity ? ) Sicut ante ducentos & septuaginta quinque annos , a Gracis in Germanos transtulit : ( therefore not Pope Leo the 3d. * as Pontificians falsly boast . ) Quemadmodum militem ignavum Imperator exauthorare potest , ita milti ducem in injustum deserere licet . Vestrum munus est Quirites , vestrum est beneficium , vestro sanguine atque sudore tantum partum Imperium , quod bonum , faustum foelixque sit . Mecum , filii charissimi decernetis , quinam Romae posthac regnarit , nec me superstite Rer liberos populo , quem non creavit , imponetur . Post haec Gregorius millia talentum , quindicies viritim distribuit . Ea a Normannis & Machtylda contributa fuêre . Opes quoque Ecclesiesticas , quibus hacterus pauperes alebantur , militibus & rei bellicae peritis largitus est . Quod & Hildebrandini , Gerochus & Paulus non inficias eunt , & hic tanquam benefatum excusat , & id licere defendit . Romanus ergo hoc donativo oppigneratos , specio●o nomine libertatis inescatos , Gregorius facile ad se deficere persuasit . Dum autem talia fiunt , Rulandus Sacerdos Parmensis , Literas Imperatoris , Conciliique ( Wormatiae ) Decretum deferens : aedem sacram ingreditur , ad Gregorium in Romana Synodo consedentem pertulit , & absque omni salutationis honore , * Tibi ( ad Hildebrandum inquit ) Caesar noster Christianissimus , Sanctissimi Italiae , Germaniae , Galliae Episcopi , sacer orbis Christianus praecipiunt , ut te munere , quod astu , pecunia , gratia occupasti , confestim abdices . Nec enim fas est invitis illis , te adversus authoritatem Imperatoris , contra Christianae Ecclesiae Decretum , ovili Dei ultra incubare . Deinde ad caeteros versus ; Pientissimi ( inquit ) fratres , Pastorem jure vestro deligite : deinde sacratissimus Consul , Tribunus & Princeps vester , more majorum author fiet : Iste enim Hildebrandus , neque Pastor , neque Pater , neque Pontifex ; Fur est , Lupus , latro atque Tyrannus . Vix haec fatus erat , Joannes Portuensis prosilit , facto impetu surgens , & immensa voce clamavit , capiatur , capiatur ingeminat . Fit tumultus : Urbis praefectus & caeteri Parmensem gladiis strictis circumsistunt , in Temploque confodere parant , Ille vix ope Gregorii ( ut Paulus refert ) evasit . Post haec Pontifex multis verbis , amarissime in Caesarem perorat ; flagitia , quibus a Saxonibus inustus erat , aperte dicit , crimina memoriter recitat : Tum ab omnibus ( uti mos gentis : est ) acclamatum , Immanis Tyrannus a fastigio rerum deturbetur : truculentissimus rei publicae et Ecclesiae hostis , sacro ense cum sociis et consultoribus feriatur , atrocissimum facinus ferro recidatur . Alius qui Romano Imperio dignus sit , substituatur . Gallina tum Romae ovum serpente quasi arte celatum , peperit . Gregorius posteaquam hujuscemodi dicta sunt , ovum Imperium , serpentem Regem , qui Romae domicilio Imperii conterendus sit , interpretatur . Multa dein de innocentia & potestate sua praefatur . Deinde Hildebrandus , velut alter Machabaeus ( ut , inquit Gerhobus Reicherspergensis ) gladium arripiens ; B. Petri Apostolorum Principis nomine invocato , Caesarem Anathemate , his conceptis verbis percellit . Henrico Regi , silio Henrici Imperatoris , qui contra tuam Ecclesiam inaudita superbia insurrexit , totius regni Teutonicorum , & Italiae Gubernacula contradico , et omnes Christianos a vincula Iuramenti quod sibi fecere vel facient , absolvo ; et ut nullus ei sicut Regi serviat interdico . Atque ita absolvit omnes a juramento qui fidem Regi juraverant , ut contra eum impelleret absolutio quos fidei tenuit obligatio . c Johannes Aventinus in his Annals , presents us with this larger , and more particular relation of Hildebrands invectives and proceeding against the Emperor , after his sentence denounced against him in this Synod , what sad effects they produced , and what opinion most sober disingaged men had thereof . Postremo ubi hujuscemodi multa Gregorius dixit , concionem ut bono animo sit , & se Christo propitio , fortiter ad resistendum sacrilego , lascivo , temerario , injusto , imperito , superbo , avaro , crudeli , impuro inveni paret , cohortatur . Nordmannos , Machtyldam , Saxones armis invictos , divi Petri rebus studere , alios haud dubie fulmine sacro attonitos causam justiorem secuturos ; beatos denique esse proponit , qui persecutionem patiantur . Post haec Concilio dimisso , sexcenta fulmina , totidem tonitrua , diram gradinem , bullas appellant , in Galliam , Germaniam , Italiam mittit . Docet , a se Regem qui Christianam Philosophiam contemnat , Templum subver●at Haereticorum author sit et consectaneus , execratuni , regnoque ab dicatum . Omnes qui in ejus verba Religione adacti jurarint , et Sacramento solutos esse , commemorat . Exinde se Majorum vestigia , Patrum scita , placita Magistorum Ecclesiae , legem divinam , summum coelestis Thesauri jus , se insequi . Christum Dominum Deum nostrum D. Petro , ejusque successoribus Romanis Episcopis censuram totius orbis humani detulisse , eosdenque caelitus constitutos Censores esse , qui judicarent de moribus , deCuria Coelesti , atque Spiritibus aeter nis , nedum mortalibus . In arcanis sacrae Historiae contineri , divina oracula esse ; Tu es Petrus , & super hanc Petram aedisicabo Ecclesiam meam , & portae inferi non praevalbunt adversus eam ; & Tibi dabo Claves Regni coelorum , Quodcunque ligaveris super terram , erit ligatum & in coelis . Nemo omnium ( inquit Septimus ) ne Reges quidem atque Imperatores hic excipiuntur . Recitat inde veterum gesta , ubi legamus Hyldericum a Romano Pontifice non ob flagitia , sed quod inutilis foret , regno amotum ; Francosque jurejurando , quo illi astricti erant , a Primario Urbis Sacerdote absolutos ; ab eodem Pipinum Regem substitutum esse . Imperatoribus Theodosio , Arcadio , Philippo , Anastasio , Ambrosium , Innocentium , Constantinum , Anastasium Episcopos sacris interdixisse . Addit , in gestis divi Peteri contineri , ejus cui Pontifex maximus infensus sit , sermonem , conspectum , tanquam dirae contagionis pestem , vitandum esse . Proinde concludit , qui quidem animam suam salvam esse velit , Regi devoto per sacrosanctam Religionem audiens dicto non sit ; imo Vniversi Imperata mandataque detrectent rebellionemque faciant . Saxonas quoque , veteres amicos Gregorius muneribus explet . Neminem spernendum , neminem contemnendum esse decernit ; quaecunque potest largiendo , pollicendo parare , nequaquam cunctatur . Scinditur in contraria populus Germanus studia . Principes apud Oppenhaim , oppidum superioris Germaniae , Rhenum continuum coeunt ; pars , sicut Hugo Alsatius , ob egestatem atque inimicitiam ( nemo enim est qui omnibus placeat , aut denique hoste careat ) omnia misceri bello , ubi ditarentur , ac vindictam sumerent , omnia Marte , cui cuncta licent , ardere avebant . Rudolphus Burgundionum , ac Suevorum regulus , senectute venerabilis domi forisque praeclarus , caeteris Principibus bonis artibus praestans , Cui Soror Caesaris nuptum collocata erat , cum Berchtoldo a Zaringen genero suo , cum hostibus , quos tamen maxima clade pro Caesare fratre Uxoris suae pugnans affecerat , spe Regni inescatus , sentire caepit . Welpho quoque Dux Boiorum nova molitur . Sigefridus Mogontinus Archimystes , Hermannus Mediomatricum , Albertus Vangionum Episcopus , Willelmus Hersauentium Monachorum antistes in Boiaria , Altmannus genere Saxo Bathavensis Pontifex , cum Gebhardo Suevo Juvavensium Pastore , Adalberone Boio , clarissimis Natalibus orto Wurtzeburgensium primario Sacerdote , condiscipulis suis ( quippe eodem tempore Lutetiae Parisiorum literis operam dederant ) sub toga & censura Sanctissimorum Patrum , melius quam sub armis & strepitu forensi Caesarum , tranquillitati & Reipublicae Christiane consultum iri arbitrabantur . Atque hi omnes quos commemoravimus , ad Saxonas sine cunctatione , deserta Caesaris optimatiumque causa , deficiunt , ad praetextum mutatae voluntatis religionem obtendunt . Hainricum communi consilio abjurant , se perpetuo ejus fore hostes , quoad vita suppetat , jure jurando sanciunt . Postea arma capessunt , Caesari insidiantur , ejus rebus studentes oppugnant , omnia tumultu , cuncta terrore & luctu complentur . Caedes , incendia fiunt ; insontes & qui neutri parti favebant , qui ●idem Regi servabant , rebellare recusabant , pacem & otium bello praeferrebant , armis se commiscere abnuebant , Simonaici Nicolaitae Haeretici appellantur , proscribuntur , in sce●eratorum numero habentur , aris sacris , convivio , colloquio , suppliciis , conspectu a conjuratis arcentur . Sacerdotes , Monachi , Episcopi , fratres Germani , amici , cognati , affines , liberi , parentes , miles , tribunus , herus , famulus , pueri , puellae , conjuges , populus , Principes inter se discordant , dissentiunt publice , privatim altercantur , rixantur , pugnant , belligerantur , invicem mutuis vulneribus , caede , parricidio , incendiis , rapina conflictantur : agri vastantur , fana spoliantur , aerarium diripitur , fiscus exinanitur , villae incenduntur , a designe concremantur , urbes , castella vi expugnantur , leges silent , arma fervent , omne jus in viribus est . Quicquid victori collibuisset , victus patitur , virgines rapiuntur , liberi a complexu parentum avelluntur , matres familiae vi constuprantur : terra , flumina , humano cruore rubescunt . Animae cum corporibus intereunt , ad inferos raptantur , aeternis suppliciis mactantur . VVurizeburgenses , Vangiones , Mediomatrici , Bathavi , Salesburgenses Episcopos suos exigunt , quod contra instituta Majorum Civibus suis suadebant , solemne fidei polluere , cujus Germaniae populos patientissimos esse inter illustres gravesque rerum authores , licet hostes nostros convenit . Pastores igitur illi extorres , sine lare , sine ovibus errabundi , destituti ovili , ad Saxoniam se conferunt . Plerique tum privatim , publice indignum facinus clamitant , pro concione Gregorio maledicunt , Hildebrando male precantur , Antichristum esse praedicant ; pietatis sub specie ( inquibant ) debacchatur , honestis nominibus bonum Publicum simulat , titulo Christi negotium Antichristi agitat . In Babylonia , in Templo Dei sedet , super omne id quod colitur , extollitur , quasi Deus sit , se errare non posse , gloriatur : In excolenda gloria sua pertinacis spei , atque concupiscentiae Imperatoris suo arbitrio constituendi , se devovet ; homines non peccatis , sed lege Christi atque Sacramentis solvit , pacem , atque pietatem religionis nostrae labefactat , bella , seditiones concitat , stupro , caedi , perjuriis , perfidiae , rapinis , incendio ambitionem suam occulendam , fabulas comminiscitur , annales corrumpit , res gestas invertit , sed etiam coelestia oracula adulterat ; divinas Literas falso interpretando suae libidini servire cogit , sacram Historiam lacerat , inter mulierculas de sacris Philosophatur literis . Quicquid dixerit , Legem Dei putat ; ad aviditatem suam incongrua conquirit testimonia , sententias depravat , ad voluntatem suam Scripturam trahit repugnantem . Nimium sibi de Pharisaeorum supercilio sumit , ut quosque damnare vel solvere arbitretur , cum apud Deum , non sententia Sacerdotis sed vita hominis quaeratur . Praeterea Hildebrandus ille divinae Majestati refragatur , Christianissimo Principi divinitus constituto , et a Deo inaugurato resistit : versutus , fallax , obscurus , callidus , imperium Orbis , titulo Christi , sub ovina pelle , ambit . Alios , pecudes ignavas , stultos , stipites , caudices , Asinos qui ejus Sycophantias vaframentaque non intelligant , putat . Huc omnes nervos intendit , ut Ducem gregis oppresso in ordinemque redacto , in oves desertus praesidio Imperatoris licentius impuniusque grassetur , Si a Omnis potestas a Deo est , maxima quoque , nempe Caesarea ab eo sit necesse est , b Christus cum eum populum rebus imponere conaretur , aufugit ; & c duos de naereditat● ambigentes , qui eum arbitrum ceperant , ad Caesarem cui Imperium Orbis terrarum commissum est ; ablegavit . Pontificibus quoque Judaeorum praecepit , d Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari ; e Cui vectigal solvit , tributum pendit , censum dedit . Idem nos , D. Petrus docet , f Deum timete , R●gem honore afficite . g D. Pauli praeceptum est , Fidem Regi servate , quod si quispiam Caelitum alter docuerit , h devotus esto . Flagitium hujuscemodi Hildebrandi inexpiabile , scelus hactenus inauditum , procul ab Orbe Germano abigendum , ense , ( quem Imperator supremus ad vindictam malorum Caesari tradit ) resecandum ; lupus sub ovina pelle saeviens , ferro tollendus . Septimus ille non verbis et disputationibus ; sed vinculis et careere fatigandus est . Nempe dictum est a Christo Deo Opt. Max. Petro ejusque successoribus , Romanis Episcopis . i Vade retrò Sathana , offendiculvm mihi es : & k Qui gladium acceperit gladio pereat . This was the general verdict passed against him . * Posteaquam autem Pontifex Romanus haec accepit , ut hanc invidiam leniret , adversarios placaret , suos confirmaret , Episcopis , Ducibus praefectis universis Teutonibus Christianam Religionem defendentibus , ita modestius rescripsit . Et si ea quae scimus , bene , recte , sapienterque in celebri Romano coetu summa prudentia , summo consilio gesta sunt : tamen accepi nos contra pietatem Christianam egisse videri plerisque , qui egregium sane facinus , velut ab odio & livore , ab Superbia atque aviditate profectum , carpunt , abominantur . Quamobrem rationem actorum reddere , rem ordine explicare placuit . Teste conscientia nostra , nihil invidiae , nihil simultati , nihil ambitioni datum est . Quicquid hactenus actum est , amore divinae justitiae feci . Dum adhuc privati essemus , vocabamur amici parentum regis , quem crebro ac frequenter , & amice Literis familiaribus commonuimus , ut resipisceret , eundem per Natales clarissimos , per avitam paternamque gloriam & virtutem , per salutem , vitam , ac majestatem imperii saepius obtestati sumus , ut rumorem de ejus sceleribus ( quae Deus ptohibeat ut edere in vulgus velim ) dissipatum , falsum esse factis coargueret . Idem 〈◊〉 Pontificatum Max. adepti , jam communis ejus animi parens factitavimus ; Ipse itidem subinde nobis rescripsit , aetatem , fortunam , potentiam paucorum , qui summam Imperii obtinerent , excusavit . Idcirco purpuratos quosdam ; quorum consilio Sacerdotia , Pontificatus , contubern●●● Monachorum vaenibant , ac lupi templis non pastores praeficiebantur , repetundarum postulavimus , condemnavimus . Postremo illos in malo obstinatissimos execrati sumus . Henrico uti illos aula , praetorio , curia , sermone exigeret , praecipimus . Verum enimvero tantum abfuit ut nobis recte consultanti obtemperaverit , uti omnes Italiae , plerique Galliae atque Germaniae Episcopi , ejus suasu atque instinctu , jugum D. Petri a Christo cervicibus ovium impositum excusserint , Censuram Romanorum Pontificum rejecerint , & ut paucis summam scelerum , illius explanem , Primo eos quos captae pecuniae accersivimus , in numero sceleratorum impiorumque computavimus , devitare noluit , Deinde , non solum nullam prae se fert spem resipiscendi , sed subnotari etiam a quopiam suos mores gravi & iniquo patitur animo . Postremo , templum divinum dissensione labefactare , discordiae mala serere studet . Neque precibus , neque minis ad bonam frugem commovetur . Hasce ob causas eundem a Societate sacrosanctae concionis amovimus , ex albo Christianorum erasimus , ut qui sponte recte facere negligit , hac contumelia coactus officium suum , & quod se dignum est , faciat . Si quidem ipse servari ( quod Deus avertat ) non vult , & omnino ad perniciem suam per praeceps tendit , nos qui Pastores ejus , & rationem Deo de ejus anima reddituri sumus , desidiae atque socordiae convinci , ac perinde perire nolumus . Quid si utique quispiam , non tam Judicio , quam morbo animi nos uti , nostramque sententiam injustam esse existimaret , si talis est , ut doceri queat , sacras literas , decreta Magistrorum , Ecclesiae consulta , veterum annales nobiscum evolvat , comperiet pro certo , nos plus aequo justoque humaniores , ne dicam segniores fuisse . Quanquam neminem omnium esse credam qui mecum animo dissentiat , tametsi quae sentiat palam eloqui forsitan non audeat . Enimvero si ille a nobis injuste hoc fulmine afflatus foret , tamen eum supplicem venire oporteret , veniam atque piaculum , quo solveretur petere . Proinde , pientissimi filii , qui magis Deum quam homines timetis , qui justitiam regi , veritatem irae praefertis , bono estote animo , labore , patientia , factis fortibus vires exercete , bonis praeceptis obtemperate , fortiter adversus insanos facite . Magnae curae magna merces est . Immortalis Imperatoris partes defenditis , qui si caepto quoad vita fuppetat perseveraveritis , immortalitate , praemio virtutis vestrae vos condonabit . Equidem perpepetuo Deum Opt. Max. deprecor , ut vobis virtutem praestet , regem ad sanitatem redire cogat : tunc plane intelliget , me & vos longe eum magis amasse , majoremque gratiam ab eo inibimus , quam illi qui animo indulgentes , assentando , palpando , adulando perversam gratiam gratificantur . Si ille resipuerit , Omnium quae adversus me gesserit , oblivionem decernam , & consilio vestro cum eo in gratiam redibo , in Templumque divinum reducam . Sub idem tempus idem Gregorius Saxonas sociosque certiores facit Romanis Concilium Augustam indictum displicere ; tantam rem Romae , ( ubi penetrale Religionis nostrae , sedes & domicilium Imperii sit ) transigendam esse ; se tamen , licet invitis Romanis , Mantuam , quae Machtyldae pareat , profecturum , ubi bene inter bonos agier liceat . Mittuntur igitur a conjuratis ad Hildebrandum , Maugoldus Veringensis dynasta , frater Hermanni historici , Aribertus mysta , cum aliis compluribus , qui Pontificem Max. in Germaniam deducant . The a Pope after this sentence , raised up such factions and Rebellions against the Emperor , both in Germany , Saxony , Sweden , Hungary , Italy , and elswhere , that the German Prelates and Princes of the Popes faction , by his instigation , threatned to chuse another Emperor , unlesse he were absolved from his Excommunication by the Pope within one year : whereupon the Emperor , to satisfie them herein , sent an Embassy to the Pope , humbly petitioning him , to absolve him from his Anathema : and the German Princes , conventu habito decernunt , ut si Gregorius in Alemanniam pergat , Henricus supplex veniam errati petat : Quod se facturum Rex ipse interposito juramento pollicitus est . The insolent Pope receiving the Emperors Embassie by the Arclib . of Triers , and others , returned this insolent answer at first ( as Lamb. Schafnabergensis and others record ) Si veraciter , inquit , facti poenitet , Coronam et caetera regni insignia , in argumentum verae et ex animo factae poenitudinis , nostrae potestati dedat , et se post tam contumax admissum , Regio nomine et honore deinceps indignum profiteatur . Durum nimis hoc visum est Legatis : Cumque vehementer insisterent , ut sententiam temperaret , nec calamum conquassatum judicii austeritate penitus contereret ; Vix & aegre tandem exoratus annuit ; ut cominus veniret , & si veram pro admissis poeniten●●am gereret , culpam quam sedi Apostolicae contumeliam irrogando contraxerat , sedis Apostolicae decretis nunc obediendo expiaret . Hereupon the Emperor , by the Popes command , passing into Italy with an Army , came to Canusium with all expedition , where the Pope then was with the Countesse Machtylda , & cum Castellum triplici muro septum esset , intra secundum murorum ambitum receptus , foris derelicto omni comitatu suo , deposito cultu & ornamento regio , nihil praeferens regium , nihil ostentans pompaticum , nudis pedibus ( ut oppidanos ad misericordiam commoveret ) jejunus a mane usque ad vesperam spectabat Romani Pontificis sententiam praestolando , suppliciterque intromitti petebat . Hoc secundo , hoc tertio die fecit : Denegatum ingressum aequo animo tulit , aut tulisse dissimulavit , quamvis aspera esset hyems , & gelu cuncta rigescerent . * In suburbio quidem oppido triduo immuratus , continuo veniam petens , perversoris judicis injuriam et violentiam patienter , et publice , et cum lachrymabili afflictione , nudis pedibus , et cum laneis vestibus , hyeme praeter sol●tum aspera , apud Canusium , spectaculum Angelorum factus et hominum , et Hildebrandi ludibrium triduo permansit : During which time ( as Johannes Aventinus relates ) nunciari Pontifici jubet , Caesarem adesse , ut pacem cum eo faciat bonorum virorum arbitratu , & salvo rerum statu ; scilicet , ne sanguis Christianus effundatur , neve stupra , incendia , parricidia , praedae ( quae licentia etiam belli justi impune committuntur ) in populo Dei fiant , edantur : Vnum postulare , ne contra fas jusque maledictis acerbissimorum hostium magis , quam innocenti sibi credatur . Optimum quemque vituperationibus vulgi imperiti , nedum inimicorum expositum esse , praecipue eum , qui in rerum fastigio , quasi illustri loco & theatro collocatus , omnibus pateat . Ita humana sunt , nemo est qui universis complaceat . Gregorium quoque vulgo male audire atque castigari , quod familiarius frequentiusque secreto atque in occulto , quam tantum Pontificem deceat , cum Maechtylda colloquatur . Saxonum Legati , qui praesentes erant , intercedunt , ne pax fiat , summopere laborant . Quamobrem toto triduo Caesar , in conspectum Pontificis non est admissus . At Hugo Monachorum Cluniacensium Antistes , caeteriquae boni minis , precibus hortari , suadere , orare , terrere , quovis modo instare , vociferari , pervicaciam hanc Tyrannidem appellare , non desistere , donec pepulere , ut Gregorius tandem rogatu Machtyldis , Ad●lai Sabaudiensis Comitis , & Clumacensis Abbatis , quarto die introductus , absolvitur , & Ecclesiae reconciliatur , upon unreasonable conditions a Quarto demum die in conspectum ejus admissus , post multas hinc inde dictas sententias , his postremo conditionibus excommunicatione absolutus est , ut die & loco quemcunque Papa designasset , evocatis ad Generale Concilium Teutonicis Principibus praesto esset , & accusationibus quae intenderentur , responderet : ipso Papa , si ita expedire videretur , cognitore causarum assidente , & ad ejus sententiam , vel retineret regnum , si objecta purgasset , vel aequo animo amitteret , si probatis criminibus regio deinceps honore indignus , juxta Ecclesiasticas leges decerneretur , nullam sive retento , sive amisso regno , hujus injuriae vindictam a quopiam hominum in perpetuum exacturus . Usque ad eam autem diem , qua causa ejus legitime discussa terminaretur , nulla Regno cultus ornamenta , nulla regiae dignitatis insignia sibi adhiberet , nihil circa rerum publicarum administrationem , juxta consuetudinem suo jure ageret , nihil quod ratum fore oporteat decerneret . Postremo , praeter regalium servitiorum exactionem , quibus necessario ipse & sui sustentandi essent , nihil regium , nihil publicum usurparet ; omnes etiam qui ei sub jure jurando fidem dirissent ab hujus sacramenti viuculo , et conservandae erga cum fidei debito , apud Deum , et apud homines interim liberi expeditique manerent . Rupertum Babenbergensem Episcopum , & Udalricum de Cosheim , & caeteros , quorum consiliis se , remque publicam prodidisset , a sua in perpetuum familiaritate amoveret . Quod si purgatis quae objicerentur , potens confortatusque in regno perstitisset , subditus Romano Pontifici semper , dictoque obtemperans foret , et ad corrigenda quaecunque in regno ejus contra Ecclesiasticas leges prava consuetudine inolevissent , consentiens ei , et pro virili proportione cooperator existeret . Ad ultimum , si quid horum praevaricaretur , irritam fore hanc quae nunc tantopere expetita sit , anathematis absolutionem . Quinimo jam pro convicto , confessoque habendum esse , nec ultra pro asserenda innocentia sua , audientiam impetraturum , Principesque regni omni deinceps quaestione , cuncta juris jurandi religione liberatos , regem alium , in quem communis electio consensisset , creaturos esse . Gratanter Rex accepit conditiones , & servaturum se omnia quam sanctissime poterat assertionibus promittebat . Nec tamen promittenti temere fides habita est : sed Abbas Cluniacensis , quoniam Jurare Monasticae religionis obtentu detrectabat , fidem suam coram oculis omnia cernentis Dei interposuit . Episcopus quoque Citicensis , & Episcopus Vercellensis , & Azzo Marchio & alii conventionis ejus Principes , allatis Sanctorum reliquiis , sub Jure jurando confirmaverunt , facturum esse quae pollicebantur ; nec aliqua rerum asperitate , vel casuum varie succedentium mutabilitate ab sententia deducendum . Upon consideration of these premises , b Matthias Illyricus , Johannes Wigandus , and Andreas Corvinus , make these observations , Vides , Christiane Lector , exemplum dominationis Pontificiae , non Petrinae absolutionis . Nemo enim Apostolorum tanto fastu usus est . Nihil hic audis de fide in Christum . Tantum vero Hildebrandus sceptra Imperii jubet deponi , sibi tradi , se coli : ut omnia nimirum pro suis cupiditatibus , tam in regno Politico , quam Ecclesiastico decernat & agat . Hoccine est Christi vocem sequi ; Reges Gentium dominantur , vos autem non sic . c Projectum ante se in terram Imperatorem Romanum non prius absolvit , nisi Imperii fascibus fibi traditis , & facta promismissione juramentis omnium gravissimis , sese nihil in Imperio acturum penitus , nisi iste crudelis lupus , habito in Germania Conventu , ipsi coronam , potestatemque gubernandi omnem restituisset . Quod unquam spectaculum in mundo , tristius , horribilius , indignius , auditum est , quam hoc ? O Sol , potuistine tantum facinus , istius arctoly●● Romani tam crudeliter in potestatem politicam saevientis aspicere ? O terra , 〈◊〉 portentum in arce Canusia potuisti sustentare ? Sed Deus mundo iratus , tam 〈◊〉 Pontificis facinus permisit compleri ; alioquin terra ipsa biatu facto alastorem , ipsum dicimus Hildebrandum , vivum cum arce absorpsisset : Quis igitur dubitabit , Pontifices Romanos ipsissimos esse Antichristos ; quia Politicam potestatem non solum omni dedecore conspuunt , sed etiam coronam Imperii , atque omne civile jus ad se quam violentissime rapiunt , * &c. Juramentum Pontifici praestitum his verbis apud Platinam extat . Rex Henricus , impesita pace ex sententia Domini nostri Gregorii Septimi , affirmo me pacta & foedera conservaturum , curaturumque ut quoquo voluerit idem Pontifex , sine ullo discrimine , sui ipsius & Comitatus prosicisci possit ; maxime autem per loca nostro Imperio subjecta , neque per me staturum , quo minus libere Pontificio munere ubique locorum uti possit . & haec observaturum me jurejurando addito . Actum Canossi Quinto Kalend. Februarii , indictione Decima quinta . a Pope Gregory himself in his Letters to the Nobles of Germany , gives them this Narrative of the Emperors and his own deportment in this Tragical transaction . Ad oppidum Canusii in quo morati fuimus , cum paucis ( Henricus ) advenit ; ibique per triduum ante portum Castri , deposito omni regali cultu , miserabiliter , utpote discalceatus , & laneis indutus persistens ; non prius quam multo fletu Apostolicae miserationis auxilium & consolationem implorare destitit ; quam omnes qui ibi aderant , & ad quos rumor ille pervenit , ad tantam pietatem , & compassionis misericordiam movit , ut pro eo multis precibus & lachrymis intercedentes , omnes quidem insolitam nostrae mentis duritiam mirarentur ; nonnulli vero in nobis , non Apostolicae severitatis gravitatem , sed quasi tyrannicae feritatis crudelitatem esse clamarent . Denique instantia compunctionis ejus , et tanta omnium , qui ibi aderant , supplicatione devicti , tandem relaxato Anathematis vinculo , in communionis gratiam , & sinum Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae recepimus . In what manner , and with what Papal faith and sincerity he received him to the holy Communion and bosom of the Church , himself relates : b Solam ei communionem reddidi , non tamen in regno , a quo eum in Romana Synodo deposueram , instauravi ; nec fidelitatem omnium qui sibi juraverant , vel erant juraturi , a quo omnes absolv● in eadem Synodo , ut sibi servaretur , pra●cepi : Whence the Author c Apologetici , De Unitate Ecclesiae , and others observe● , Ad comprobandum Ecclesiasticae reconciliationis testimonium , sacram communionem corporis & sanguinis Dom. de manu Pontificis accepit , mensam cum eo adiit , ac deinde dimissus est in pace ( * falsa ) : qualem scilicet pacem Iudas fimulavit , non qualem Christus reliquit . Aderat enim legatio hostium suorum , quaerentium omnibus modis interrumpere initum hoc reconciliationis pactum , quibus Papa rescripsit talibus verbis , Ne solliciti ( inquiens ) sitis , quoniam culpabiliorem eum reddo vobis . Certe culpabiliorem facere aliquem , praecipue autem Regem , quem praecepit Petrus Apostolus honorificare , Hoc non est Oves Christi pascere : Ecce autem propria sunt Regia quaedam ornamenta , Corona et purpura atque alia Regni insignia ( which e Johannes Aventinus largely insists on ) a quibus Regem abstinere ad arbitrii sui tempus decernit Papa ; hujus scilicet intentionis gratia ; ut sic , aut contemptibilior esset ipsius Regis in regno persona , donec rehaberetur regnum , quod jam parabatur in electione alterius , dum fuerat ipse legitimus Rex in Italia : aut si non permissus a se regalia resumeret ornamenta , certiorem perinde haberet circa eum caussam excommunicationis : quod videtur non esse officium pietatis , nec signum concordiae et unitatis . How ill the Italians resented , and what censure they passed on the Pope and Emperor for these Antichristian unparallel'd Proceedings , f Lambertus Schafnabergensis thus relates at large . Italiae Proceres eare cognita admodum Regi indignabantur . Exclamabant , se Hildebrandi excommunicationem nihili aestimare , quam ipsum omnes Italiae Episcopi justis ex causis jampridem excommunicassent , qui Sedem Apostolicam per Simoniacam ha●resm occupasset , adulteriis , aliisque capitalibus criminibus polluisset , Regem secus ac deceat , crimenque gloriae suae intulisse nunquam abolendum , quod homini haeretico et probris omnibus infamato , majestatem regiam summiserit : et quem justitiae patronum , legumque Eccles , vindicem sibi parassent , is foedissima subjectione sua , fidem plane Catholicam , authoritatem Ecclesiae , dignitatem Republicae prodiderit . Se in ultionem ejus omnes quas potuerint Papae injurias irrogasse ; & nunc , quod dictu quoque turpe sit , se in mediis perturbationum fluctibus relictis , ipsum sibi consuluisse ; et cum hoste publico privata necessitudine in gratiam redisse . Haec potissimum Principes Italiae jactando , et passim per populum serendo , ingens Regi odium brevi conflaverant . Adulta postremo seditione , una omnium voluntas , una sententia erat , ut abdicato patre , qui ultro regni fascibus indignum se effecisset ; filium ejus , licet impubem adhuc , et regni negotiis immaturum , Regem sibi facerent : et cum eo Romam profecti Papam alium eligerent ; per quem & ipse protinus Imp. consecraretur , et omnia Papae hujus Apostatici gesta cassarentur . Perlato ad Regem tam molestae conspirationis motu , misit propere quicquid apud se Principum erat , ut quacunque ratione , quaqua possent industria efferatae multitudinis animos mitigarent : ne moleste acciperent , aut in contumelium suam factam reputaren● , quod extrema necessitate compulsus communis commodi ratione fecisset : nec Teutonicis Principibus , qui sibi per calumniam regnum eripere dedita opera machinantur , nec Romano Pontifici , qui ad evertendum statum sanctae Ecclesiae spirituali gladio circumquaque fulguraret ; aliter satisfieri potuisse , quam ut ante statutum diem excommunicatione absolveretur . Nunc se omnibus angustiis quibus vias ejus conclusissent inimici , liberatum , omnem deinceps curam industriamque ad vindicandas suas et illorum injurias translaturum . a Hermoldus records ; that Henry after this sentence , accepit in mandatis , from this Pope , ut anno integro Roma non discederet , equum non ascenderet , sed in veste humili circumiret limina Ecclesiarum , or 〈…〉 bus & jejuniis , reddens dignum poenitentiae fructum ; Quod Rex humiliter adimplere sategit . Videntes ergo Cardinales , & in quid de Curia sunt , quia prae timore sedis Apostolicae contremiscunt potestates , et curvantur ii , qui portant orbem ; suggerunt Apostolico , ut transferat regnum ad alium virum : dicentes ; indignum esse , ut talis regnet , qui de publicis convictus est facinoribus . Percunctanti ergo Apostolico , Quisnam in Alemannia dignus esset tanto culmine ? Designatus est Dux Suevorum Rudolphus , quod scilicet fuerit vir bonus , amator pacis , & circa cultum Sacerdotii & Ecclesiarum optima affectus . Cui Dominus Papa auream transmisit coronam , hoc versu intitulatam : * Petra dedit Romam Petro , tibi Papa coronam . Praecepitque Moguntino & Coloniensi ( some read Treviresi ) caeterisque Episcopis & Principibus ut adjuvarent partes Rudolphi , et statuerent eum in Regem : Quotquot ergo receperunt Verbum Domini Papae , eligerunt Rudolphum in Regem , additique sunt parti ejus Saxones & Suevi . Caeteri Principum , Civitatesque quae sunt circa Rhenum , non receperunt eum , omnesque Francorum populi , eo quod jurassent Henrico , et juramenta temerare noluissent : ( notwithstandding the Popes absolution from their Oaths ; which they reputed void . ) The time and manner of Rudolphus his election , and coronation is thus related by b Abbas Uspergensis , Anno 1077. Rudolphus , mediantibus Sigefrido Mogunt . Metropolitano , & Adelberone Wirceburgensi Episcopo , Bertholdo quoque Duce Carinthiae aliisque nonnullus Principibus , in praesentia quorundam Romanae sedis Legatorum , non voluntarie annuentium , apud Forcheim in Regem elevatur . A quibus etiam deductus Moguntiam , 12. Kalend. Aprilis , a Segifrido Episcopo in Regem ungitur . Ubi eodem die pessimo auspicio , seditione facta , multa turba vulgi caesa est ab ejus militibus , unde vulgus accensum in ipsos exarsit , magnisque ictibus multos obtruncans ; caeteros ad curiam palam fugavit , ipsasque regias aedes incendere voluit ; nisi quod Episcopus Sigefridus pro veloci decessione Rudolphi obsidem se interposuit . Ita Rudolphus , & cuncti ei qui cum eo venerant , ejecti sunt , ipse quoque Sigefridus Episcopus magnis blasphemiis eliminatus , Moguntiam non intravit amplius . Whiles these things were thus acted in Germany by the Popes treachery , Henricus consistebat apud Romam Papae mandatis obsecundans , ignarusque malorum quae adversus ipsum agebantur ; as a Hermoldus informs us : Surrexit ergo quidam Strateburgensis Episcopus , amicissimus Regi Henrico , & velociter veniens Romam , diu quaesitum regem , invenit inter memorias martyrum diversantem : De cujus adventu Rex laetus effectus , caepit percunctari de statu regni , aut si omnia in pace consisterent ? Cui ille intimavit , Novum Principem electum , factuque opus esse , ut quantocyus Teutonicam terram reviseret , ad confortandos amicorum animos , & conatus hostium repr●mendos . Cumque Rex praetenderet , nequaquam sibi sine licentia sedis Apostolicae obeundum : The respondit ; Noveris certe , omne hoc conspirationis malum de parte Roman● perfidiae manasse . Imo si captionem evadere voles , de urbe tibi clanculo exeundum est . Egressus ergo noctu Rex exiit Italiam , formausque pro tempore rebus in Longobardis , venit in Teutonicam terram . Laetatique sunt de insperato adventu Principis omnes Civitates Rheni , & universi qui favebant parti ejus . Congregavitque exercitum grandem , ut expugnaret Rudolphum . After which Anno 1078. b Henry routed Rudolphus in a pitched battel between them juxta Stronui : wherein Bernardus Magdeburgensis Archimysta , author belli civilis , a popularibus inter fugiendum occisus , vel suspensus est . Sigefridus Moguntinus Archislamen ex fuga extractus , cum jam in crucem ageretur , clementia Caesaris supervemente , nece liberatus est . VVernherus Merburgensis Episcopus Caesaris ibidem pietate patibulum evasit ; ambobus copia abeundi facta ipsi se rursus ad Rudolphum contulere . ( O the ingratitude of these obstinate Prelates and Archtraytors ; ) Albertus Vangio●um Pontifex Caesarem ne aspicere quidem voluit , proinde arcta custodia asservari jussus ; inde pecunia corruptis custodibus elapsus est , ad Rudolphumqu● rediit . The Pope after this victory , upon Rudolphus complaint , excommunicated the Emperor the second time , for taking upon him the Kingly Robes and dignity without his command , and opposing Rudolphus , whom he had constituted King in his stead , in this ensuing form . c Beate Petre , Apostolorum Princeps , inclina quaeso aures tuas , & me servum tuum exaudi , quem & ab infantia educa●ti , & usque ad hunc diem ab iniquorum manibus vendicasti , qui me pro mea in te fide oderunt & persecuti sunt ; tu mihi testis es optimus , & pia Jesu Christi mater , & frater tuus Paulus , tecum Martyrii particeps , me . * non sponte , sed invitum Pontificatus gubernacula suscepisse . Non quod rapinam arbitratus sim , sedem tuam legitime conscendere , sed malebam vitam meam in peregrinatione degre , quam locum tuum pro fama & Gloria tantum occupare●●ateor ego ac merito quidem , mihi tua ( not Dei , or Christi ) gratia , non meritis meis , populi Christiani curam demandatum esse , concessamque ligandi atque solvendi potestatem . Hac igitur fiducia fretus , pro dignitate & tutela Ecclesiae suae Sanctae , Omnipotentis Dei nomine Partis , Filii & Spiritus Sancti , & Henricum Regem , Henr●● quondam Imperatoris filium , qui audacter nimium & temerarie in Ecclesiam tuam manus injecit , Imperatoria Administratione regiaque dejicio , et Christanos omnes Imperio subjectos , juramento illo absolvo , quo Fidem veris Regibus praestare consueverunt . Dignum est enim , ut is dignitate careat , qui Majestatem Ecclesiae imminuete conatur . Praeterea vero , quia monita mea , immo tua , ad sui ipsius populorumque salutem pertinentia contempsit , & se ab Ecclesia Dei , quam seditionibus pessundare cupit , separavit , eum Anathematis vinculo colligo ; certo te sciens esse * Petrum ; in cujus Petra , ut in vero fundamento , Rex noster Christus aedificavit Ecclesiam suam : Fuere tum multipost e●ecrationem , qui pacis mentionem facerent ; Quibus ita Gregorius respondit ; Se pacis conditiones non abnuere , modo Henricus ipse primo cum Deo pacem ineat ; Non ignoratis , inquit , quamdiu & quantis malis Romanam affecerit Ecclesiam ; quotiesque a me sit admonitus , ut meliorem vitam moresque probatiores indueret . Hoc tribuimus benevolentiae & Charitati qua Henrico patri conjuncti olim fuimus , sed nil profecimus ; adeo mores a patre aversos imbibit . Instabant tamen ex his qui aderant nonnulli , Regem non ita cito anathemati Sandum esse . Quibus ita Pontifex respondit ; Quando inquit Christus Ecclesiam suam beato Petro commisit , & dixit , Pasce oves meas , excepitne Reges ? ( as if excommunicating and deposing Emperors , were the feeding intended in this text , against * Christs , Peters , St. Pauls doctrines , examples . ) Nam cum eidem ligandi & solvendi potestatem daret , nullum excepit , vel neminem ejus potentiae subtraxit . ( An undoubted truth , if meant as Christ intended it , only by * preaching of the Gospel , and of sinnes committed against the Law of God , and Gospel of Jesus Christ ; but a meer impertinent forgery if intended of disobeying Papal or Episcopal Canons not warranted by Gods word , or of Excommunications , depositions of Christian Emperors or Princes from their Crowns , never intended in this text . Hanc ob rem qui dicit se vinculo Ecclesiae ligari non posse , restat etiam ut fateatur , se absolvi ab ejus potestate nullo modo posse ; & qui hoc impudenter negat , a Christo & Ecclesia ejus se omnino se jungit . At Henricus cognita Gregorii censura , multas literas ad Gentes et Nationes conscripsit , quibus se contra jus fasque damnatum a Pontifice ostendebat . Gregorius autem id a se jure factum , non verbis tantum & literis , verum etiam ratione , & testibus comprobat , reipsa ante oculos omnium proposita . ( So Platina , Surius and others averr . ) * Eadem tempestate Gibertus Ravennas Archiepiscopus , qui Caesaris erat partium , a Romano Hildebrando dignitate exuitur , cunctusque Clerus ab ipsius obedientia exemptus est , Decebat enim , ut Platina ait , Praesulem Romanum non modo imperium , sed etiam Ecclesiam sursum ac deorsum agitare , et turbare . Hae sunt virtutes tanti Apostolici . The Italian , German , and French Bishops perceiving this Popes implacable , incorrigible malice , rebellion and treason against the Emperor , a Quamobrem Italiae , Germaniae , Galliae , Pontifices Quinquegenalibus Moguntiaci , sept . Calend : Iulii , apud Brixinam Boiariae urbem ( Imperatoris jussu present in it ) coveniunt , Hildebrandum contra pietatem Christianam , factis facere , agere decernunt , eundem ambitus , haereseos , impietatis , sacrilegii condemnant , hujuscemodique Decretum factum est . Quoniam Hildebrandus , falsus Monachus , Magus , Divinaculus , somniorum Prodigiorumque est conjector , male de religione Christiana sentit ; primus Pontificatum Maximum contra morem Majorum invitis omnibus bonis , emit , ac contra voluntatem nostram Orbis terrarum Domini , vi retinere conatur , Berengarii antiquissimi erronis Synmystes et discipulus , conjuratus est hostium Reipublicae , atque sacrosancti Imperii , Caesaris Christianissimi , qui saepius pacem ei , ejus sociis ultro obtulit , saluti corporis et animae insidiatur : vitam Imperiumque perdere conatur , jus divinum , humanumque pervertit , falsa pro veris docet , sacrilegia , mendacia , homicidia , incendia , veluti benefacta indulget , collaudat , ad haec perpetranda Classicum canit . Tyrannum perfidum suo more tutatur , discordias inter fratres , amicos , cognatos serit , lites nutrit , inter conjuges divortia facit : suavis homo sacerdotes , qui uxores habeant legitimas , sacrificos esse pernegat , interi● tamen Scortatores , adulteros , incestuosos aris admovet . Quicquid usquam pacis Christianae fuerat , labefactavit . Nos ergo authore Deo Opt. Max. eundem Pontificatu Maximo amovendum decernimus . Quod si ubi haec audierit , ultro se abdicare , parere huic decreto recusarit , perpetuo repulsum passurum , aditu arcendum censemus . b Abbas Uspergensis somewhat varieth the expressions of this Councils Decree ; Quia , inquiunt , ( Gregorium ) illum constat non a Deo electum , sed a seipso in fraude ac pecunia impudentissime objectum , qui ecclesiasticum subvertit ordinem , qui Christiani Imperii perturbavit regnum , qui Regi catholico ac pacifico , corporis et animae intentat mortem , qui * perjurum defendit Regem , qui inter concordes seminavit discordiam , inter pacificos lites , inter fratres scandala , in conjuges divortia , et quicquid quiete inter pie viventes stare videbatur , concussit : Nos authore Deo , congregati in unum , Legatis ac literis freti tredecem et novem Episcoporum , die sancto praeteritae Pentecostes Moguntinae congregatorum , contra eundem Hildebrandum procacissimum , sacrilegia ac incendia praedicantem , perjuria et homicidia defendentem , Catholicam et Apostolicam fidem , de corpore et sanguinis Domini in quaestionem ponentem , Berengarii antiquum discipulum , divinationum ac somniorum cultorem , manifestum Necromanticum , Phitonico spiritu laborantem , et idcirco a vera fide exorbitantem , judicamus canonice deponendum et expellendum , et nisi ab ipsa sede his auditis descenderit , in perpetuum condemnandum . Facta sunt autem haec vij . Kal. Julii feria 5 Indict . 3. These Bishops in this Council deemed the Emperor and themselves above the Pope , and enabled judicially to depose him for these crimes . * Benno Cardinalis , living under this Pope , and present at these transactions , informs us of the names of many great Cardinals and others of note , who condemned his proceedings against the Emperor as Tyrannical , Unchristian , Heretical ; and thereupon , qui Hiltebrandum reliquerunt , cujus intolerabiles et gravissimos errores publice detestati , nunquam ad eum reversi sunt : Diversae etiam scholae Romanae Ecclesiae ab ejus communione recesserunt . Leo tunc temporis Archipresbyter Cardinalium , & Benno , & Ugobaldus , & Johannes Cardinalis , & Petrus Cancellarius & Cardinalis , ordinati ante tempora Hiltebrandi : Natro , Innocentius , Leo , hi tres ab eo consecrati , deseruerunt eum errores ejus execrati : similiter Theodinus Archidiaconus , quem ipse constituit Archidiaconum , & alii Cardinales Diaconi : Johannes , modo Archidiaconus , & Crescentius , Johannes primicerius scholae cantorum , cum omnibus suis : Petrus oblationarius cum omnibus suis , excepto uno Poppo ; Prior scholae regionariae cum omnibus suis Subdiaconis : Archiacolythus , & Subpulmentarius cum suis : Centius , Judicum primicerius cum aliis Judicibus , & cuncti Milites signa banna gestantes , Prior scriniariorum , cum plerisque suis : Ipsi etiam Episcopi cum jam vellent eum deserere , ( as well as all those forementioned ) Hiltebrandus convocatis ad se Laicis , eis consilium suum aperuit , & quod Episcopos a Colloquio Cardinalium vellet separare , indicavit . * Post haec ipsos Episcopos convocavit , & turbis Laicorum stipatus , Sacramentum ab ipsis Episcopis cum terrore et minis exegit et extorsit , in manu sua jurare coegit , ne unquam ab eo dissentirent , nunquam Regis causam defenderent , nunquam superordinato sibi Papae faverent , vel obedirent . Quo facto eos per Principem Salernitanum in Campaniam misit : & sic eos a consortio Cardinalium & a Romana Urbe separavit . Nec solum Episcopos , sed etiam Urbis Presbyteros & inferioris ordinis Clericos , insuper & Laicos juramentis alligavit , ne ulla ratione , ullo tempore , condescenderent in causa Regis . These Cardinals and others forecited , who condemned , renounced communion with this Pope , charged him with these practices : Quod ejectis à consilio & à custodia ejus Cardinalibus , vita ejus & fides & Doctrina sine testibus fuit ; cum sacri Canones praecipia●t , ut in omni loco tres Cardinales Presbyteri , & duo Diaconi Papam non deserant , propter testimonium Ecclesiasticum , & propter stylum veritatis . Scripturas sacras violenter intorsit in adjutorium falsitatis : quod genus Idololatriae quantum sit , late patet in Scripturae sacrae campis spaciosis . Praeter voluntatem et consilium Cardinalium , extra ordinem judicandi sacris Canonibus determinatum , Imperatorem in nulla Synodo Canonice accusatum , praecipitanter excommunicavit ; in qua excommunicatione nullus Cardinalium subscripsit . He further observes this signal divine Judgement : * Vt primum ad excommunicandum Caesarem de sede surrexit , sedes ipsa noviter lignis fortissimis composita , subito , Dei nutu , terribiliter scissa est in plures partes : Vt manifeste daretur intelligi , quanta sessor illa tam periculosa excommunicatione et praesumptione , quamque terribilia schismata seminaret contra Ecclesiam Christi , contra sedem Beati Petri , quam crudeliter dissiparet Cathedram Christi , conculcando leges Ecclesiae , imperando cum potentia et austeritate . In descriptione ejusdem excommunicationis , ea interseruit in quibus manifeste a side Catholica erravit , cum injuste excommunicatum Imperatorem , & Episcopos communicantes es , excepti ab excommunicatione tertio gradu communicantes eis , & unitatem Ecclesiae scindens , quantum in ipso fuit , duas Ecclesias fecit . Idem praesumptor , jejunium indixit Gara●nalibus , ut Deus ostenderet , quis rectius sentiret de co-pore Domini , Romana ne Ecclesia , an Berengarius ? per hoc manifeste probatus infidelis , cum in Niceno Concilio scriptam sit , quia dubius in side , infi●elis est . Et de corpore Domini signum quae sivit , quod petente biato Gregorio ad firmaend m●mulieris fidem contigit , quando p●nis Christi formam accepit digiti . Et 〈◊〉 duos Cardinales O●honem & Cunonem , ad Sanctam Anastatiam , ut cum Suppone , ejusdem Ecclesiae Archipresbytero , triduanum ●eju●ium peragerent , & illis tribus diebus , singuli per dies singulos Psalterium & missas decantarent , ut supradictum sigrum eis Chri●●us ostenderet , quod minime contigit . They charged him likewise with this most Atheistical and Treasonable conspiracy , to murther the Emperor in the midst of his devotions in St. Maries Church : * Imperator solitus erat frequenter ire ad orationem , ad Ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae , quae est in Monte Aventino . Hiltebrandus autem cum per exploratores su●s omnia c●us opera solicite inqui●eret , locum in quo frequentius Imperator , vel staus , vel prostratus orabat , notari fecit ; et quendam promissa pecunia ad hoc induxit , ut supra trabes Ecclesiae occulte lapides magnos collocaret , et ita aptaret , ut de alto super caput orantis Imperatoris demitteret , et ipsum conterreret . Quod minister tanti sceleris cum festinares impl●re , & lapidem magni ponderis super trabes aptare vellet , lapis pondere suo eum traxit , & fracta sub trabibus tabula , & lapis & ille miser homo , Dei judicio in pavimentum Ecclesiae cecidit , & eodem lapide contritus penitus est : ( a just divine retaliation . ) Hujus rei gestrae ordinem postquam Romani cognoveruxt , pedem illius miseri f●ne ligaverunt , & triduo per plateas Urbis ad exemplum trahi fecerunt . Imperator autem solita clementia jussie cum sepeliri . Johannes Portuensis Episcopus , qui intimus fuerat , & a secretis Hiltebrandi , ascendit in ambonem brati Petri , & inter multa , audiente Clero & populo , ait : Tale quid fecit Hiltebrandus et nos , unde deberemus vivi incendi : significans de Sacramento corporis Domini , quod Hiltebrandus responsa divina quaereus contra Imperatorem , ( when he received no answer from this dumb Hostia , and breaden God ) fertur injecisse igni , contradicentibus Cardinalibus , qui assistebant ei . ( O horrid Impiery ! ) In Pascha Domini feria secunda cum ad Ecclesiam Sancti Pet●i ad missam Clerus & populus convenisset , post Evangelium in ambonem ascendit , sicut erat indutus Pontificalibus indumentis . Et in praesentia Episcoporum & Cardinalium in frequentia Cleri , & Se●atus populi Romani , publice clamavit inter multa suae divinationis verba , * Regem Henricum usque ad proximum Sancti Petri festum sine dubio moriturum ; aut a Regno penitus dejiciendum , in tantum , ut ulterius non posset congregare quam ser milites . Prae licavit etiam Episcopis & Cardinalibus , & omnibus qui aderant de Ambone clamans , nullo modo habete me pro Papa ulterius , sed ab Altari me avellite , si usque ad praedictum festum , Prophetia haec effectum non habuerit . ( To make good these his prophecies by his designed Treasons , of whose successe he was thus confident , ) Eisdem diebus paravit Imperatorem perdere per occultos proditores ; Deus autem eum custodivit . Et eodem tempore fuerunt nonnulli qui existimaveru●t , ipsum Hiltebrandum conscium extitisse , et ordinatorem proditionis : quia eisdem diebus , paulo ante proditionem , de morte Regis falso prophetate praesumpsit . Quod verbum vehementer percussit corda multorum . Et palam factum est , Hiltebrandum voce propria in Conventu Ecclesiae esse damnatum , qui ( ut dictum est ) judicaverat , se nullo modo esse Papam , neque pro Papa ulterius habendum , sed proditorem et mendacem esse credendum ; nisi usque ad proximum festum Sancti Petri , Imperator moreretur , aut omni honore spoliaretur , adeo ut ultra sex milites congregare non posset : et divino nutu actum est , ut a seipso quoque damnaretur haereticus . Sic enim ait Apostolicus ; Dominus ipse inquit , Propheta qui arrogantia depravatus , voluerit loqui in nomine meo quae ego non praecepi , ut diceret , aut ex nomine aliorum Deorum , interficietur Quod si tibi tacita cogitatione responderis : Quomodo possum intelligere verbum , quod Dominus non ost eloquutus ? Hoc habetis signum , quod in nomine 〈◊〉 ●●opheta praedixerit , & non evenerit , hoc Dominus non est locutus , sed per tumorem animi sui Propheta confinxit , & idcirco non timebis eum . Tempore autem transacto , quod Hiltebrandus in divinatione sua praefixit , Rege verò neque mortuo , neque militibus suis imminuto , timens se suis verbis deprehensum , & ore proprio condemnatum , ad calli●a argumenta se convertit , persuadens vulgo indocto , non de corpore , sed de anima Regis se prophe●ass● , quasi anima Regis milites omnes praeter sex 〈…〉 esset . Et his verbis vulgus indoctum delusit . Contra hujusmodi Prophetas beatus Gregorius super 〈…〉 : Inter Prophetas ver●s & 〈◊〉 ista 〈◊〉 distantia , quia Propheta ver●● quid aliquando per suum spiritum dicunt , citius corrigunt : Prophetae autem falsi , & falsa denunciant , & alieni a ●●●cto spiritu in sua fal●●tate perdurant . ( Moreover to evidence his Papal Justice ) T●es homines ( suspected to favour the Emperors party ) non convictos , non confessos ●osque secularibus judicibus Hiltebrandus morti judicavit , & eos in patibulis juxta Ecclesiam Sancti Petri , in loco qui dicitur Palatiolum , interfici suspensos coegit , sine dilatione sine discussione contra leges , quae praecipiunt etiam manifestos reos infra spacium & 〈◊〉 ●riginta dierum non interfici . Quae etiam apud Paganos vigent & servantur , sicut docet authoritas B. Ambrosu , & Pass●● Sanctorum Marcelliani & Marci . * Cintium 〈◊〉 praefecti Stepham , prius fidelem suum , in carcerem misit , & in vase undique aculets vestito , mille & mille mortibus cruciavit . Qui postquam evasit , ( out of loyalty to the Emperor ) ipsum Hiltebrandum coepit . De cujus captione antequam evaderet , omnibus , qui captionis illius cooperatores fuerant , hoc debitum publice remisit , quod postea infideliter vindicavit , Cintium cui omnia remiserat , persequi coepit , & novem de hominibus Cintii in patibulis suspendio interfecit , ante portas Sancti Petri , &c. Multa quidem aliafecit Hiltebrandus , in quem clamat sanguis Ecclesiae gladio linguae ejus miserabili proditione effusus , propter quae , a communione ejus justissime Ecclesia recessit , sicut fecerunt majores nostri temporibus Apostatarum Liberii & Anastasii . Hiltebrandus autem non solum Ecclesiae perturbavit pacem , sed etiam Ecclesiasticam scidit unitaetem , & unicae fidei vestem inconsutilem : dum Caesarem et Episcopos communicantes Caesari , absque judiciario ordine excommunicabat , et tertio gradu communicantes eis , ab excommunicatione nova pietate excipiebat ; quos hujusmodi artibus , & Regi subducere , & sibi allicere festinabat . Dicant nunc Hiltebrandi discipuli , quibus commentis , quibus coloribus , deaurare possint , quod ipse Hiltebrandus in Synodo generali haeretica praedicavit , praedicando excommunicatis communicare consensit ; praedicata scripsit , praedicatione & scriptis alteram Catholicam , alteram excommunicatorum Ecclesiam faciens , unitatem scidit , et scripta per orbem terrarum disseminavit : praedicando , scribendo , scripta disseminando , seipsum haereticum manifestavit , et ore proprio , et confessione haereseos non extorta , divino urgente judicio condemnavit , dum vulgus erroneum Sanctum existimaret , & Apostolis exaequaret spiritum tanti erroris , cum etiam prudentiores ejus laqueis caperentur , & inducerentur in tentationem , si fieri posset , etiam electi . Mentimur , nisi tresdecim Cardinales sapientiores et religiosiores , ipse Archidiaconus , et ipse Primicerius , et multi alii Lateranensium Clericorum , quorum judicio ex privilegio sanctae sedis totus subjacet mundus , Apostasiam ejus intolerabilem perpendentes , ab ejus communione recesserunt . Dicant oramus , Hiltebrandi discipuli , qua praesumptione Magister eorum unitatem Ecclesiae in duas vel plures partes divisit ? Si enim Caesarem injuste et absque judiciario ordine damnavit , seipsum potius ab Ecclesia separavit . Si vero juste excommunicationis gladium in Caesarem , vel Episcopos communicantes Caesari exeruit , quare communicantes ipsis Episcopis tertio gradu per Scripturam excipiendo absolvit . Gloriosus autem Hiltebrandus , & pedissequus ejus * Turbanus , nova potestate solventes decreta Chalcedonensis Concilii , non solum verbis , sed & scriptis publicis consenserunt extra Ecclesiam communicare , & baptizare : quam coesi essent , quam haeretici scriptis propriis deprehensi . Prob nefas ! ii praesumpserunt de Ecclesia judicare , qui * nusquam reperiuntur non errasse ; quibus etiam ipsa veritas reputatux in mendacium , quam solo fallendi studio verbis et scriptis suis , ne venena erroris eorum perciperentur , quasi mel veneficorum more admiscuerunt . Mendacium enim est , ut beatus Augustinus ait , omnis enunciatio prolata intentione fallendi . Sileant Hypocritae , sicut ait beatus Petrus piratis similes , beati Petri nomen igne malitiae sub nomine Catholico , sub obtentu justitiae artificiose supposito , destruentes , et fere demergentes . Obstupescant Pseudo-prophetae ad vocem Petri , in facie humani , in cauda scorpiones , lupi sub ovina pelle latentes , corpora trucidantes in oris gladio , et animas pariter devorantes , * QUORUM RELIGIO NIHIL ALIUD REDOLET QUAM PRODITIONEM ET AVARITIAM , penetrantes domos viduarum captivas duxerunt mulierculas oneratas peccatis , sub occasione impacati temporis attendentes spiritibus erroris & Doctrinis Daemonum , quas accepit Hiltebrandus Magister eorum , à Magistris suis , à Theophylacto , qui cognominatus est Benedictus Papa IX . à Laurentio Malasitano Archiepiscopo , à Johanne Archipresbytero S. Johannis , de porta Latina , qui postea cognominatus est Sextus Gregorius Papa . ( Whose Magical Arts , Practices , Necromancies , familiarity with , and Sacrifices to the Devil himself , he there at large relates ) Adding , Hiltebrandus a suis Militibus sine assensu Cleri & populi est intronizatus ; qualiter vixerit , qualiter a se Cardinales , qui testes vitae & do●●rinae ejus esse debuerunt , removerit , quam miserabiliter vexaverit , quantis haeresibus mundum corruperit , quanta perjuria quam immensas perditiones consecraverat , vix a multis describi potest : clamat tamen altius sanguis Christianorum ●o auctore et incentore miserabiliter effusus . So Benno Cardinalis . Upon all which accounts he and others then renounced all Communion with him . An. 1079. Henry & Rudolphus fought another battel at Fladeheim , where Rudolphus with his Saxons and other forces were put to flight : notwithstanding the Popes benediction , and Henries with all his adherents excommunications ; a Sed nulli mirum sit Virum in rebus bellicis exercitatum & strenum tunc fugisse ; quia saepe justior & victrix causa , fortes in metum mittit et in fugam . Henricus postea Saxoniam cum exercitu saepius ingressus , aut victor , aut aequa manu recessit . Caesar fusis hostibus , ( Anno 1080. ) Osnoburgensem , Virdunensemque Episcopos Romam cum mandatis proficisci jubet , postulatque a Pontif. Maximo Ut siquidem secum syncerè in gratiam redierit , tyrannum immanissimum , perfidum , parricidam ( qui affinitatis vinculo fideique religione violata , bellum plusquam civile exercitaret , pacem interturbarit ) pro Republica , devoveat . Rudolphus quoque Romani Episcopi opem , cujus auspicio regnare jussus sit , supplex implorat , petitque , ut Pontifex Maximus communis generis humani parens , faedissimum sacrilegum , incestuosum , sacerdotum contemptorem , cujus Deus venter , atque ea quae sub ventre sunt , sacro ense jugulet . Gregorius hujus postulatis annuit , Hainricum quod contra atque pollicitus fuerat , insignia Imperii usurparit , rursus execratur : Proceres , populum , sacratos , prophanos Sacramento solvit , eos qui Caesari fidem frangant , Principi suo rebellent , Rudolpho adhaereant , ab inferis emancipat , coeloque locat ; hisce incendia , caedes et hujusmodi scelera , quae bello designari solent , indulget : aliis omnibus , qui Caesari fidem servent , ab eo deficere , armis se miscere recusant , diras inferiasque dicit . Regem malum ob crimiua a se devotum , proinde jam non Regem , neque illi parendum esse docebat , quin obsequium praestare Deo , pietasque esse occidere eos qui Hainrico fidem servarent , asseverabar . Sacerdotibus quoque connubiis interdicit , vetat populum sacrificiis eorum interesse , aut illos pro Sacerdotibus ducere . Gratissima haec fuere Scortatoribus , quibus pro una uxore sexcentas mulierculas inire licet . Sed istaec omnia , plerisque Episcopis , aliis eruditis , simplicibus apertis atque bonis , praeter conjuratos , qui suae causae serviebant , novum dogma , pestifera haeresis , quae unquam Christianum conturbasset regnum , visa est . b Anno 1080. inter Henricum Regem & Rudolphum rursus geritur bellum juxta fluvium Ellestram , in quo idem Rudolphus cecidit , & Henricus tam notanda quam felici victoria vicit ; magnumque mundo documentum datum est , ut nemo contra Dominum suum consurgat . Nam abscissa Rudolphi dextra , digmisimam perjurn vindictam demonstrav● , qui fidem Domino suo Regi juratam violare non ●muit ; & tanquam alia vulnera non sufficerent , ad mortem acces●it etiam hujus membri poena , ut per poenam agnosceretur & culpa : which Rudolphus himself thus publickly acknowledged with much horror and regret immediately before his death , 〈◊〉 these memorable words , as a Hermoldus , b Conradus à Leichtenaw , and * ●hers record . 〈◊〉 Rudolphus vulneratus in manu dextra , fugit Marcipol●m . ●●●tique jam proximus in extremis positus , & abscissam dextram intuitus , ad Episcopos , qui forre aderant , et familiares graviter suspirans , dixit ; Ecce haec est manus , qua Domino meo Henrico fidem juramento ●●●mavi , ut 〈…〉 nec insidiaretur gloriae ejus ; sed jussio Aposiolica , Pontifici●●● ; petitio me ad id dedurit , ut juramenti transgressor , honorum 〈…〉 usurparem . Quis igitur sinis nos excep●rit videt●s , quia in manu unde juramenta violavi , mortale hoc vulnus recepi . Ecce ego jam ejus regnum , et vitam derelinquo praesentem . 〈…〉 nos ad hoc instigaverunt , qui me so●●um ejus ascendere 〈…〉 nos duxerint , ne forte deducti sinnus in praecipitum aeternae damnationis . Et hoc dicens cum gravi mole 〈…〉 extren●um . Sed gens dura , nec damno monita est , nec signo , 〈…〉 , quod manu non poterat , Hermannum novum sibi Regem 〈◊〉 , qui & ipse novo modo pe●●t ; foemina , sexu non animo , molarem in 〈◊〉 demisit . Et sicille manu foeminea , ut mors ejus turpior esset , occubuit . Such fa●al ends had these Hildebrandian usurping Kings , notwithstanding this Popes benedictions , and all their perfidious Bishops , Prelates Masses , Counsels , assistances : with whom the Anommous Historiogrpher of Henry the 4th . his life thus expostulated , c Quid vobis profuit Henricum fictis criminibus accusasse , cum accusationem vestram facili responso , ut ventus pulverem dissipaverit ? Imo , quae dementia vos contra Regem vestrum , & Orbis Rectorem armavit ? Nihil conjurata vestra malignitas proficit , nihil peragit . Quem Dei manus in Regno firmavit , vestra dejicere non poterit . Vbi fides quam illi jurastis ? Quare beneficiorum quae reg●a liberalitate contulit in vos obliti estis ? Utimini vel adhuc sacro consilio , non furore ; poeniteat vos incaepti , ne fortior vobis superveniens , vincat vos , & ea vindicta feriat , quae futuris seculis demonstret , quod regia manus valeat . Saltem vos , O Episcopi , videte ne pereatis de via justa ; videte ne transgressores fidei promissae fiatis ; alioqui quid consequatur , vos ipsi nostis . The recited Speech , and manner of Rudolphus his death , much disparaging Pope Hilbrands Antichristian cause , proceedings , and blasting his & his Prelates reputations ; they thereupon forged many fabulous Legends of Gods signal judgements upon some Bishops opposing Hildebrand , and adhering to the Emperor , to seduce the people , and vanquish those by Lyes and Counterfeit false miracles , whom they could not overcome by arguments or armes . d Cum nec armis , nec jure suam pro libitu stabilire possent authoritatem summam Romani Pontificis , ad mendacia , quo exactius suum referrent patrem Diabolum , confugerunt . Cum itaque inter Hildebrandum , qui Gregorius Septimus dicebatur , & Henricum acerrimum esset de primaria potestate certamen , utraque pars miraculis se tutata est . Episcopum quendam ( Willielmum Trajectens . Episcopum , as e Bertoldus Constantiersis informs us ) pro concione Hildebrandum multis exagitantem dicteriis , fulmine tactum esse , mentiti sunt Pontificii , eumque dum jam ageret animum , dixisse , Ignea heu miser catena constrictus trahor ad inferos ; Ite , nunciate Caesari ut resipiscat , & flagitium in Deum , & D. Petrum ejus Vicarium commissum , officiis compenset , nisi me praeeuntem ad aeterna supplicia subsequi malit . ( Bertoldus only writes , Subitanea morte absque Ecclesiastica communione post Pascha multatur , omitting the rest of this Legend , ) Eodem quoque die quo haec facta , Paulus recitat , & illi asserebant , Spirensis Episcopus Hildebrando iniquior nempe Pascalibus quinto Kal. Martii Devotus , animam efflavit . Aventinus Lib. 5. Annalium adds . Gregorio Salernum profugo intrante , civis quidam dixerat ; Author dissensionis , qui totum orbem terrarum armis & bellis involvit , ●u us urbis quoque quietem conturbaturus advenit . Mox ille , his dictis obmutescit , deductus ad Gregorium , errorem confitetur , ( How could he do it if struck dumb ? ) ab eodem sanitate restuitur : Et Herluca sacrata foemina illa tempestate vivens , & nocturnis suprerum , inferum congressibus , secretisque colloquiis interesse consueta , narrare solita fuit , Execratos ( ab Hildebrando ) flamma omnium ardentissima excruciari . To these a Bertoldus Constantiensis subjoyns ; Anno 1077. Imbrico Augustensis Episcopus , qui in praeterito Paschae Rudolpho Regi fidelitatem juravit , nil de perjurio curans , Henrico advenienti adhaesit , & apud illum quodam die Missam faciens , hanc sibi conditionem miser imposuit , ut sacrae oblationis perceptio in judicio ei proveniet , si Dominus ejus Heinricus , Regnum sibi injuste usurparet ; Post hanc temerariam praesumptionem , parvo quod supervixit usque ad mortem , nunquam se sanum de lecto admovit . Nam circa Cal. Julii absque Ecclesiastica communione defunctus est . VVercellensis Episcopus depositi Regis Cancellarius cum omnibus suis sequacibus , Colloquium Generale circa Cal. Maii in Roncalibus condixit , ut si aliquo modo posset , Gregorium Papam deponeret ; sed ipse ad eundem terminum absque Ecclesiastica communione vitam simul & Episcopatum heu miserabiliter deposuit , quo ille Papam nefaria praesumptione statuit deponere . Item Sigehardus Aquileiensis in auxilium Heinrico contra bannum Apostolici , armata manu veniens , in amentiam vertitur , apud Ratisbonam ; & ex ipso itinere repentina morte intercipitur ; sicque domum , non sine aliquibus suorum funeribus , in corpore & anima mortuus , reportatur . Non multo post ejus interitum , Praefectus Romanae urbis , indefessus miles S. Petri contra schismaticos , a fautore Henrici occiditur : ad cujus corpus in parvo tempore plus quam viginti miracula contigerunt , ut fidelium virorum relatione dedicimus , of the Hildebrandian faction . And to make these Legends compleat , b Cardinal Baronius himself out of the Fables of c Anselmus Lucensis hath the impudence to averr , Vestimenta scilicet Gregorii post ipsius mortem miracula edidisse , sicut Pauli semicincta ejusque sudaria , ad pellendos languores , Daemonesque fugandos , usui esse fidelibus * Acta testari ; eandem Gregorii indumentis a Deo inditam virtutem . At in hac luce , in hoc sole , ubi pudor ? Et quandoquidem eum hac in parte , cum divo Paulo ( Baronius ) conferre non erubescit , quin Paulum audit ? adventus , inquit , hominis peccati & filii perditionis , id est , Antichristi , ab ipso praenuntiati , * erit ex efficacia Satanae , cum omni potentia , et signis atque prodigiis mendacibus . Quae Pauli verba annon jam implenda veniebant ? is the Noble d Morneys interrogation to Baronius : To which I shall subjoyn this memorable observation of e Joannes Aventinus on the forecited Figments , and the Hildebrandian Antimonarchical positions which they forged , to palliate their infamy . Falsi tum Prophetae , falsi Apostoli , falsi Sacerdotes , emersere , qui dissimulata religione populum deceperunt , magna signa atque prodigia ediderant , f atque in templo Dei sedere atque extolli super omne id quod colitur , coeperunt . Dumque suam potentiam dominationemque stabilire conantur , charitatem , simplicitatem Christianam extinxerunt . g Sigebertus horum temporum Scriptor ( vir alioquin etiam , ut quisquam illa tempestate esse poterat , omnis divini humanique juris consultiffimus ) Perniciosissima ( inquit ) seditio , et ut pace bonorum dixerim , haeresis omnium pestilentissima , populum Christianum percellit . Sacrificuli illius , qui se dixit , pueros effoeminatos , falsos prophetas , tyrannos ( qualis Imperator noster , Princeps optimus , non est ) populo ob scelera imponere , his a Deo datis , non solum non parendum esse , verum etiam fraude , vi , quovis modo tollendos , populum Christianum docere audent : perjuria , homicidia , civilia bella , caedes , perfidiam pietatem vocant ; hujusmodi Deo placere praedicant ; Sacramento rogatos , religione jusjurandi Caesari astrictos , exauthorant : fidem frangentes , foedera dissolventes , pactumque praevaricantes , juramentum violantes , perfidos atque perjuros non esse , sibi credi postulant . Quin eos qui fideles sunt , qui rebellionem , incendia facere , stupra , incestus committere , praedas agitare , proximos opprimere , occidere , compilare , sanguinem Christianum effundere summopere cavent , in numero sceleratorum atque impiorum computant ; ceu vero non extat perpetuum immortalis praetoris edictum : h Qui pactum solvit , non effugiet , & [ i ] periuri Regnum Dei non possidebunt : Plerique omnes boni , aperti , justi , ingenui , simplices tum imperium Antichristi caepisse , a quod ea quae Christus Servator noster tot annos ante nobis cantavit , evenis●e eo tempore cernebant . Orbis terrarum tum a cardine bellorum procellis jactatus est , &c. Crebra prodigia , &c. Faces ardentes , jacula ignita , igneae acies , nova Astra visa sunt , &c. Diluvie , sterilitate , avenae caritate , fame , pestilentia saepius laboratur ; ignotis morbis , igne , flamma , ardore invisibili homines , nota adustionis extincti , sanguinis rivos extitisse , dicunt , &c. As for Hildebrand himself , thus branded then by all good , just , ingenuous , openhearted , honest men , for the beginner , erecter of Antichrists Empire , during his life ; a Priest of Saxony in that age by special revelation gave the world this account what became of him , and the two usurping Kings set up by him against the Emperor Henry , after their deaths : * Sacerdos expiranti similis triduo in Saxonia decubuit ; is uti ad se rediit , apud inferos Hildebrandum , Rudolphum , Hermannum tyrannos , aeternis mactari suppliciis , revelavit ; ( which Rudolphus dreaded at his death ) where I shall leave them at present . What unchristian effects , bloody civil wars , insurrections were occasioned throughout Christendom by this Emperors dethroning , and setting up Rudolphus in his stead , are thus recorded by one living in , or near that age ; b Hac divisione facta , surrexit Rex adversus Regem , gens adversus gentem , Episcopus contra Episcopum , populus contra populum . Exinde vero quantae caedes factae sint hominum , quantae destructiones Ecclesiarum , quanta etiam rerum confusio exinde facta sit in omni Ecclesia , indigere videtur Tragoedia magis , quam historia . Magno se judice quis tuetur , dum uterque Rex juste arma se induisse arbitratur . Henricus scilicet , quod natus & nutritus in regno successit progenitoribus suis in regnum ex Dei ordinatione , ac proinde accepisse , juxta doctrinam Apostoli vindicem gladium in impios atque justos vel Ecclesiae vel Reipublicae . Rudolphus autem , quod obediens , esse deberet Pontifici sedis Apostolicae , qui per Episcopos partis suae praedicasset , eum non teneri obnoxium perjurii vel perfidiae , si contra eum arma tulisset , qui , utpote excommunicatus , Rex jam esse non posset : quum hoc sit , inquiunt , fidei ac fidelium in Ecclesia , occidere , scilicet , et persequi eos quicunque communicantes vel faventes excommunicato Regi Henrico , noluerint declinare post partium suarum studia . Nova et inaudita est praedicatio hujusmodi , quoniam Ecclesia non habet sibi concessum gladium , nisi spiritus , quod est verbum Dei. Which warrants no such Hildebrandian Heresie as they preached . The lawfulnesse and unlawfulnesse of the Popes excommunicating and deposing the Emperor , was as hotly disputed in Rome by the Cardinals , and in Synods , Pulpits , Schools by Bishops and Scholars , as it was by the Princes and Soldiers in the field . For c the German Prelates and Princes of the Popes faction assembling at Oppenheim , after long consultation , ad Saxones , deserta Caesaris Optimatumque causa , deficiunt , & ad praetextum mutatae voluntatis religionem obtendunt ; quod nimirum bis ad Romanam Curiam pro dicenda causa sua vocatus , non comparuisset . Eoque justè anathematis vinculo percussum Heinricum communi consilio jurant , seque perpetuo ejus fore hostes , quoad vita suppetat jurejurando sanciunt . Post arma capessunt , Caesari insidiantur , ejus rebus studentes oppugnant . Another d assembly of these Hildebrandian Princes and Prelates adhering to the Pope and Rudolphus , meeting at Triburiae ( Friburg in Germany ) where the Popes Legates were present , justified Henries Excommunication , refused all subjection to him as their Lawfull Soveraign , or any communion with him , being absolved by the Pope from their allegiance to him , & he then ab Ecclesiae corpore propter flagitiae sua Apostolici Anathematis mucrone praecisus , unde ei communicare sine communionis Ecclesiasticae damno & fidei jactura non possumus . Whereupon they obstinately rejected all his propositions and Ambassadors , refusing any Treaty with him . In two other e Assemblies and Synods at Mentz and at Berchach , Anno 1085. Siguinus Agripinensis , & VVezelo Moguntinus Archymistes , publikely asserted , Imperatorem iniquo tum Romani Pontificis , tum aliorum judicio , regno & communione privatum ; Gebhardus Salisburgensis , affirming the contrary . The like disputes were raised in subsequent Synods , of which in due place . a Aventinus relates , that Gerochus ( quo nemo acrius scriptis libris Hildebrandum tutatus est ) tandem suae partis pertinaciam , ne dicam Tyrannidem , hisce verbis , concta veritate notat ; Romani ( inquit ) sibi divinum usurpant honorem , rationem actorum reddere nolunt , nec sibi dici aequo animo ferunt , Cur ita agis ? Illud Sacyricum inculcant , Sic volo , sic jubeo , stat pro ratione Voluntas . He then subjoyns , that as the Popes till then were confirmed by the Emperors : so Hactenus , sanctissimi Patres , ( quemadmodum Christus Dominus & Deus noster , Comites , & Legati ejus fecerunt , & alios docuerunt ) Caesares in terris a Deo secundos , ante omnes mortales primos , a supremo numine datos , divinitus constitutos , ab immortali Deo electos , & ( ut illi vocant ) Coronatos , venerabantur ; Dominosque suos vocare solebant . Eisdem tributum , censum non denegabant ; pro eorum salute quotidie comprecabantur . Imperata detrectantes , tanquam coelesti provinciae resistentes , videri contra pietatem Christianam fecisse decernebant . Grande nomen esse Imperatoris , a Deoque tradi praedicabant ; Reipub. turbellis , nedum armis , ut Milites Christi se non immiscebant , paupertate & modestia cum caeteris Christian●s decertabant ; quo quisque submissius se gereret , hoc majorem esse sentiebant . Ensem ancipitem , gladium duplicem , Christianae Civitati datum , ad servandum vivificandumque , non occidendum esse putabant ; eundemque spiritualem appellabant , qui est Sermo Dei , vita & lux hominum , & mortuos ad vitam revocat ; ex hominibus Deos , ex mortalibus a ternos facit : tantum abfuit ut 〈◊〉 vel regum quempiam , vel impium , vel Arrianum regno pellere , eidem sacrificiis interdicere , populum Sacramento solvere tentarent , atque regna evertere , sanguine humano se polluere , pro principatu cum Christianis decertare , sibi permittant . Hildebrand being the first who asserted the contrary . e J. Trithemius writes thus of this Emperor Henries deposition by this Pope ; Ipse primus est inter omnes Imperatores per Papam depositus , Scholastici certant , & adhuc sub judice lis est ; Vtrum Papa Imperatorem possit deponere ? Quam quaestionem , cum ad nos non pertineat , indiscussam relinquamus . f Otto Frisingensis Episcopus , writing of the change and diminution of the Roman Empire , by this Emperors excommunication & deposition by Hildebrand , hath this memorable observation . Lego & relego Romanorum Regum & Pontificum gesta , & nusquam invenio aliquem eorum ante hunc Henricum a Romano Pontif. excommunicatum , vel regno privatum , &c. Sic & regnorum mutationes & ad ultimū imminutiones , quis fructus sequatur , quia non sine gravi scandalo dicere possumus , Deo apud quem nihil inutiliter effuere potest , relinquamus . Non desunt tamen qui dicant , Deum ad hoc Regnum imminui voluisse , ut Ecclesiam exaltaret : Regni quippe viribus ac beneficentia Regum , exaltatam , et ditatam , nemo ambigit Ecclesiam ; constatque non prius eam in tantum regnum humiliare potuisse , quam ipso ob amorem sacerdotii eviscerato , ac viribus erhausto , non ejus tantum , id est spirituali , sed suo proprio materiali scilicet gladio percussum , destruetur : quod judicare , vel discutere , supra nostras vires est . Videntur tamen culpandi Sacerdotes per omnia , qui Regnum suo gladio , quem ipsi ex Regum habent gratia , ferire conantur , nisi forte David imitari cogitent , qui Philistheum primo virtute Dei stravit , postmodum proprio gladio jugulavit . Verum quia regno decrescente , Ecclesia ( ut dixi ) bravium aeternae patriae , ac post vitae praesentis laborem , requiem adeptura , in praesenti quoque in magnum montem crescens , in magna authoritate stare coepit , ea quae sequuntur , praesertim cum ad nostra tempora recentemque memoriam ventum sit , tam defectu rerum temporalium , quam profectu spiritualium , mundi contemptum prodentia , in hoc opere dicenda restant . Nemo autem propter haec verba nos Christianum Imperium ab Ecclesia seperare putet , cum duae personae in Ecclesia Dei , Sacerdotalis & Regales esse noscuntur : memineritque nos supra dixisse a tempore Theodosii senioris , usque ad tempus nostrum , non jam de duabus civitatibus , imo de una pene , id est Ecclesia , sed permixta , historiam texuisse . Quod temperamentum propter Haereticos vel excommunicatos ex regibus , posuimus . Alios enim Christiana fide , etsi opera quae credant non sequuntur , in Ecclesia secundum praesentem statum computandos esse , nemo qui sagenam Domini malos & bonos continere scit , dubitat . Non enim discerni possunt in praesenti , Ecclesia tantum quae manifesta sunt judicante . Deo solo qui novit , qui sint ejus , cujus ventilabrum in manu ejus , merita singulorum pensante . Porro Ecclesiam ecclesiasticas personas , id est Sacerdotes Christi , eorumque sectatores , tam ex usu locutionis , quam consideratione potioris partis diximus ; non ignorantes , quod & ipsi si reprobam vitam duxerint , ad Civitatem Dei in aeternum non pertinebunt . In the cloze of his Sixt Book upon this unpresidented excommunication and deposition of this Emperor by Hildebrand , and its sad effects , he thus descants ; a Hic quod supra distuli , solvendum puto , quod Romanum Imperium , ferro in b Daniele comparatum , pedes ex parte ferreos , ex parte fictiles habuit , donec a lapide praeciso de monte sine manibus , excisum subrueretur , Quid enim aliud ( sine melioris sententiae praejudicio ) lapidem sine manibus excisum , quam ecclesiam capitis sui corpus , sine carnali commixtione ex Spiritu sancto conceptum , & Virgine natum , ipsam quoque sine humana operatione , & ex Spiritu & aqua regeneratam dixerim , &c. Hoc nimirum regnum circa finem suum , quem pedes significant , ferreum propter Martem , fictile propter conditionem , in ea parte quae infirmior fuit , percussit : dum Regem Orbis , non tanquam Orbis dominum vereri , sed tanquam de 〈◊〉 per humanam conditionem factum 〈◊〉 , gladio anathematis ferire decuit . Ipsa vero quae antea parva fuit & humilis , in quantum Montem excreverit ( under Hildebrand ) ab omnibus jam videri potest . Quanta autem mala , quae bella , bellorumque discrimina inde subsecuta sunt , quoties misera Roma obsessa , capta , vastata , Quod Papa super Papam , sicut Rex super Regem positus fuerit , taedet memorare . Denique tot mala , tot schismata , tot tam animarum quam corporum pericula , hujus tempestatis turbo involvit , ut solus ex persecutionis immanitate , ac temporis diuturnitate , ad humanae miseriae infelicitatem sufficer 〈◊〉 comprobandam . Unde a quodam Ecclesiastico scriptore densissimis Egypti tenebris comparatur . Praedictus enim Pontifex Gregorius a Rege urbe pellitur , Gibertusque R●vennatensis Episcopus in locum ejus subrruditur . Porro Gregorius Salerni moriens , appropinquante vocationis suae tempore , dixisse fertur : Dilexi justitiam & odi iniquitatem , prop●●rea ma●ior in exilio . Quia ergo in Principe suo regnum ab Ecclesia pr●cisum graviter percussum fuit . ecclesia quoque tanto pastore , qui inter omnes sacerdotes & Romanos Pontifices praecipui Zeli , ac authoritatis erat , orbata , dolorem non modicum habuit . Tanta mutatione , tanquam a perfectione ad defectum vergente tempore , sexto Operi finem imponamus ut ad septenarium , requiemque animarum , quae mis●●riam praesentis vitae subsequitur , Deo ductore properemus . J. Aventinus renders us this account of Henries proceedings after Rudolphus his death . His ita gestis , Hainricus perempto Rudolpho , pacataque Germania , secundo Italiam , ut aut in gratiam cum Gregorio redeat , aut eum si pacem accipere detrecter , abdicet , petit . Quicquid resistit , capit , perdomitat . Gregorius , Urbes , Castella , arces communit , ad rebellandum Caesari hortatur . Verum is vi cuncta penetrat , hostium munimenta expugnat , Romamque Victricibus signis pervenit . Quinquagenalibus Castra ante Moenia urbes facit , fossa , vallo , carrucis munit , stativaque ibi biennio habuit , urbem obsedit , neminem exire , intrare permisit circumcirca . Universa incendus , caede complet . Hildebrandus fretus opibus Machtyldae , & Ruperti Vischardi Nordmanni , portas urbis clausit , fortiter urbem tutatus est , saepius eruptionem fecit . Hainricus in contraria parte crebro urbem oppugnat , Romanos erumpentes in urbem repellit . Extra moenia quicquid fuit , in ditionem redigit . Tandem post annos duos quarto Nonas Junii anno ab Orbe Vindicata Millesimo Octogesimo tertio , urbs capta est : Romani cum supplices adsunt , auro aegre pacem impetrant , perfidiam omnem in Hildebrandum transferunt , obsides viginti dant nobilissimos cujusque liberos , quos Hainricus postulavit . Romani deinde suasu Gregorii , Hainricum adeunt , orant ut diem Colloquio constituat , ubi ipse & Pontifex Senatoresque conveniant , de rebusque Reipublicae summis consilium habeant , bonorumque virorum arbitratu pax communiter confirmetur . Non abnuit postulata Caesar , diem huic negotio destinat , &c. In the mean time the Emperor returning from Rome by reason of the plague and new rebellions raised by Hildebrand in Germany Cal. Nov. ut conductum erat , Romam revertitur , maximoque honore excipitur . Nuncii ultro citroque commeant ; Gregorium & Caesarem in gratiam redigere conantur . Gregorius & Caesar absque ulla pactione , se atque Imperium fide illius permitteret postulabat . Caesari non fuit consilium vitam , dignitatem , salutem suam atque amicorum , arbitrio inimicorum in potestate acerbissimorum hostium credere , se ense suo jugulare , manubrium ●e manu dimittere : Gregorius tamen simulata pace , fugae ornatu dissimulato , Salernum ad Nordmannos aufugit , & qui omnes in periculum impulerat , omnes in periculo deserit . Caesar coacto Procerum , Episcoporum 〈◊〉 , advocata concione populi , more majorum , comitia Pontifica●ia havet ; Hildebrandus necessita●e in rationem versa , * tanquam lupus , fur ac latro , veluti perfidus transfuga , ovium desertor , gregis proditor , christianae charitatis osor , vir sanguinum , omnium communiter consensu abdicatur . Ex Patribus Guibertum Ravennae Archimystam , concordiae ac pacis studiosum , vir bonus atque eruditus , ordinari fecit in Papam , & Clemens 3. appeliatur , a quo etiam benedictione percepta ; a populo Romano salutatus est Imperator & Augustus . I shall render you a more particular account of Hildebrands , the Emperors , and this New Pope Clements proceedings against each other , out of Bertoldus Constantiensis , one of Hildebrands faction , living & writing in that age a Anno 1080. Gregorius Papa Synodum Romae , mense Martio collegit , ad quam de Tentonicis partibus praedictae sedis Apostolicae Legati , redierunt , & ommimodam Rudolfi obedientiam , & Heinrici inobedientiam , Domino Apostolico renunc●averunt ; unde ipse in fine Synodi Heinricum deposuit , ipsumque cum omnibus suis fautoribus anathemizavit , et Rudlophum Apostolica authoritate in Regia dignitate confirmavit . Unde , aemulus ejus congregata multitudine omnium Schismaticorum sive excommunicatorum apud Brixinam legitimum Papam abjuravit , & Guibertum Ravennatem quondam Episcopum , sed jam triennio a Papa Gregorio , irrecuperabiliter depositum , & anathemizatum , sibi non in Papam , sed in Haeresiarcham , elegit . Deinde apud Moguntiam conventu facto , eandem ipsam electionem , a quibuscunque potuit confirmari fecit : ( by his Imperial Soveraign Ecclesiastical Authority ; ) He subjoyns , His temporibus Heinricus totam Italiam adeo conturbavit , ut nullus secure ad limina Apostolorum posset ire , qui non prius adjuraret , quod ad Papam Gregorium diversurus non esset . Anno 1081. Heinricus post obitum Regis Rudolphi Veronam in Pascha venit , & ●nde ad invadendam Romam , b cum suo non Apostolico , sed Apostata Guiberto , ut puta Domini Apostolici non semel perjuro & anathemizato ; profectus , sed macte reversus est . In the mean time ( as he relates ) the Archbishops , Bishops and German Princes of Hildebrands faction , made and crowned Hermannus for their King , by the Popes instigation . Soon after ; c Henricus Anno 1082. In Italiam assumpto Apostata suo Guiberto , iterum Romam invisurus proficiscitur , adunata multitudine Schismaticorum , ibique ea aestate moratus , pene incassum laboravit ; nisi quod Milites suos quibusdam castellis , ut facerent guerram Romanis , imposuit , qui eum nec hac vice Romam intrare permiserunt . Ignem quoque in domum Sancti Petri per quendam traditorem immittere voluit , sed Dei misericordia protegente , non potuit . Cogitavit enim ut de improviso , portus irrumperet , si Romani derelictis propugnaculis , ad incendium restingendum concurrerent , unde ignem domibus quibusdam Sancto Petro contiguis immitti fecerunt . Sed Dominus Apostolicus huic versutiae obviavit . Nam primum viso incendio , omnes milites Romanos ad propugnacula defendenda transmisit , ipseque solus fiducia Sancti Petri fretus , facto signo Crucis contra incendium , ignem progredi ulterius non permisit . Igitur Heinricus capto Venerabili Episcopo de Sutria , alliisque nonnullis , suoque Apostata Guiberto in Tiburtina urbe ad infestandos Romanos derelicto , ipse Longobardiam revertitur . Hermannus autem Rex multum de adversitate sedis Apostolice dolens , eamque de manu Heinrici liberare volens , expeditionem in Italiam paravit unde & de Saxonia in Sueviam venit ; but was diverred . d An. 1083. Iteram Heinricus cum multitudine Schismaticorum sive Excommunicatorum ante Pentecosten Roman impugnaturus aggreditur : sicque Guibertum Ravennatem , perjurum , depositum , & anathemizatum , apud S. Petrum inthronizavit . non per Ostiensem , & Albanensem & Portuensem Episcopos , qui hoc privilegium habent , ut & Papam consecrent : sed per Mutinensem & Ariminensem Episcopos : utpote jam multis annis depositos & anathemizatos . Statim ergo juxta sanctum Petrum quendam monticulum , nomine Palatiolum in Castellum , eique milites multos , ut impugnarent Romanos , imposuit , qui eum Transtiberinis urbis regiones , nullo pacto intrare permittebant . Multi tamen jam ex Romanis consenserant , partim pretio inducti , partim multis promissionibus seducti , omnes autem aequaliter jam triennii impugnatione nimium fatigati . Quid plura ? omnes pene Romani , praeter Principem Salernitanum , hoc laudaverunt , ut Papa Gregorius Synodum in medio Novembris colligeret Romae , cujus Synodi statuta de causa Regni , nec Heinrico , nec Romanis , imo nulli penitus liceret praevaricari . Heinricus quoque ituris ad illam Synodum , & redituris , securitatem jurejurando fecit . Unde et Papa omnes religiosos Episcopos & Abbates ad Synodum literis suis vocavit . Heinricus ( after some stay at Ravenna ) ad praedictam Synodum profectus est , quo & Legati Teutonicorum principum ire debuerant , sed ab Heinrico in via apud forum Cassii capti , & sedati sunt , circa festum sancti Martini , licet omnibus Synodum illam petentibus securitatem juramento promiserit . Unde & Romani multa contra Heinricum murmurare coeperunt . Erant autem religiosissimi Monachi & Clerici , quos in captivitate fecit cruciari , ( for stirring up rebellions against him in Saxony and elsewhere ) cum quibus & Ottonem venerandum Ostiensem Episcopum captivatum , videlicet , ad ipsum ab Apostolica sede transmissum . Multi tamen ex Francigenis ad illam Synodum , tam Episcopi vel Abbates pervenerunt . Meliores autem Episcopi & Domino Apostolico magis necessarii , id est , Hugo Lugdunensis , Anselmus Lucensis , Reginaldus Cumanus , specialiter a Heinrico ad Synodum pervenire , prohibiti sunt : Dominus tamen Papa Synodum tribus diebus solenniter celebravit , & ne Heinricum iterum specialiter anathemizaret , vix a Synodo exoratus , omnes tamen excommunicavit , quicunque aliquem ad sanctum Petrum , et Papam venientem impedirent , quoquo modo . Sed jam advenit terminus , ad quem Romani , nesciente Papa , hoc Heinrico se effecturos juraverant , aut Gregorius Papa eum incoronaret , aut alius quem ipsi illo expulso eligerent . Quod juramentum licet in praeterita aestate factum fuerit , omnes tamen intimos Papae usque ad terminum pene ●atuit . Adveniente ergo termino , Romani Papae de juramento manifestaverunt , dicentes , se hoc jurasse , non ut Papa solenniter regali unctione incoronaret , sed tantum simpliciter , ut ei coronam daret . Annuit ergo Papa eorum votis , ut eos a juramento absolveret , viz. Heinrico ; si vellet cum justitia : sin autem , cum maledictione ( note it ) Coronam daret : Unde Romani mandaverunt , ut veniret ad accipiendam Coronam cum justitia , si vellet : Sin autem , de Castello Sancti Angeli per virgam sibi demissam a Papa reciperet . Sed Heinrico utrumque recusante , alium Legatum illi direxere , qui eos bello defenderet si necesse esset . Se bene attendisse quid juraverint , nec se amplius eo juramento detineri obnoxios . Igitur Domino Papae multo firmius , quam pridem , consilio adhaesere . Sed jam septennio totum Romanum Imperium civili bello , nimio schismatis dissidto , laboravit : aliis quidem Domino Apostolico , aliis autem Heinrico faventibus , & ob hoc utrinque totum Regnum praeda , ferro et igne miserabiliter devastantibus , paucissimi Catholici Episcopi ex parte Apostolici remanserunt , qui et a propriis sedibus expulsi , suis gregibus providere non permittebantur . Quapropter , omnes pene religiosi , sive Clerici , sive Laici , in aliqua Monasteriorum latibula hujusmodi mala declinaverunt : ne videlicet devastationem sanctae Ecclesiae cernerent , cui in nullo adminiculari possent . Satius enim illis videbatur , ut saltem seipsos , delitescendo salvarent , quam pro aliis incassum laborando cum eisdem perirent . a Anno 1084. Reginaldus Cumanus Episcopus , Gregorii Papae adjutor studiosissimus migravit ad Dominum , & Sigefridus Moguntiensis Archiepiscopus , Gregorio Papae per multas tribulationes adjutor indefessus , requievit in pace . Heinricus Aquileiensis Patriarcha , non semel Domino Apostolico perjurus & excommunicatus , in corpore & anima moritur . In die Resurrectionis Dominicae Heinricus a heresiarcha suo Ravennate , coronam , non gloriae , sed confusionis accepit ; Nam hujusmodi coronator , juxta attestationem sanctorum Patrum , non benedictionem quam perdidit , sed damnationem , quam habuit , suo coronato imposuit . Erat enim ipse Ravennas Archiepiscopus & omnimodam obedientiam Romano Pontifici juravit , quam & nonnullo tempore fideliter exequutus est ; sed non multo post spreto juramento , singulari contumacia contra Apostolicam sedem erigitur . Unde ab Apostolica sede & ab Episcopis totius Ecclesiae in Romana Synodo post Canonicas inducias irrecuperabiliter deponitur , & anathemizatur ; nec hoc semel , nec in una Synodo , sed in omnibus Synodis quotquot jam sexennio Romae celebratae sunt . Hic ergo in perjurio ita inveteratus , & pro eadem saepius irrevocabiliter depositus & anathemizatus ( solittle did he esteem this Antichristian Popes frequent Anathemaes , or his Synods ) sedem Romani Pontif : cui obedientiam juravit , * pro manus Anathematizatorum , utpote sui stimlium , praeterito anno invasit , legitimo pastore adhuc eidem sede praesidente : nempe Mutinensis & Aretinus Exepiscopi cum reliquis excommunicatis eum ordinaverunt . Qui etiamsi Catholici essent & Apostolica sedes Pastorem non haberet , nullum tamen eidem sedi Pontificem ordinare possent . Hujus etiam ordinationis privilegium solis Cardinalibus Episcopis , Ostensi , Albanensi , & Portuensi , a sanctis Patribus est concessum , nec aliquibus aliis conceditur , ipsis hoc adimplere valentibus . Sed hi libentius omnia extrema paterentur , quam tam sacrilegae ordinationi , tanquam superbissimae praesumptioni miscerentur , quem et ipsi cum Domino Apostolico Synodali judicio canonice damnarunt . Ergo Mutinensis & Aretinus cum reliquis haereticis , Ravennatem illum , non in Romanum Patriarcham , quod nullo modo potuerunt , sed in damnatissimum haeresiarchum promoverunt , ut quanto altius inter ipsos emineret , tanto majoris damnationis privilegium possideret ( writes this Hildebrandian fury ) Quapropter & Heinricus ab eodem incoronatus , damnationem ejus haereditasse non dubitatur . Similiter & omnes quicunque aliquid , quod a Domino Papa suscipiendum esset , a praedicto haeresiarcha quasi susceptum , usurpaverunt . * Abbas Uspergensis records , Imperator ipsis ( Romanis ) petentibus , ut quia Hildebrandus ab ipsis abdicatus , aufugerat , Wigpertum Ravennensem Episcopum , eis Apostolicum praeficeret . xi . Kal. Aprilis feria 6. ante diem Palmarum multis stipatus cum magna gloria intravit , ducens secum praedictum Episcopum . Qui sequente Dominica per multos Episcopos Apostolico nomine dicatus , nomenque Clementis accipiens , reverenter est intronizatus . A quo Rex cum Regina Bertha in sancta Dominica Paschae imperiali dignitate sublimatus est . * Bertholdus thus proceeds , Morabatur autem Heinricus in Lateranensi Palatio cum Ravennate suo , nec a fidelibus Papae per Civitatem ad sanctum Petrum transire permittebatur , sed in ipsa Paschali hebdomada fideles aggreditur , in qua congressione 40. pene inter mortuos & vulneratos perdidit ; nam reliqui fugerunt : ex parte autem domini Papae nec unus cecidit . A Papal pious celebration of Easter by these Martial Popes , even in Rome it self . Pope Gregory being overpowred at Rome by the Emperors forces , therupon hired and sent for Robert Wiscard to assist him . Hereupon Robertus Wiscardus Dux Normannorum in servitium Sancti Petri post Calendas Maii Romam armata manu invasit ; fugato Heinrico , totam urbem Gregorio Papae rebellem , penitus exspoliavit , & majorem ejus partem igni consumpsit , eo quod Romani quendam ejus Militem vulneraverant . Deinde acceptis obsidibus a Romanis , & in Castello Sancti Angeli , quod domum Theodorici dicunt , reservatis , ipse ad recuperandam terram sancti Petri reversurus , in brevi plurima Castella , & Civitates Domino Papae recuperavit . Heinricus autem Roberto resistere non valens , ad partes Teutonicorum satis festinanter revertitur . * Interim Henricus , congregata multitudine schismaticorum , VVecilonem Clericum , Halverstatensis Episcopi fugitivum , Moguntinensi Episcopatu remuneravit , eo quod illi in omni pertinacia contra Dominum & sanctum Petrum indefessus cooperator adfuit . Qui ipse jamdudum anathemizatus , & ab anathemizatis electus , nihilominus etiam ab anathemizatis juxta Pelagium Papam non consecratus est : nam juxta beatissimos Patres , Innocentium , Leonem atque Gregorium , nihil nisi damnationem & maledictionem a damnatis accipere potuit ; Dominus autem Papa collecta Synodo , iterum sententiam anathematis in Guibertum haeresiarchum , et Heinricum , et omnes eorum fautores promulgavit ; quod et in festo sancti Iohannis Baptistae praeterito jamdudum Romae fecit , cum Heinricus adhuc ibi moraretur . Hanc sententiam Legati sedis Apostolicae , videlicet , Petrus Albanensis Episcopus in Francia , Otto Ostensis Episcopus in terra Teutonicorum usque quaque divulgarunt . Qui cum in Alemannia moraretur Sanctae Constantiensi Ecclesiae jamdudum viduatae , Catholicum Episcopum ordinavit , scilicet Gebehardum Bertholdi Duci● filium ; hunc sane invitum , imo multum ejulantem ac reclamantem , Constantiensibus Clericis et Laicis petentibus & laudantibus , Episcopum consecravit . * Hermannus Rex Nativitatem Domini Gostare celebravit , ad quem praefatus Ostiensis Episcopus post Epiphaniam pervenit in Saxoniam , & Colloquio interfuit , quod Saxones contra Heinrici fautores condixerunt , ut hoc illis probarent , se jure Henricum vitare ut excommunicatum : Quod & facto colloquio decimo quinto die post Epiphaniam , fir●●ssime probaverunt , ea videlicet ratione , quia Romanus Pontifex illum eis a se in Romano Synodo anathemizatum , literis denunciavit . Adversarii autem eis objecerunt ; quod Papa cum nequiverit excommunicare , eo quod expoliatus non potuerit vocari , judicari sive damnari . Ad hoc Saxones responderunt ; Se judicium sedis Apostolicae nec debere retractare , nec posse ; hoc cum illo potius tractandum , qui illum damnaverit , non cum Saronibus , quod damnationi ejus non interfuerint , qui sedis Apostolicae judicio nullam retractationem sed obedientiam debuerint . Ita ergo soluto colloquio 〈…〉 . Eo tempore Hildesheime●●s Episcopus cum suis sequacibus manus Saxonum vix evasit , eo quod contra commune votum totius Saxoniae Henricianis se admiscuerit . Pro eadem etiam culpa Comes Theodoricus eodem tempore occisus est a nostrae partis fautoribus . Praeratus quoque sedis Apostolicae Legatus praedicto Episcopo , cum nollec 〈◊〉 , officium penitus interdixit . Hermannus Rex in Quintilineburg Pascha celebravit , ubi & Legatus Domini Apostolici in ipsa Pascha● hebdomada Generalem Synodum cum Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , & Abbatibus sancti Petri fidelibus , solenniter celebravit . Interfuit autem huic Synodo Gebehardus Reverendissimus Juvaniensis Archiepiscopus ; Item Venerabilis Hartungus Magideburgensis Archiepiscopus , cum Suffraganeis . Item Suffraganei Moguntiae sedis de Saxonia , nam Wurceburgensis et Wormatiensis , Augustus quoque , & Constantiensis de Alemannia , quique ipsi Canonica necessitate impediti venire non potuerunt , per legationem suam se sancto Concilio repraesentaverunt , seque per omnia ejusdem Synodi statutis assensuros , mandaverunt . Rex etiam Hermannus cum suis Principibus eidem Synodo interfuit . Cum ergo omnes juxta ordinem suum consedissent , prolata sunt in medium Decreta Sanctorum Patrum de primatu sedis Apostolicae ; ( to wit , of Pope Hildebrand , and some others of his Gang ) quod nulli unquam liceat ejus judicium retrectare , et de ejus judicio judicare . Quod de totius Synodi publica professione laudatum , & confirmatum est : et hoc utique contra Heinricianos qui fideles Sancti Petri constringere voluerunt , ut excommunicationem Domini Papae Gregorii super Heinricum , cum illis retrectare praesumerent . Quidam autem Babenbergensis Clericus , nomine Gunibertus , Romani Pontificis primati : derogare volens , in mediam Synodum se contulit , asserens , Romanos Pontifices hunc sibi * primatum ascripsisse , non aliunde concessum haereditasse , videlicet , nullus de eorum judicio judicare debeat , nec illi alicujus judicio subjaceant . Qui cum aperte a tota Synodo confutaretur , praecipue tamen a quodam Laico convictus est per illud Evangelicum , * Non est discipulus supra Magistrum ; Cum enim hoc generaliter in omnibus Ecclesiasticis ordinibus , observandum deputetur , ne major a minore judicetur , quis hoc Vicario Sancti Petri denegare potuit , quem omnes Catholici pro Domino & Magistro venerantur ? ( though Christ never made nor owned the Pope for his Vicar , never excommunicated any Emperor , King , but submitted to their powers , and censures too , as this Pope ought to do , not being above his Lord , by this very objected Text ) In eadem Synodo , ordinatio Wecilonis , Moguntini invasoris , & Sigefridi Augustensis , & Notberti Curiensis imo omnes ordinationes & consecrationes excommunicatorum , penitus irritae judicatae sunt , juxta decreta Sanctorum Patrum Innocentii , Leonis primi , Pelagii , atque ejus successoris Gregorii 1. Item Secta praedicti Wecilonis ejusque sociorum , sub anathemate damnata est , * quae asserit , seculares suis rebus expoliatos Ecclesiastico non subjacere judicio , nec excommunicari posse , pro suis excessibus ; quaeque excommunicatos absque reconciliatione recipi posse contendit . Statutum est autem ibi , ut quicunque ab Episcopo suo , nec officio nec communione privato , excommunicatus esset , etsi injuste , nullatenus tamen reciperetur ad communionem , nisi absolutus Ecclesiastico more . Similiter & pro Sacrilegio excommunicatos , decrevit sancta Synodus non recipiendos , absque solita reconciliatione , & nisi dudum , quae sacrilege sibi vendicaverant , reddidissent , &c. In fine autem Synodi sententia anathematis , cum ardentibus candelis promulgata est , in Guibertum Haeresiarcham , sedis Apostolicae pervasorem , et in Apostatas sancti Petri , Hugonem Aibanensem , Joannem Portuensem Exepiscopos , Petrum Excancellarium , Item in Leomarem Bremensem , Vtonem Hildineshe●mensem , Ottonem Constantiensem , Burchardum Basiliensem , Huzmannum Spirensem Exepiscopos , Item in VVecilonem Moguntinum invasorem , Sigefridum Augustensem , Nortbertum Curiensem , in hos inquam , & in omnes eorum Complices , inevitabilis sententia anathematis promulgata est ; only for their loyalty and obedience to Henry their lawful King. c Anno 1085. Synodus Moguntiae habetur , cui interfuit Imperator , ubi praesentibus Legatis Romanis , ( to wit , of Pope Clements party ) omnes Episcopi rebelles Imperatori , deponendi judicantur ; caeteri vero anathemate , ut videbatur , condemnantur . Ibi etiam communi consilio constituta est Pax Dei : Non multo post substitutis ab Imperatore per parochias abdicatorum Praesulibus . In locum Aldeberonis , Mainharans , Werciburgensis , Ecclesiae Praesul ordinatur , the Emperor still retaining his antient right of Investitures . c Bertoldus Constantiensis , of the Hildebrandian faction , thus relates and traduceth this Synods proceedings . Sed hi omnes adversarii Ecclesiae Dei , in tertia hebdomada , post finitam Synodum , suam Moguntiae collegerunt , non Synodum , sed Conciliabulum , in quo umbratilem sententiam excommunicationis , contra fideles Sancti Petri deprompserunt , utpote ne quaquam illos excommunicare valentes , sed apertissime seipsos a communione Catholicorum sequestrantes , ut non tantum judicio sanctae Ecclesiae , sed et proprio eorum judicio , sicut omnes haeretici , a Catholicis essent separati . Sedes quoque Catholicorum Episcoporum viventium , temeraria cupiditate caecati , sibi vendicare non timuerunt . Deus autem omnipotens suis fidelibus per seipsum auxiliari non cessavit , suumque judicium super inimicos sanctae Ecclesiae mirabiliter exercuit . Nam totam pene Italiam , in qua potissimum furebant , tam magni fames obtinuit , ut homines non tantum immunda quaeque , sed etiam humanam carnem manducarent . Quam famem maudita mortalitas subsequuta est , ut nec tertia pars hominum remaneret , sed deficiente Colono , maxima pars terrae in solitudinem redacta est . Padus quoque fluvius Lo●gobardiae , ripas suas excedens , multa castella , villas , imo circajacentes regiones penitus submersit , & inhabitabiles reddidit ; Ipsa etiam Capita schismaticorum eo tempore , heu misere abiere in locum suum , videlicet Parmensis , & Rhegiensis Episcopi ; Thedaldus Mediolanensis non Archiepiscopus , sed Antichristus , Adalbertus & Reginherus Marchiones , & Comes Boso , & alii innumerabiles , quorum factione tota pene Italia contra Dominum Papam , & Sanctum Petrum se erexit . Hi quoque Mathildam ( Hildebrands Mistress ) prudentissimam ducem & fidelissimam Sancti Petri Militem multis injuriis af●ecerunt in Italia . Illis autem divina animadversione de medio sublatis , ipsa suam potestatem recuperavit , et Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae in omnibus adminiculari non cessavit , sicque ejus prudentia Mutinensi Ecclesiae & Regiensi atque Pistorensi Catholici Pastores ordinati sunt , by meer force and usurpation . I have presented you with this large relation , how these two Popes Hildebrand and Clement , the Hildebrandian & Imperial Councils , Bishops , parties , excommunicated , execrated , deposed , slaughtered one the other , condemning each others Doctrins , practices , Decrees as schismatical and haeretical : whose judgements , because they may seem partial in their own cases , I shall acquaint you with the resolutions of two Greek Fathers , living if not during , yet very few years before Hildebrands antimonarchical Innovations and Positions . The 1. of them is e Oecumenius , or whoever else was the Collector of Enarrationes in omnes Pauli Epistolas , attributed to him : The 2d . f Theophylactus Bulgariorum Archiep. who in their Enarrationes in Epist. ad Roman . c. 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3 , ( written about the years 1050 , & 1075. seem professedly to oppugn both his doctrine and practices ; Both their Expositions of St Pauls Text are the same in sense , if not in syllables , with little or no variation : Omnis anima Potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit , &c. ] Postquam abunde paravit mores auditorum , eosque docuit , ut hostibus essent benigni ; hanc etiam subjungit admonitionem ; erudiens & instruens omnem animam , sive Sacerdos sit quispiam , sive Monachus , sive Apostolus , ( and Hildebrand was or would be reputed all three ) ut Magistratibus ( or Principatibus as Theophylacts translator renders it ) subdantur . Nam haec subjectio non evertit , ( or invertit ) pietatem . Admonet autem hoc Apostolus , ostendens ; Quod Evangelium non doceat defectionem , vel inobedientiam aut contumaciam , sed benevolentiam magis , ac obedientiam . Magnam ubique capitis hujus rationem habet , ostendens , non ad subversionem communis disciplinae Christi leges esse ; quumque sufficientes sint , veritatis causa bellum in Nos gerant ; quid , inquit , necesse est nobis ipsis superfluos procurare adversarios ? Non est potestas nisi a Deo. Principatus enim esse , & hunc quidem gubernare , alium vero gubernari , nec omnia sursum ac deorsum ferri , divinae sapientiae opus esse dico , &c. Omnes ergo potestates a Deo ordinatae sive factae sunt , quamcunque consideraveris ; sive patris erga filium , sive viri erga uxorem , sive alias omnes , etiam quae in animalibus sint , puta apibus , grubus ac piscibus . Itaque quisquis resistit potestati , Dei ordinatiom resistit . Ne abjecti viderentur Christi servi , si Principibus subjicientur , ostendit , quod parere oporteat , et non inobedientes esse Principibus ; nam qui hoc facit , Deo resistit ; qui Principatus constituit , &c. Enforcing all St. Pauls reasons to this purpose , formerly pressed by others in and from this Text ; which no Hildebrandian shifts could ever yet elude , or enervate , especially being written to all the * Saints , Church , Priests , Bishops of Rome it self , even whiles under Pagan Emperors , Princes , Senators , who ought to pay as ample subjection , obedience in all succeeding Generations to their Christian Emperors , as Paul , Peter themselves , and all Saints , Bishops , Priests of Rome in their age , actually did , and are here precisely enjoyned to render to the very worst of their Pagan Caesars . Besides a Annas Comnenas , an antient Greek Historian , writes thus ironically of Hildebrands seditious practices ; Iste vero execrandus Papa , cum spirituali gratia , & Evangelica pace tota manu ac mente , princeps a● bellum civile progreditur , ille nimirum pacificus atque Pacifici discipulus ; ad Saxonum enim mittens Duces , ac tum alias multas eis conditiones offerens , tum etiam se facturum eos Reges occidentis promittens , ita ad se viros allicit ; usque adeo facilem ac promptam habuit ille dextram ad ordinationem Regum : against St. Pauls and Peters forecited precepts , and presidents . Neither did the Emperor Henry alone in that age exercise Dominion over his Bishops , but the * French , Scotish , English Kings then did the like , ( as I shall evidence in its proper place ) but the Kings of Poland too , though one of them then exceeded the bounds of Justice and Christianity . For b Stanis●aus Sciepanovius , Bishop of Cracovia in Poland , in the year 1079. during Hildebrands Papacy , cum pro officio Regem Bolislauum amicis primum , post vero acerbioribus monitis admoneret verbis , ut saevitiam , expilationes , adulteria , luxum , et in rebus administrandis socordiam et ignaviam exueret , tandem cum frustra saepius monuisset , anathematis vinculo eum astrinxit . Whereupon , tulit haec justo aegrius Rex , & capta occasione , Episcopum in Templo magna immanitate obtruncavit , discerptasque corporis portiones foras canibus vescendas objecit , Octavo nonas Maii , Anno Dom. 1079. on which c Gaguinus thus descants : Pontificem secuit frustratim , recta monentem , Vrbis Pontificem , maxime Croce , tuae ; O scelus , O portentum , O nostri infamia Regni ! Non tibi sacrilegae tunc cecidere manus ? Conscius itaque Bolestaus perpetrati facinoris poenitentia adactus , regno relicto inignotas regiones profectus est , ubi in habitu peregrino vitam clausit . Some write , that Sacris à Romano Pontifice ( Gregorio 7. ) interdictum erat Polonia ob Stanislai caedem , till Wladislaus , Boleslai frater , Lambertum Romam , veniam petendi causa , mittit ; quem Episcopum designatum Cracoviae , re feliciter simul confecta , ad suos remisit septimus Gregorius : Though Platina and others make no mention of this Interdict or release thereof in Hildebrands life ; which I having so long insisted on ; Take now this most favourable relation of his death , from Bertoldus Constantiensis his pen : d Sed jam Deus omnipotens famulum suum Gregorium Papam nolens diutius laborare , imo pro laboribus suis digne remunerare volens , de hujus vitae ergastulo eum vocavit . Nam aliquanto tempore graviter corpore infirmatus , sed in defensione justitiae usque ad mortem firmissimus , Salerni diem clausit extremum . De cujus obitu omnes religiosi utriusque sexus , & maxime pauperes doluerunt . Erat enum Catholicae religionis ferventissimus institutor , et ecclesiasticae libertatis strenuissimus defensor . Noluit sane ut Ecclesiasticus ordo manibus Laicorum subjaceret , sed eisdem et morum sanctitate et ordinis dignitate praeemineret , quod illum latere non poterit , quicunque ejusdem Apostolici Registrum diligenter perlegerit . Postquam autem in gubernatione sedis Apostolicae , imo totius Ecclesiae , duodecim annos & unum mensem legitime derertavit , tandem ex hac luce , Anno incarnationis Dominicae 1085. Indict . Octavo 8 Cal. Junii , subtractus supernae vocationis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accep●sse non dubitatur , sepultus Salerni in Ecclesia Sancti Matthaei , quam ipse eodem anno dedicavit . Sed Guib●rtus haeresiarcha multum de obitu ejus laetabatur , licet parum prosperitatis suae par●●● eo lucraretur . Nam omnes Catholici post mortem Domini Apostolici non minus quam ante , eidem Haeresiarchae restiterunt , ipsumque de Roma Ravennam repedare compulerunt . St. Briget of Sweden ( canonized for a Saint by the Bulls of Pope Boniface the 9. and Martin the 5th . prefixed to her Revelations , l. 1. c. 41. printed Nurembergi 1521. brings in Jesus Christ himself thus complaining of 5. sorts of men , quia multipliciter offendunt me , the first whereof is the Pope , ( what Pope it was she intended , I cannot certainly define , unlesse it was this Hildebrand ) of whom Christ there thus complained ; Nunc ego conquerror super te , Cap●t Ecclesiae meae , qui sedes in se●emea , quam Petro & successoribus ejus tradidi ad sedendum in ea , triplici dignitate ac authoritate . Primo , ut potestatem haberent ligandi animas , & solvendi a peccato , Secundo , ut aperirent coelum poenitentibus . Tertio , ut clauderent coelum maledictis & contemnentibus . Sed tu qui deberes solvere animas , & ad me praesentare , tu vere es animarum interfector . Ego eum institui ( Petrum ) pa●●orem & servatorem ovium mearum , Tu autem es dispersor et lacerator earum . Tu autem pejor es Lucifero . Ipse enim habebat ad me invidiam , & nullum concupivit occidere nisi me , ut pro me dominaretur . Tu autem tanto deteriores , quod non solum occides me , removendo me a te per mala opera tua , sed et animas occides per malum exemplum tuum . Ego redemi animas sanguine meo , & commisi eas tibi tanquam amico fideli . Tu autem tradis eas iterato inimico , a quo redemi eas . Tu es injustior Pilato , qui nullum judicabat ad mortem nisi me : Tu autem non solum judicas me quasi nullius Dominatorem , et nullius boni dignum , imo et animas innocentes condemnas , et nocentes dimittis . Tu es immititor Iuda , qui me solum ven●●●dit , Tu autem non solum vendis me , sed et animas electorum meorum , pro turpi lucro tuo et vano nomine . Tu es abhominabilior Iudaeis : Ipsi crucifixerunt corpus meum solum ; Tu autem crucifigis et punis animas electorum meorum , quibus malicia tua et transgressio amarior est omni gladio . Et ideo , quia tu similis es Lucifero , injustior Pilato , immitior Iuda , abhominabilior Iudaeis , ideo merito conqueror super te . After which she there brings in Christ himself , by S. Peters advice , passing this sentence against the Pope ; Haec autem est vera justitia , ut primus qui sedet in sede tua , et opera habet Luciferi , amittat cum contemptu sedem in qua praesumpsit sedere ( as Luciferian Pope Hildebrand did ) et particeps sit poena Luciferi : Then she introduceth Christ himself swearing thrice by God the Father , his own body , and the holy Ghost , quod faciam justitiam super hos : and passing this memorable Judgement upon the Pope , his Ministers , Members , Vicars , adhering to him , Gladius meae severitatis in corpus tuum intrabit , qui a superiori capitis ingredietur , et sic profunde et valenter infigetur , ut nunquam extrahatur . Sedes tua mergetur quasi lapis ponderosus , qui non subsistat antequam venerit in novissimum profun●i : Digiti , id est , assessores , ardebunt igni sulphureo et inextinguibili : Brachia tua , id est Vicarii , ad animarum profectum extendi deberent ; sed extenduntur ad utilitatem mundi et honorem ; judicabuntur poena quam dicit David ; Piant filii ejus orphani , & uxor ejus vidua , & alieni recipiant substantiam ejus : Quae est uxor ejus nisi anima ? quae relinquetur a gloria coelesti , et erit vidua Deo. Filii ejus , id est virtutes quas habere videbatur , & simplices mei qui sub ipsis erant , separabuntur ab eis , & dignitas eorum & bona ad alios devolventur ; et ipsi pro dignitate aeternam confusionem haereditabunt . Deinde * ornatus Capitis eorum demergetur in lutum inferni , a quo nunquam consurgent : Vt sicut hic per honorem et superbiam super alios ascenderunt , sic in inferno prae aliis demergentur ita profunde , ut impossibile sit eis resurgere . Let all proud Popes chew the cud upon it . Having thus presented you with Hildebrands Antichristian practises in his life ; hear Benno Cardinalis , & Sigebertus Gemblacenfis both living in that age , Anno 1085. Mat. Paris Historiae Angl. Anno Domini 1084 , 1086. Vincentius Speculum Hist . l. 36. c. 82. Floreutius Wigorniensis Anno 1106. Antonin , Chron. Tit. 16. cap. 1. sect . 21. Magnum Chronicon Belgicum , p. 124. Dr. Barns , Balaeus , and others in Vita Greg. 7 Cent : Magd. 11. c. 8. 10. Chronicon Joannis Brompto● , col . 978. Henricus de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae , l. 2. c. 3. Lambertus Schafnaburgensis Histor . Anno 1074. &c. Cuspinian in Henrico 4. learned c Philip de Morney , d Dr. Crakenthorp , e Bishop Usher , f Dr. Beard , Bishop Downham , Dr. Squir●● , with sundry others out of them , who give us this account of Hildebrands last words , repentance , absolution of the Emperor and all others Excommunications at his death . Hildebrandus Papa , qui & Gregorius VII . apud Salernium exulans moritur . Volumus vos scire , qui Ecclesiasticae curae solliciti estis ; quia Dominus Apostolicus Hildebrandus , qui et Gregorius , nunc in extremis positus , ad se vocavit unum de xij . Cardinalibus quem prae caeteris diligebat , et confessus est , Deo et Sancto Petro , et toti Ecclesiae , se valde peccasse in Pastorali cura , quae ei ad regendum erat commissa , seque suadente Diabolo , contra humanum genus iram Dei et odium concitasse . Postea vero sententiam quae in orbe terrarum effusa est , pro augmento Christianitatis revocasse , dicebat . Tunc demum misit praedictum Confessorem suum ad Imperatorem , et ad totam Ecclesiam , ut opraret ei indulgentiam , quia finem vitae suae aspiciebat ; et jam cito induturus erat angelicam vestem : et dimisit et dissolvit vincula omnium bannorum suorum Imperatori et omni populo Christiano , vivis et defunctis , Laicis et Clericis , et jussit suos abire de domo Theodorici , et amicos Imperatoris ascendere . I have more largely related this History of Pope Hildebrands Antimonarchical , as well as Antichristian proceedings , upon these considerations : 1. Because he was the g first visible founder , erecter of that Antichristian Papal Soveraignty & Tyranny , which his ambitious Successors have since presumed to claim , exercise over Christian Emperors , Kings , Kingdoms , Churches , Prelates : The first who attempted to excommunicate , depose , interdict the Roman Emperors , give their Crowns , Kingdoms to others ; to absolve all their subjects from their Oathes of Allegiance to them , and excite Subjects to rebell and take up arms against their rightfull Kings , to dethrone them , for not obeying their Papal Decrees . 2ly . Because he was the chief contriver ( before & after his intrusion into Peters pretended Chair ) how to deprive the Roman Emperors of their antient hereditary Soveraign Ecclesiastical right of electing , ratifying , investing , confirming Popes , Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops ; and to defraud , robb all other Christian Kings , Princes , Nobles , Lay-Patrons of their Patronages , Presentations , Collations to Bishopricks , Benefices , or any other Ecclesiastical dignities , under the false pretext of Simony , Heresie , Sacriledge , Idolatry , wherewith he branded it , on purpose to monopolize the sale and disposal of them to himself and his Successors , to make all h Bishops , Clergymen , and Religious Orders sworn Vassals , Feudatories , Votaries , Servants to , and sole Dependants on the See of Rome , but perfidious Traytors , Rebels to their own natural Kings , Princes , as exempted from , and having no Dominion over them , nor engagements to them . 3ly . Because he was the first Pope who violently persecuted married Priests , prohibiting all Laymen to hear their Masses , &c. unlesse they were totally divorced from their wives in obedience to his Papal Decrees . Which Antichristian Usurpations , Innovations of his being the Original ground , president of all his Successors intollerable Encroachments on , proceedings of like nature against our English Kings , and their Soveraign Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ; and the Emperor Henries oppositions against him and his encroachments , a grand encouragement to our Kings vigorous oppositions against his successors usurpations of like nature in England ; ( the chief Subject of my ensuing History ; ) I deemed it not only expedient , but absolutely necessary , to present the world with a full and faithfull Narrative of his Hildebrandian Antimonarchical Sentences , Decretals , Proceedings ; the opositions made against them , which have ever since infested all Christian States , Churches , with high contests , schisms , wars between the Crown and Miter : And before I procceed to his Successors , I shall give you this further Account of these 3. particulars , beginning with the Original ground of the quarrel , Investitures and Simony . I have * formerly discovered how some of Hildebrands immediate Predecessors ( by his advice and instigation ) made several Decrees , Constitutions against Clergy-mens receiving Investitures , or Presentations to Bishopricks & Ecclesiastical Benefices from Lay-mens hands , under the false odious crime of Simony , to render it detestable to the ignorant vulgar , which produced little or no effect , till Hildebrand himself , as Legat to Pope Stephen the 9th . and others , put them in vigorous execution , * depriving many Bishops and others , in France , Germany , under the Notion of Simo●acks , which he more violently prosecuted after he became Pope . Hence our famous Historian b William of Malmesbury , living in that age , stories ; Quod alii Pontifices inusitaverant ( mussitaverant reads * Morney ) palam extulit , excommunicans electos , qui investituras Ecclesiarum de manu Laici per annulum et baculum acciperent . Unde Imperator Henricus Alemannorum , fremens quod sine sua conscientia talia praesumeret , et quod excommunicationem in eum propter Investituras Ecclesiarum promulgaverat , cum exercitu veniens Romam obsedit , Hildebrandum expulit , Guibernum Ravennatem introducit ; This being the original occasion of all the Differences , Contests , Wars between them . To passe by * Waltramus Naumbergensis Episc . his Libellus de Investituris in defence of the Emperors right therin , written in that age . c Joannes Aventinus reciting Pope Adrians Decree , made and sworn to by him and the Council of Rome , * Nullum postea fore , neque Romanum , neque aliorum templorum Antistitem , nisiquem Carolus , successoresque ejus sciverint & jusserint , &c. Subjoyns , Defuncto igitur Praesule quopiam , Sacerdotes lituum cum annulo ad aulam mittebant , cui ea Princeps solenni ritu tradebat , is ejusdem fani Rector designatus erat . Ita observatum esse sine controversia ad Henrici quarti Imperium , legimus . Clarissimi quique & amplissimi viri , advenae etiam , ultro aulam frequentabant , spe dignitatis augendae , & adipiscendi Sacerdotii illecti , absque stipendio in omnibus Principi dicto obedientes erant , quemadmodum nostro aevo Romae fieri solet . Sub Henrico quarto , & Gregorio septimo cum maximo Reipublicae Christianae detrimento , de hoc aucupio armis , non citra sanguinem decertari coeptum ; Imp. veterem morem ( as they had just cause ) a tot sanctissimis Pontificibus traditum , comprobatumque , mordicus retinere ; Maximi Pontifices jam pares opibus Caesariis , in se trahere conabantur ; nec amplius ferre parem , nedum superiorem , dilati ab Imperatoribus nostris , & ad id fastigii perducti , poterant . Est omnino iniquum ( sicut ait Plinius ) sed nobis quoque usu jam receptum , quod honesta consilia vel turpia , prout male vel prosper●cedunt , ita aut probantur , vel reprehenduntur . Inde plerumque eadem facta , modo superstitionis , modo pietatis , modo Christi , modo Antichristi , modo justiciae , modo tyrannidis nomina accipiunt . Diutius in se Christiani Principes , summa pietatis ac religionis jactura debacchati sunt ( concerning Investitures . ) Vicit tandem Romanorum Flaminum fortuna . He elswhere observes , That d Hactenus ( till Pope Hildebrands Papacy ) Pontifices Romani Comitiis curiatis , calatis , a Sacerdotibus , equitatu , plebe , Senatu , pex omnium generum Suffragia electi fuerant , id tum ratum fuisse reperio , si Imperatores Romani , authores fierent , qui illos , sicuti alios Episcopos ad Concilia jure suo evocabant . Caeteros quoque universos Pontifices Monachorum , Mystarum Magistros , ex consilii decreto comitiis centuriatis , per suffragia purpuratorum , more majorum , Imperatores per Germaniam , Galliam , Teutoniam , Italiam , Romanum orbem sicuti in Carolo Magno commemoravi , capiebant . After this decree against Investitures , d Alii verbis quidem ambitus crimen abominabantur ; sed plus auri sub magna pietatis superficie , dum se gratis dare cuncta jactant , corrasere , plurisque Sacra venum dedere . Et tu vigilantissime Gregori , quidnam faceres , si nunc demum natus esses , quando divitias , opes ambire , Sacerdotia cauponari , sacra nundinari , & quasi defectos caballos , juxta commune dictum , commutare , jus est , et longinqua consuetudo , vulgo dici saepius audio ! Caeremoniae cum Pontifice , ara cum sacrificulo , templum cum aedituo , omnia venalia sunt . A Pontificibus minoribus , quos Sacrificos vocamus , sexcenti exiguntur aurei nummi , in tantum ut quosdam hoc munus obiisse poenituerit : et quosdam designatos , rursus quod non esset unde avaritiae Romanensium corvorum satiarent , abdicasse norim ; fenus quod ab aliis Pontif : redditur , quotannis a templis abraditur , majus est quam ut a me ( licet numerorum abaci perito ) numerari queat . Tum Simonia tibi Gregori erat ; nunc * absentium confirmationem , annatas , ac nescio quibus aliis nominibus nuncupari audio . This sin being disguised with other specious , yea lawfull Names in Popes , Bishops , Clergy-men and their Officers ; which is damnable unsufferable S●mony , Sacriledge and Idolatry too in Emperors , Kings , or Lay-Patrons by Pontifical Canonical Decrees : O Hildebrandian Papal Legerdemain ! * Antoninus ( with others ) makes this Popes Decree against Investitures per annulum & baculum , and proceedings thereupon against the Emperor , the ground of all their longlasting controversies ; Quumque ( writes he ) jam pax inter Sacerdotium & regnum videretur intervenisse ; rursus suadente Diabolo in Papam & Imperatorem schisma gravissimum ortum est . Cujus Schismatis causa haec fuisse videtur . Inoleverat consuetudo . praecipue in Imperio ( a * Caroli Magni Temporibus per 200. annos et amplius concessa et observata sub Summis Pontificibus illius temporis ; ) qua defungentibus Ecclesiarum Praelatis , annulus et baculus Pastoralis ad Dominum Imperatorem dirigebatur , unde postmodum unum , quemlibet de familiaribus et capellanis suis ad Ecclesiam vacantem dirigebat , ut ibi Pastoris fungeretur officio , non expectata Cleri electione . Quod Dominus Papa contra omnem honestatem fieri considerans , et jura Ecclesiastica in eo conculcari perpendens , semel , secundo , et tertio Imperatorem monuit , ut a tam detestabili praesumptione desisteret . Quumque praeceptis salutaribus commonitum , illum revocare non posset , et hoc suum esse jus allegat : ob hanc causam Gregorius Romae Concilium congregavit 110 Episcoporum ; In quo primo ipsum Henricum excommunicavit Imperatorem , tanquam perjurum et Ecclesiae Dei persecutorem et subversorem . Anathematizaverunt autem insuper , omnes Ecclesiasticas personas qui de manu alicujus secularis personae acciperent Investituram , et omnes Simoniacos anathematizavit . Inde grave ortum est scandalum : ita ut nullius Haeresis tempore Ecclesia Occidentalis graviori schismate sit divisa . Hi pro justitia , alii pro injustitia agebant . Alii a Simonia non declinabant . Aliis notam avaritiae honesto nomine praetexentibus , dum hoc quod se gratis dare , jactant , sub charitatis nomine vendunt . Et ( ut de Montano dicit Eusebius ) sub nomine oblationis artificius munera accipiunt . Pope , * Hildebrands Decrees against Investitures and Simony , are thus recorded by a Antoni●us and others ; Si quis deinceps Episcopatum vel Abbatiam de manu alicujus Laicae personae susceperit , nullatenus inter Episcopos vel Abbates habeatur , nec ulla ei ut Episcopo vel Abbati audientia concedatur . Insuper , & gratiam beati Petri et Ecclesiae introitum interdicimus , suspendimus , quousque locum quem sub crimine tam inobedientiae quam ambitionis , ex quo idololatria caepit , resipiscendo non deserit . Similiter , & de inferioribus dignitatibus constituimus . Item , si quis Imperatorum , Regum , Ducum , Marchionum , Comitum , vel qualibet secularium potestatum aut personarum , investituram Episcopatuum , vel alicujus Ecclesiasticae dignitaris dare praesumpserit , ejusdem Sententiae vinculo se esse obstrictum sciat . Officium Simoniacorum , scienter nullo modo recipiatis , & quantum potestis tales sanctis Ministeriis ubi oportuerit , prohibete . a William of Malmsbury records that Hildebrands Predecessor Gregory the 6. in an Oration to his Cardinals at Rome , ( when being sick and likely to die , ausu temerario persuaderent , ne se in Ecclesia Sancti Petri cum caeteris Apostolicis tumulari praeciperet , qui tot hominum mortibus officium faedasset ; ) used this expression to them concerning investitures . Laudatus est olim praedicandae memoriae praedecessor noster Adrianus primus , quod Investituras Ecclesiarum Carolo Magno concesserit , ita ut nullus Electus consecraretur ab Episcopo , nisi prius a Rege insigniretur annulo et baculo . Contra , laudatur in seculi nostri Pontificibus , quod has donationes tulerunt Principibus , Poterat tunc rationabiliter concedi , quod nunc laudabiliter debet auferri . Cur ita ? Quod erat animus Magni adversus avaritiam invictus , nec facile invenisset aditum aliquis , nisi intrasset per ostium . Praeterea , per * tot terrarum insterstitia nequibat requiri sedes Apostolica , ut unicuique electo accommodaret assensum suum , dum esset prope Rex , qui nihil per avaritiam disponeret , sed juxta sacra Canonum scita religiosas personas Ecclesis introduceret . Nunc omnia Palatia Regum , luxus & ambitus occupavit . Quare merito libertatem suam sponsa Christi asseverat , ne illam Tyrannus ambitioso usurpatori prostituat . Upon which pretexts , Pope Hildebrands made these Decrees , to rob Emperors and all others of Investitures , that Popes alone might enjoy the sales of all preferments . Hence b Alvarus Pelagius a Spanish Freer , flourishing about the year 1320. ( though a grand Champion of the Popes Supremacy ) thus complains , b Mundet igitur Dei Vicarius Curiam suam consuetudinibus Simonaicis , quia ad ipsum pauci intrant , qui non solvunt . Nullus quasi pauper hodie ad Papam intrare potest , & non auditur qui non habet quod solvat . Vix aliqua petitio exauditur per eum , nisi mediantibus interventoribus corruptis pecunia . Symoniacis contractibus Ecclesia populatur , pauperes excoriantur . Aurum sitiunt hodie Praelati , aurum bibunt . c In muneribus judicant , in mercede respondent , in pecunia damnant , pro pecuniis celebrant : Corpus Christi pro pecunia vendunt . Pro pecunia consecrant & ordinant ; & pro pecunia omnia conferunt Sacramenta . Sacramenta emunt , Sacramenta vendunt , sed gratiam non conferent quam non habent . Nihil accipitur gratis , nihil datur gratis , &c. Vendunt vocem , sigillum & calamum . d Vix credo , maxime in Hispania , quod de Centum Episcopis sit unus , qui non sit Simoniacus in ordinibus & beneficiis conferendis : Nam nec propter aliud Ordines celebrant , dantes suas benedictiones , a Domino maledicti , nisi ut lucrentur pecunias : unde in una ordinatione lucrabitur ibi Episcopus , nunc per expressas , nunc per tacitas Simonias suarum literarum , sigillorum , portatorum , matricularum obtentu CCCC . & quingentos , et eo amplius frequenter Florenos . Nec de hoc videntur habere conscientiam , occaecati a Domino in cupiditate sua , non consuetudinem sed corruptelam verius illius provinciae allegantes . e Hi ergo Praelati venales , aurum pro Spiritu sancto accipientes , lepram dederunt , & lepram sibi retinuerunt , & male quaesita mercede , non tam patrimonii facultatem quam the saurum criminum congregant , aeterno supplicio , & brevi fructu . O lepra contagiosa , lepra foetida usque ad aures Domini Sabaoth ! lepra labefaciens interiora vitalia , & sacra in Dei Ecclesia sacrificia ; abominabilis Deo & divinis hominibus apud homines incurabilis , soli Deo Christo Domino , qui apparere voluit tanquam leprosus , cura possibilis , sed rara & admirabilis . Quis hodie in Ecclesia Dei potest dicere verbum Pauli , Acts 20. Argentum & aurum & vestem nullius concupivi , vos ipsi scitis ? Utinam non fuerit mortis occasio , a * Constantino data Corona ex auro purissimo Ecclesiae sacrosanctae , in abutentibus hac corona . f Omnes de Saba veniunt , id est de terra Orientali ubi nascitur aurum optimum , Gen. 2. aurum , sed non thus deferentes ( Esa . 60. ) ad Romanam Curiam , et plumbum reportantes . Plus ponderat aurum quod datur pro isto plumbo , quam ipsum plumbum . Nam et frequenter pro ipsa Bulla plumbea , 50. 70 , &c. Floreni solvuntur . Sed pro plumbo datur aurum , ut de plumbo fiat majus aurum , quia quod quis emit , paratus est aliis vendere , et Simoniam committere . Recordentur Domini Praelati & alii Clerici de Crasso Dictatore Romano , qui aurum sitivit , & aurum bibit , aeque periit vero auro , sicut vero veneno . Petrus Cephas Ecclesiae , id est , Caput , ait , Acts 3. Argentum & aurum non est mihi . Praelatus hodie quilibet dicit ; Aurum & argentum est mihi ; sed non est ei quod sequitur , In nomine Jesu Christi Nazareni , surge & ambula : quia auro abutitur & aurum avet . Not long after , the antient Rythmus printed at the end of * Nicholaus de Clemangiis his Treatise de Corrupto Ecclesiae Statu , p. 29 , 30. thus complained of the Simony and Bribery of the Court of Rome ; Ibi nemo gratus gratis ; Nulli datur absque datis , Gratiam gratia . Plumbum quod hic informatur Super aurum dominatur , Et Massam argenteam . Sic instillant ●el Draconis , Et in sine Lectionis , Cogunt Bursam vomere . Tales Regunt Petri Navem , Tales habent Petri Clavem , Ligandi Potentiam . Cardinal●s , ut praedixi , Novo jure crucifixi , Vendunt Patrimonium . Foris Petrus , intus Nero ; Intus Lupi , foris vero Sicut Agni ovium , &c. Cuncta vorat sicut Leo , &c. Nicholaus de Clemangiis himself , Archdeacon of Baion , about the year 1430. in his Book De Corrupto Ecclesiae statu , c. 11. 15. & De Praesulibus Simoniacis , makes the like complaints as Alvarus Pelagius of the intollerable Simony of Popes , Cardinals , and Bishops , which you may there peruse at leisure . The Author of a Onus Ecclesiae ( a Popish conscientious * German Bishop , living above 150. years since ) cap. 19. De Indispositione Romanae Curiae , thus complains , sect : 8 , 11 , 12. Heu , sicut olim in Romano Imperio , sic hodie in Romana Curia , est vorago divitiarum turpissima ; crevit avaritia , periit Lex a Sacerdote , & visio a propheta , & consilium a senioribus : Claves Ecclesiae sunt in abusu , et servitute Simoniae et Ambitionis : Vitia enim ferme Curialium caelari , negarique vix possunt . Roma quasi gurges flagitiorum : ( Sequitur ex Brigitha ) Papa qui clamare deberet , b Venite , & invenietis requiem animarum vestrarum ; clamat , Venite ad Curiam meam , & videte me in purpura & ambitione plusquam Solomonem : Venite ad Curiam meam , & exhaurite bursas vestras , & invenietis perditionem animarum vestrarum : Sic enim clamat exemplo et facto . Ecce Roma nunc est Vorago et mammon inferni , ubi Diabolus totius avaritiae Capitaneus residet . vendens Patrimonium Christi , quod sua passione nobis promeruit : qui nobis praecepit , ut gratis demus , quod gratis acceperimus . Idcirco versum est in Proverbium ; Curia Romana non petit ovem sine lana : Dante 's exaudit , non dantibus ostia claudit . In Curia Romana residet superbia maxima , cupiditas insatiabilis , luxuria mihi ( Christo ) execrabilis , ac etiam vorago pessima horribilis Simoniae . He adds , c Sylvester secundus , per Simoniam et Magicam artem Pontificatum est consecutus . ( Since which time ) ultra quingentos annos usque modo ex divina permissione solutus est Satanas , qui suas malas immissiones non solum in adversarios Ecclesiae , id est infideles , sed etiam in ipsius Ecclesiae membra , id est , in Christianos reprobos effundit , operando in eis fallacias , & novas & inuntatas machinationes & oppressiones . d Plerique contra Ecclesiastica Statuta in Pontifices Simoniace electi , ambitiose intrusi , & aliquando in tantum vitiati fuerunt , quod rursus ab Ecclesia rejecti , e sede expulsi , damnatique sunt , ac interdum propter suos defectus manifeste a Deo percussi . Cap. 20. D● Excessibus Praelatorum : & cap. 21. De Praelatorum altorumque Curatorum vita vitiosa , he thus complaines : O quanta nunc est obduratio ab Ecclesia Dei ! Communiter ad Praelaturas intrant Simoniaci . Praelati sunt superbi , vani , pomposi , simonaici , avari , luxuriosi , ambitiosi , aut aliter vitiosi , &c. taking their president from Popes themselves . And cap. 25. sect . 9. Simonia contra Canonum Decreta in Clero jam ubique regnat . A minori usque ad majorem omnes Clerici avaritiae student , Qui dicunt , aquam nostram , id est donum Spiritus sancti pecunia bibimus , hoc est Simoniace administramus sacramenta Dei : ideo subjungitur : Linguam nostram pretio comparavimus , &c. Et tamen ad majoris damnationis cumulum illam Simonaicam pravitatem ex inveteratae consuetudinis jure , quidam malitiose defendere nituntur , qui cum Giezi & Simone condemnabuntur . I shall cloze up this Discourse concerning Hildebrands and other Popes Decrees against Investitures and Simony , with these memorable passages of a Claudius Esspencaeus , ( a learned Popish French Bishop ) in his Commentarie upon Pauls Epistle to Titus ; wherein he complains , that Popes and Popish Councils , instead of the long expected and promised reformation of the scandalous sinne of Simony , tot omnibus votis expectatum , atque a Paulo 3. viris doctissimis atque gravissimis delectis , delegata ; who found and informed him , Ejus Sanctitatem hodiernorum malorum inde principium esse ; quod Praedecessores ejus nonnulli prurientes auribus coacervaverunt sibi Magistros ad desideria sua , non ut a quibus discerent , quid facere deberent , sed quorum calliditate inveniretur ratio , qua liceret , quod liberet . Hinc effectum , ut prodirent adulatores potius quam Doctores , qui docerent , * Papa beneficiorum omnium esse Dominum ; ac ideo cum Dominus jure vendat id quod suum est , necessario sequi , in eum non cadere Simoniam : Ex hoc * fonte tot in Dei Ecclesiam abusus , et gravissimos morbos irrupisse , quibus ad salutis ea desperationem fere laboret , et quorum fama ad infideles usque damnet . Hanc praecipue ob causam Christianismum deridentes atque blasphemantes . Non licere ergo nec Christi Vicario in usu Clavium , sive potestatis , ab eo illi collatae lucrum aliquod comparare , hoc est gratis datum , non gratis dare , &c. He then observes , that from the gross notorious Simony of Popes , and their open , shameless sales of all sacred things , yea sales of Dispensations , for all detestable sins , all other Bishops , Clergy-men , and their Officials , openly practised this gainfull Trade of Simony . b Et ut quod quidam ait , A Bove majori discit arare minor . Minores non tantum Episcopi , sed & Archidiaconi , corumque malè officiosi ( absit verbo invidia , nam de malis loquor , quae plurima turba est , non de bonis quorum utinam major esset multitudo ) eorum , inquam officiales & vicarii , ( And may we not in England make the like just complaint ? ) plerunque , dum Diocaeses & Parocecias obequitant , non tam facinorosos , & criminum reos poenis & correctionibus a vitiis deterrent , quo fine peregrinationes hujusmodi olim jam fuerunt jure canonico ordinatae , quam pecunia praesenti et numerato titulo procurationis , ne dicam fictitiae jurisdictionis , emungunt et exugunt , tum Clericos , tum Laicos . Turpissimum , quod & hos cum concubinis , pellicibus , & meretriculis cohabitare , liberosque procreare simul , accepta ab eis , atque adeo alicubi a continentibus , certo quotannis censu ; habeat ( aiunt ) si velit ; & quoties enim quisque talis , cum tales tamen tam multi sint , hodie aliter punitur ? Quae scandala ex gravaminibus Germanicis passim collecta 1 , 2 , 5 , 8 , 67 , 74 , 75 , 84 , 91 , 15. Haec , inquam , lucra turpia , odio Pontificis Romani ficta sint , si non , quod aut & conqueritur ille , velut * Prostat , et in quaestu pro meretrice sedet , &c. Si quid Roma dabit ; nugas dabit , accipit aurum , Verba dat ; heu Romae nunc sola pecunia regnat . Quisquis opes sacras nummo reperire prophano Quaerit , eat Romam ; sacra sunt venalia Romae , Templa , Sacerdotes , &c. Templum est venale , Deusq . Prostat liber palam ac publice hic impressus , & hodieque ut olim venalis , Taxa Camerae , seu Cancellariae Apostolicae , inscriptus , in quo plus scelerum discas licet , quam in omnibus omnium vitiorum Summistis et Summariis , et plurimis quidem licentia , omnibus autem absolutio empturientibus proposita : parco nominibus , nam quod , ait nescio quis , Nomina sunt ipso pene timenda sono . Mirum hoc tempore , hoc schismate , non suppressum , tot tamque foedorum , tamque horrendorum scelerum velut indicem , adeo infamem , ut non putem in Germania , Helvetia , & ubicunque a Romana sede defectum est , opus prostare majore hujus scandalo , & adeo tamen non supprimitur ab Ecclesiae Romana favissoribus , ut tantorum ac talium facinorum licentiae ac impunitatis , in facultatibut Legatorum illinc huc venientium , bona ex parte innoventur atque confirmentur , adversus ( si Deo placet ) quaecunque fatalia restituendi , ac etiam quoscunque Spurios , Manseres , Bastardos , ex quocunque illicito coitu , & cum his qui se per adulterium pollueriut , ut connubere possint , perjuros , simoniacos , falsarios , item raptores , usurarios , schismaticos , haereticos , sed ad cor reversos , non absolvendi tantum , sed et ad ordines , honores , dignitates , et beneficia quaecunque , quotcunque , qualiacunque , dispensandi ; homicidas quoque , sed casuales seu involuntarios , nam nec voluntarios quidem excepit Taxa superior , Presbytericidas , parricidas , matricidas , fratricidas , sororicidas , uroricidas , insonticidas , veneficas , incantatrices , concubinarios , adulteros , incestos cum affinibus aut consanguineis , denique contra naturam cum brutis , &c. Habeat jam Roma pudorem , et tam nullius frontis criminum omne genus Catalogum prostituere desinat . These were the fruits , designs of Pope Hildebrands decrees against Simony , that he and his Successors might be the sole Merchants of all Ecclesiastical Preferements , Indulgences , Pardons , Sins and universal Simoniacks in and over the Church of Christ . All which ( with other historical passages hereafter cited ) duly considered , it will appear most just , rational , advantagious for the Church of Christ , that as the Investitures , Donations , Collations of the Papacy it self , all other Bishopricks and Ecclesiastical Benefices , did antiently of right belong to Christian Emperors , Kings , Princes , till forcibly wrested out of their hands by Popes and Popish Prelats : so they should in all Realms henceforth resume , perpetuat thē in their hands ; not in Popes , Bishops or Clergymens , who have bin so universally , infamously overspread , defiled with the foulest Leprosy of real Simony , as this grand reformer of Simoniaks , Hildebrand was . Of whom yet his followers record this forged Miracle . a In Gallia vice Papae praesederat concilio , ibique plures Episcopi , olim per Simoniam in Ecclesias introducti , degradati potioribus locum dedere . Unus erat , quem suspitio istius Apostasiae insimulabat , sed nullis testibus argui , nullis argumentis confutari poterat : quem cum putares constrictum maxime , more anguis lubrici elapsum mirarers , ita dicendi arte callebat , ut omnes eluderet . Tunc Archidiaconu , Cesset hominis eloquium , producatur in medium divinum oraculum . Scimus profecto quod Episcopalis gratia Sancti Spiritus munus est , & quisquis Episcopatum mercatur , Sancti Spiritus donum posse comparari pecunia opinatur . Coram nobis ergo , qui Judicio Spiritus sancti congregati sumus , dicat iste , Gloria Patri , & Filio , & Spiritui sancto : quod si expresse , & sine titubantia dixerit , constabit apud me , illum non venaliter , sed legitime praesulatu functum : Libens hanc conditionem ille accepit , nihil minus quam horum verborum difficultatem ratus ; & vere , Gloria Patri & Filio , integre protulit , sed in Spirtu sancto , haesit . Suscitato cunctorum strepitu nullo conatu vel tunc , vel in reliquo vitae spatio Spiritum sanctum nominare potuit . Hujus miraculi testis fuit Abbas saepe nominatus , qui dejectum Episcopum per loca secum ducens , illius rei experimentum saepe risit : de quorum verborum certitudine dubitantem , omnis Europa confutat , quae Cluniacensis religionis numerum , per eum augmentatum non nescit . If this relation , upon the Abbot of Clungy his reputation be true , I doubt this Pope with * all his Successors , most Romish Cardinals , Prelates , as deeply guilty of the sinne and heresie of Simony as this Bishop , would be as unable to pronounce the Name of the Holy Ghost , when ever they repeated Gloria Patri in any Council , Masse , or Church , as he . 2ly . As Pope Gregories Decrees against Investitures , under pretext of preventing Simony , introduced all sorts of Simony , corruption , yea sales of all Sacraments and sins into the Church of Rom● ; and then this bold a assertion of Canonists to justifie it , Praesertim in Papa locum non videtur habere posse Simonia , quia de omnibus Ecclesiis et bonis earum libere potest disponere : unde si Ecclesiis dandis alicui Papa pecuniam recipit , non videtur committere Simoniam , quia possit bona ipsius Ecclesiae tollere & Ecclesiam . Item nec pecunia quam reciperet pro praestando gratiam spiritus sancti , vel pro praestatione sacramentorum , quia cum possit ab Ecclesiasticis , suadente necessitate , pecunias exigere ; non erit judex qui possit vel debeat judicare , utrum pro alienatione gratiae spiritus sancti acciperet , aut ex alia causa , quia Papa à nemine judicatur . Concluding positively : Quod quamvis Simonia sit peccatum gravissimum , pro ipsa tamen , vel pro quocunque alio crimine quantumcunque gravissimo , Papa non potest ab alio judicari , vel propter delictum deponi , etiamsi delictum soret notorium scandalizans Ecclesiam . ( Though Doctor Thi●rry , Barthol●mius Buxie●sis , in their b Gloss on Gratian informs us : Legitur in Chronicis , quod Benedictus 10. qui successit Steph ejectus est de Pontisicatu , et factus est Papa Iohannis Sabiensis Episcopus pro pecunia , cui impositum nomen Sylvester , et iste ettam dejectus est , et deinde iterum reparatus et restitutus est Benedictus , et iterum ejectus est Benedictus , et datus Papatus Iohanni Archipresbytero ante portam Latinam , cui impositum est nomen Gregorius● et hic ab Henrico Imperatore est depositus , et ultra montes translatus , ( and that for Simony ) Hoc totum uno anno factum est , et propter hoc datum fuit privilegium Henrico ; to elect , constitute the Pope , as c aforesaid . ) So on the other hand Pope Hildebrand's violent Decrees and Edicts against married Priests Wives and Masses , introduced all manner of Uncleaness , Whoredome , Adultery and Sodomy it self amongst unmarried Popes , Prelates ; Cardinals , Clergymen , Votaries of the Roman Church ; yea an * avowed toleration , Patronage of Whoredom , publick Stews , Whores in ROME it self , together with an annual tribute to Popes and their Officers both from Whores and Priests . Hence d Johannis Andreat , Johannis de Aton , and other Canononists in their Gloss on Otho●s Constitutions , are not ashamed to publish . Videtur quod crimen Meretricii sub dissimulatione transire debet Ecciesia ; Nam et Mareschallus Papae de facto exigit Tributum a Meretricibus , et hoc forte , ad ma●o malum ev●tandum non est culpandum . These publick Harlots , constituted Popes themselves before Hildebrands time , and in most ages since Priests wives prohibited , they have been highly 〈◊〉 , courted like Princes and Ladies even in Rome it self at noon-day , as well as in the night , by disguised Cardinals and Clergy-men ; as Paul the 3d. his own e Cardinals thus informed him : In hac etiam urbe Meretrices , ut Matronae , incedunt per urbem , seu Mula vehuntur ; quas affectantur de media die Nobiles , familiares Cardinalium , praesertim noctu : nulla in urbe videmus hanc corruptionem praeterquam in hac omnium exemplari : Habitant etiam insignes aedes : Yea f Peter Martyr adds , Vehuntur per publicum habitu Principum ; Sedent in equis gradiariis , &c. Habent secum Torquatos & Larvatos Comites , interdum etiam Cardinalium , praesertim noctu , & ancilarum sumptuosissimam gregem . Nunc , O Deus bone , quomodo Romae coercentur Meretrices ? Yea , g to prevent the Emperors & other Kings punishing and reformation of these abuses , they exempted all Clergy-men from their Tribunals , and the accusations of Laymen , decreeing , that no Cardinal should be convicted , condemned of adultery , whoredom , &c. but by 72. witnesses , no Cardinal Priest but by 64. no Cardinal Deacon or Bishop but by 24. nor Sub-deacon or Cardinal of inferior degree , nor Bishop but by 7. witnesses at least . And those would be more than impudent , who durst commit whoredom , adultery , or sodomy in the open view of so many Priests or Clergy men ; or yet of Laymen , though disabled to accuse them by their Canons . It is very observable , 1. That d Pope Hildebrand himself , as Lambertus Schasnaburgensis , and sundry others record , was not only suspected , but openly accused , and branded for his incontinency , especially with the Countesse Machtil●a , whom he divorced from her husband , that he might the more intirely and securely enjoy carnal copulation with her , Machtilda Pontificis lateri pene Comes individua adhaerebat , eumque imo colebat affectu . Ubicunque opera ejus Papa indiguisset , ocyus aderat , & tanquam Patri vel Domino sedulum exhibebat officium : unde nec evadere potuit incestiamoris suspicionem , passim jactantibus Regis fautoribus & praetipue Clericis , quibus illicita & contra scita Canonum contracta conjugia prohibebat , quod die et nocte impudenter Papa in ejus volutaretur amplexibus , et illa furtivis Papae amoribus praeoccupata , post amissum conjugem , ultra secundas contrahere nuptias detrectaret . Hence Domniz g a Priest thus writes of her : Postposuit Regem , per tres tenuit pia menses Gregorium Papam , cui servit , ut altera Martha . Auribus intentis capi●bat sedula mentis Cuncta patris dicta , ceu Christi verba Maria. Propria clavigero sua subdidit omnia Petro ; Janitor est Coeli suus haeres , ipsaque Petri. 2ly . That h Petrus D●m●anus living in that age , retired from Rome , as from Sodom and Gomorrah , leaving his Cardinalship and Bishoprick there , betaking himself to a Hermits life , writ a Book , entituled De Correctione Episcopi & Papae : yea Gomorhaeus , describing sodomy , filthiness wherewith the Popes , Cardinals , Prelates , & the Court of Rome were then 〈◊〉 ( which last Book Pope Alexander the 2d . stole from the Author and suppressed , occasionem cap●ans , quod obscaenius rem expressisset : ) whence i Cardinal * Beronius himself is enforced thus to display the Sodomitical filthyness of that age . Vepres infausti , spinae & urticae agrum Patris-familiaes in immensum oppleverant , qui ex putore carnis , corruptionis fimo turpiter excreverant : Omnis quippe caro corruperat viam suam , ut non tantum ad eas abluendas sordes videretur satis esse diluvium ; sed nefanda scelera ignem ecaelo Gomorrhaeum , quo exusta est Pentapolis , postularent . Yea Jo●nnes de Casa , Bishop of Beneventum in Italy , was so impudent as i to write a Book in justification of Sodomy , stiling it , a sweet and pleasant sin ; confessing that he ( and others of his Roman Brethren ) used no other carnal copulation but this , preferred before the sacred Ordinance , and Romish Sacrament of Marriage it self , by the Pandors of the Whore of Babylon . 3ly . That Saint k Bernard himself , living in and after that age , thus reprehends the pompous apparel , unchast Sodomitical lives of the Hildebrandian Virgin , unmarried Prelates , Priests , Clergy of those times , Ministri Christi sunt , & serviunt Antichristo : honorati incedunt de bonis Domini , cui honorem non deferunt . Vnde hinc est eis quem quotidie videmus meritricius nitor , histronicus habitus , satanicus apparatus , &c. Episcopi vero et Sacerdotes hujus temporis castitatem et sanctimoniam ( sine qua nemo videbit Deum ) tam in corde quam in corpore , quomodo student observare ? Certe Dominus dixit in Evangelio ad Episcopos , haud dubium in primitiva Ecclesia , sint lumbi vestri praecincti : castitatem approbans non tantum , sed etiam praecipiens . Isti autem castitatis insigne qualiter custodiunt , qui traditi in reprobum sensum , * faciunt quae non conveniunt ? ( alluding to the sodomy and filthyness of the Gentiles , Rom. 1. 24. to 30. whereof they were guilty ) quae enim in occulto facta ab Episcopis , turpe est dicere . Melius itaque arbitror super hoc dissimulare & superseaere , quam aliquid unde scandalizentur innocentes & inexperti , dicere . Sed ego cur verecundor dicere , quod ipsi non verecundantur facere ? Imo quol Apostolus non verecundatur scribere & publicare : Dicit autem egregius praedicator ; Sic , l masculi in masculos operantes turpitu sinem & mercedem sui erroris reportantes . Fatres , factus sum insipiens , vos me coegistis . And in Cant. Serm. 66. Tolle De Ecclesia honorabile connubium , &c. Nonne reples eam concubinariis , incestuosis , seminifluis , mollibus , masculorum concubitoribus , et omni denique genere immundorum ? 4ly . That m Mathew Paris a Monk , records how Pope Innocent the 4th . his Cardinals and Court departing from Lions in France , ( where they had continued near seven years ) unto Millain : upon this occasion , Frater Hugo Cardinalis , quasi ex parte Domini Papae valedicens civibus Lugdunensibus , ( ermonem populo fecit generalem . Et postquam omnes eleganter informasset , & informando ex parte Dom. Papae & totius Curiae civiliter salutasset , unum sermonem addidit , quem duximus huic paginae , propter Satyricam reprehensionem inserere . Amici , magnam fecimus postquam in hanc urbem venimus , utilitatem et elemosinam : quando enim primum huc venimus tria vel quatuor Prostibula invenimus , sed nunc recedentes unum solum relinquimus : Verum ipsum durat continuatum ab Orientali porta Civitatis , usque ad Occidentalem . Et erat verbum offensionis in auribus omnium mulierum , quarum infinita multitudo sermoni assedebat . Omnes enim Civitatem inhabitantes , voce praeconia convocabantur ex parte Domini Papae recessuri . Haec autem i●onia in ore multorum versabatur , quia Cynice remordet universos . This Cynical Irony thus publickly uttered by the Cardinal in the Pulpit , before the Pope himself , his Cardinals , Court , Clergy , and all the Citizens summoned to hear his Farewel Sermon , preached by the Pope's appointment , and in his name , right , was certainly an unquestionable though satyrical truth , That the Pope , his Cardinals , Prelates , Court , had made that whole City ( as they had done Rome whiles there ) but one universal continued Stewes from East to West : such was the fruit of their vowed chastity . 5ly . That * Sigebertus Gemblacensis , flourishing and writing in that age , g Matthew Paris , h Florentius Wigorniensis , two English Monks , i Johannis Bromton , k Radulphus de Diceto , l Aventinus , and m sundry others out of them , reciting this Popes Decrees against married Priests : Si qui sunt Presbyteri aut Diaconi aut Subdiaconi , qui in crimine fornicationis jaceant ( to wit , by living chastly with their own Wives ) interdicimus eis ex parte omnipotentis Dei & sancti Petri authoritate , Ecclesiae introitum , usque dum paeniteant , & emendent . Si qui vero in peccato suo perseverare maluerint , nullus vestrum eorum praesumat audire officium , quia benedictio corum vertitur in maledictionem , & oratio in peccatum , testante Domino , per Prophetam , Maledicam ( inquit ) benedictionibus vestris , Qui vero huic saluberrimo praecepto obedire noluerint , idololatriae peccatum incurrent ; Samuele instante & beato Gregorio instruente , quoniam peccatum ar●olandi est non obedire , & quasi scelus idololatriae , non acquiescere . Pass this Censure on it : Iste Papa in Synodo generali , uxoratos Sacerdotes , a divino removet officio & Laicis Missas eorum audire interdixit novo exemplo , et ( ut multis visum est ) inconsiderato judicio , contra Sanctorum Patrum sententiam , * qui scripserunt , quod Sacramenta , quae in Ecclesia fiunt , Baptisma , Chrisma , Corpus Christi & Sanguis , Spiritu sancto invisibiliter cooperante , eorundem Sacramentorum effectum habeant , seu per bonos , seu per malos intra Dei Ecclesiam dispensentur ; tum quia Spiritus Sanctus mystice illa vivificat , nec bonorum meritis amplificantur , nec peccatis malorum attenuantur . Ex qua re , tam grave oritur Scandalum , ut nullius haeresis tempore , sancta Ecclesia graviori sit Scismate discissa , his pro justitia , illis contta justitiam agentibus . Porro , paucis continentiam observantibus ; aliquibus eam causa Lucri ac jactantiae simulantibus , multis incontinentiam perjurio multipliciori adulterio cumulantibus : ad haec , hac oportunitate Laicis insurgentibus contra sacros ordines , & se ab omni Ecclesiastica subjectione excutientibus , Laici sacra mysteria temerant , & de his disputant , infantes baptizant , sordido aurium humore pro sacro Chrismate utentes & oleo , in extremo vitae viaticum Dominicum , & usitatum Ecclesiae obsequium sepulturae a * Presbyteris uxoratis accipere parvi pendunt . Decimas etiam Presbyteris debitas , igne cremant , corpus Domini a Presbyteris uxoratis consecratum , pedibus saepe conculcant , & sanguinem Domini voluntarie frequenter in terram effundunt . To which Aventinus subjoyns : Porro paucissimis Veneri bellum indicantibus , quibusdam castitatem jactantiae quaestus ergo simulantibus , maxima pars sub honesto castimoniae nomine , stupra , incestus , adulteria passim et impune committunt . Et tu vigilantissime Gregori , quid nam faceres , si te fortuna ad nostra tempora servasset , et nunc demum natus esses , quando amare , potare , stupra , incestus committere , vim puellis inferre , virgines viciare , alienas permolere uxores , ( adeo ut caudax salax sacrificulorum in proverbium , vel vulgo protritum abieret , ) munus sacerdotale censetur ! 6ly . That Alvarus Pelagius a Spanish Freer writing about the year of Christ , 1330. in his Book De Planctu Ecclesiae , thus complained of the execrable Unchastity , uncleaness , venery , sodomy of Bishops , Priests , all sorts of Clergy-men and Votaries , especially in Spain , Apulia and Italy , ever since this Hildebrandian Decree against theirs wives . Sequitur Apoc. 18. ) n Et custodia omnis spiritus immundi , quia intra Ecclesiam omnia peccata inveniuntur hodie , quae immunda dicuntur , quia immundam faciunt animam , maxime spiritus immunditiae fornicationis . Quis enim Clericorum intra sanctam Ecclesiam castitatem servat ? rarus est . Perpauci enim hodie sunt Presbyteri , maxime in Hispania & regno Apuliae , quin sunt publici Concubinarii . Episcopi & Presbyteri nimis incontinenter vivunt , & utinam nunquam continentiam promisissent , maxime Hispani & Regricolae , in quibus Provinciis in pauco majori numero sunt filii Laicorum quam Clericorum . Et ( quod sceleratius est ) per plurimos annos de latere concubinae qualibet die surgunt , non praemissa confessione vel hypocritali , cum proposito redeundi , & procedunt ad altare ad terrificam hostiam consecrandam , panem pollutum quantum in eis est , Domino , no , cordibus & labiis scelestis offerentes ; Contra sanctam castitatem quam Domino promiserant , Sic offendunt continuo etiam publice , praeter ea nefandssima quae in occultis perpetrant , quod nec chartae reciperent ; nec posset calamus exarare , de quorum immundicia saepe dispersim in hoc opere pertractavi . Non est ergo mirum si mulieres suspectas tenent in domo contra Canones . Nay these unchast Popish Cardinals , Prelates , Priests , Votaries proceeded from Fornication and Adultery , to secret and open Sodomy , of which * Alvarus thus complains : Plangit Ecclesia peccata populi , maxime Clericorum , quasi majora peccato Sodomorum , &c. Adolescentibus impudice abusi sunt , heu , heu intra sanctam Ecclesiam multi Religiosi et Clerici in suis latibulis et conventiculis , et jam in plerisque Civitatibus maxime in Italia ( within the Pope's own Jurisdiction ) publice quodammodo nefandum gymnasium constituunt et palestram , p in illius flagitii abominatione se exercentes , et optimi quique epheborum in lupanari ponuntur , ut factum fuit Hierusolomis tempore Machabeorum , 2 Mach. 4. Soli verbo tali faedatur os , polluitur aer , &c. Hoc flagitium utinam secundum leges ultore gladio puniretur , cum timor Dei eos à tanto malo non revocat . ●erro enim necesse est ut abscindantur vulnera , quae fomentorum non senserunt Disciplinam . Tales ergo infames insurgentibus legibus , armatis viribus sunt ultore gladio feriendi , to wit of Christian Kings , Emperors , Magistrates ; seeing Sodomitical Popes , Prelates then , and since , either would not or could not reform them ; much less this lecherous Hildebrand . I might at large inform you , what Nicholaus de Clemangiis , Archdeacon of Bayon , in his Book De corrupto Ecclesiae statu , c. 13. 14 , 15. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 25 , 26. records of the Incontinency , lechery , Sodomy of Romish Cardinals , Bishops , Priests , Monks , Nuns in his age , what Theodoricus de Niem . Nem. Vnionis , p. 5. & 137. Cla●dius Espencaeus , De Continentia , lib. 4. & Comment in Titum , c. 1. Cornelius Agrippa , De Vanitate Scientiarum , cap. 62 , 63. Guicciardin Histor . l. 1. Polydorus Virgilius De Inventoribus Rerum , l. 5. c. 4. Mantuanus , l. 3. & 6. Cuyckius . Speculum Concubinar . Udo●ricus . Epistola ad Nicolaum De Caelib . Clericorum , Alanus Charter , cited by Joannes Marius De Scismate & Concil . p. 264 , 467. Gravamina Germaniae , drawn up at the Diet of No●inberg . nu . 31 , & 91. with others of the Roman Religion have largely written of his Subject . But I shall conclude with the noble a Picus Mirandula his brief , though sad complaint , That in Elyes time the Priests slept with the Women at the door of the Tabernacle , but in our time they break into the sacred Houses , ( & proh pudor ) Women are brought in to satisfie their Lusts , and Boyes that are sodomitically abused against Nature , are lent and given them by their Parents , and these Boyes afterwards are made Priests . with our own * Robert Holcot his Confession of the Priests in his age : Proh dolor , Sacerdotes moderni sunt Angeli Sathanae , per discordiam ; Angeli Apostatici , per superbiam ; Angeli Incubi , per luxuriam ; Sacerdotes Priapi , vel Beelphegor . Hunc vilissimum Deum ( Priapum whom he there describes ) excolunt non pauci Sacerdotes moderni , Discipuli illius maligni Angeli de quo loquitur Paulus , 2 Corinth . 12. Datus est mihi stimulus carnis , Angelus Sathanae qui me colophasset . And with the complaints in Onus Ecclesiae , ( written by a German Bishop of the Romish perswasion ) which are very observable , cap. 8. sect . 4. Oblationes fidelium hodie rarescunt , non offerunt Decem , quoniam Ecclesiastici plures expendunt in usus meretricantium , quam indigentium pauperum , &c. cap. 21. sect . 10. 15. Ecce modo Praelati & Sacerdotes , natant in comessationibus , cubilibus , & impudicitiis ; solvunt fraenum carnalis concupiscentiae , tam in se , quam in suis subditis , &c. cap. 23. sect . 8. * Caeterum Sacerdotes frequenter fornicationibus coinquinantur , maxime Curati sordescunt in concubinatu adeo manifesto , quod nulla tergiversatione celari possint . Et quamvis Concubinarii sunt ab ipso officio suspensi , tamen a celebratione missarum aliisque actibus ecclesiasticis nequaquam abstinent , quin divinis se continuo immisceant , ob hoc irregularitatem incurrentes . As for the chastity of Monks and Nunnes , he renders us this account out of St. Catherine of Sienna , and others , cap. 22. sect . 6. 12. Religiosi collocati sunt in religione velut Angeli , sed quamplurimi sunt daemonibus deteriores , incontinentes , dissoluti , &c. Religiosi facti sunt arma Diaboli . In Ecclesiis enim Cathedralibus quam Conventualibus hodie plerumque faeces mundi Ecclesiasticis gubernaculis praeficiuntur , utpote quibus mundus uti vel frui nequit . Tandem de moribus Monialium perversis , non audeo , imo pudeo dicere , quia suspicor , ne meis verbis quempiam virginum Deo dicatarum coetum reddam suspectum ; attamen istum quoque gradum paucis attingere conor . Sunt namque nonnulla Monialium monasteria , e quibus professas juxta regulae tenorem nunquam exire vel quempiam introire decet , adeo propatula , ut ipsa loca Veneris prostibulo sint similiora , quam Dei sacrario . Hinc procacitas , stuprum , incestus mulierum sacratarum ; hinc quoque verenda scandala & offendicula oriuntur quamplurima , quae singula recensere jam nolo . What sinks of uncleaness , whoredom , adultery , sodomy , our English Monasteries were found to be before their dissolutions , you may read at large in John Bales Acts of English Votaries , the Records in the Augmentation-office . Henry Stephen his Apology for Herodotus ; cap. 21. f. 183. Speeds History of Great Britain , lib. 9. cap. 21. sect . 161. p. 143 , 144. John Weaver his Funeral Monuments , &c. c. 12. & 15. whose Sensualities , Adulteries , Whoredomes , Sodomies , Murders of Bastard-infants , as they defiled their Cells to their final overthrow , so let their remembrance for ever stain the memory of this leacherous Hildebrand , and Religion of the * Great whore of Babilon , which defiles the bed of Priests lawfull marriage , and yet dispenseth for mony , with such prodigious crying sins , sinners : There being at the dissolution no less than 15. Sodomitical Monks in Battle Abby , 8. in Canterbury , besides Adulterers , Whoremasters ; John White Prior of Bermonsey Abby keeping no lesse than 20. VVhores , to satisfie his unsatiable lustfull cloystred Virginity ; which enforced Godly Christian Princes , by their Supreme Ecclesiastical Authority , to suppress when they could not reform these Nurseries of Uncleaness . These prodigious , unchast , sodomical consequences of prohibiting Priests marriages are a sufficient evidence not only of the lawfulness , but expedience , yea necessity of their marrying , when or where they cannot live chast without it ; * Gratian himself confessing , Copula Sacerdotalis , nec Legali , nec Evangelica , nec Apostolica authoritate prohibetur ; the legality whereof in point of conscience , I shall briefly evidence against all Hildebrandians by these following Scripture Arguments , wherewith I long since so silenced a vaunting Romish Priest , ( who held our Ministers no Priests because married ) that he had not one word to reply . 1. That God himself instituted Marriage in the state of Innocency a before Adam's fall , when he had nearest communion with God ; therefore it cannot defile or incapacitate any of his posterity , to be a Bishop , Priest or Minister of God. 2ly . That Gods primitive command to Adam and Eve in the state of Innocency at the first institution of Matrimony ; and to Noah and his Sons after the stood ; b Increase and multiply , and replenish the earth , by the use of lawfull Matrimony ; extended to Adam , Noah , and all their Posterity in succession to the end of the world ; ( and that as a special priviledge and benediction , not a curse ; it being a c curse to be childless , but a d blessing to have children , posterity , as the Scripture oft resolves . ) Therefore to Priests , Clergy-men , they all being Adam's and Noah's posterity , as well , as much as others , and so not to be debarred from this special blessing . 3ly . That e Adam himself , and the first born , Patriarch of every Family , during the law of Nature , even from Adam's creation till the institution of the Levitical Priesthood , were the only Priests and Ministers of God to offer Sacrifices , instruct their Children , Families in the fear and worship of God , to bless them , and pray for them : Now these were f married to propagate Mankind , perpetuate Posterity , and the Church , by God's own precept , without the least restraint or any impediment at all to their primitive Priesthood ; Therefore Priests may be so too under the Gospel . 4ly . That g Aaron the first High-priest under the Law , all the h High-priests succeding him , who were types of Christ himself , and i entred once a year at least into the Holy of Holyes , were all married , having Wives and Children : That the other k Levitical Priests , Levites and Church-officers under the Law , were all married , or permitted freely to marry without restraint , being High-priests , Priests , Levites only by descent and succession in the self-same Tribe , not by election and mere ordination ; God himself prescribing what l Persons they should marry , and what not ; their Wives , Marriages , Children , no wayes disabling or hindering them from the execution of their Priestly Offices , as the Scriptures abundantly evidence . Yea the Prophets likewise had both m Wives and children under the Law ; therefore all Bishops , Priests , Prophets , Ministers under the Gospel , by parity of reason may , or ought to be married , and to enjoy their Wives , Children without any impediment to their Ministry : There being no divine inhibition to the contrary , as Clemens Alexandrinus Stromatum . l. 3. & 7. long since resolved . 5ly . That n Christ himself , under the Gospel , with his Mother and Disciples honored Marriage not only with their presence at it , but by Christs working his very first Miracle , in turning water into Wine , to adorn this Solemnity , and manifest his glory thereat . 6ly . That Christ in the o Gospel , not only , not repealed , but approved , ratified the use of Marriage according to its primitive institution at the creation , which he rehearsed , reducing the Jews unto it , who had swarved therefrom : adding this farther divine seal and codicil thereunto ; What God hath therefore joyned together , let no man put asunder . By which he justified its use , lawfulness under the Gospel , to be as universal , extensive , free from the least restriction in relation to Priests , as it was at the Creation , and before his incarnation , and prohibits * Priests divorses from their Wives , by any human or Papal Roman Canons whatsoever . 7ly . That it is evident both p by Scriptures , and q Fathers , that the Apostle Peter himself , James , Philip the Evangelist , all Christs Apostles except Saint John , yea St. Paul himself were married , and had Wives , without any reprehension , restraint from Christ , or disability to exercise their Apostolical , Episcopal or Ministerial functions . Therefore all other Evangelists , Bishops , Elders , Priests , Deacons , may lawfully and laudably marry , without prejudice to their Spiritual functions , as well as they : as sundry godly r Bishops , Priests , Deacons , and several Popes too married and had Wives in the primitive Ages of the Church , for many hundred years after Christ , ( as they ever had and still have in the Greek Churches ) till , yea after Hildebrands time , when they were by force and absolute tyranny divorsed from them . 8ly . The Spirit of God resolves by Paul himself , That * Marriage is honourable to ALL ( whether Male or Female ; Popes , Bishops , Monks , Priests , Clergy-men of all sorts , as well as others ) and the Bed undefiled . Therefore to all Popes , Bishops , unmarried Priests , Votaries , unlesse they will deny themselves to be comprised under the universal word All , and make themselves Beasts or Angels . But Whoremongers and Adulterers ( as * most unmarried Prelates , Priests and Romish Votaries have been , and still are ) God will judge . 9ly . God himself by the Truth inspired hand , pen of Saint Paul , gives this universal advise , if not precept to every man and woman , ſ Let EVERYMAN ( therefore every Pope , Bishop , Priest , Deacon , as well as Layman ) have his own Wife , and every Woman her own Husband , rendring this unanswerable reason for it , for it is better to marry then to burn ; better for every man , for any man ; Therefore for Popes , Bishops , Priests , Monks , who burn as much , if not more than any others . 10ly . That t marriage , ( especially of Christs Ministers under the Gospel ) most lively represents , typifies to Christians , the conjugal union , love , affection that is between our Lord Iesus Christ , his Church , and every true Believer ; the Church in Scripture being stiled u Christ's Spouse , the x Lamb's wife , to whom he is said to y be married , yea to be her Husband , and to whose marriage all Christians are invited . Therefore it can no ways unfit , or disable Popes , Bishops , Priests , Ministers ( who pretend they have nearest approaches to , and union , communion with Jesus Christ , engrossing to themselves the Title of his Church , Spouse ) to enjoy or execute their holy Functions in his Church , as Popes decree and dictate . 11ly . That God himself by St. Paul ( the only pretended Patron , Patern of Priests single , unmarried lives ) hath in precise terms , in two several Epistles to z Timothy and a Titus , ( Diocesan Bishops of Ephesus and Creet , as most b Pontificians and Prelates assert ) prescribed Marriage as a necessary qualification , amongst others , for all Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , allowing them , ( without the least inhibition or restraint ) to be the Husband of one Wife , yea to have Wives and Children lawfully begotten on them , in these positive words : A Bishop then must be blameless , the Husband of one Wife , vigilant , &c. one that ruleth well his own House , having his Children in subjection , with all gravity . Likewise must the Deacons be grave , &c. Let the Deacons be the Husbands of one Wife , ruling their Children and their own Houses well : Even so must their Wives ( to wit , of Presbyters , Bishops , Deacons , ) be grave , no Slanderers , sober , faithfull in all things , chast , Keepers at home , &c. Which qualifications were purposely inserted into these Texts by Gods special providence , to justifie the lawfulness of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons marriages , wives , and conjugal estate , against all Papal subsequent Decrees , Canons prohibiting them ; Which qualifications both c Gratian , and other Popish Canonists , Writers concerning the Ordination , qualification of Bishops , Priests , Deacons , recite , retain : yet impudently endeavour to elude by these two irrational shifts , diametrically repugnant to the words and sence of these unanswerable Texts . The 1. evasion is , That the Husband of one Wife , is intended only of the time past , of Bishops , Priests , Deacons , before they are admitted in to these Orders , not present or future time ; of such who are to be actually ordained Bishops , Priests , Deacons , at the time of their Ordination , or after admittance to these Orders . To wit , d that no Person who hath had two Wives , either together or successively , or maried a Widow , though both Wives be actually dead or divorced from him , ought to be ordained a Bishop , Priest or Deacon , or admitted to claim or enjoy the benefit of Clergy in criminal cases : but only single Persons , or such who have formerly had but one Wife , from which they must be separated either by death or divorce , before they must be ordained ; their actual marriage and cleaving to one Wife , disabling them by their Papal Constitutiors either to receive Orders , or to retein or exercise these their Functions after their Ordinations . I answer , 1. That this Papal restriction of Paul's qualifications only to such as are to be ordained Bishops , Priests , Deacons , before their Ordination , without relating to those who are such , is 1. Directly contrary to the letter of the Text ; which describes the qualifications of such who are * actual Bishops , Priests , Deacons , as well at and after the time of their ordinations , as before , as the words in the present and future ( not preterperfect ) tence , A Bishop then must be blameless , the Husband of one Wife , &c. positively resolve . Now no Person by the e Popes , Canonists , Schoolmens resolutions , is or can be a Bishop , Priest , Deacon , or exercise these Functions in the Church before he be actually ordained : Therefore this qualification applyed to them as and whiles they are Bishops , Priests , Deacons , must be intended after their admission to these Orders , rather than before . 2ly . This restriction of it only to the time past , preceding their Ordinations ; turns , A Bishop then must be the Husband of one wife ; Let the Deacons be the Husband of one wife , into , Let him not be the Husband of one , or any wife at all , whiles either a Bishop , Priest or Deacon . A diametrical contradiction to the Texts . 3ly . The subsequent clauses relating to their wives , children , Even so must their Wives be grave , &c. having faithfull children in subjection , ruling their children and their own houses well , refer not only to the time preceding their Ordinations , but subsequent thereunto , since they cannot be actually divorced from their Children , Housholds , at or after their Ordinations , against the * laws of God , Nature , though they may be from their Wives : Therefore the Husband of one Wife , must have the same construction in point of Time. 4ly . All the other qualifications there actually coupled with and surrounding this ( the Husband of one Wife ) are principally intended of those who are actually Bishops , Priests , Deacons , both when and after they are ordained such , rather than before , viz. A Bishop then must be blameless , vigilant , sober , modest , of good behaviour , given to hospitality ; not given to wine , no striker , not greedy of filthy of lucre ; but patient , not a brauler , not covetous . One that ruleth his own house with all gravity ( for if a man know not how to rule his own house , how shall he take care of the Church of God ? ) Not a Novice , &c. Moreover , he must have a good report of those that are without , &c. Likewise must the Deacons be grave , not double tongued , not given to much wine , not greedy of filthy lucre , holding the mystery of Faith in a pure conscience , &c. If all these qualifications be intended of such who are actual Bishops , Priests , Deacons , as well when and after they receive orders , as before their ordination , then the husband of one wife , &c. * must have the self-same construction being conjoyned with them . 5ly . It would be a monstrous , ridiculous , untheological interpretation to restrain all these qualifications to Bishops , Priests , Deacons , only in the time before their Ordinations , not after them : For example , every Person to be made a Bishop , Priest , Deacon must , and ought to be blameless , vigilant , sober , of good behaviour , apt to teach , not given to wine , no striker , not given to filthy lucre ; &c. before he be ordained , but when and after he is made a Bishop , Priest , Deacon , then he must be no longer thus qualified ; but as he was and must be the husband of one wife , only before his Ordination , not after , so for congruity-sake ( if this be the true meaning of this Text ) by the same Papal interpretation , he may and must be ( 〈◊〉 to many degenerating Popes , Bishops , Priests , Deacons ) blameworthy , 〈◊〉 , unsober , of ill behaviour , un-hospital , unapt to teach , or an un-preaching 〈◊〉 , given to wine , awa●rier , striker , greedy of filthy lucre , impatient , a brawler , 〈◊〉 , not ruling his own House , Children well , lifted up with pride , not having a good report , not holding the mysterie of Faith in a pure Conscience . And is not this ●n interpretation well beseeming a Popes unerring Chair , very suitable to St. Pauls and Gods own meaning ? This interpretation suits well with out a Gildas , and St. b Bernards observations , complaints of the Bishops in their ages : Fratres , sic facit 〈◊〉 hodie , multos● 〈◊〉 Diabolos Episcopos . Ubi enim , proh Dolor , Reperiemus Episcopos , qui post adeptam dignitatem in humilitate se contincant , &c. Male vivunt , et subjectos male vivere volunt . Porro , 〈◊〉 hujus temporis avaritiam quomodo declinent ? Quod enim sine miserabili 〈◊〉 non est , Christi opprobria , sputa , flagella , clavos , lanceam , crucem & mortom , haec omnia in fornaci avaritiae conflant , & profligant in acquisitione tu●pis 〈◊〉 , &c. Vendunt homicidia , adulteria , incestus , fornicationes , sacrilegia , perjuria , & 〈◊〉 ad summum implent manticas suas , &c. Animarum nec casus reputatur nec salus , &c. And with c Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bath his observation : ●●requens est inter Episcopos aliquem invenire , qui primum suae promotionis annum dedicat sanct●ati , cumque in sua novitate factus est agnus , inveteratus aliquot dierum fit rapacissimus lupus , &c. What chast Bishops , Priests , Deacons , Votaries , they prove after their enring into religious Orders , abjuration of Marriage and lawfull wives , you have heard before : Perchance to make these Qualifications only antecedent , not concurrent with , not subsequent to their Ordinations , nor concomitant or dependent on them , as they do the husband of one wife . The 2d . Evasion is this , That the Husband of one Wife is to be interpreted only Metaphoricallie , not properlie , That is , a Bishop , Priest , Deacon , ought to have only one Wife ; that is , one Bishoprick , one Benefice , d Church , or Ecclesiastical Living with Cure of Souls , and no more , not of a proper wedded Wife , This is a strained , pittifull eluding of these Texts , pointblanck against the words , meaning , yea fatal to the former Popish evasion . For 1. The husband of one wife , is never taken in this sense in the Old or New Testament , for the Bishop , Priest , Parson , Rector of one Bishoprick , Parochial Church , Synogogue , or Congregation , but in a litteral genuine sense : Therefore it must be so intended here . 2ly . All the other recited qualifications of Bishops , Priests , Deacons , here conjoyned with●it , are taken , interpreted only in their proper , not in any allegorical , analogical , tropological or metaphorical sense : Therefore this ought to be so too . 3ly . The qualifications here required in their Wives , in direct terms : Likewise must their Wives e be grave , not Slanderers , sober , faithfull in all things , chast , keepers at home , &c. are all improper , unapplicable to a Bishoprick , Benefice , or Parochial Church in any sense ; being peculiar only to real Wives and Women ; Therefore it can only be meant , interpreted of such . 4ly . These Clauses , A Bishop , Priest , Deacon , must be one that ruleth well his own House , having faithfull children in subjection , ruling their own children and their houses well , are put in direct opposition to publick Churches , Benefices ; the children here onely intended , are children begotten of their proper Wives bodies , ( as the children of High-priests , Priests , Levites were under the Law ) not children spiritually engendred by the ministry of the Word : as will be yet more evident by comparing these Texts with 1 Tim. 2. 15. Notwithstanding she shall be saved by Child-bearing , & ch . 5. 10 , 14. If she have brought up children : I will therefore that the young women marry , bear children , guide the house , ( all used in a proper litteral sense , in the same Epistle ; ) Therefore children must be thus interpreted in these Texts too , not in a strained Metaphorical sense or construction . 5ly . If by this one Wife , be only meant one Bishoprick or Benefice , then why do Popes or Popish Prelates dispense with their having Pluralities , against sundry a Councils , and their own Canons , Decrees , b Constitutions prohibiting Pluralities of benefices , as contrary to the Apostles institution in the Primitive Church , instituting many Bishops , Elders , Deacons , in and over one particular Church , Diocess , not one over many , as is evident by Acts 11. 30. c. 13. 1 , 2. c. 14. 23. c. 15. 2. 4 , 6 , 22 , 23. c. 16. 4. c. 20. 17 , 28. c. 21. 18. c. 22. 5. Rom. 16. 3 , 9 , 12. Phil. 1. 1. Col. 1. 7. c. 4 , 9 , 12 , 27. 1 Cor. 14. 29 , 30 , 31. 1 Thess . 5. 12. 15. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Tit. 1. 5. 7. 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. James 5. 14. Hebr. 13. 17. ( See my Unbishoping of Timothy and Titus p. 35 , 36 , 37. &c. ) Which Pluralities have been frequently complained , written against , as not only scandalous , but pernicious to the Church of God , the peoples souls , and occasions of manifold inconventences , grievances , as well by conscientious c Popish , as Protestant Writers in most ages ; by sundry d Notable Petitions even in Popish Parliaments : yea , why do they authorize Cardinals , Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , Deacons , to hold Pluralities of Bishopricks , Benefices , Abbeys , Priories , and Ecclesiastical Dignines , by way of Commendams , notwithstanding these expresse prohibitions to Timothy and Titus ? yet will not dispense with them to hold one lawfull wife , upon any termes , which God himself expresly allowes them ; though they dispense with them for money to keep as many Concubines as they have Livings , enforcing Priests to pay annual Pensions to their uses for every Living they enjoy , which they must duly pay , though they keep no Concubine at all , because they have license to do it , if they please ; as the German Princes in their Diet at e Norimberg , Anno 1522. in Gravamina Germaniae , f Cornelius Agrippa , and others complain and publish to the world . 6ly . A Layman is utterly g uncapable of any Bishoprick , Benefice , or Ecclesiastical preferment , before he be in Orders . And if the husband of one wife , that is , of one Bishoprick , or Benefice , be a previous qualification to his ordination ; a Lay-man shall then be capable of a Bishoprick or Benefice before he is in Orders : so as this Text remains unanswerable , to justifie the Lawfulnesse of Bishops , Priests , Deacons Marriages , notwithstanding Pope Hildebrauds or others Decrees , as Claudius Espencaeus ( a learned Popish Bishop ) acknowledgeth , in his Commentaries on 1 Tim. 3. 2. & Tit. 1. 5 , 6. 12ly . God himself , by a prophetical Spirit , not only predicted , but in precise terms pre-condemned in this very Epistle of Paul ( where he permits , prescribes Bishops , Priests , Deacons , to be the Husband of one wife ) the forbidding of Priests wives mariage , as unlawfull , as the very doctrine of h Devils , and seducing spirits , speaking lies in hypocrisie , having their consciences scared with an hot iron ; commanding Timothy to put the brethren in minde of these things , as a good Minister of Jesus Christ . Which , compared with Hildebrands fore-alledged confession at his death ; that , * suadente Diabolo , he had raised up Gods wrath and hatred amongst Christians , ( by his prohibiting of Priests Marriages , as well as receiving investitures from Laymens hands , ) is a sufficient motive eternally to explode it . 13ly . a The Glosses on Gratian resolve , Matrimonium est res sacratissima ; yea the Church , Popes , Bishops , Priests of Rome have enrolled Marriage in the very list of of their 7. Sacraments , as a Sacrament and most sacred Ordinance of divine institution ; by this device , they have made Popes , Bishops , Priests in their Ecclesiastical Consistories , the sole and only competent Judges of aell causes , questions concerning matrimony ; which no Kings , nor other Laymen may any wayes examine or determine . Moreover they have canonized Orders for another of their Sacraments , and joyned it and Marriage to each other in the Catalogue of their Sacraments : It seems therefore very strange , irrational , contradictory , that this their Sacrament of Marriage should so defile their Popes , Bishops , Priests , and all other persons admitted to their Sacrament of Orders , as to render them utterly uncapable of executing or enjoying their Orders ; That these 2. Sacraments should be so incompatible , inconsistent , adverse to each other , as to null , destroy one another ; that the sole Judges , solemnizers of all Marriages between other men and women , should be only uncapable of this Sacrament of Marriage , yea that it should more pollute , disable them to receive , retain , execute their Sacrament of Orders , then professed single b fornication , whoredom , or adultery , which they generally connive at , tolerate , dispence with in their Prelats , Priests , and other Votaries of single life : They must therefore either henceforth disclaim both Marriage and Orders from being Sacraments of their Church , which thus destroy , pollute each other : ( the rather because Marriage was instituted at the creation , not under the Gospel ; is common to all c Pag●n Nations out of the Church , as well as to Christians in it ; yea to many Birds and Beasts , ( as Doves , Swallows , &c. ) which couple and live together by d Pairs , as well as man and wife , by a divine , natural instinct , precept , given equally to both at the very creation , e Be fruitfull , and multiply and replenish the earth , ) Or else admit marriage to be not only lawfull , but most proper for Bishops , and persons in holy Orders , because it is a Sacrament , of which they are as capable , as any Laymen , or of any other of their seven Sacraments , to which they freely admit them without restraint . 3ly . I shall cloze up the History of Hildebrands Papacy , with these memorable Censures of his Antichristian proceedings against the Emperor Henry the 4th , written by learned Bishops of that age in justification and defence of the Emperors Soveraignty , against his New Usurpations . Valtramus Naumbergensis Episcopus shall lead the Van , who in his Notable Treatise a De Unitate Ecclesiae , ( written about the year 1077. ) asserts from Scripture and other Evidences , Papam non habere politicum gladium , multo minus aliquod Dominium super Imperatorem ; Nullo jure posse eum subditos Imperatoris , aut aliorum Dominorum , a juramento fidelitatis absolvere . Quod omnis anima sit subjecta superioribus potestatibus : atque ideo etiam Spirituales summos & infimos , politicis Magistratibus obedire debere . Papas & Episcopos non tantum nullas justas causas habere , quod Caesarem ( Henricum 4. ) persequantur , sed etiam in ipsa persecutione adeo modum excellere , ut plane scelerate et impie contra omnia divina et humana jura fecerant . His arguments against the Popes Supremacy from Scripture , are principally these : Nolite plures Magistri fieri , fratres mei , scientes , quoniam magis judicium sumitis ; Sicut dixit z Jacobus Apostolus . Ex doctrina Domini ac Salvatoris nostri ; a Vos , inquit , nolite vocari Rabbi : unus est enim Magister vester : b Qui enim , inquit Christus , major est vestrum , erit minister vester ; c Qui enim se exaltaverit , humiliabitur ; & qui se humiliaverit exaltabitur ; Sed cum ipse unus Magister Christus , idemque Deus , d muter tempora , & transferat regna , e tenens corda Regum in dextra sua ; Legimus docuisse Hildebrandum Papam , quod potestatem ipse habuerit super Reges , et super regna ? et posse id facere , quod per Deum tantum fieri dicit Psalmista ; f Hunc humiliet , & hunc exaltet : Nam g reddite , inquit , quae sunt Caesaris , Caesari ; & quae sunt Dei , Deo. Quam certe regulam proprio consirmavit exemplo , dicens Petro Apostolo , h Ut non scandalizemus eos , id est , ne nos Caesari contradicentes , tumultuandi eis occasionem praebeamus , vade ad mare , & mitte hamum , & eum piscem qui primus ascenderit , tolle , & aperto ore ejus invenies staterem ; illam sumens da eam pro me & te . i Et discite a me quia mitis sum , & humilis corde . Qui utique do●u●t Apostolos , Ecclesiam , non Regnum disponere , vel ordinare , quod nec ip●e legitur affectasse , k Qui fugit in montem solus orare , cum turbae venissent rapere eum & Regem constituere . l Quoniam cum in forma Dei esset , formam servi accipiens , m Venit ministrare , non ministrari ; juxta quod etiam Paulus : Apostolus , n Cum liber esset ex omnibus , omnium se servum fecit , ut plures lucr●aceret . Unde & Gregorius Papa , cum esset Summus Pontifex , & virtutum artifex , in tantum se infra omnium humiliavit , ut prius ipse in Epistolis suis , Servus servorum Dei , se appellaverit , & hoc humilitatis nomen ad posteros quoque transmiserit , &c. ( After which he subjoyns ) Ecce quomodo ille Minister Diaboli ( Hildebrandus ) Ecce quomodo insanit , quomodo nos secum in foveam perditionis mittere quaerit ? Sic divisit Sacerdotia , quemadmodum Ecclesiam Dei , atque Rempublicam Imperii , quoniam partes inde segregavit sibi . Inter ipsum namque & inter Regem Henricum graves exortae sunt atque execrabiles dissidiae ; Papa plurimum anitente , ut Rex deponeretur a Regia potestate pariter et dignitate ; Rege vero contra nitente , ut defenderet se ab hostium suorum circumventione , qui pro parte ejusdem Papae certant , quaerebant eum opprimere ; Exinde omnia scandalorum exorta sunt genera : * Exinde crevit grave & diuturnum bellum , & non solum civile , sed plus quam civile bellum , & factae sunt absque divino pariter atque humano respectu , vastationes Ecclesiarum , & caedes hominum . Exinde etiam corruptae sunt divinae pariter et humanae Leges , sine quibus non subsistit vel Dei Ecclesia , vel Imperii Respublica : Exinde violata est fides , et publica et catholica : Exinde etiam crevit illa injustitia , ut pro veritate falsa testimonia , et pro fide catholica abundent perjuria , ut postquam leges bello siluere coactae , impleatur jam ista Domini sententia per o Oseam Prophetam ; Non est , inquit , veritas , & non est misericordia , et non est scientia Dei in terra ; maledictum & mendacium , & homicidium & furtum inundaverunt , & sanguis sanguinem tetigit ; Haec nunc abundant et superabundant propter Doctrinam Hildebrandi Papae , qua divisit corpus vel Ecclesiae , vel Reipublicae . Nunquid hoc est Apostolicum esse ? Et in doctrina et conversatione Catholicum esse ? et Gregorium , id est , vigilantem esse ? et in doctrina et conversatione Catholicum esse , secundum sententiam superius propositae Epistolae ? Atque cum tali Hildebrando partes habere , et ejusmodi qualia supradicta sunt , flagitia nutrire , fovere , vel defendere , nunquid hoc est , p Filios Dei esse , & q spirituales , & r coelestes esse , juxta sententiam Scriptoris ejusdem Epistolae ? Absit hoc , &c. He there proves all the Apostles equal to Peter , and all Bishops to the Pope , out of Cyprian and others . Moreover ſ Circa idem tempus ( or some time before ) scripsit & Venericus Vercellensis Episcopus , librum ad Papam , in qua eum reverenter monet , de iis omnibus , quae contra fas etjus , praesertim contra Henricum 4. fecit . Libri est Titulus , De discordia Regni et Sacerdotii ; To which he subjoyned his Book , De Unitate Ecclesiae servanda , to the same effect with Walthramus his Book De Vnitate Ecclesiae which some attribute to Venericus . The most conscientious Bishops of that age publikely detesting , and protesting against Hildebrands Antimonarchical proceedings and sentences . The Bishop of t Triers at the same time also writ this memorable Epistle against Pope Hildebrand and his faction , in justification of the Emperor Henry the 4. Patribus , non fratribus , Dominis , non amicis , N. designatus Treverensis Episcopus , Ecclesiae devotissimas orationes in Christo . Ferre sententiam contra Apostolicum , non est tutum , imo insanum , et omnino nefarium , aliquid audere in illum , qui in vice S. Petri fungitur legatione ipsius Christi . Iste autem qui invasit sedem Apostolicam , qui inaudita elatione effertur , qui prophanis novitatibus studet , amplo nomine delectatur , quem neque Christianum appellem , quia non habet characterem , id est , pacem et charitatem , quam Christus suis militibus impressit , qua Christus suos notavit ; non occurrere contra hunc , non insurgere , magnum sanctae matris Ecclesiae est periculum , et plane est contra Deum . Quis enim nescit , ex hoc quasi fonte omnis dissensionis , et capitis omnis schismatis , exclusa pace Ecclesiae , discordiam totius mundi emersisse ? Quis inquam , non videt , per hunc quasi signiferum , tantum sanguinem mundi effusum esse ? De multis rationibus , qui non sequitur Christum , nequeo vere appellare Christianum ; ita certe nec Papam , quem video toties et tam manifestum homicidam . En bonus et sanctus Papa , cujus consiliis , cujus instinctu et ductu , membra Christi tot et tam perditis modis sunt dilacerata . En bonus pastor , qui in illos tanta crudelitate grassatur , pro quibus Christus in cruce pependit , quas ipso proprio sanguine redemit . En verus Pontifer et justus Sacerdos , qui sicut dubitat , si illud quod sumitur in Dominica mensa , sit verum corpus et sanguis Christi , item non poenitentibus etiam ea quae juste fracta sunt condonat sacramenta . Nihil certe ita impium est , et nefarium , nihil ita est detestabile et erecrabile , quod ipse curet , dum alios contra Regem armet : dum alios ad bellum quod ipse omnibus intendit , excitet . Inter has multiplices calamitates & miserias , quas patiatur et conqueritur sancta Ecclesia , mihi quoque illata est ab eo , tam superba quam violenta injuria , &c. Ut taceam mea , ut praetermittam privata ; Quia malus , & non purus ejus introitus , quae minatus est , pervenit ad perditissima exempla , ne plus per hunc sancta , quae modo ertremum trahit spiritum , periclitetur Ecclesia ; ex me dico , quod nullam ei obedientiam posthac servabo , nec meo judicio amplius sedebit in loco et vice Sancti Petri , quem ipse non sequitur , obstupenda abusione novitatis suae , et inauditi Decreti , against the Emperor . This Letter was seconded by a notable Epistle of the Bishop of Verdunum in Germany , u to all the Archbishops , Bishops , Princes , Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , Nobles greater and lesse , of the Roman Empire , and all the Clergy and people of the holy Church in justification of the Emperors cause against Hildebrand , thus recorded . Dilectis in Christo ●ratribus et Dominis , Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , Principibus , Romani Imperu Ducibus , Marchionibus , Comitibus , majoribus & minoribus , Clero et Populo , Sanctae Ecclesiae Cultoribus N. Verdunensis Episcopus Dei Gratiâ , id quod est , fraternam dilectione● , debitam servitutem , perpetuani in Domino salutem . Regni nostri perturbatio , & ut verius dicam , nisi Dominus avertat , proxima nimis annullatio , in maximum dolorem nos excitat , in lachrymas vocat , in miserabilem querimoniam coram Deo et hominibus nos animat . Hildebrandus qui dicitur Caput , jam est Cauda Ecclesiae ; qui fundamentm , jam detrimentum est Ecclesiae . Hic dispergit , qui dicebatur congregare : hic Ecclesiam odit , qui dicebatur diligere ; jam usque ad omnimodam haeresim infirmat , qudicebatur Ecclesiam sanctam confirmare . O inaudita arrogantia hominis , supra omnem Ecclesiam in se gloriantis , supra omnem malitiam male agentis , unitatem Ecclesiae scindentis : quod inauditum est , Regnum et Regem Catholicum destruere praesumentis : impio●● justificantis , pios injustissime damnantis , decreta Patrum pervertentis , Regem adulterinum extollentis , Regem liberum et legitimum etiam cum memoria nominis Regii extinguere meditantis ! Perjuria fidelitatem dicit ; fidem , sacrilegium facit ; imoque ab initio fuit mendax * pater ejus , per omnia mentitur , et in omnibus veritati contradicit . * Videat Deus & judicet , videte vos & judicate : Hominem impium , hominem abominatum , membra Ecclesiae subvertentem , caput nostrum faceremus ? Vos omni Ecclesiastico honore verissime destituentem , patrem nobis constitueremus ? Vita sua illum accusat , perversitas damnat , obstinatio malitiae illum anathematizat . In qua re nobiscum esse , nobiscum facere , nobiscum laborem subire , assensus consilium , auxilium vestrum non recusat . * De eligendo autem Pontifice , qui errata corrigat , qui destructa restituat , qui hujusmodi fortia confundat , Deo cooperante , vobiscum operabimur , Deo consentiente vobiscum sentiemus , et pro honore Ecclesiae , et pro recuperatione Regis et regni in nullo vobis deerimus : Valete . a Gotfridus Viterbiensis writing of Hildebrands excommunication and deposition of Hen. the 4th . observes , ( as * Otto Frisingensis living in that age had done before him ) Ante hunc Imperatorem , non legimus aliquem a Romano Pontifice excommunicatum , aut Imperio privatum , nisi forte illud pro excommunicatione reputetur , quod Philippus primus Christianus Imperator ad breve tempus à Romano Pontifice , inter poenitentes legitur collocatus ; aut illud quod Theodosius , ob cruentam hominum caedem a liminibus Ecclesiae legitur sequestratus ( to wit by St. Ambrose his admonition , to which he submitted , not by any Papal excommunication , as some Pontificians mistake . ) The History of Philip , the 1. Christian Emperor , being much insisted on by Pope Hildebrand and other Romanists , to justifie the Popes usurpations in excommunicating and deposing Kings and Emperors ; is thus related by Eusebius , only as a bare report or fame , not an undoubted truth , without any mention of , or relation to the Pope . b Fama est istum ( Christianus namque erat ) cum precationum in die postremae vigiliae Paschalis , unà cum multitudine in Ecclesia Particeps fieri vellet , non prius ab Episcopo , qui tum Ecclesiae praerat ( without naming the Church where , or Bishops name by whom this was reported to be done ) permissum est intrare , quam se confessus fuisset , & inter eos qui peccatorum vinculis adhuc tenebantur astricti , locumque poenitentiam agentibus praestitutum occupabant , se sua sponte ( not by force of any formal Anathema , Excommunication or Interdict denounced against him ) collocavisset . Episcopumque dixisse , eum non alia conditione , nisi istud faceret , propter multa delicta quae ab eo ferebantur admissa , ( whereof the c ingratefull treacherous murder of his Lord and Master Gordianus the Emperor , to invade his Throne was not the least ) aliquando ab ipso in Ecclesiam receptum fore . Imperatorem autem alacri animo & lubenti , Episcopo morem gessisse , & ingenuam modestiam ac religiosam piamque affectionem , Dei timore incitatam , reipsa declarasse memorant . Moreover , d Niceph. Calistus relates the story only as a report ( aiunt , or ferunt ) without informing us in what Church it was , or by what Bishop ; but only indefinitely ; non prius tamen in conventum fidelium accedere , intercessione & impedimento ejus qui tum Ecclesiae praesuit Episcopi , permissum esse , quam confiteretur , et poenitentium numero , qui ordine & loco suo segregati , disciplina certa explorabantur , aggregaretur ; quod non aliter licere , ille diceret , nisi hoc fecisset , propter multas ejus noxas , cum Ecclesiae multitudine conventus ejus festi participem fieri . Eum vero rebus ipsis timorem divim nominis , religionemque debitam rite atque sincere declarantem , obsequentem ille esse ferunt . In the margin I find these notes annexed : Episcopalis libertatis exemplum , exemplum Principis ecclesiasticae disciplinae sese submittentis . Without one word of the Pope in the whole story . Now because Fabianus was reputed Bishop of Rome at that time , e Eutropius ( a great advancer of the Popes authority ) makes bold to assert , that he was the Bishop . Isti primi omnium Imperatorum Christiani Romae facti sunt , ( though converted to the faith by Origens Letters , ( not the Popes ) as most record ) & in die Paschae , id est , in ipsis vigiliis , cum interesse voluisset , & communicare mysteriis , * a Fabiano Episcopo Romano ( though neither Eusebius , Nicephorus , nor others before him , averre it ) non prius est permissum , nisi confiteretur peccata sua , & inter poenitentes staret ; nec ullo modo copiam sibi mysteriorum futuram , nisi prius per poenitentiam culpas , quae de eo ferebantur plurimae , diluisset . Then he concludes only with a , Fertur igitur libenter , quod a Sacerdote sibi imperatum fuerat , suscepisse , divinum sibi inesse metum , & fidem religionis plenissimam rebus atque operibus comprobans . Which incertain Report , how little it makes for Hildebrands excommunication or deposition of Henry the 4th , absolving his subjects from their allegiance , setting up Rudolphus in his royal throne , making him dance attendance barefooted three dayes together in frost and snow at his pallace gate , without admitting him entrance to his presence , upon his humiliation and repentance ; when as the Emperor Philip was presently admitted upon his confession and repentance to the Church and Sacraments the very next morning , and neither excommunicated nor deposed for murdering his predecessor and usurping his throne ; ( as Henry was only for defending his right of Investitures against this usurping Pope ) let all indifferent Readers resolve . If any desire further satisfaction concerning the oppositions then made against Hildebrands Antimonarchical seditious , pernicious , heretical doctrines , and Apologetical ple●s for the Emperors right , let them peruse Melchior Goldastus his Collectio Scriptorum Apologeticorum pro Henrico Quarto ; adversus Criminationes Gregorii 7. Papae . Hanoviae , 1611. Matthius Flaccius Illyricus his Catalogus Testium Veritatis , p 202. to 240. Laurintius Schafnaburgensis Historia , Centuriae Magdeburgensis Cent : 11. c. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Sigeberti Gemblacensis Chronicon ; & Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. to which I shall referre them . Having represented you with this large account of Pope Hildebrands Antimonarchical , heretical , diabolical positions and practises during his life , give me leave to mind you of one memorable fabulous prediction ( which a Cardinal Baronius very seriously insists on , though b Onuphrius with others , stile it , inconcinna fabilla , invented by nescio quis fabulator ) portending them , yea his antichristian usurpation of the very Title , Soveraignty , Throne of Christ himself . Cum filius esset fabri lignarii , ex ●armentis ordine compositis , inscium ipsum has literas ordin c●●seruiss , quibus adstans , homo literatus legerit , ex ea compositione scandularum , Dominabitur a mart usque ad mare : This ( writes Baronius ) was , prae●st●nsum divinitus sign●m 〈…〉 ductante namine ) quod fabri filii , ( Gregora ) futura esset amplissima in mundo auctoritas : yea as the learned c Lord Morney , and d Bishop 〈◊〉 the Inferre ; Qu●d solium ipsius Dei invasurus , Thronumque Christi Regis nostri involaturus esset , d● quo illud a Psalmographo editum est oraculum , e Dominabitur a mari usque ad mare . Which text f Alvarus Pel 〈◊〉 asserts with an Ergo , to belong to every Pope ; Ergo Vicarius ejus in terris , omnis Papa , habet omnem potestatem in terra quam Christus habet : 〈◊〉 hoc facit quod Zacharias ait de Christo , c. 9. 10. Potestas ejus a mari usque ad mare ; & Psal . 71. 8. Et , dominabitur a mari usque ad mare ; ] Strange Antichristian shamelesse blasphemy . It is now more then high time to take my farewell of Pope Hildebrands Papacy , whose Antichristian Heresies , Treasons , Schisms , Usurpations , Corruptions , transmigrated after his death into sundry of his immediate Successors , trained up under him , as his devoted creatures . It is g Hermoldus his observation , that after Henry the 4. had deposed this Pope Hildebrand the second time , and installed Clement in his Chair : ex illa die orta schismata in Ecclesia , qualia non fuerunt in ●●ebus antiquis : & ii quidem qui videbantur perfectiores & colum●ae in Ecclesia Dei ( in his repute , being an Hildebrandian ) adhaeserunt Gregorio ; caeteri , quos 〈…〉 Caesareus agebat , sicuti sunt Wibertum , qui & Clemens . Duravitque Schisma hoc 25. annos . Defuncto enim Gregorio , succ●ssi● Des●derius . post qu●m Urbanus , deinude Paschalis , qui omnes Imperatorem cum Papa suo excommunicationis sententia damnaverunt : Continentes se ( not daring or being able to to reside in Rome , or Italy ) apud Reges Franciae , Siciliae , & Hispaniae , qui Catholicam partem tueri videbantur . After Hildebrands death , h Desiderius Abbas Cassinensis , styled Victor 3. Papatum iniit , non Cardinalium aut Romani populi suffragus electus , sed a Machtylda meretrice , ac suae factionis Nordmannis intrusus : qui Gregorii successor constitutus , Gregorii ipsius partes , a dicta Machtylda ejus amatrice edoctus , fortiter tueri caepit , adversus Imperatorem , & Clementem ejus Papam , indignum ratus , ab ejusdem sui praedecessoribus diabolicis moribus degenerare . But before he could vomit forth against the Emperor , illud animi venenum , quod odio plus quam Neroniano , in illum conceperat , veneno per suum Ministrum Subdiaconum , dum missaret in calicem injecto ( as Herman . Contractus , Carsulanus , Petrus Praemonstratensit , Knyghton & alii plures relate ) or , as Vicelius , Volaterranus , and other Hildebrandians , qui ab Henrico Caesare , vel a Clemente Pontifice id procuratum esse malitiose contingunt : ) which proves , the consecrated wine , not to be really transubstantiated into Christs own natural glorified blood or body , uncapable of any poison , or at least able to allay its mortiferous quality . Platina , Martinus Polonus , Vincentius , and others write , Eum dysenteria periisse , quod neque a suspitione data veneni alienum est : Nam & in dysenteriam , veneno petiti , interdum incidunt , corruptis ac labefactatis intestinis , as Balaeus observes . Before his death , as a some relate ; in Synodo Beneventana , cui Apuliae & Calabriae intererant Episcopi , Clementem ( qui auctoritate Imperatoris sedem tenebat , santique Petri Ecclesiam armis tuebatur ) inde ( armis Machtyldae ) expulit a Sacerdotali honore & officio , privavit & anathematis vinculo constrinxit ; styling Clement , Haeresiarcha , qui vivente sanctae memoriae praedecessore meo Gregorio Papa , Romanam invasit Ecclesiam , Antichristi praecursor , et Sathanae signifer , qui oves Christi dispergere , mactare , laniaregue non desinit : Charging him as the author of all the persecutions raised against Hildebrand . In this Synod in pursuit of Hildebrands Decree against Simoniacks , he published these new Constitutions against Investititures , if Chronicon Cassinense may be credited . Constituimus , ut si quis deinceps Episcopatum vel Abbatiam de manu alicujus Laicae personae susceperit , nullatenus Episcopus , vel Abbas habeatur ; neque ulla et , ut Episcopo vel Abbati adhibeatur reverentia . Insuper , ei beati Petri gremium & introitum Ecclesiae interdicimus , quosque locum , quem sub tanto crimine ambitionis , & inobedientiae ( quod est scelus idololatriae ) caepit , resipiendo non deserit . Similiter etiam de inferioribus Ecclesiasticis gradibus dignicatibusque constituimus . Si quis item Imperatorum , Regum , Ducum , Principum , Comitum , vel cujusvis potestatis secularis , Episcopatum , vel quamvis aliam Ecclesiasticam dignitatem dare praesumpserit , ( though they constantly did it before as their Founders or Patrons , by a Legal and ( natural Right ) ejusdem Sententiae vinculo se astrictum noverit ; cum Trecenti & octo Patres in Niceno Concilio , omnes hujusmodi vendentes , & ementes , excommunicaverint ; censentes , ut qui dat , & qui recipit , anathema sit ; Cum hujusmodi igitur Episcopis , Abbatibus , aut Clericis reliquis qui communicat , aut orat , aut ipsorum audit Missas , una excommunicationis sententia plectitur , qui ne Sacerdotes quidem rite putari possunt . Poenitentia vero & communio a nemine nisi a Catholico suscipiatur . Quod si nullus adsit Catholicus Presbyter , rectius est sine visibili communione persistere ( excellent Antichristian Divinity ! ) & invisibiliter Domino communicare , quam eam ab haeretico sumendo , a Deo seperari . Nulla enim ( ut ait * Apostolus ) conventio Christi ad Belial , neque pars aliqua fideli cum infideli , omnis autem haereticus infidelis est . Simoniacus vero quia haereticus , idcirco infidelis ; nam sacram Christi communionem quamvis visibiliter & corporaliter Catholici propter imminentes haereticos habere non possunt : dum tamen mente Christo conjuncti sunt , ejus communionem invisibiliter sumunt . His sudden death prevented the expected successe of these Decrees . After this Victors decease , sublatis Gregorio & Victore capitibus perniciosae dissentions , d Aventinus records , fesso to cladibus orbe Romano , placuit utriusque partis Episcopis jure atque literis , non armis atque ferro , more barbarorum , disceptandum esse . Fit igitur Conventus Garslungi , tertiodecimo Calendas Februarii , conveniunt Episcopi Germaniae , Galliae , utriusque partis . Ubi consedere , Conradus Episcopus Trajectensis ita verba fecit : Ad pacem , quam nobis , Patres consulti , Servator noster abiturus reliquit , stabiliendam convenimus ; vim , temeritatem , violentiam , errores pestiferos eorum qui coeleste donum contaminare non erubescunt , gladio duplici , ense ancipiti ad vivum resecare utriusque instrumenti testimoniis , juxta praeceptum Christi refellere , operae precium duximus . d Josues hostibus astutis , fallacibus juramentum , quod mendaciter extorserunt , servavit . Nabocodrosoro impio regni Judaeos , regesque eorum fidem frangentes immortalis caeli majestas per e Hieremiam atque f Ezechielem vates suos coarguit , seque spretum testatur . Qui juramentum contemnit , foedus spernit , pactum solvit , fidem frangit , illum despicit , per quem juravit , illi facit injuriam , cujus nomini adversarius credidit . Vivo ergo , dicit Dominus , juramentum quod sprevit , foedus quod praevaricatus est , ponam in caput ejus ; Nunquid qui solvit pactum , effugiet ? Non considerandum cui , sed per quem juraveris . Multo enim fidelior est ille , qui propter nomen Dei tibi credidit , quam tu qui occasione divinae Majestatis hosti tuo , imo jam amico moliris insidias . De Tiberio et Nerone non solum saevissimis tyrannis , sed impurissimis quoque monstris , praeceptum legimus , g Reddite Caesari quae Caesaris sunt : & h Deum timete , Regem honorate , i Principibus qui non sine causa gladium portant , etiam si mali fuerint , non modo dicto audientes estote ; Verum k pro ●is supremum Deum deprecamini , quo tranquillam quietamque vitam agamus : l Omnis enim potestas a Deo est : qui potestati resistit , divinae providentiae repugnat . Idcirco ambitiosi & superbi sunt , qui illud Domini Deique nostri elogium , m Quodunque solveris super terram , erit & solutum in coelis : & quodcunque ligaveris super terram , erit & ligatum in coelis ; perfricata fronte interpretando adulterant , suae libidini servire cogunt , et nobis , seu pueris , atque omnium rerum imperitis a●tu illudere student . Quasi vero nesciamus , peculiare esse sacris vatibus divinae sapienciae consultis pro capacitate auditorum , diversis nominibus idem appellare , eandem rem pro diversitate effectuum , modo propriis , modo translaticiis verbis , quod idem valet , nunc figurare , nunc simpliciter dicere , crebris similitudinibus , frequentibus proverbiis atque exemplis , aptis comparationibus , et hujusmodi tanquam luminibus rem illustrare , animum atque aures , tanquam stimulis ferire , & ut sunt varia ingema , varia orationis sententiarumque supellectile homines instruere , docere , recreare , rapere , trahere , movere , oblectare . Et ut D. Aurelius Augustinus docet , Veritas divina ita tradita , ita ornata , tecta , plus movet , plus delectat , plus honoratur , quam si nuda absque veste prostitueretur . Nempe animus noster , quamdiu mortali carcere clausus detinetur , nolit velit , rebus fluxis , fragilibus , quae videri tangi solent , nimium addictus est . Ad aeterna & clara quae cerm , tactu sentiri nequeunt , ca cutit atque hebebatur , nisi igniculus ingenii hisce fomentis motus excitetur . Proinde , prout aeternus id quod subobscure de vinculo dixit , apud Joannem aperte , apud Matthaeum , Marcum , Lucam apertissime explicat . n Pax vobis , inquit ; sicut misit me pater , & ego vos mitto . Accipite Spiritum sanctum ; quibus remiseritis peccata , remittuntur : & quorum retinueritis , retenta sunt . Et ut concordiam assereret , & unum se verum Pastorem esse indicaret , ubi dixt siquidem , o Amas me ? pasce oves meas ; id est , p Ite in mundum universum , praedicate Evangelium omni creaturae ; atque , Data est mini omnis potestas in coelo & in terra ; Ite ergo , docete omnes gentes . Hanc ob causam , q aperuit discipulis mentem coelestis Doctor , ut intelligerent Scripturas , Mosen , Prophetas & Psalmos ; Jussitque eos in nomine suo poenitentiam , & remissionem peccatorum praedicare , apud omnes gentes , testesque horum esse . Has ergo ob causas Hildebrandus ambitione in praeceps abivit , cum potestatem immortalis Dei , cujus nuncius duntaxat est , sibi usurpavit : Ita mores , ita tempora , ita homines sunt . Male consuluisset rebus humanis suprema illa Majestas , si ita gladium in manum mortalis cujusquam traderet . Quis concupiscentiae humani finem staruerit ? aut quis moderaretur ? Ne sapientissimus quidem aequo animo tantum onus tulerit . Non necesse habemus , ut quispiam nos doceat , quonam pacto spirituali potestate , vel ut verjusdicam , dispensatione atque procuratione divini peni ( Oraculorum enim coelestium promi atque condi duntaxat sumus ) Petrus ejusque Collegae usi fuerint . Clarius luce in Lib : quem de gestis Legatorum Christi Lucas Medicus scripsit , liquet , arma nostrae militiae Spiritus , non ferrum , neque rapinae , caedes , homicidia , perjuria sunt . Nimirum lorica , thorar , galca , baltheus , ensis , Scutum , sunt Pax , Amor , Justitia , Spes salutis , Veritas , Sermo Dei , Fides . Quae munera divina saepius Imperator noster Christianissimus ultro Hildebrando obtulit , sed ipse accipere recusavit . Then relating the Emperors manifold vertues , he adds , Rei militaris , juris , civilium morum , divinarum , humanarumque recum peritia , fortitudo propemodum nimia , non modo inter reges excellens , sed inter illos quoque , quorum hac sola virtus fuit : Jam perpetuum pacis , pretatis , atque religionis studium , in pauperes liberalitas , majora tribuentis quam a Deo petuntur . Clementia in devictos , benignitas in amicos , erga milites benevolentia , in nullo unquam Germano Romanove tanta fuere Principe . Quod si flagitiosissimus is foret tyrannus , tamen ei obtemperandum , nequaquam resistendum esset . Prohibent humanae leges , decretaque Patrum adversarios , hostes , inimicos , accusatores , testes , atque judices esse . Augustus cum in Italia cum Hildebrando pacem facit , paucorum scelere atque perfidia Saxonia excidit ; perfidus tyrannus qui perfidiae graves poenas reddidit , spreta religione jurejurandi , violata affinitate , necessitudine eam invasit . Nemini privato nisi ante in integrum restitutus fuerit , dica scribi potest , &c. Post quam haec ita dicta factaque sunt , Gebhardus Salisburgensis , Boiorum primarius Episcopus , aetate , eloquentia , scientia , egregie praeter caeteros Hildebrandinos Venerabilis , cui socii respondendi provinciam demandarunt , omnino obmutuit , ne hiscere quidem potuit . Not long after this * as Aventinus and Albert Stadius Anno 1085. record : Altus Conventus in Maium Moguntiacumque edicitur , ubi lis ea componatur , paxque confirmetur utriusque factionis consensu , Caesariani peracto conventu discedunt , Gregoriani manent inter seque dissentire coeperunt . Tetrarchae Saxoniae , Theodoricus maritus sororis Eckberti hujus gentilis , Theodoricus Uto Hyldeshaimensis Episcopus , frater ejus Conradus , sectam Hildebrandi velut impiam sceleratamque , abjurant ; quo magis poenitentiam prioris Sectae approbant , ad Rom. Pont. ( Clementem 3. ) Imperatoremque se transferunt , &c. In the mean time * Otho , a person of a turbulent spirit , ( Hildebrands favourite , and Legate in Germany to depose Henry , and set up Rodulphus in his throne , Cardinal of Hostia ) for his Turbulency , per Machtyldam meretricem , & Nordmannos Apuliae Dominos , invito Imperatore ad Papatum evehitur ; in opposition to the Emperor and Pope Clement : Benno Cardinalis gives him the name not only of Turbanus for his turbulent Spirit , but stiles him also ; SCISMATICUM , HAERETICUM , & Liberii Arriani Socium , Qui , ne Venenum erroris eorum perciperetur , quasi mel veneficorum more admiscuit . Scripturas enim intentione fallendi mendaciis astute addidit : & in errore cum suo Hildebrando perseverans , cum Angelis Apostatis in abyssum relegatus est . This Pope took upon him the name of Urbanus 2. instead of Turbanus , being in truth Turbator Orbis , vel porius turbo et procella . b Sigebertus Gemblacensis , Magnum Chronicon Belgicum , and others , render us this account of his Papal advancement and proceedings : Machtyldae auxiliis Urbanus Apostolicum obtinuit thronum , frequentibus Conciliis excommunicans cum Imperatore Guibertum ; Hinc in Ecclesia scandala , & in regno augescunt dissidia , dum alter ab altero dissidet : Dum regnum & sacerdotium dissentit ; dum alter alterum excommunicat , dum alter alterius excommunicationem , aut ex causae , aut ex personae praejujudicio despicit , et dum alter in alterum excommunicandi authoritate magis ex suo libitu , quam ex justitiae respectu abutitur . Et Authoritas illius , qui dedit potestatem ligandi et solvendi omnino dispicitur . Nimirum , ut cum pace omnium bonorum dixerim , haec sola novitas ( ne dicam haereses ) nedum in mundo emerserat , ut sacerdotes illius , qui dicit Regi Apostata , & qui regnare facit Hypocritam , propter peccata populi , docerent populum , malis Regibus nullam subjectionem , et licet eis Sacramentum fidelitatis fecerit , nullam tamen deberi fidelitatem : nec perjuros nominari qui contra Regem senserint ; imo qui Regi paruerit , pro excommunicato habendum ; et qui contra Regem fecerit , a noxa injustitiae et perjurio absolvendum . These were the new antichristian , antimonarchical Paradoxes by which this new Pope and Hildebrandian faction supported their party , and deluded their proselites . The Hildebrandian German Princes and Prelates hearing of Urbans advancement to the Papal chair by their confederates in Italy , Quintilburgii cum Hermanno Rege Saxonum , mense Aprili conveniunt , ad praetextum mutatae voluntatis , dictum Wezilonis Moguut . Archimystae calumniantur , haereseos condemnant , qui spoliatum rebus suis , legibus divinis non oportere parere jactasset ; denique se Ecclesiam sacram esse causati : Ottonem quem supra devotum diximus a Siguevino , Weziloneque Moguntino & Coloniensi archimystis , sibi imponunt Urbanum , qui quasi ab urbe Roma , devotusque & profugus , sine lare , sine grege diutius erraverit . Extat de hac re hoc Distichon . Diceris Urbanus , cum sis projectus ab Vrbe ; Vel muta nomen , vel regrediaris in urbem . This c Urbanus rigavit , fovit et produxit perniciosa illa semina quae ipse Hildebrandus jamdudum sparserat . Guilbertum Ravennatem , qui & Clemens 3. quod esset ab Imperatore electus , Imperatoremque ipsum ercommunicavit : atque ab eodem Ci mente , ipse quoque excommunicatus fuit , as Vincentius and others relate . Mense itaque Maii , Imperator , Proceres , Duces , frequenter conveniunt . Item Petrus Portuensis Episcopus duo Flamines Romani , Legati Clementis tertii Pontificis maximi archimystae , hi atque minores Pontifices Galliae , Germaniae , Wezilo Moguntinus , Angelbertus Treverensis , Segivinus Agrippinensis , Luitmarus Bremensis , Theodoricus Verdunensis , Hainricus Leodiensis , Conradus Trajectens●s , Udalricus A●cstatensis , Meginardus Fruxinensis , Otto Reginoburgensis , Rupertus Bambergensis , Hermannus Spirensis , Otto Constantiensis , Burckhardus Losaniensis , Sigelridus Augustanus , Gebliardus Pragensis , Uto Hildeshaimensis , Hainricus Badebornensis , Erpho Monasterii , Volckmarus Mindensis , Bibo Tullensis , Burckhardus Basilensis , Otto Argentoratensis , conveniunt : adsunt Legati aliorum Pontificum Galliae , Italiae , Germaniae , communi omnium consensu Hildebrandi secta pietate Christianae repugnans , explosa , exibilata est . Ottonem , qui et Vrbanus , superiores Patres numero quantuordecim , videlicet , Gebhardus Salisburgensis , Harduicus Maydenburgensis , Adalbero Wirtzburgensis , Altmannus Bathavensis , Bernardus Mersburgensis , Guntherus Citiensis , Benno Moesianus , Albertus Vangionus , Burckhardus Halberstatensis , Hermannus Mediomatricus : & hi quatuor devoti supposititiique pontifices per studia partium facti , Reginardus Mindensis , Wigoldus Augustanus , Gebhardus Constantiensis , Hainricus Bambergensis , ( qui deserta Reipublicae causa ad priorem factionem redeunt ) sacrilegii , irreligiositatis accusant , convincunt ; in numeroque impiorum computant . Superiores quos nominavi , quatuordecim Episcopos , albo Pontificum eradunt , Senatu sacerdotum movent , crimine perduellionis , perjurii , perfidiae , homicidii , parricidii eosdem condemnant . Hermannum Regem , Eckbertum Saxonem , Welphonem Boium proscribunt , eadem censura devovent ; Senatusconsultum proscribitur tale ; Devota capita quae numeravimus , velut contagio ab omnibus vitentur Christianis : quandoquidem a nobis secessionem fecerunt , non nos ab illis ; ad concionem sacram , quemadmodum promisere , venire detrectant , pietatem Christianam polluunt , concordiam contaminant , Ovibus desertis , ad hostes Reipublicae profugiunt , ad bella , incendia , homicidia , parricidia , latrocinia , rapinas non solum cohortantur , verum etiam Duces sunt . Crebrobenigne vocati reverti noluerunt ; versutos , obscuros , veteratores , vafros , se esse factis produnt , & nos experimentis sentimus . Egregii sane Pastores quibus gregem tuum crederes . Nemo oves persequitur , nullo viso Lupo tamen fugiunt . Quidnam designassent , si eos fortuna ad tempora Domitiani , Deciique servasset ? Inter haec Imperator ( to vindicate his antient Legal Right of Investitures , and conferring Bishopricks , notwithstanding Hildebrands , Vrbans , and other Popes Decrees to wrest it from him ) desertis gregibus pastores dat , Bathaviae Hermannum filium Luitholfi Ducis Charionum , Juvavensibus Berchtoldum Mosburgensem Principem , Meginardum Literis & facundia insignem , Wurtzburgio praefecit , Mediomatricibus Brunoni filium Alberti Suevi imponit , sed mex eundem ob savitiam abdicat . ſ Posthac cum exercitu atque Archiepiscopis & Minoribus Pontificibus , in Saxonam transitum facit . Hermannus Rex cum conjuratis sacratis prophanis Transalbim fugam capessit . Caeteri Saxones deditionem faciunt , jurejurando fidem Imperatori donat Augustus Hardovicum Herveldensium Praesulem , sacrarum Literarum per quam peritum , sapientem bonumque Archimystam Maydeburgensem designat . Is tertio Idus Julii à Wezilone Moguntino , Segivino Agrippinensi Pontifice , & aliis plerisque Episcopis consecratur , Imperatorque exercitu Saxoniam perlustrat . After the Emperor had disbanded his forces , Saxones ab Episcopis devotis concitati , ( such was their restless treacherous Episcopal genius ) absque cunctatione deficiunt , arma resumunt , Augusium cedere finibus suis compellunt . The Emperor thereupon collecting his forces , notwithstanding the perjured Bishops and rebellious Saxons former treachery , endeavored out of his transcendent clemency , to reclaim them by his graciousnesse , instead of cutting them off as incorrigible Traytors . Rursus induciae fiunt , pacis conditiones ab utriusque partis amicis dicuntur . Hainricus pacata Saxonia in Franciam ob Quadragesimae solennem abstinentiam redit . During his absence there , Episcopi odio excoecati pacem rursus interturbant , copias cogunt , extra sines Turogorum , Saxonum perducunt , ●omi lacessere armis Imperatorem statuunt , Wurtzburgium obsident . ( O the obstinacy , treachery of Hildebrandian Prelates ! ) Augustus obsessis auxilio venit : Several battels are fought with various successe between both parties , related by Aventinus , Anonymi Historia , De Vita Henrici 4. Caesaris , Dodechinus Appendix ad Marianum Scotum , Otto Frisingensis , Abbas Urspergensis , Bertoldas Constantiensis , Grimston , Cuspinian , Sabellicus and others in the Life of Henry the 4th ; over tedious to rehearse . To pacifie these unchristian wars and differences Anno 1090. t Valtramus Megburgensis Ecclesiae Antistes , quum esset favens praecipue Henrico Regi , missis literis ad Ludovicum Comitem suggerens ei , ut se subderet dicto Regi ; tueretur partes ejus ; In quibus literis tanquam pro defensione ordinationis Dei , re autem vera favendo Regi , laborans , beatae men oriae Gregorio Papae , & piae recordationis Rodolpho Regi , & Principibus , qui jam in somno pacis requieverant , obloquendo detrectarant , dicens eos , quasi non fuerint sic periisse , affirmans eis malum principium fuisse quos finem pessinum contigisset habuisse , quarum literarum modus iste est . Valtramus Dei gratia id quod est , Ludovico Serenissimo Principi circumstantia orationum , semetipsum ad omnia devotissimum . Omni Regno utilis est concordia , desiderabilis est Justitia : Haec enim virtus , mater est probitatis , & conservatio totius honestatis : Qui autem intestina grassando dissentione , ad humani sanguinis alios irritat effusionem , profecto vir sanguinum est , atque illius particeps , qui nostrum sanguinem sitiens semper circuit , quaerens quem devoret . Tu igitur gloriosissime Princeps , attendens , quomodo Deus pacis est , & non dissensionis : quod ex te est , pacem cum omnibus habeas ; Deus charitas est , Diabolus odium . Tota Lex & Prophetae , in dilectione pendent . Qui odit autem fratrem suum , homicida est , nec habet partem in Christi Regno & Dei. Hoc ipsa veritas ; hoc discipulus ille veritatis protestatur , qui de pectore Dominico Evangelii profundius potatus veritatem , fluminis impetu laetificat abundantius Civitatem Dei. Sed ille vas Electionis qui usque ad tertium Coelum , non secundum hominem sed per revelationem Jesu Christi Evangelium suum didicit , Omnis inquit , anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit . Non est enim potestas nisi a Deo. Qui autem resistit potestati , Dei ordinationi resistit . Sicut amici nostri in mulierculas , & simplex vulgus somniant Regiae potestati subdi non oportere ; falsum est : Ergo quod omnem animam potestati subdi oporteat . Sed nunquid veritas mendacii arguenda est ? An experimentum quaerant ejus qui in Apostolo loquebatur Christus ? An aemulemur Dominum ? Nunquam fortiores illo sumus ? fortiorem se confidit , qui Dei Ordinationationi resistit , quoniam non est potestas nisi a Deo : sed quod ait Propheta : Confundantur omnes qui pugnant adversum te Domine , & peribunt viri qui resistunt tibi . Radulphus , Hildebrandus , Eggebertus & innumeri Principes , Dei Ordinationi in Henrico Imperatore restiterunt ; et ecce quasi non fuerint perierunt quia profecto necesse est malum fuisse principium , quorum finis pessimus subsequutus est . Nunc ergo , quoniam qui ex adversa sunt suis , adversum nos eminus digladiantur ratiotinationibus , vestro judicio , ubi jus , vel etiā in vestro judicio conferamus , domicilio tantum non suo usurario , sed Christi & antiq . Patrum utamur testimonio . Ac ne forte recusetur , lex hujus esto certamini , vel me in populorum transire sententiam , vel ex nostro triumpho vos Dom. nostro Imperatori lucri faciamus . Attendatur & illud . Si quis aliter evangelizat , praeter quod evangelizatum est vobis , Anathema sit ; hoc Anathema non de prophanae novitatis usurario , sed de tertio intonuit coelo , De istis autem qui ignorantes Dei justitiam , & quaerentes suam statuere , justitiae Dei non sunt subjecti ; fiducialiter dixerim , maledicetur illi , & turbenedices ; qui insurgunt in me confundantur , servus autem tuus laetabitur , quoniam ( ut ait Dominus ) sine me nihil potestis facere : nec damnas justum quum judicabitur illi ; Tu quis es qui judicas alienum servum ? suo Domino stat aut cadit . To this challenging Letter Ludovicuus returned a satyrical answer ( written by Herrandus Halverstadensis Episc . to whom Ludovic delivered Valtrams Letter to be perused and answered ) which those who please may peruse in Dodechimus his Appendix , at or near which time Valtramus , Niemburgensis Episcopus , scripsit pro Henrico 4. contra Papam librum . Pope Urban being driven out of Rome by Clement a in partibus Campaniae morabatur , & ab omnibus Catholicis debita reverentia colebatur , viz. a Constantinopolitano Imperatore , & a Philippo Francorum Rege , aliisque diversorum regnorum Principibus tam Ecclesiasticis , quam Secularibus , excepto Teutonicorum regno , ubi multi ex Catholicis in partem excommunicatorum , avaritia decepto , sponte sua se transtulerunt . Romani quoque turrim Crescentii , quae eatenus Domino Papae obediebat , dolo captam , ducere tentaverant : Guibertum quoque haeresiarcham , quem jamdudum expulerunt , iterum Roman intrare , & sanctam Ecclesiam , suis non benedictionibus sed maledictionibus infestare , permiserunt . Whereupon , Dominus Papa Urbanus generalem Synodum Beneventi collegit , & sententiam anathematics super Guibertum haeresiarcham & omnes ejus complices , Synodali judicio confirmavit . Soon after VVelpho Boiariae Dux , multos contra Henricum Imperatorem excitavit , ut ipsum novum Regem eligere decernerent , si quorundam pigritia sive malevolentia eos non impediret , because the Emperor refused to restore his Lands and Goods forecited by his Treason , in adhering to Hildebrand and Urban , nec vellet permittere ut Apostolica sedes a Guiberto haeresiarcha invasa , Urbano cononice disponeretur ; notwithstanding this excommunication , Multi ex Alemannia Henrico Regi reconciliati sunt , & excommunicationem sedis Apostolicae communem sibi cum Henrico facere , which they valued not at all ; Anno 1093. Some Monks of Hildebrands faction deserted their Monasteries in Germany . b Nam alia veteriosa excommunicatio , quam piae memoriae Gregorius Papa , super Guibertum & ejus complices fecit , jam adeo majores in Alemannia contaminavit , ut quique religiosi se inter eos ( Salva Catholica communione ) perduraturos desperaverint . ( Anno 1092 , & 1093. ) c Dominus Papa Urbanus Natalem Domini in terra Sancti Petri extra Romam celebravit . Nam Guibertus haeresiarcha , ita se prope domum Sancti Petri incastellavit , ut non facile absque humaui sanguinis effusione expelli inde potuit , & Urbanus nondum Romam absque armata manu intrare potuit , Guibertistis quidem & excommunicatis multum adhuc ibi praevalentibus , nec facile se absque violentia expelli permittentibus . Henricus quoque Imperator in Longobardia jam biennia morabatur , ibique circumquaque terram VVelphonis , Ital. Ducis , praeda , ferro & incendio vastare non cessabat , ut eundem Ducem & ejus prudentissimam uxorem ( Machtilda● , Pope Hildebrands Mistress ) a fidelitate Sancti Petri discedere , sibique adhaerere compelleret ; sed frustra ; Nam Dux in sua sententia perstitit , ipsique satis viriliter restitit . This year ( 1093. ) by the solicitation of Pope Urban , & Machtilda , Conrade the Emperors Son deserting his Father , a patre decessit , & VVelphoni Duci , reliquisque fidelibus Sancti Petri contra patrem cum suis adjuvit . Whereupon by Urbanus appointment , a Mediolanensi Archiepiscopo & reliquis fidelibus Sancti Petri , in Regem coronatur , aunente VVelphone Duce Italiae , & Machtilda ejus charissima conjuge . Civitates quoque de Longobardia , Mediolana , Cremona , Lauda , Placentia , contra Henricum in viginti annos conjuraverunt , qui omnes praedicto Duci fideliter adhaeserunt . Transitus etiam Alpium in Longobardiam obtinuerunt , ut fautores Henrici ad ipsum non possent proficisci . Augustenses Episcopum quem Henric. illis dedit , expulerunt , ipsique sibi Catholicum pastorem canonice elegerunt , qui Eporegiensem Episcopum in castello , quo transitus Alpium custoditur , captivavit . Metensis Ecclesia & Tullensis & Virdunensis , ab obedientia Egelberti Treverensis excommunicati , eique non amplius obedituras apertissime mandaverunt . Quorum Metensis , refutatio Episcopo , quem Henricus eis dare voluit , ipsi sibi canonice pastorem eligere , eumque a Gebehardo Constantiensi Episcopo sedis Apostolici Legato consecrari fecere . This Popes Legat the same year held an assembly at Ulin , where VVelpho Duke of Bavaria , his own Brother Bertoldus ; whom he had made Duke of Germany , with sundry Princes , Bishops , Abbots , Religious persons entred into League and Oath against the Emperor Henry , Ut ipsi Episcopo Constantiersi omnimodo secundum statuta Canonum obediretur , & ut Duci Bertolde secundum legem Alemannorum obsecundaretur , a septimo die Decembris usque in Pascha , & a Pascha in duos annos . Hanc pacem singuli Principes qui convenerunt , tam majores quam minores juraverunt , & per potestatem suam usquequaque viritim jurare fecerunt . The next year they drew into this confederacy Duke Wilpho , France , Alsatia , and many parts of Germany , even to Hungary . These were the fruits of Hildebrands Successors and confederates to set up not only Subjects of all sorts against their lawful Prince , but the Son against the Father ; the People against their lawfull Bishops , yea Bishops themselves against their lawfull Archbishops appointed by the Emperor , adhering faithfully to him against Urban their Anti-Pope ; And not satisfied herewith . Anno 1094. They solicited and procured Praxedis the Empress to fly away from her Husband , to his capital Enemies , first to Duke VVelpho and Machtilda his Wife , Qui gratanter eam susceperunt & honorabiliter tractaverunt , and then to Pope Urban ; Quae se tantas tamque inauditas fornicationum spurcitias , & a tantis passam fuisse conquesta est , ut etiam apud inimicos fugam suam facilem excusaret , omnesque Catholicos ad compassionem tantarum injuriarum sibi conciliaret . Then her scandalous complaints to defame the Emperor must be published in a great Synod first held at Constans by Geberhardus the Popes Legate , and spread over all Germany to alienate his Subjects from him then ; in Lombardy , Italy and Rome ; God in the mean time during these Rebellions , plagued and punished these seditious Hildebrandrians not only with intestine wars , but most grievous pestilences , famine , inundations , prodigious flyes , caterpillars , corrustations , earthquakes , tempests , prodigies from year to year , to bring them to repentance , recorded at large by Historians . Yet though many of the vulgar sort of people , and other persons were reclaimed , yea brought to confess and lament their sins thereby , yet the Pope , Prelates , Clergy and Ringleaders of this obdurate Hildebrandian factions ( all be it many of them were cut off by sudden death , to their great grief and prejudice of St. Peters cause ) still proceeded impetinently in their antichristian , antimonarchical Treasons , rebellions , excommunicating their Opposites afresh in all places ; * and so cauterized the consciences of their own party by their unchristian Anathemaes , that their great Advocate Bertoldus Constantiensit , informs us : Magna tamen in illis partibus ( viz. Boiaria , Franca , Teutonica , Alsatia ) sancta mater in devitatione excommunicatorum perpessa est , quas utique vix devitare posset , si non jamdudum Dominus Papa sententiam excommunicationis quodammodo cum Apostolica authoritate temperasset . Nam multos ipso more praedecessoris sui venerabilis Papae Gregorii , de excommunicatione seclusit . videlicet , viatores , rusticos , servos & ancillas , uxores & filios , quos tamen perversa voluntas eodem vinculo excommunicationis non astrixerit . This salve found out for this inconvenience , ( for which Cardinal Benno and others taxed Hildebrand of Heresie ) An. 1094. in Galliarum Civitate , quam Ostionem vulgaliter dicunt , congregatum est generale Concilium , a venerando Hugone Lugdunensi Archiepiscopo & see is Apostol . Legato cum Archiepiscopis , Episcopis & Abbatibus diversaram provinciarum 17. Cal. Novembris , in quo concilio renovata est excommunicatio in Henricum Regem , et in Guibertum sedis Apost . invasorem , et in omnes eorum complices . And not contented herewith : Item Rex Gallicarum Philippus excommunicatus est ( as well as the Emperor , and that in his own Realm by his own Bishops in obedience to this Pope ) eo quod vivente uxore sua aliam superinduxerit . * Item Simoniac . haeresis , & incontinent . Sacerdotum sub excommunicatione damnata est . The like was decreed in the Council of Constans , held by the Popes Legate the same year , who prohibited the people under pain of excommunication not to resort to the Masses and divine Offices of Simonians or maried Priests , which many therupon in Alsatia refused to do . Urban not daring to reside at Rome , by reason of Clements party there overpowering him , celebrated the Nativity at Pisa , where Dagobertus the Bishop most studiously serving him , he honored him and his See with a Pall and Title of Archbishoprick . By this Popes treachery , Henricus in Longobardia morabatur paene omni regia dignitate privatus . Nam filius suus Conradus , jamdudum in Regem coronatus , se ab illo penitus separavit , et Dominae Mathildae caeterisque fidelibus sancti Pe●ri , firmiter conjunctus , totum robur parerni exexcitus in Longobardia obtinuit . Dominus Papa Deo & S. Petro prosperante ( whom he intities to these unnatural , prosperous Treacheries and Rebellions ) jam paene ubique praevaluit , & in media Longabardia , in Civitate Placantina , inter ipsos Schismaticos & contra ipsos generalem Synodum condixit , ad quam Episcopos Italiae , Burgundiae , Franciae , Alemanniae , Boiariae , aliarumque Provinciarum , Canonica et Apostolica authoritate missis Literis convocavit , ( without either the Emperor or the Kings Mandates , the only lawfull antient Summoners of General , National , and Provincial Councils too , as the premises evidence ) Ad quam Synodum tam innumerabilis multitudo confluxit , ut nequaquam in qualibet Ecclesia illius loci possit comprehendi . Unde & Dominus Papa extra urbem in campo illam celebrare compulsus est . In hac Synodo Praxedis Regina jamdudum ab Henrico separara ( by the Popes and Mathildaes perswasion and advice , to defame her Husband ) super maritum suum Domino Apostolico & Sanctae Synodo conquesta est , de inauditis fornicatorum Spurcitiis quas apud maritum passa est : cujus querimoniam Dominus Papa cum Sancta Synodo satis misericorditer suscepit , eo quod ipsam tantas spurcitias non tam commisisse quam invitam pertulisse pro certo cognoverit : ( She and they fathering her abominable Adulteries on the Emperor ) Unde & de poenitentia pro hujusmodo flagitiis injungenda illam clementer absolvit , quae & peccatum suum ( therefore not the Emperors ) sponte & publice confiteri non erubuit ( to shame the Emperor rather than herself ) Ad hanc Synodum Philippus Rex Galliarum legatum suum direxit , seque ad illum iterarripisse , sed legitimis sociis se impeditum fuisse mandavit , unde inducias sibi usque Pentecost . apud Dominum Papam Synodo intercedente impetravit ; Dominus autem Hugo Lugdunensis Archiepiscopus ad eandem Synodum vocatus , ab Officio suspenditur , eo quod ipse non venerit nec legatum cum canonica excusatione illuc pro se direxerit , [ a just reward for excommunicating his Soveraign . ] Now because so many were excommunicated ▪ that few of their Party could be admitted to the Lords Supper , without some mitigation of the laws , they enacted amongst other things in that Synod , Ut quilibet rite ad confessionem venientibus Eucharistiam non denegemus , quos solo corpore non mente inter excommunicatos manere , nec tamen eorum Sacramentis communicare , cognoscimus . They likewise condemned Priests and Deacons Marriages under the nick-name of Nicholaitans , and Investirures under the Title of Simony , in pursuance of Hildebrands Decrees , which they then ratified . Item haeresis Nicholaitarum [ i. ] incontinentiam Subdiaconorum , Diaconorum , & praecipue Sacerdotum , irretractabiliter damnata est , ut deinceps de officio se non intromittant , qui in illa haeresi manere non formidant , nec populus eorum officia nullo modo recipiat , si ipsi Nicholaitae , contra haec interdicta ministrare praesumant . In hac quoque Synodo haeresis Simoniacorum penitus damnata est , ut quicquid & in sacris ordinibus , & in Ecclesiasticis rebus , data & promissa pecunia acquisitum Simoniace videretur , pro irrito haberetur , nullasque vires habuisse , & habere judicaretur . His tamen non Simonaice & nescienter a Simoniacis ordinati sunt , misericordia in servando ordine concessa est ; qui vero scienter ab hujusmodi ordinati sunt , cum suis ordinatoribus irrecuperabiliter damnati sunt , for receiving Investitures onely from Lay-men . Item in Guibertum haeresiarcham sedis Apostolicae invasorem , & in omnes ejus complices [ wherein the Emperor was principally intended ] sententia anathematis Synodali judicio cum ardentibus candelis iterum promulgata est . In hac Synodo quatuor millia fere Clericorum & plusquam triginta millia Laicorum fuisse perhibentur . After which Conradus Rex filius Henrici , [ whom the Pope had trayterously , unnaturally set up in rebellion and oppostion against his Father ] Domino Papae Urbano , Cremonam venienti obviam progreditur , eique stratoris officium exhibuit , quarto Idus Aprilis . Deinde fecit ei fidelitatem juramento , de vita , de membrir , & de Papatu Romano . Dominus autem Papa in filium Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae recepit illum , eique Consilium & adjutorium ad obtinendum regnum , & ad Coronam Imperii acquirendam , coram populo firmissime promisit , salva quidem justitia illius Ecclesiae , & Statutis Apostolicis , maxime de investituris in spiritualibus officiis a Laico non usurpandis . After which this Pope presumed to summon a Synod at Claremont in France by his own authority , ad quam diversarum Provinciarum Episcopos , missis literis Canonica vocatione invitavit . Whereupon , In Galliis ad Clarum montem generalis Synodus a Domino Papa in octav . Sancti Martini congregati est , in qua 13. Archiepiscopi cum eorum Suffraganeis fuerunt , & 205. Pastorales virgae numeratae sunt . In hac Synodo Dominus Papa eadem Statuta quae in praeterita Synodo Placentina confirmavit , insuper & Philippum Regem Galliarum excommunicavit , eo quod propria uxore dimissa , militis sui uxorem sibi in Conjugium sociavit . Philip the next year , Jamdudum pro adulteriis excommunicatus , tandem Domino Papae , dum adhuc in Gallia moraretur , satis humiliter ad satisfactionem venit , & abjurata adultera , in gratiam receptus est , seque in servitium Domino Papae satis promptum exhibuit : This Pope encouraged by these his successfull Usurpations in France , Ibi etiam aliam Synodum in tertiam subsequentis Quadragesimae hebdomodam Turonis celebrandam denunciavit . In tertia hebdomada Quadragesimae Dominus Papa Synodum celebravit cum diversarum Episcopis Provinciarum , in Civitate Turonensi , ubi iterum suorum praeteritorum Statuta Conciliorum , generalis Synodi assensione roboravit ; & non multo post Episcopum Strazburgensem , de excommunicatione resipiscentem recepit in communionem , ita tamen ut de illatis criminibus se expurgaret . In these Synods , to weaken the power of Kings and Princes he stirred up great multitudes to cross themselves , for the holy wars , under Peter the hermi● and others , though with ill success , * His temporibus maxima multitudo de Italia , & omni Gallia & Germania Hyerosolymam contra Paganos , ut liberarent Christianos ire coepit , cujus expeditionis Dom. Papa maximus author fuit . Nam & in praeteritis Synodis studiosissime omnes de hac expeditione promovere eamque eis in remissionem omnium peccatorum faciendam firmissime commendavit : omnes quoque qui se ad hoc iter devoverunt , signo crucis seipsos in vestibus notare fecit , quod etiam signum quibusdam , in ipsa carne notum apparuit . Unde & a quampluribus Dei ordinatione & inspiratione ipsum iter incaeptum fuisse credebatur . Nimium tamen simpliciter innumerabilis multitudo popularium iter illud arripuit , qui nullo modo se ad tale periculum praeparare noverunt & potuerunt . Unde et eorum non parva pars occubuit quae terram Ungarorum satis impudenter devastare praesumpsit , reliqui vero subsequentem multitudinem Rex Vngariae terram illam intrare , non permisit , cujus etiam non minima pars ad introitum Vngariae occubuit . Non erat autem mirum quod propositum iter ad Hierusalem implere non potuerunt , qui non tali humilitate & devotione ac deberet illud iter adorti sunt . Nam et plu●es Apostatas in comitatu suo habuerunt , qui abjecto religionis habitu cum illis militare proposuerunt . Sed & innumerabiles foeminas secum habere non timuerunt , quae naturalem habitum in virilem nefarie mutaverunt , cum quibus fornicati sunt , in quo Deum mirabiliter , sicut israeliticus populus quondam , offenderunt . Unde post labores , pericula et mortes , tandem cum Vngariam non permitterentur intrare , domum macte cum magna tristitia caeperunt repedare . Such was the ill successe of this holy Cheat , designed for other ends . * Joannes Aventinus renders us this account of Conrades Rebellion against his Father and his proceedings against him , when incorrigible . Augustus jam ad statum pristinae Majestatis , universis pacatis , Hildebrando sublato , Vrbano profugo rediisse videbatur & redierat , nisi filius suus Conradus , aemulus paternae potentiae fax & turbo novae discordiae fuisset . Is suasu Urbani & Machtyldae filiam Rogeri Normanni Siciliae reguli uxorem ducit ; a Patre decessit , Italiae regnum sibi vendicat , moxque ad eum omnes inimici Augusti provolant . Augustus frustra crebro ad filium Legatos mittit , sibi insidiari non desinentem , ex professo sub magna superficie pietatis exercitus , proceres , milites sollicitantem , nequicquam orat , obsecrat , ne tam infandum scelus adversus genitorem ( qui eum hactenus consortem Imperii successorem testari perseveraverit ) committat ; sed surdo cecinit Augustus . Clemens tertius Vrbe a Conrado pellitur . Vrbanus restituitur ; mox invicem diras inferiasque dicunt . Vrbanus acta Hildebrandi tueri , Clemens rescindere pergit . Imperator quoque summa ope contra Urbanum nititur . Moveri rursus Civitas Christiana , & dissensio Civilis , quasi permistio terrae erumpere coepit , scinditurque populus Christianus , pauci reperti , qui veram pietatem , injustae potentiae anteponerent ; partium studia , quae extincta erant , gliscunt . Neque illis modestia , neque ullus est modus contentionis ; utrisque cupiditas victoriae haud satis moderata ; multos mortales ea lues extinxit , remque Christianam pessundedit ; dum alteri alteros quovis modo vincere volunt . Vrbanus criminando Imperatorem , plebem Christianam exagitat occulte largiendo , indulgendo , pollicitando , magis incendit , ita ipse clarus , potens factus , ex libidine sua victoria utitur , plusque sibi ac successoribus spinarum ac potentiae , quam pietatis , atque amoris comparavit sub titulo Christi , pro sua magnitudine amplitudineque laboravit . Namque uti paucis verum absolvam , post illa tempora quicunque concionem divinam agitavere honestis nominibus , quasi jura Ecclesiae , libertatemque religionis defenderent , et quo Romani Episcopi authoritas maxima foret , bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia certaverunt . Imperator quidem contra haec summa ope connisus fuit : And by all possible means endeavoured to reclaim his Sonne Conrade from his Unnatural Rebellion , but could not prevail , being intoxicated by Vrban and Machtylda ; whereupon , * Is ubi filium ad sanitatem reducere non potuit , in Agrippinense Colonia hybernat octavo Idus Januarii ad Aquas Granias ad Conventus Procerum Imperii agendos concedit . Ibi habito eorum , quibus venire , sententiam dicere jus erat , Concilio in Senatu , ita verba fecit : O fidissimi Civium ; piissimique amicorum , Romani Imperii proceres , Christianaeque familiae columen , id vos oro & per Dium immortalem , per Majestatem Imperii , per salutem & dignitatem vestram , per jusjurandi religionem , qua nobis & Reipub. astricti estis obtestor , ut po● ; itis gratia atque odio in commune consulatis , & Rempublicam capessatis ; pietatem , pacem jam pridem factione atque perfidia paucorum terris depulsam , vestro labore , vestraque industria reducem stabilite ; saevior tempestas rursus fluctibus obruit , me in Imperium natum educatumque ; quem Deus summus rerum arbiter , & vos Imperatorem rebus humanis imposuistis , non inimicus , neque hostis , sed quod falsum esse , & neminem credere percupiam , filius meus illecebris foemineis captus , quem genui , participem regni feci , successorem declaravi , contra jus Gentium , adversus jus naturae et sanguinis necessitudinem , contra divinum edictum , immemor beneficiorum , oblitus naturae , non solum dignitate , sed et vita privare conatur parentem , cui vitam , dignitatem , quicquid denique habet acceptum referre necesse est , extinguere con●ititur , * Dux facti foemina est : diutius quam filio placet me Deus servat , vitam quam natura mihi donat , proles mea mihi invidet . Expectare semis fata recusat . Quae sane nostrae sunt injuriae nihil ad vos . Verum nunc vestrum duce foemina occupavit regnum , vi & armis tenet . Vos in mea injuria despecti estis , vestra beneficia mihi excepta sunt , non me , sed vos contemnit . Vestra res agitur , audaciam hominum spectate . Non opus est malis geniis , homini ex homine plurima mala ; Vni animalium , homini , ambitio honoris , avaritiae immensa cupido ; nulli rerum major libido , nulli rabies acrior . Quid reliquum est , nisi ut caeteri omnes , ab hoc , quasi in loco illustri constituti , exempla sibi sumant , parricidia passim impune committant ! Si ulla apud vos est memoria Conradi avi , atque Henrici parentis mei , majorumque vestrorum , nolite pati Imperium vestro sanguine atque sudore partum , per scelus et parricidia tabescere ; per amplitudinem , salutemque vestram , per immortalem majorum gloriam obsecro , auferte procul in ultimas terras ex Germaniae victrice Gentium flagitium hocce , hactenus inauditum . Defessum tot civilibus praeliis Orbem Romanum asserite a vitiis , scelere immanissimo Rempublicam Christianam vindicate ; poenas impietatis scelerati reddant , sentiant sacrilegi impostores , Germanicam virtutem nondum a majoribus degenerasse , vos Majorum vestigiis inniti decet , terrori pessimis , quibusque bonis patrocinio esse . Quod tum fiet si uno consensu filium meum minorem natu , majore ob scelera exhaeredato atque proscripto , Caes●rem declaraveritis . Haec ubi Augustus dixit , pauci , quibus omnia alia atque sides & Respub . chariora erant , contra nitebantur , Caeteri omnes indignitate facinoris●commoti , aequa postulare Augustum censent , ejusque ▪ postulatis annuunt ex consilii decreto : more majorum Hainricum filium Augustum impuberem adhuc Caesarem consalutant , isque se nunquam a patre defecturum solenni ritu jurat . Jamque Civile bellum , parricidialisque pugna parabatur . Imperator cum exercitu in Italiam intrat , Nordmannos , Machtyldam atroci proelio superat , Castella , oppida , vicos , Mantuam , Florentiam obsidet , expugnat , capit . Romanos supplices obviam procedentes , datis acceptisque mandatis domum dimittit . Urbanus in Hispaniam aufugit . Eodem anno interea , dum Caesar in Italia belligeratur ; Welpho Augustum Rhetiae capit , populus Sacerdotes praedae fuere . Complures qui in Templum maximum confugerant ab irato teste ibidem contrucidati sunt ; Sigefridus Episcopus ab ara retractus in vincula conjicitur , Wigoldus Hildebrandinus , author hujusce belli , Civibus Episcopus imponitur . Postridie , licet pollutus homicidio , sacrificat . Vix sacra perpetrarat , morbo corripitur atque expirat . Circa eundum temporis tractum universi Episcopi , Principes , faces et antesignani civillis belli , quo septemdecim annos Respublica attrita fuit , uno anno extincti sunt . A memorable judgement of God upon them for their Rebellions , Seditions , Treasons . After this , * Dominus Papa Vrbanus bene dispositis rebus in Gallia , post reconciliationem Regis Franciae & multa Concilia , tandem in Longobardiam cum multo triumpho & gloria repedavit . a Anno 1097. Dominus Papa tandem ad Apostolicam sedem cum magna gloria & tripudio reversus Cardinalibus gloriosissime celebravit nativitatem Domini cum suis : quippe tota Romana urbe pene sibi subjugata praeter turrim Crescentii , in qua adhuc latitabant Guibertini . Domina egregia Dux et Marchionissa Machtylda , devotissima Sanctae Ecclesiae filia , ipsa pene sola cum suis complicibus Heinricum & haeresiarchum Guibertum , complicesque eorum jam septennio prudentissime pugnavit , tandemque Heinricum de Longobardia satis viriliter fugavit , & ipsa recuperatis suis bonis , Deo & Sancto Petro gratias referre non destitit . Pope Urban continued at Rome Anno 1098. maintaining wars and contests both there and in Italy with Clement his Competitor : at last having manfully enough either appeased or finally conquered most of his Enemies , Anno 1099. Romae Dominus Papae generalem Synodum 150. Episcoporum & Abbatum & Clericorum innumerabilium in tertia hebdomada post Pascha collegit , in qua Synodo , confirmatis suorum antecessorum statutis , etiam sententiam Anathematis super Guibertum haeresiarcham , et omnes ejus complices iteravit ( if the many former excommunications of him had been valid , what need this reiteration of them ? ) Statuit quoque ibi , ne communicare praesumerent , qui concubinas haberent , nisi prius eas omnino demitterent . De Hierosolymitano itinere multum rogavit ut irent , & fratribus suis laborantibus su●currerent . Our Historians c Eadmerus , d Radulphus de Diceto , and e others record , that Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury was present in this Roman Synod ; Ubi ex●ommunicationis sententia tam Laicos qui investituras Ecclesiarum dant , or more pristino conferentes ( as Radulphus de Diceto words it ) quam illos qui easdem de manibus laicorum accipiunt , et qui sacris eos initiant , &c. or taliter post acceptum honorem munus consecrationis impendere praesumentes , a communione fidelium Synodalis auctoritas decrevit extorres , as Diceto renders it . Upon which account , Anselm peremptorily refused to consecrate any Bishops who received investitures from the King , of which in due place , f Simeon Dunelmensis , and g Johannes De Brompton , who register this Constitution , render the reasons thereof given by Pope Urban , in these ensuing terms . An. 1099. Urbanus Papa 3. Ebdomada Paschae magnum Concilium tenuit Romae : In quo recisis recidendis & statutis statuendis , in adversarios sanctae Ecclesiae Excommunicationis sententiam in omnes laicos investitaras Ecclesiarum dantes , et omnes easdem investitu●as de manibus illorumaccipientes , nec non omnes in officio sic dati honoris hujusmodi consecrantes , cum toto Concilio Papa intorsit ; Eosque Anatheniatis vinculo colligavit , qui pro Ecclesiasticis honoribus Laicorum hominum homines fiunt , dicens , Nimis execrabile videri , ut manus quae in tantam eminentiam excreverant , ut quod nulli Angelorum concessum est , Deum cuncta creantem , suo signaculo creent , et eundem ipsum pro redemptione , et salute totius mundi summi Dei Patris optutibus offerunt , in hanc ignorantiam detrudantur , ut ancillae fiant earum manuum quae die ac nocte obscaenis contactibus inquinantur , sive rapinis , ac injustae sanguinum effusioni addictae , commaculantur . Which blasphemous reasons being uttered , Fiat , fiat , ab omnibus est acclamatum , & in his Concilium consummatum . The Emperors Henry the 3. & 4. notwithstanding all Hildebrands , Urbans , and other Decrees against Simony , would not part with , but still maintained and exercised their antient Right of Investitures , in conferring Bishopricks ; and the Papacy it self , according to the forecited Decrees of Popes themselves , used by their Predecessors , as these Presidents in the eleventh Century after Christ ( when Investitures were most eagerly decryed , decreed against , ) will evidence , besides others which I pretermit . The Emperor a Henry the 3. having constituted Clement the 2d . Pope by his Imperial Authority , Anno 1048. about the same time he made Humfridus his Chancellor Bishop of Ravenna in Italy , Theodoricus Bishop of Constans , his Arch-chaplain , Bishop of Aquisgran , Herardus Bishop of Spire , Theodoricus of Verdunum , and one of his Chaplains Bishop of Basil , Henry his Chaplain Bishop of Augusta , A●elbero Bishop of Mets , and Eberhardus Bishop of Trevers , within the compass of one year , in the places of those who fled or were removed , as b Hermannus Contractus , and others record , who also inform us , That Anno Dom. 1049. this Emperor elected , and made Poppo Brixiensis Pope , and sent him to Rome to be installed , that the same year he made Gotebastus Patriarch of Aquileia after Eberhardus his decease , and likewise elected and made Bruno Pope , sending him to Rome to be installed . That he designed by his Imperial authority Meinwerchus to be Bishop of Padeborn : and Anno 1051. he constituted Luitpoldus Archbishop of Mentz in the place of Bardo deceased , Rumoldus Bishop of Constans in the place of deceased Theodoricus , and Egelhardus Bishop of Magdeburg after Memfred . Anno 1052. he promoted Henry to the Archbishoprick of Ravenna after the poysoning of Humfridus . Anno 1055. he instituted Hatto Bishop of Trent , Echardus Bishop of Brixia , and Eugelbertus of Minden . Anno 1056. he ordained Gomradus Bishop of Nemets , and Hermannus Archbishop of Agrippinae . Anno 1060. he made Sigefridus Archbishop of Colen , Euchardus Bishop of Nemeri , Otho Bishop of Maspurgh , and at the Romans petition elected , and constituted the Bishop of Parma Pope in the place of Pope Nicholas then deceased . Anno 1062. Egerhardus Bp. of Magdeburg dying , he constituted another who succeeded him . Anno 1063. c Henry Bishop of Augusta ( a proud lecherous Prelate ) over-familiar with the Empress Agneta , was thereupon besieged by the Emperors forces , and surrendring himself to mercy , all the rest were dismissed ; at Episcopi pudenda signe● cuspide transfigit , whereof he shortly dying , Henry the 4th . succeeding his Father Henry the 3d. Imbricum fecit Augustinum Epise . An. 1065. Henry the 4th . made Altmannus his Chaplain , Bishop of Patavia ; An. 1066. he elected Conrade Archbishop of Trevers , d who though opposed by the Hildebrandian faction , prevailed at last . After which he constituted Henry de Werle , Bishop of Padeborn , Udo Bishops of Heildethei● , Hardicus Bishop of Magdeburg , who had great contests with their Hildebrandian and Rodulphian Competitors , but prevailed against them in conclusion . Anno 1084 he deposed Adelbero Bishop of Wirtzburgh , for adhering to the Pope against his allegiance , and placed Meginhardus in his See , who being violently dispossessed thereof by Adelbero , the Emperor again ejected this intruder and re-placed Meg●●hardus in the Bishoprick ; yea he deprived no less than 14. German Archbishops and Bishops for their rebellions against him at once , and put others in their places , by his Imperial power , as I have * already evidenced . Pope Cl●●ment notwithstanding all the excommunications denounced against him by Urban , would not quit his Right to the Papacy , nor the Emperor his Prerogative of conferring Bishopricks and Churches by Investitures ; But on the contrary , this very year , Cardinal Benno , with others of the Emperors and Clements party , meeting in a Synod of Rome , after many admonitions & summons to Urban & his schismatical Party to appear before them , and renounce their seditious , turbulent , schismatical Practises , Heresies , and sophistications , denounced this ensuing sentence against them as incorrigible Schismaticks & Hereticks , and ordered all their Decrees made in their forecited Councils at Platentia , Claremont , Rome , & elswhere , to be publickly burnt as heretical ; thus enrolled to posterity by Card. m Benno and n others out of him . Adelb●rtus Episcopus S. Ruffinae Sylvae Candidae , Johannes Episcopus Hostensis . Hugo Episcopus Praenestinus , Albertus Episcopus Nephesinus . Benno Cardinalis Presbyter urbis Romae , Romanus Cardinalis urbis Romae , Octavianus , Cardinalis Presbyter designatus , Paulus Primicerius Romanae Ecclesiae , Nicholaus , Electus Abbas , S. Sylvestri urbis Romae , N. Abbas S. Paneratii urbis Romae , & Clerus : Et clarissimi Principes Laici , Theobaldus Chirebii , & Udalricus de S. Eustathio , & populus Romanus , omnibus Deum timentibus , & salutem Romanae Reipublicae diligentibus . Nolumus ignorare prudentiam vestram , quod ad destruendas haereses noviter ab Hiltebrando inventas , & antiquas sub nomine pietatis , impie ab ipso renovatas , & ad defensionem fidei Catholicae , et ad exterminandam impietatem eorum qui noviter ipsam fidem Catholicam ( quantum in ipsis erat ) scindere non timuerunt , Deo authore ; Nonis apud Sanctum Blasium convenimus , octavo Idus apud S. Celsum , septimo Idus apud sanctam Mariam in Ecclesia quae vocatur Rotunda . consedimus , ipsas Haereses damnatas , sicut Majores nostri , et nos dammamus , omnes Sectatores , communicatores , complices semel , damnatae pravitatis pari sorte censemus , ne si vel paululum taceamus , consentire videamur . Eos vero qui authoribus errorum communicant , data securitate , libere veniendi & abeundi , vocamus , & ut per Majores suos Dominum Roynerium , & Johannem Burgundionem cursum suum , agant admonemus , securitatem integram in quantum possumus , usque ad festum omnium Sanctorum proponimus , etiam cum in causa sua defecerint , neminem circumvenientes , nullius sanguinem , sed omnium vitam , & honorem sitientes , nec seditiones in populo commoventes . De causa enim sua diffidere videtur quisquis auctor est seditionis . Pacem vero & dilectionem sinceram proponimus omnibus , pacem & veritatem & unitatem Catholicoe Ecclesiae amplectentibus , ut simus filii Patris nostri , qui in coelis est . Qui enim ex patre Diabolo sunt , opera patris sui faciunt , conspirationibus , & seditionibus cujus filii sunt manifeste ostendunt . Nos vero illius Discipuli esse desideramus , cujus Doctrina etiam inimicis sane est intelligenda . Orent pro nobis Ecclesiae filii , ut crescat Sermo Domini . Data Romae contra schismaticos in sacro conventu , Anno ab incarnatione Domini , &c. 1098. Indictione sexta 7. Id. Augusti . His Literis vocati sunt . Declinarunt ●utem audientiam schismatici per 16. Annos , per obsides potentes & clarissimos , etsi per Sacramenta invitati , ne caperentur suis mendaciis , ne suis libellis convincerentur , quibus authores eorum corruperunt , terram Haeresibus variis , longe lateque disseminatis per Apostolos multiplicis erroris . Sacer & jam Conventus , toties deprehensa eorum versu●a , in conspectu Ecclesiae eoram multitudine Remorum ait : Eos qui sanctam Ecclesiam sciendere non timuerunt , iterum vocamus ad Synodum , quam Deo authore celebrated disposuimus circ . Calend. Novembris . In praesenti tamen , quia ven●re renuunt , testus invocamus contra eos coelum & terram , quod nullum consensum adhibemus eorum perversitati , et in testimonium illius in medio Ecclesiae , in conspectu Angelorum et hominum , incendio tradimus Decreta eorum haeretica , quibus orbem , terrae perverterunt , verbum Dei adulterantes , sub ententito colore pietatis querentes plus se , quam fidem Catholicam amari . Qui per 16. annos nullum dederant locum veretati , sugientes lucem examinationis , tenebris errorum assueti , falsis expositionibus violenter intorquentes Scripturas in adjumentum nefandissimi schismatis . Hereupon Papa Urbanus post multas tribulationes , tandem 4. Cal. Augusti , de hac luce migravit , post cujus obitum , Dominus e Paschalis 2. Papa ordinatur , & hee ex divina revelatione factum ub●●ue divulgabatur . Ordinatus est autem a Clero & Populo , as Bertoldus relates . But Aventinus and others record , that Conradus filius Imperatoris Rex Italiae , & Romani eum Pontificem maximum faciunt , ( not the Cardinals ) in opposition to his Father . This Pope ( Hildebrands Disciple ) endeavoured not only to unitate and equall , but exceed him in antichristian Pride , Tyranny , Usurpations , Treasons , Rebelsions against the Emperor Henry the 4th . Hic superbissimus Nebulo , ( as Platina , Stella , Onuphrius , Balaeus , and others assure us ) sellam Pontificam ascendere noiuit prius quam populus ter acclamasset : Sanctus Petrus Raynerum virum optimum elegit . Indutus deinde coccinea chlamyde ? ( juxta illud Apoc. 1. & mulier erat circundata purpura & coccino , &c. ) thiaraque capiti ejus imposita , deducebatur a bo equo vectus in Lateranum , ubi Pontificum Sceptrum illi dabatur , ac baltheo cingebatur ; de quo claves septem ( Saint Peter had but two at most ) & totidem sigilla dependebant , tanquam papicae potestatis symbola , quibus jus datum esse significabat , secundum septitariam Spiritus sancti gratiam , Ecclesias claudendi & aperiendi : O abominatio inaudita : ita se exaltabat magnus ille Dei adversarius & Antichristus ; writes Balaeus : Hoc modo ( ait Functius ) eques Meretrix virilem a ●atem fastu rexit , ut praedictum est , Apoc. 13. & 17. * Bertoldus Constantiensis , who writ in that age , Anno 1100. observes : Jam multum paene ubique sententia excommunicationis caepit tepescere , ut etiam quidam religiosi , qui usque ad hoc tempus in illa causa fuerunt serventissimi a Catholicis discederent , et inter excommunicatos promoveri non timerent : ( The frequency and contrariety of these Papal brutish , malicious sentences , making them both contemptible and execrable to most : ) Sed sancta Ecclesia in obedientia circa excommunicatos nihilominus perstitit , quae post apostasiam Judae , reliquos Apostolos etiam sirnaus , cum Domino pershtisse cognovit . This Pope , as the Historians of that age , with Platina , B●lae●s , Barnes , and others observe , ( to evidence himself the true Successor of Hild●brand , not of St. Peter ) Totum vitae cursum in bellis gerendis ac seditionibus absolvit , hic summus in terris Satanae Vicarius . Et ne ulla in reimpu●simo 〈…〉 haberetur inferior , omnia experiebatur quae ad amplitudinem Satanicae sedis pertinere videbantur : Episcopos omnes atque Abbates , a Caesare constitutos , sedibus furiose deposuit . Theodoricum , quem Cavenses Pontificem designaverant , coegit quar●o ferme mense post Electionem Papatum deponere , & habitum Anachoritae suscipere : Mag i●lphum Romanum Civem apud Ravennates sibi arrogantem Pontificis titulum , in exilium pepulit , & auxiliantibus Romanis urbe ejecit . In Guibertum Antipapam , exercitum mover , Rogerii Siciliae comitis copiis & opibus adjutus , qui videns se viribus imparem esse Paschali , profugit in tutiorem locum , & non multo post subitanea morte opetit grandaevus . Quidam scribant , hunc suasu quorundam bonorum se abdicasse suo Pontificatu . Alii scr●bunt , eum eodem die ejectum & relegatum esse . This Martial Pope Paschal freed by force of armes from his Competitors , * Concilium congregat Florentiae , Anno Dom. 1101. as some , but An. 1105. or 1110. as others variously compute it ; the occasion of his summoning this Council is very observable ; Episcopus Florentinus , as most , ( but Fluentinus , as Sabellicus ) stiles him ; audebat palam asseverare , Antichristum jam natum esse : Idque hand dubie animadvertit ex illo horribili Metamorphosi regni Christi spiritualis in mundanum . Nam Pontifices Remani magis arma quam Biblia sacra tractabant , opponebant sese Imperatoribus , eosque contemptissime tractabant , articulos fidei depravabant , Sacramenta a Christo sancita prophanabant , &c. Plures ad Pontificatum insidiis , armis , ac caedibus ascendebant , quam libera electione , & castitas , quae etiam in honesto conjugio colitur , ex tota quasi choro sacratorum viroum exterminabatur . Erat denique Romanus Papa vorago pecuniarum totius mundi , vi , non ratione pleraque administrans . Ista quidem huic Antistiti & aliis praesentem Ecclesiae statum nonnihil perpendentibus occasionem praebuerunt , jam evidentissimis & illustribus notis affirmandi , Antichristum jam esse natum ; publiceque in Ecclesia dominari , ( being likewise seconded with many prodigies , at large related by Historians , hapning at this season . ) Hac re divulgata Paschalis 2. vicem Antichristi Romae gerens , ( conscious of his own guilt ) nequaquam sibi dorm●endum praesumebat ; sed confestim Florentiae ●cacto Concilio Episcoporum Galliae & Italiae , Episcopum ad examen vocat . Re ipsa admodum discusia ( silentium autem de argumentis ipsius altum est , nec enim visa est ex re Pontificis Romani , si rationes in vulgus sparsae , aut memoriae fuissent commendatae . ) Hoc tantum asserunt , hominem verbis castigatum ac dimissum esse : Credibile est , verbis satis indignis . And to shew himself a true Antichrist , as Dr. Barnes and others relate , Perpetuum Anathema a Gregorio adversus Henricum 4. promulgatum in ca Synodo renovat et confirmat , ejusque Synodi sententiam postea in coena Domini , apud Lateranum Romae publice pronunciat . Immediately after , ( as Platina , Barnes and others story ) ad Guardastalum , conventis multorum Principum et Episcoporum habito , de homagiis , de feudis , de Episcoporum Sacramentis Laicis antea exhibitis , exhibendisve , magna est habita ratio : And to reform the Clergy of France , non ita integre ut deceret vitam ducentes , Trecas Conventu habito , redactis ad laudabiliorem cultum Ecclesiis , earumque praesidibus partim pulsis , partim castigationibus emendatis , in Ita●iam propere rediit , quod intellexerat omnia seditiosorum quorundam factionibus perturbari : Several persons seising upon St. Peters patrimony , and raising parties against this Paschal , who like a Martial Pontiff , encountred his Enemies in the field , obstinate resistentes expugnat , non sine magno utriusque partis incommodo ; oppida quae jam defecerant , in deditionem recipit , & totum Petri patrimonium brevi pacatum reddidit . This year Conrade the Emperors sonne , after 9. years revolt from , and rebellion against his Father , ( wholly swayed by the Pope , and Machtylda , cui , ut quidam dicunt , sicut sanguine , ita & connubio conjunctus ) died in rebellion ; being poysoned , as some relate ; whereupon this Pope endeavoured to engage his Sonne Henry ( whom his Father had declared to succeed him in the Empire in a publike assembly of the States , and all the Hildebrandian faction to depose , and usurp his Fathers throne by force and treachery : For which end , Pope Paschal Anno 1102. summoned a General Council at Rome , wherein he resumed the old quarrel about Investitures , passing this Decree therein , and other subsequent Councils ; ( thus registred by Gratian , caus . 16. qu 7. ) Si quis Clericus , Abbas vel Monachus per Laicos Ecclesias obtinuerit , secundum Sanctorum Apostolorum Canones , ( to wit of Urban and Hildebrand ) & Antiochieni Concilii capitalium , excommunicetur . Constitutiones Sanctorum canonum sequent●s ( of Hildebrand and Vrban ) Statuimus , ut quicumque Clericus ab hac hora investituram Ecclesiae , vel Ecclesiasticae dignitatis de manu Laici acceperit , et qui ei manum imposuerit , gradus sui periculo subjaceat . Nullus Laicorum , Ecclesias vel Ecclesiarum bona occupat vel disponat , qui vero secus egerit ab Ecclesiae liminibus arceatur : ratifying all his Predecessors forecited Decrees against Investitures . Henry the Emperor having notice of the Popes intention and designes to call this Council ; Habito cum Principibus colloquio , Roman se profecturum , ac Generale Concilium circa Febr. Kalend. inibi convocaturum ( according to his Imperial Priviledge to summon Councils , of which this Pope would deprive him ) condirit ; quatenus tam sua , quam Domini Apostolici causa canonice ventilata , Catholica inter Regnum et Sacerdotium confirmaretur unitas . Constat tamen nec ipsum juxta placitum venisse , nec nuncia dignitati Apostolicae subjectonem profitentia misisse ( as he had no reason ) Nec hoc latet , quod alterum Papam ipsi Domino Paschali superponeret ( he being unduly elected without his Imperial assent , by the power and confederacy of his rebellious usurping Sonne Conrade ) si fieri posset , conatus sit : The ground of his absenting himself , was , his just fear of the Popes treachery and designs to dethrone or murder him , to establish himself in his usurped Papal Chair . Whereupon this Pope taking advantage of his absence , convententibus universis Apuliae , Campaniae , Siciliae , Tuscaniae totiusque simul Italiae Praesulibus , Ultramontanorum autem quamplurimorum Legatis ( all or most of the Hildebrandian faction ) Synodus magna Romae est habita ; ubi praeter antiqua Patrum instituta ( to wit against Investitures ) more solita reverenter confirmata , etiam saepedictum hujus temporis Schisma , inter pr●●cipuas haereses computatur , ac perpetuo cum suis authoribus atque sequacibus anathemate hujusmodi subscripta professione condemnatur . Anathematizo omnem haeresim , & praecipue eam , quaestatum praesentis Ecclesiae perturbat ; quae docet & asserit Anathema contemnendum , & Ecclesiae ligamenta spernenda esse : ( And to make sure his Title , superadded this new Oath of absolute Canonical obedience ) Promitto autem obedientiam Apostolicae sedis Pontifici , Domino Paschali , ejusque successoribus , sub testimonio Christi et Ecclesiae , affirmans quod affirmat , et damnans quod damna● sancta universalis Ecclesia . Ibi etiam , quam sententiam in Imperatorem vel Patricium Romanum Heinricum idem Apostolicus Paschalis promulgaverit , ( by no Apostolical president ) nos quoque inter innumeras diversarum Gentium catervas , proxima coena Domini in Ecclesia Lateranensi ab ipsius ore didicimus ; Nimirum , postquam 8. Kalend. Octobris maris fluctibus Joppae traditi Romae sumus , per gratiam Christi praedicta majore hebdomada intro●ucti . Quia , inquit , tunicam Christi scindere , id est , Ecclesiam rapinis & incendiis devastare , luxuriis , perjuriis atque homicidiis commaculare non cessavit , Primo a beatae memoriae * Gregorio Papa , deinde a sanctissimo viro Vrbano predecessore meo propter suam inobedientiam excommunicatus est atque condemnatus ; Nos quoque in proxima Synodo nostra judicio totius Ecclesiae , perpetuo eum anathemate tradidimus . Id notum volumus omnibus , et maxime Vltramontanis esse , quatenus se ab ipsius contineant iniquitate . After this Excommunication the Pope dispatcheth his Legates and Letters into Germany , exciting Princes and Prelates of the Hildebrandian faction to take up arms afresh , against the re-excommunicated Emperor and all his adherents . Amongst others he sent one Letter to Robert Earl of Holland , newly returned from the wars against the Saracens in the holy Land , to this effect . a Hoc est legitimi militis , ut sui Regis hostes instantius persequatur . Gratias ergo prudentiae tuae agimus , quod praeceptum nostrum in Came●acensi parochiae executus es , id ipsum de Leodiensibus excommunicatis Pseudoclericis praecipimus ( who adhered faithfully to the excommunicated Emperor ) Nec in hac tantum parte , sed ubique cum poteris , Henricum haereticorum caput , et ejus fautores pro viribus persequaris . Nullum profecto gratius Deo sacrificium offerre poteris , quam si eum impugnes , qui se contra Deum erexit , qui Ecclesiae Dei regnum auferre conatur , &c. Hoc tibi et Militibus tuis in peccatorum remissionem pricipimus , &c. Hereupon the Bishop , Canons and Clergy of the Diocesse and Church of Leodium , in their own just defence writ a memorable answer to this Popes Letter , wherin they thus notably oppugned his antichristian proceedings against the Emperor , and his adherents , oppugne his pretended Supremacy , Tyranny , Blood-thirstinesse , vindicate this Emperors cause supremacy over Popes , Prelates , prove Rome to be Babylon , and the Pope Antichrist . Stupendo & gemendo ex●●la●…o ( inquit Ecclesia Leodiensis ) cum Esia , qui onus de●●●●… exaggerans , exclamat , sicut turbines ab Africo veniunt , de deserto venit , de terra horribili vuio dura nunciata est mihi , &c. Qui hactenus non intelligebat loquendo , quid sit desertum mare , nunc intelligat videndo , quid per desertum mare significetur ; non solum Babylonia , sed etiam mundus & Ecclesia , &c. Ecclesia 〈◊〉 se desertam a sano praesulum consilio . Quae enim major olim confusio fuit in Babylonia , quam hodie est in Ecclesia ? In Babylonia confusae sunt lingua gentium , in Ecclesia dividuntur linguae & mentes credentium . Ait Petrus in Epistola sua , Sa●●ta● vos Ecclesia quae est in Babylone collecta , Hactenus interpretabar ideo voluisse Patrum per Babylo●em s●g●are Romam , quia tunc temporis Roma confusa erat Idolo●atria & omni spurcitia . At nunc dolor meus mihi interpretatur ; quod Petrus Prophtico spiritu dicens Ecclesiam in Babylone collectam , praevidit confusionem dissens●on●s , quia hodie scinditur Ecclesia , &c. Qui sint turbines ab Africo , discimus patiendo magis quam legendo , de terra horribili , a Romana scilicet Ecclesia , visio dura nunciata est mihi ; inde turbo ut tempestas venit ab Africo Romanus enim pra sul , pater omnium Ecclesiarum literas contra nos mittit Roberto Flandrensium Comiti , et earum hic exemplar interserunt . Super his literis cujus lumbi non repleantur dolore ? Super h●s me obstupefecerunt tenebrae , nec tantum pro horrore periculi , quantam pro horrenda novitate rei , quam tam lachrymabiles literae potuerunt scribia Matre contra filas suas , quamvis peccantes . In judicio Salomonis expressa est magnitudo materna pietatis , quoniam judicante Solomone , ut infans pro quo contendebatur , gladio divideretur maluit mater filium suum sub aliena muliere vivere , quam gladio judicis dividi . Dicit Esaias , Babylon dilecta mea , versa est mihi in miraculum . At ego dico , Roma dilecta mea mater , versa est mihi in miraculum . Quid enim tam mirabile , imo quid tam miserabile ? Vidit olim David Angelum Dei stantem exten●o gladio super Hierusalem , nos filiae Romanae Ecclesiae , Ecce videmus Romanum pr●es●em , qui est Angelus Domini ( hunc utique locum occupat , ) extento gladio super Ecclesiam . Davia orabat ne populus occideretur ; angelus noster porrigens Roberto gladium , orat ut occidamur . Unde iste gladius angelo nostro ? Unus est gladius spiritus , quod est verbum Dei , &c. Est alter gladius spiritualis , quo mortificatis vitus carnis emitur corona martyrii . Cum ergo duos tantum gladios a Domino Apostoli habeant , unde iste tertius Apostolico gladius , quem in nos porrigit Robe●to armigero suo ? Forte recurrit Apostolicus ad Ezechielem Prophetam , ut de manu ejus tertium arripiens gladium , vadat ad dextram , sive ad siniseram , caedendo bonos & malos , &c. Hic est gladius interfectionis magnae , qui me cum Ezechiel● obstupescere facit ; quem enim non faciat corde tabescere , quod Apostolicus ad vivisicandum unctus , accingitur in nos tertio gladio interfectorum , &c. Si licere dicere ( salva Apostolicae dignitatis reverentia ) ipse nobis videtur dormivisse . Dormierunt cum eo omnes consiliarii ejus , quando conduxit sibi vastatorem Ecclesiarum Dei. Pracipit Paulus , ut verbum Episcopi sit sanum & irreprehensibile . Nos ergo nec infirmamus aut reprehendimus verbum Episcoporum Episcopi , sed quia Apostolicus non debet deviare ab Apostolo , quaerimus humiliter per singula , utrum hac Apostolici verba sint per omnia gravitate Apostolicae authoritatis sana & irreprehen●●bilia ? Ecce ut pater dilecto filio salutem mittit , & apostolicam benedictonem promittit ! Sed non ea illa opera indicit , quibus salutem & benedictionem a Deo promereri possit , &c. Quis unquam populum Dei , quis unquam Ecclesiam Dei impune persecutus est ? ( Et huc multa ex Scripturis sucris exempla adducunt . ) Ecce opera justae malitiae , quibus pater filium , Papa coelestis Regis militem imbuit , per quae possit contendere ad coelestem Hierusalem , impugnando scilicet Ecclesiam Dei. Gratias , inquit , prudentiae tuae agimus , quod praeceptum nostrum in Cameracensi parochia executus es ; Qualis & quanta sit vastitas & contritio Cameracensis Ecclesiae , quis recolit sine dolore ? Ego quidem silia Romanae Ecclesiae , condolebam Camera●●●…sibus pro affectu germanitatis , nunc vero audiens haec mala inferri praecepto Apostolicy authoritatis , jam amplius doleo , quia timeo Matri meae , ne in eam redundet illud quod Deus dicit per os Esaiae , Vae qui condunt leges iniquas , & scribentes injustitiam scripserunt , ut opprimerent in judicio pauperes , &c. Tantam Ecclesiae desolationem , tantam pauperum & viduarum oppressionem , tantam praedarum & rapinarum immanitatem , & quod his gravius est , promiscuam bonorum & malorum occitionem ; Haec & pejora his praecepto Apostolici facta esse quis crederet , nisi ipse suo ●●●ore prodidisset ? Nos attoniti hac novitate rerum , quaerimus unde sit hoc novum exemplum , ut praedicator pacis , suo ore & alterius manu , inferat Ecclesiae bellum , &c. Apostolici enim peccantes arguunt , Obsecrant , increpant , in omni patientia & doctrina &c. Dicit Jesus , Si peccaverit inte frater tuus , corripe illum , &c. Et hic exemplum Gregorii erga Episcopem Salonensem proferunt , Imperatorem Maximum arguentem , quod in Priscilliani sectatores vim adhiberet ; Qui damnavit , inquit , accusatorem Itachium pro morte haeretici , si adhuc viveret , non laudaret & istum , cujus praecepto tot occiduntur pro causa Cameracensium , &c. Idipsum de Leodiensibus excommunicatis pseudoclericis praecipimus , inquit , Nos vero Leodienses quare excommunicati dicimur , in uno Spiritu nos omnes , in unum corpus baptizati sumus , &c. Quando significatum est Romanae Ecclesiae quod contentiones fuerit inter nos , idipsum in Christo sapimus , idipsum dicimus , Non dicimus , Ego sum Pauli , ego Cephae , ego autem Christi ; num quid pro hac unanimitate excommunicati dicimur , &c. Nobis legem Dei tenentibus objiciunt , quod transgrediamur eorum novas traditiones . At illis dicit Deus , Quare vos transgredimini mandatum Dei propter traditiones vestras ? Jubet Deus , ut quae sunt Caesaris , reddamus Caesari , & quae sunt Dei , Deo. In hanc sententiam Petrus & Paulus pedibus eunt . Petrus inquit , Deum timete , honorisicate Regem . Servi subditi estote in omni timore dominis , non tantum bonis & modestis , sed etiam dyscolis , &c. Qui hoc omni animae praecepit , quem a subjectione terrenae potestatis excepit ? Quia ergo Regem honoramus , quia Dominis nostris non ad oculum , sed in plicitate cordis servimus , ideo excommunicati dicimur ? Sed Simoniaci sumus . Simomoniacos , quantum ad nos , vitamus , & quos vitare nequimus , pro loco & tempore toleramus , nec minus vitamus illos , qui notam avaritiae honesto nomine praetexentes , quod gratis se jactant dare , vendunt sub charitatis nomine , & sicut Montanistae sub nomine oblationum artificiosius accipiunt munera ; Oh dolendo miramur , quare , quando & a quo excommunicati simus . Non ab Episcopo nostro , non ab Archiepiscopo , cui Episcopus noster suffragatur , nos excommunicatos esse scimus . Sed nec a Papa Romano nos esse excommunicatos credimus ; quia scimus eum non ignorare quod ait Nicodemus , Lex nostra non judicat quemquam nisi andierit ab ipso prius . Nec Sodomitas damnasset Deus , nisi descendisset ad ipsos , videre , utrum clamorem , qui venerat ad eum , opere complessent . Qui nihil a nobis audivit , quem non Episcopus , non Archiepiscopus aliquando contra nos interpellavit , quis crederet quod nos excommunicaverit ? &c. Credo dicetis nos ideo haberi excommunicatos , quia favemus Episcopo nostro , faventibus partibus domini sui Imperatoris . In hac re sunt initia dolorum , pro hac re erubescunt causae malorum , quia Satanas solutus terram perambulans , jam divisit regnum & Sacerdotium ; Quia ergo Diabolus venit ad nos habens iram magnam , Patrem nostrumqui est in coelis oramus pro hocspecialiter , ne nos inducat in tentationem hanc , sed liberet nos a malo hujus tentationis , &c. Quis jure reprehendet , quod Episcopus partibus Domini sui favet , cui promissam cum juramento fidelitotem debet ? &c. Hoc non ignorant illi qui regnum & Sacerdotium scindentes novello schismate , et novellis traditionibus , illos qui Regi perjurant , se a culpa perjurii absolvere promittunt , &c. Hinc omnes perpendite , quis sit reus capitis , qui non reddit Caesari quae sunt Caesaris secundum Decretum Dei. vel qui Regem inhonorat contra Decretum Apostoli , vel perjuraudo assumit nomen Dei in vanum , per quod juravit Regi fidelitatem . Ecce quare excommunicati dicimur . Sed quare pseudoclerici vocamur , qui canonice viventes , operibus meremur , ut Clerici vocemur ? Non est inquam de sorte Dei , ( alludens ad vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) qui vult nos excludere a sorte Dei ; ( ac proinde Paschalem , qua in parte collocat ) Evomuit cor Paschasii vile convicium , prout vetulae & textrices faciunt . Petrus Apostolus docet , non dominantes in Clero , sed forma facti gregis . Paulus Apostolus , filioli quos iterum parturio in Domino ; Hos igitur attendat Dominus Paschasius pios admonitores , non impios conviciatores . Maledictum excommunicationis Dominus Paschasius nobis imporperat , sed illud ante omnes timemus , quod Spiritus sanctus per os Psalmistae dicit , Maledicti omnes qui declinant a mandatis tuis ; Maledictum excommunicationis , quod ex novella traditione Hildebrandus , Odardus & iste tertius indiscrete protulerunt , omnino abjicimus , & priores Patres sanctos usque nunc veneramur & tenemus , qui dictante Spiritu sancto , non animi motu , in majoribus & minoribus potestatibus graviter delinquentibus , quaedam dissimulaverunt , quaedam correxerunt , & quaedam toleraverunt . Dominus noster Episcopus communicat Regi & Imperatori suo , cui ex Regalibus ejus acceptis fidelitatem juravit Nimium effurit tempus , quo haec consuetudo incoepit , & sub hac consuetudine migraverunt a saeculo sancti et reverendi Episcopi , reddentes Caesari quae erant Caesaris , & Dio quaerant Dei. ( Hicque multos ex Ambrosio & Augustino loces adducunt . ) Ecce , inquit , quare excommunicati vocamur , eo quod sanctos et moderatos et antiquos Patres tenemus , et pro posse imitamur . Episcopum , Archiepiscopum nostrum , provincialem & comprovincialem Synodum ex antiqua traditione tenemus ; & quicquid ibi de Scripturis definitum fuerit , Romam non refertur , usque ad graviora negotia , de quibus non inventur in Scripturis sanctis authoritas . Illos vero Legatos a Latere Romani Episcopi exeuntes , & ad ditanda marsupia discurrentes , omnino refutamus , sicut temporibus Zozami , Coelestini , Bonifacii Concilia probaverunt . Etenim ut a fructibus eorū cognoscamus eos , non morum correctio , non vitae emendatio , sed inde hominum caedes , & Ecclesiarum Dei proveniunt depraedationes . Quia igitur antiquae regulae inhaeremus , & non omni vento doctrinae circumferimur , ecce unde excommunicati dicimur ? Cur Paschasius vult , ut exolvamus quod non rapuimus ? ut pseudoclerici vocemur , ubi rectam lineam tenemus ? Potius deposito spiritu prae sumptionis , cum suis consiliariis solerter recolligat , quomodo a beato Sylvestro usque ad Hildebrandum sedem Romanam Papae obtinuerint , & quot et quanta inaudita exambitione illius sedis perpetrata sint , et quomodo per Reges Imperatores definita sint , et pseudo papae daminati et abdicati sint , et ibi plus valuit virtus Imperialis , quam excommunicatio Hildebrandi , Odardi , Paschasii , &c. Paulus Apostolus in faciem Petro Principi Apostolorum restitit . Ergo remoto Romanae ambitionis typo , ●ur de gravibus et manifestis non reprehendantur et corrigantur Romani Episcopi ? Qui reprehendi & corrigi non vult , pseudo est sive Episcopus , sive Clericus ; Nos vero qui per misericordiam Dei , juxta regulam obedientes & corrigibiles sumus , & schisma , & simoniam , & excommunicationem per omnia dictante ratione & Spiritu sancto vitare volumus , &c. Quae etsi devastanda essent , edicto Regum et Imperatorum devastari deberent , qui non sine causa gladium portant . Sed solutus est Satanas habens iram magnam , quem exterreat valida manus Dei , ( ad Ecclesiam in Apocalypsi alludens , quam Satan persequitur ; ) Nos ab excommunicatione excipiet ipsa Romanorum authoritas . Hildebrandus Papa , qui author est hujus novelli schismatis , & primus levavit Sacerdotalem lanceam contra diadema regni , primo indiscrete Henrico faventes excommunicavit , sed reprehendens se intemperantiae excepit ab excommunicatione illos , qui Imperatori adhaerebant necessaria & debita subjectione , non voluntate faciendi vel conciliandi malum ; Et hoc pro decreto scripsit , &c. Excutit inde amplius Paschalis ad Robertum Epistolae verba ; Henricum haereticorum caput & ejus fautores persequere ; nullum profecto Deo gratius sacrificium offerre poteris , &c. Cum Alaricus Rex Gotthorum iret ad capiendam Romam , monitus a quodam servo Dei , ut ab his malis cessaret , non volens , inquit , vado Romam ; vir enim quidam me quotidie torquens urget , ut eam ad destruendam Romam ; Hoc exemplo urget Apostolicus armigerum suum , ut totum depopuletur regnum , quod non potest fieri sine caede & sanguine , & Ecclesiarum Dei depopulatione . Alaricus in hoc quidem mitior fuit , qui capta Roma Ecclesiis Dei pepercit ; & a caede hominum abstinuit ; nunc nihil excepto , immittitur Robertus ab Apostolico , ut non solum in Cameracenses & nos Leodienses , sed totus feratur ad dispergendos omnes . Quis clamabit modo cum Esaia , Quàm pulchri super montes pedes praedicantis & annunciantis pacem , &c. Qualem zelum habuit Petrus in amputanda auricula Malchi , talem zelum habet modo Vicarius Petri in amputanda auricula Regis haeretici ; sed qui in feriendo Petrum imitatur , etiam in recondendo gladio Petrum imitetur , &c. Esto , concedimus vobis inviti eum talem esse qualem dicitis , nec talis a nobis repellendus esset , armis contra eum sumptis , sed precibus ad Deum fusis . Contra Pharaonem cujus cor contra Deum induravit , Moses , ranam , muscam , locustam , grandinemque induxerat ; has tantum plagas non nisi orando extensis in coelum manibus , avertere potuit ; Jeremias pro Nabuchodonozor , & Paulus pro Nerone orant , &c. ( Et haec exempla latius exporrigit . ) Quis Pontificum Romanorum suis unquam decretis authorizavit , ut debeat Pontifex gladio belli in peccantes uti ? * Gregorius primus hujus nominis Papa quid omnes ante se Papae , super hoc senserint , & quid omnes post se sentire debeant , ostendit , scribens Sabiniano Diacono , &c. Hoc exemplo omnes a primo Gregorio contenti , utebantur solo gladio spirituali , usque ad ultimum Gregorium , qui primus se et suo exemplo alios Pontifices contra Imperatorem accinxit gladio belli , &c. Dicitis cum Gregorio , quoquo modo liget pastor , timeat grex vinculum pastoris ; Dicimus & nos cum Gregorio , ligandi & solvendi potestate se privat , qui subjectos pro suo velle & non pro merito eorum , ligat & solvit . Dicitis , quoque modo excommunicatur , si morte praevenitur , damnatur . Hic nobis succurrit Romanae Ecclesiae authoritus ; Gregorius enim primus scripto & facto exauctoravit , quod potest Romanus Pontifex absolvere excommunicatum in juste ab aliquo ; Si hoc potest Romanus praesul , quis neget etiam Deum posse absolvere , si quem praesul Romanus injuste excommunicaverit ? Nemo enim potest ab alio laedi , nisi prius laedatur a semetipso ; nullum vero sacrificium Deo gratius offerre poterit Robertus , quam si nos persequatur ; Quaero a te , O mater mea Romana Ecclesia , Num Deo placeat sacrificium , nisi sit mundum & immaculatum ? Quale ergo & quomodo tam gratum est Deo hoc bellandi Sacrificium ( quod non potest fieri sine macula culparum ? ( quod caput multis Scriptura locis explicat ) Et hoc , inquit , tibi ac militibus tuis in peccatorum remissionem praecipimus ; Hic quid dicam , nescio , quo me vertam , non video . Si enim utriusque legis totam bibliothecam , si omnes totius bibliothecae veteres expositores revolvam , exemplum hujus Apostolici praecepti non inveniam . Solus Hildebrandus Papa ultimam manum sacris Canonibus imposuit , quem legimus praecepisse Mathildi Marchionissae in remissionem peccatorum suorum , ut debellaret Henricum Imperatorem ( Tumque ex Scriptura & aliquot Gregorii locis , veram peccata remittendi rationem edisserens , qua nemp : peccatori peccatum suum ob oculos ponitur , quod & confiteatur & agnoscat , indeque & ejus gravitatem expendat , & dolore co●punctus , viva fide remedium in Christo quarat , concludit haec ipsa Leodiensis Epistola his verbis ; ) Hunc morem discrete ligandi & solvendi hactenus tenebas , & nobis tenendum mandabas , O sancta mater Romana Ecclesia ; Unde ergo haec nova authoritas per quam reis sine confessione & poenitentia offertur praeteritorum peccatotum immunitas & futurorum libertas ? Quantam fenestram malitiae patefecisti hominibus ? 〈◊〉 mater liberet Deus ab omni malo . Sit Jesus tibi ostium , sit ostiarius , nullus in te introeat , nisi cui ostiarius aperuerit ; Te inquam , tuumque Praesulem liberet ab his , qui ( ut ait Micheas ) seducunt populum Dei , qui mordent dentibus suis & praedicantem pacem . Et si quis non dederit in ore eorum quippiam , sanctificant super eum bellum . This Pope after Conrades death , perceiving he could not work his design to depose the Emperor ( who upon Conrades long unnatural rebellion against him , had declared his Son Henry Copartner with him in and Successor to the Empire ; by Decree of the German Princes ) but by engaging Henry to revolt and take up arms against his Father , as Conrade had done ; by his Legate and Agents ; perswaded Henry ( against his filial duty and express Oath , never to bear arms against his Father ) suddenly to desert and raise Forces both to imprison and dethrone him . To prevent which design , Henry the Father , Anno 1103. published his intention to leave the Government of the Empire wholly to his Son , and to take a voyage to relieve the Holy land ; whereby many were encouraged to accompany him thither , and the malice of his enemies abated for the present , but he deferring his expedition , thereupon An. 1105. his Son Henry by the advice of the Pope & of some German Princes , & Prelates , rebellionem adversus Patrem in Boiaria parat : most unnaturally departing privily from his Fathers side , as an Heretick excomunicated by the Pope ; soon after to engage all the Hildebrandian Papal faction to side with him against his Father , * Primo haresin ( Investiturarum ) anathematizans , Apostolicae sedis Pontifici debitam profit●tur obedientiam ; indeque foederatis sibi Noricis principibus , atque ab Alemannia , necnon ab Orientali Francia nonnullis Nobilibus , ad Saxones con●enitur , ( the old seditious Rebels ) A quibus honorifice susceptus , in brevi universis Saxoniae civitasibus potitus , & ab optimatibus est dignitate Regia satis honoratus . Consilio tamen atque ministerio Ruothardi Moguntini atque Gebehardi Constantiensis Episcopi ( responsalium scilicet Domini Pascalis Papae , being the Popes Legates and Commissioners ) totam Saxoniam Romanae Ecclesiae reconciliavit . After which this Usurper of his Fathers Throne by his new Imperial authority , Episcopis atque Clericis Conventum generalem in villam regiam , quae Northusam dicitur , quarto Calendas Junii indixit , ubi super Ecclesiasticae institutionis jam depravata disciplina tractaretur . Convenit igitur magnus Episcoporum Abbatum & Monachorum turba . In quo Concilio super sententiis instantibus Patrum decretis primo relictis , quaecunque poterunt ad praesens laudabiliter corrigebantur ; quaedam vero quae & graviora videbantur , ad Apostolicam audientiam differebantur : Simoniaca quippe haeresis Patrum consuetudine condemnata ibid. ab omnibus condemnata . Deinde ( as the Century Writers observe ) Investiturae jus totum Romano idolo consecrabant , et involabant plenissimis oribus . Nam Henricus hactenus majorum authoritatem et privilegia contra furorem Romanorum Praesulum tutatus fuerat . Et hac quidem in parte Henrici filius Papam omnium maxime fricare studebat , sed postea in similes poenas justo Dei judicio incidit . Hoc igitur Investurae jes , quod sibi politici arrogabant , per invidiam nonnulli Scriptores , & Papae , Simoniam appellabant . His vero qui a Pseudo-Episcopis ( as they deemed all who received Investitures from the Emperor ) fuerant consecrati , per Catholicam manus impositionem reconciliatis , proximo ●ejunio danda fore promittitur , to corroborate their ●action . This young Emperor Henry the 5th . counterfeited very much humility and ingenuity in this Council , to indear himself to the Pope , Prelates and Church . Nam cum servorum Dei conventui non ni●i vocatus interesse vellet , tandem in abjecto productus habitu , locoque stans editiori , omnibus juxta Principum decreta , suas leges atque jura rationabiliter renova● it ; si qua vero irrationabilia rogabantur , mira & ultra suos annos prudenti resposione , & avita magnanimitate confutavit . Christi Sacerdotibus dignam exhibens reverentiam . Inter haec obortis lacrymis , ipsum regem coeli , cunctamque militiam coeli testabatur , Se nulla regnandi cupiditate paternum sibi Regnum usurpare , neque Dominum et Patrem suum a Romano deponi Imperio exoptare ; imo debitam pertinaciae & inobedientiae ejus semper compassionem exhibere . Sique Sancto Petro suisque Successoribus lege Christiana sublici velit , sive regno cedere , sive serviliter ipsi se subesse promisit . Quod auditum omnis multitudo collandans , lachrymae simul & preces , tam pro Patris conversione , quam prosilii presperitate funderecaepit , voce magna Kyrieel : declamans . Eadem hora Uto Hildinisheimen●is & Henricus Paderburnensis , & Fredericus Halberstatensis praesules vestigiis Metropolitani prostrati , ipsius atque Regis stantis , totiusque praesentis Ecclesiae testimonio , Apostolicae se dederunt obedientiae . Quorum etiam commissa Apostolico nihilominus judicio reservantur , sub Officii sui tantum suspensione . After this , Henry the Son raising an army against his Father , forcibly ejected the Bishops made by his Father , who on the contrary opposed , despised the Bishops ordained by the Son. After several bloody battles ( one of them continued for three dayes ) against each other , to the great effusion of Christian blood , both parties referred themselves to a Treaty of Peace in an Assembly of the German Princes and Prelates to be held at Mentz : wherein the Emperor was to purge himself from the Heresie objected against him by the Pope , and safe conducts were mutually granted to each party to resort to that Synod without any peril either of life or body : Eo jam Henricus 4. Imperator cum iret , a filio in itinere per insidias contra sidem publicam datam , capitur , captus in communitissimum castrum obducitur , non permittitur illi ut Comitia adeat . Henricus filius praesentibus Pontificiis Legatis , Albano . Episcopo & Gebehardo Constantinensi Episcopo , Comitia celebrat , patre captivo & excluso . Legati anathema a tot Pontificibus in Henricum promulgatum , renovant , & iterum confirmant , & Imperium impositione manuum conferunt silio . Henricum 4. ea lege libertati restituendum esse statuunt , ut coram Legatis Pontificiis culpam suam confiteatur , satisfactionemque promittat , & cedat filio regnum , cum omnibus Imperialibus insigniis , corona , lancea , ●ceptro , globo , atque corona . The Emperor thereupon writ one memorable Letter to his Son , another to Pope Paschal , complaining of this his Treachery , Injustice , and against these inhuman proceedings , which you may peruse in his Epistles ; and this to the Bishops and Nobles of the Empire . * Henricus Dei gratia Rom. Imp. Aug. Archiepiscopis , & caeteris Saxoniae Principibus , ac etiam reliquo populo , gratiam & dilectionem dignantibus eaem recipere . Conquerimur Deo omnipotenti , & Dominae meae sanctae Mariae , & beato Petro , principi Apostolorum , patrono nostro , & vobis Principibus omnibus , quia injuste & inhumane & crudeliter in illa confisi fide , qua dubitare non debuimus , tractati rumus , et tam honore regni , quam praediis omnibus quae habebamus , contra divinum et humanum jus , ad infamiam et vituperium regni , ita expoliati sumus , ut nihil paenitus praeter vitam nobis relictum sit . Ubi cum ferme omnes essetis , magna pars vestrum visa est dolore contristari : sed proh●dolor , nihil nobis contulit vestra tristitia , quin in nobis sibi satisfaceret voluntas inimicorum odiosa . Et quia consilio & rogatu filii nostri , fide & securitate vitae & honoris primum ab eo accepta , fiducialiter & desideranter Moguntiam in praesentiam Legati Romani & principum tenderamus , ut eorum dispositione ageremus tam de statu Ecclesiae & honore regni , quam de salute animae nostrae , ipse non est veritus in hac voluntate et obedientia nos contra datam fidem capere , et usque ad articulum mortis ferme ducere : non ausi sumus ita illi credere , ut injuria , & contumeliis nos pro voluntate sua , sicut prius , valeat tractare . Quapropter multum vos rogamus , & obnixe precamur , ut pro timore Dei & honore Regni , & honestate vestra , dignemini studere , quomodo injuria , in manibus vestris nobis illata , per vos possimus recuperare justitiam . Nos autem pro consilio vestro & aliorum , qui nos odio non habent , religiosorum virorum parati sumus , tam filio nostro , si in aliquo eum offendimus , quam alicui in regno libenter rationem dare . Praeterea sicut Domino Papae in praesentia Legati sui & vestra obedire parati fuimus , ita nunc parati sumus ei omnem debitam reverentiam & obedientiam syncero corde & devotione praesentialiter exhibere , ac tam consilio vestro quam spiritualis patris nostri , Henrici Cluniacensis Abbatis , aliorumque religiosorum de statu Ecclesiae & honore regni quantum in nobis est disponere . Cum ergo ad haec omnia parati sumus , rogamus & obnixe precamur , quatenus pro Deo & honore regni & vestro instanter moneatis filium nostrum , cum nulla ei secundum praefatam sentiam adversum nos residua sit occasio , a modo desistat nos et fideles nostros persequi , et pacifice et quiete vivere permittat , ut supra dicta integre & cum tranquillitate perficiantur . Quod si noluerit , rogamus vos per autoritatem Rom. Ecclesiae , cui nos committimus , & honorem regni , ne super nos & fideles nostros veniatis , quia manifestum est non eum divinae legis zelo , vel Rom. Ecclesiae dilectione , sed concupiscentia regni , Patre injuste eo privato , hoc incepisse . Apud quem si interpellatio vestra nullaque alia interventio ad praesens prodesse poterit , appellamus Romanum Pontificem , & sanctam universalem Rom. sedem & Ecclesiam . He likewise sent another Epistle to Pope Paschal ; & Regi Celtarum , thus complaining against the tyranny , treachery , injustice of the Pope & his own Son , by his instigation . Princeps clarissime , & omnium in quibus post Deum speramus fidelissime : primum & praecipuum inter omnes vos excepi , cui conqueri & deplorare omnes calamitates meas & miserias necessarium duxi , & etiam genibus vestris advolvi , si licet salva Majestate Imperii . Primum quidem est , quod non solum vobis , sed totius Christianae professionis hominibus gravissimum ac intolerabile arbitramur , quod de Apostolica sede , unde usque ad memoriam nostri temporis salutifer fructus consolationis , dulcedinis & salvationis animarum oriebatur , modo persecutionis , excommunicationis et omne perditionis flagellum emittitur : nec ponunt ullum modum sententiae , tantum ut satisfiat voluntati indiscretae . Hujus voluntatis suae intemperantia adeo usque nunc abusi sunt , ut nec Deum , nec quid aut quantum mali inde proveniat pensantes , per se & per suos omnibus modis in nos invehantur , cum obedientiam & omnem subject onem debitam saepe obtulerim Apostolicae sedi : si tamen honor devitus et reverentia , sicut antecessoribus meis , exhiberetur et mihi . Quod autem intendant , opportunius significabo vobis , si quando optati colloquii copiam Deus dederit nobis . In hac igitur persecutionis , et odii sui inflammatione , cum parum viderent se proficere , contra ipsum jus naturae laborantes , quod sine maximo cordis dolore , sine multis lacrymis dicere non valeo , et quia dicitur , vehementer contremisco , Filium meum , Absolon inquam dilectissimum , non solum contra me armaverunt , sed etiam tanto furore armaverunt , ut inprimis contra fidem et sacramentum , quod ut miles Domino juraverat , regnum meum invaderet , Episcopos et Abbates meos deponeret , inimicos et persecutores meos sustineret : ad ultimum , quod maxime vellem taceri , aut si taceri non potest , vellem non credi , omnem affectum naturae abjiciens , in salutem et animam meam intenderet , nec quicquam pensi haberet , quomodo vi et fraude ad hanc periculi et ignominiae suae summam aspiraret . In hac tanta mali sui machinatione , cum essem in pace & in aliqua salutis meae securitate , in locum , qui Confluentia dicitur , in ipsis Dominici adventus sanctissimis diebus ad colloquium evocavit me , quasi de communi salute & honore filius tractaturus eum patre . Quem cum vidi , illico ex paterno affectu tactus , intrinsecus dolore cordis mei ad pedes suos procidi , admonens & obtestans per salutem animae , si pro peccatis meis flagellandus eram a Deo , de me ipse nullam conquireret maculam honori , et nomini suo , quia culpae patris vindicem filium esse nulla divinae legis constituit sanctio . At ille tam pulchre , imo miserrime institutus ad malitiam , quasi abominabile & execrabile scelus coepit detestari . Et procidens ipsos ad pedes meos , de praeteritis coepit veniam deprecari . In reliquum ut miles Domino , ut patri filius , cum fide & veritate per omnia se mihi obauditurum promisit cum lacrymis , si modo sedi Apostolicae vellem reconciliari . Quod cum promitissime annuissem , & deliberationi suae & consilio principum hoc tatum mancipandum promisissem , in praesenti nativitate se producturum Moguntiam , & ibi de honore & reconciliatione mea , quam fidelius posset acturum , & inde in pacem & securitatem me reducendum , promisit in ca veritate et fide , qua patrem a filio honorari , et filium a patre praecepit Deus diligi . Hac promissione , quae & gentili observanda est , securus ibam , & filius meus aliquantulum me praecesserat . Et ecce quidam fideles verissime me deceptum affirmabant et proditum sub falsa pacis & fidei sponsione . Revocatus autem silius meus , & iterum a me instantissime admonitus , sub ejusdem fidei & sacramenti obtestatione , animam suam pro anima mea fore promisit secunda vice . Cum ergo ad locum , qui Binga vocatur , pervenissem , jam existente die Veneris ante nativitatem , numerus armotorum suorum jam satis augebatur , jam fraus ipsa de se detegebatur , & filius ad me , Pater , inquit , nobis secedendum est in vicinum castellum : quia Moguntinus Episcopus in suam civitatem non admittet vos , quam diu in banno eritis . Nec vos inpacatum et irreconciliatum audio ingerere immicis vestris . Illic nativitatem cum honore & pace agatis , quoscunque placuerit vobis , vobiscum habeatis : ego interim quanto instantius , quanto sidelius potero , pro nobis utrisque laborabo , quia causam vestram meam existimo esse . At ego , mi inquam fili , judex et testis sermonum et sidei sit inter nos hodie Deus , quomodo te in virum & haeredem meum produxerim , quantis tribulationibus meis honori tuo inservierim , quot & quantias inimicitias pro te habuerim & habeam , solus conscius es . Ille autem tertio sub ejusdem fidei & sacramenti attestatione , si ingrueret occasio periculi , caput suum pro meo capite force mihi promisit . Sic postquam clausit me in eodem castello , quo omnia animo et corde fuerit locutus , manifeste rei ostendit eventus . Ex omnibus meis quartus ego sum inclusus , nec quilibet alius admitti potuit , custodes deputati , qui vitae meae erant atroces inimici . Benedictus per omnia Deus exaltandi & humiliandi , quae voluerit rex potentissimus . Cum ergo ipso sacratissimo die nativitatis suae omnibus redemptis suis ille sanctus sanctorum puer fuisset natus , mihi soli filius ille non est datus . Nam ut taceam opprobria , injurias , minas , gladios in cervicem meam exertos , nisi omnia imperata facerem , praeterea famem & sitim , quam perferebam ab illis , quos injuria erat videre & audire , ut etiam taceam , quod est gravius , me olim satis foelicem fuisse , illud nunquam obliviscar , illud nunquam desinam omnibus Christianis conqueri , quod illis sanctissimis diebus , sine omni Christiana communione in carcere illo fui . In illis poen itentiae & tribulationis meae diebus a filio meo missus venit ad me quidam Princeps Wigbertus , dicens : nullum vitae meae esse consilium , nisi sine ulla contradictione omnia regni insignia redderem ex voluntate et imperio principum . At ego etsi omnis terra , quantum inhabitatur , mei regni terminus esset , nollem regnd vitam commutare : quia vellem nollem sic agendum , et sicut definitum intelligebam , coronam , sceptrum , crucem , lanceam , gladium misi Moguntiam . Tunc communicato consilio cum inimicis meis meus filius egrediens , relictis ibidem fidelibus & amicis meis , quasi me eo adducturus , sub multa frequentia armatorum suorum me abductum ad villam , quae dicitur Englizaim , fecit me ad se adduci , ubi maximam inimicorum meorum multitudinem collectam inveni , nec ipsum filium caeteris mihi meliorem reperi : Et quia firmius et stabilius videbatur eis esse , si propria manu cogerent me regnum et omnia regalia exfestucare , simili modo & ipso omnes minabantur mihi , nisi omnia imperata facerem , nullum vitae meae consilium fieri posse . Tunc ego inquam , quia de sola vita mea agitur , qua nihil preciosius habeo , ut saltem vivens poenitentiam exhibeam Deo , quicquid imperatis faciam . Cumque inquirerem , si saltem sic de vita mea certus essem , Apostolicae sedis Legatus , qui ibidem aderat ( non dico qui omnia haec audiverat ) respondit , me nullo modo eripi posse , nisi publice confiterer , me injuste Hildebrand , persecutum esse , Wigbertum ei injuste supposuisse , et injustam persecutionem in Apostol . sedem et omnem Ecclesiam hactenus exercuisse . Tunc cum magna contritione animi prostratus coepi per Deum , per ipsam conscientiam orare , ut locus et tempus mihi daretur , ubi in praesentia omnium Principum , cum innocens essem , vellem ex judicio omnium me expurgare , & in quo culpabilem me recognoscerent , ex consilio omnium sanioris sententiae poenitentiam & satisfactionem , quo ordine juberent , quaerere , & in principibus regni de fidelibus nostris , quoscunq , obsides vellent , dare . At idem legatus locum et diem mihi abnegavit , dicens ; aut tibi totum debere determinari , aut nulla spes mihi esset evadendi . In tanto tribulationis articulo , cum interrogarem , si confiterer omnia , quae imperabantur , an confessio mea , ut justum est , veniam & absolutionem consequeretur ? Ibi legatus dixit , non esse juris sui me absolvere : Si vellem , inquit , absolvi , Romam irem satisfacere Apostolicae Sedi . Sic desolatum & spoliatum ( nam & castella & patrimonia , & quicquid in regno conquisieram , eadem vi et arte sua extorrserant a me ) in eadem villa reliquerunt me . In qua cum aliquo tempore commoratus essem , & filius meus ex eodem fraudis suae consilio demandasset , ut ibidem eum expectarem , superveniens quorundam fidelium meorum legatio praemonuit , ut siquidem admonitum ibidem remanerem , fore aut in perpetuam raperer captivitatem , aut in eodem decollarer . Quo nuncio satis tunc vitae meae diffisus , illico aufugiens , fugiendo Coloniam veni , & ibi aliquot diebus commoratus , postea * Leodium veni , in quibus locis fideles viros & in fide regni constantes semper inveni . Horum caeterorumque regni fidelium consilio usus , vobis fiducialius & honestius habeo deplorare has omnes meas miserias . Fiducialius quidem propter mutua consanguinitatis & antiquae amicitiae debitum : honestius autem propter tanti regni nomen gloriosum . Vos igitur per fidem , per amicitiam rogo , in tantis tribulationibus meis ac injuriis propinquo & amico consulatis . Quae fidei & amicitiae vincula etsi inter nos non essent , Vestra tamen et omnium regum terrae interesset , injuriam et contemptum meum vindicare , et tam nefariae proditionis et malitiae exemplum de superficie terrae extirpare . These Letters prevailed nothing at all with these obstinate resolved Traytors , who presumed all to be just , righteous which their holy Father the Pope approved , and instigated them to by his Bulls and Legates , who affirmed , * In scrinio sacro Pontificis Romani Episcopi omnia jura contineri , justa omnium condita esse ; Pope Paschal determining , necesse esse cuique Christiano in Romani Pontificis leges jurare ; Quisquis post hac ejus decret is non steterit , ex albo Christianorum eradit : How barbarously , yea antichristianly this Pope and German Bishops his Confederates dealt with this good Emperor , * Hermoldus and Krantzius thus further relate . Igitur ubi firmatus est Paschalis in sede , praecepit excommunicari Imperatorem ab universis Episcopis et Catholicae Ecclesiae cultoribus , et eo usque sententia hic invaluit , ut collecta Generali Curia , Principes Henrico Diadema tollendum , et ad filium ejus aequivocum transferendum decernerent . Erat autem idem jamdudum ex pertitione Patris designatus in Principem . Missi ergo a Principibus venerunt ad Regem , qui tunc forte consistebat in corte regia Hilgelsheim , Moguntinus , Coloniensis , Wormatiersis , & pertulerunt ad eum mandatum ex ore Principum , dicentes ; Fac nobis reddi coronam , annulum et purpuram , caeteraque ad investituram Imperialem pertinentia , filio ejus deferenda . Illo percunctante dejectionis suae culpam , responderunt dicentes ; Quid quaeris ea , quae optime nosti ? Meministi qualiter universa Ecclesia tui causa maximo schismatis errore multis jam annis laboraverit , qualiter Episcopatus , Abbarias , praeterea omnia Ecclesiae regimina fecisti venalia , nec fuit in constituendis Episcopis ulla legitimae Electionis facultas , sed sola pecuniae ratio . Pro his & aliis causis sanxit authoritas Apostolica , favitque Principum unanimitas , Te non solum regno , verum etiam Ecclesiastica communione privandum . Quo contra Rex ait , Dicitis quia Spirituales dignitates precio vendiderimus ; Vestra quidem potestas est , tale nobis crimen impingere . Die ergo , O Moguntine , dic adjuratus per nomen aeterni Dei , quid exegimus , aut recegimus , quando te Moguntiae praefecimus ? Tu quoque Coloniensis , per sidem te contestamur , quid nobis dedisti pro sede , cui nostra munificentia praesides ? Illis fatentibus nihil pecuniae hujus rei gratia aut oblatum aut erceptum , Rex ait , Gloria Deo in excelsis , quia vel in hac parte fideles inventi sumus . Certe dignitates eae duae praestantissimae sunt , & magnum quaelium Camerae nostrae referre poterant . Porro Dominus Wormatiensis , qualis a nobis susceptus , ad quid promotus , * scilicet pietate , vel quaestu erga ipsum usi fuerimus , nec vos nec ipsum latet . Condignam ergo beneficiis nostris rependitis gratiam ? Nolite quaeso , effici participes corum , qui levaverunt manus adversus Dominum et Regem suum , et temeraverunt fidem , et juramentorum Sacramenta . Ecce jam defecimus , parumque nobis * viae restat , senio & labore confectis : sustinete modicum , & nolite gloriam nostram confusione terminare . Si autem nobis cedendum omnino esse dicitis , & manet sixa sententia , praesigantur induciae , statuatur dies placiti , si Curia adjudicaverit , filio nostro Coronam manibus propriis resignabimus . Generalem itaque Cur●ae audientiam expetimus . Illis e contrario * nitentibus , & dicentibus , Se negotium pro quo missi fuerant , fortiter expleturos , Rex parumper avulsus ab eis , fidelium suorum participavit consilio . Vidensque quia Legati venissent stipati malitia , & non esset locus resistendi , fecit sibi regiam exhiberi praeparaturam , qua indutus , & in sedem receptus , legatos alloquitur dicens ; Haec quidem Imperialis honoris insignia mihi prestitit aeterni Regis pietas , et Principum regni electio concors . Potens autem est Deus , qui me ad hoc culmen sua dignatione provexit , mihi conservare quod concesserit , manusque vestras a coepto opere cohibere . Divino enim praesidio nos enixius inniti oportet , omni scilicet militia & armis destitutos . Hactenus quidem externis bellis impliciti , semper in custodiae nostrae diligentia constitumus , omnes impugnationum jacturas , propitia divinitate , partim consilio , partim virtute praelii evincentes . Hoc autem intestinum malum sicut nec suspectum habuimus , ita nec praecavimus . Quis enim in Orbe Christiano tantum nefas consurgere crederet , ut jurata Principi Sacramenta fidelitatis irritentur , suscitetur filius adversus patrem , postremo nulla beneficiis gratia , honestati reverentia exhibeatur ? Certe majestas Imperatoria eam etiam erga hostes honestatis disciplinam servare consuevit , ut proscribendis sive damnandis , vocationum sive judiciarium remedia non negaverit , ante praemuniens quam feriens , prius invitans per gratiam , quam damnans per sententiam . At nobis contra fas , vocationes et audientia negantur . Ideoque praefocamur , ne audiamur . Quis tantam mentis alienationem a fidissimis amicis , maxime vero a Pontificibus crederet ? Dominum ergo factorem Orbis vobis proponimus , ut ipsius terror vos coherceat , quos pietas non revocat . Quod si nec Deum nec honestatem vestram reveremini , ecce praesentes sumus , violentiam explodere non possumus , necessarium est vim sustinere , cui refragari locus non est . Coeperunt ergo Pontifices haesitare quid agerent : Magnarum enim rerum ingressus semper sunt difficiles . Tandem Moguntinus allocutus est socios , dicens ; Quousque trepidamus , O Socii ? Nonne Officii nostri est Regem consecrare , cosecratum investire ? Quod ergo Principum decreto impendere licet , eorundem authoritate tollere non licet ? Quem meritum investivimus , immeritum quare non divestiamus ? ( Brave Pontifical doctrine ! ) Statimque accepto conamine , Regem aggressi sunt , eique coronam de capite abripuerunt . Deinde subsatum de sede , purpura , caeterisque quae ad sacram * investituram pertinent , funditas eruerunt . Tunc Rex con●usione circundatus , 〈…〉 judicet , quia inique agitis contra 〈◊〉 . I go quidem 〈◊〉 peccata adolescentiae meae , recipiens a Domino stateram aequi ponder●s , 〈◊〉 & consusionem , quantam nemo regum , qui ante me fuerunt , sustinuisse dinoscitur . Non vos tamen ideo immunes a peccatis , qui levastis manus adversus Dominum vestrum , et praevaricati estis jusjurandum quod jurastis . Videat Dominus , et ulciscatur in vos , Deus , inquam , ultionum Dominus . Non consurgatis , neque crescatis , neque prosperetur honor vester , sitque protio vestra cum co qui tradidit Christum Dominum . At illi obturantes , aures suas , perrexerunt ad filium , deserentes ei Imperialia , firmantesque eum in regnum . Surrexit ergo Filius adversus Patrem , et expulit eum a regno : ille fugiens a facie silii sui , pervented Ducatum , qui d●citur Linthburg , pergens & accelerans , ut evaderet manus qua rentium animam ipsius . Erat autem in regione illa Princeps nobilis , quem Caesar , adhuc sui Compos , ducatu de Linthburg destituerat , & alii dederat . Accidit ergo , utidem Princeps sorte venationi deditus , esset prope viam cum Caesar transiret , comitatus viris novem , animadvertitque quia fugerat a facie filii sui . Jam enim aliquid auditum fuerat . Sedensque in equo , assumptis militibus insecutus est regem velocius . Quem videns Caesar , & reputans hostem , coepit metuere de vita , & exclamans voce magna coepit postulare veniam . At ille : Male , inquit , Domine , erga me meruistis , qui supplicanu quondam omnem negastis gratiam , & abstulistis nulu ducatum meum . Hoc est , ait Caesar , quod nunc luo , quia filius meus surrexit contra me , & depulsus sum ab omni honore meo : Videns ergo Princeps ille regem desolatum miseratione commotus , ait ad eum . Licet quidem potestate vestra in me abusus fueritis , Deus 〈◊〉 , quia magna super vos poenitudine movear . Impietas enim maxima adversum vos commissa est , ab eis maxime apud quos pius et beneficus semper extitistis , Quid ergo vobis videtur , es●ne vobis inter Principes aliquis relicuts ? Cumque Caesar diceret se ignorare , eo quod nec dum esset tentatum , ille ait , Potens est Deus adhuc resarcire honorem vestrum , eo quod inique actum sit adversus vos . Facite ergo , quod suadeo , ascendite urbem hanc , & habete corporis fessi curam , mittamusque ad regiones & Civitates , tentare si possimus alicubi invenire auxilium , forsitan enim non ex toto defecit Justitia a filiis hominum : Nec mora , misit circumquaque pro militibus , collegitque quasi octingentos loricatos , assumptumque Caesarem , perduxit in Civitatem magnam Coloniam ; Colonienses vero receperunt eum . Quod cum audisset filius , venit cum exercitu grandi et obsedit Coloniam . Cumque obsidio vehementer incresceret , Caesar timens Civitati , noctu elapsus fugit Leodium : Et convenerunt illic ad eum omnes viri constantes , & quorum corda miseratio tetigerat . Perspectoque auxiliatorum numero , dimicare statuit . Quem cum silius persequeretur in manu gravi , Ille egressus est in occursum ejus ad aquas Mosanas , Rogavitque Principes , & omne robur exercitus sui , dicens , Si fortissimus Deus nos hodie adjuverit in Praelio , factique fuerimus in conflictu superiores , servate mihi filium meum , & nolite interficere eum . Commissum est ergo Praelium , & praevalens Pater fugavit filium trans Pontem , multique illic occisi gladio , plures aquis praefocati sunt . Rursus instauratum est praelium , & Caesar senior victus , conclusus , comprehensus est . Quantas autem contumelias , quanta opprobria vir iste magnificus in illis diebus pertulerit , sicut relatu difficile , ita auditu lamentabile est . Insultabant ei amici , illudebant illi nihilominus inimici . Denique , ut aiunt , pauperculus quidam , sed literatus , coram omnibus adorsus est eum , dicens ; Inveterate dierum malorum , nunc venerunt peccata tua quae prius operaberis ; judicans judicia injusta , opprimens justum , & dimittens noxium . * Cui cum astantes irascerentur viri scilicet sensati ; Caesar compescuit eos dicens , Nolite quaeso , irasci in eum . Ecce filius meus , qui egressus est de utero meo quaerat animam meam , quanto magis alienus : sinite eum ut maledicat quia voluntas Dei est . Erat autem illic Episcopus Spirensis Caesari quondam dilectissimus , nam & templum ingens Dei genetrici apud Spiram construxerat . Praeterea Civitatem & Episcopum decenter promoverat . Dixit ergo Caesar ad amicum suum Episcopum de Spira ; Ecce destitutus regno , decidi a spe , nihilque mihi melius est quam renunciare militiae ! Da ergo mihi Praebendam apud Spiram , ut sim famulus Dominae meae Dei genitricis , cui devotus semper exstiti ; Novi enim literas , & possum adhuc subservire choro . Ad quem ille ; Per matrem , inquit Domini , non faciam tibi quod petis . Tunc Caesar suspirans & illachrymans ad circumstantes ait , * Miseremini mei , miseremini mei vos saltem amici mei , quia manus Domini titegit me . Mortuus est autem eo tempore Leodii , stetitque corpus ejus inhumatum in Capella quadam deserta quinque annis . Tanta enim severtitate Dominus Papa , et caeteri adversarii ejus in ipsum ulti sunt , ut mortuum vel humari non sinerent . * Krantzius , and others adde , Ca●aber ejus jam Christianae sepulturae traditum in monasterio , jubetur extrahi , et in locum poni non consecratum ; ubi post quinque annos reconciliatum , Spiram perducitur . Mirum et incomparabile rerum humanarum spectaculum et exemplum non vulgar , in quo contemplari possint ima atque summa . O Magna Dei judicia quae completa sunt in tam praepotenti viro ! sperandum autem quod caminus ille tribulationis decoxerit in eo scoriam , tulerit rubiginem : * quoties enim in praesenti judicamur , a Domino corripimur , ut non cum hoc mundo damnemur . Fuit autem Ecclesiis admodum bonus , his videlicet quas sibi fideles persensit . Porro Romanum Antistitem Gregorium & caeteros insidiatores honoris sui sicut infestos habuit , ita etiam infestare studuit . Impulit eum ad hoc , ut multi dicunt , gravis necessitas , Quis enim vel minimam honoris sui jacturam aequanimiter ferat ? Legimus autem quia multi peccaverunt , quibus tamen subventum est poenitentiae remedio . Certe David peccans & poenitens Rex & Propheta permansit . Rex autem Henricus ad vestigia Apostolorum jacens , orans ac poenitens gratis , pessundatus est , nec invenit tempore gratiae quod ille obtinuit duro legis tempore . Sed disputaverint de his qui scierint vel ausi suerint ; Vnum hoc scire licet , quia Romana sedes adhuc hodie luit factum illud ; a tempore enim illo quotquot regnant de stirpe illa omnibus modis nituntur humiliare Ecclesias , ne resumant vires consurgendi adversus Reges , nec inferre quae intulerunt patribus eorum . Regnavit autem Henricus junior pro Patre suo , fuitque Concordia inter Regnum et Sacerdotium , sed non multo tempore , nam nec ipse prosperatus est in omni vita sua , irretitus similiter ut Pater ejus a sede Apostolica . De quibus suo loco dicendum est . A Just punishment of God for his Wars and Rebellions against his Father to gratifie the Pope . The transcendent Tyranny of this Pope towards this pious Emperor , both in his life and after his death , ( which was * much lamented by all good men , ) made Rodolphus Gualther and * Balaeus passe this further censure thereon . Et haec quidem non alicujus barbari tyranni jussu , non Phalaridis alicujus instinctu , sed sanctissimi Patris consilio si●nt . Gaudete nunc Caligulae , exultate Nerones , & quotquot unquam crudelitatis nomine fuistis celebres . Habetis enim qui dum vos longo post se reliquit spatio , infamia & diri nominis memoria liberat ; Romanum videlicet Pontificem , qui in Patris viscera Filii gladium stringi praecepit . Sic Regem honorabat , 1 Petri 2. Sic Dei institutis obedivit Romanorum 13. superbissimus Antichristus . But now observe the signal Judgement of God upon this Treacherous Pope , who instigated this new Emperor most undutifully to imprison and depose his own Father , whom he kept 5. years from Christian burial . This Pope , Anno 1106. by another Synod at Guardastal , making Decrees against Bishops homages to the Emperor and other Princes for their Temporalties , against receiving Investitures from them , and refusing to consecrate those Bishops who received Investitures from this Emperor ; ( the chief ground of the quarrel against Henry the 4th . his Father ) He therewith exasperated , upon this affront , * imprisons his ghostly Father in Rome it self . Ab eodem Imp. post pedum oscula capitur , et in Carcerem traditur ; nec inde educitur , donec omnes confirmaret , investiendi jus Carolo magno datum , diplomate restitueret , atque ipsum Imperatorem confirmaret . Dum in Cathedra ( inquit Massaeus ) post Missam se contineret Pontifex , ecce Milites clamantes , Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari : tam ipsum quam totum Clerum invaserunt , et abduxerunt , exuerunt que vestibus adeo nudos , ut ne femoralia reliquerint eis , atque ita spoliatos apud montem Soractim custodiae manciparunt . Videres ergo Cardinales funibus in colla missis nudos trahi , vinctis post terga manibus . So little did this New Emperor or his Souldiers value his Papal or his Cardinals authority , holinesse , when put in competition with the antient Rights of the Imperial Crown , even in this case of Investitures , for defence where of his Father was so frequently excommunicated , deprived . I shall recite the story more at large out of a Hermoldus , b Krantzi●s , c Abbas Uspergensis & * others . King Henry the 4. being dead and thus trampled upon by the Pope , and his Son intangled in Wars in Germany , this Pope thinking he had now obtained a full conquest in case of Investitures , Synodalibus comitiis non minus dat operam Pontificiam authoritatem augere , quam Henricus Imperium armis ; apud Trecas enim congregato Concilio contentionem de dandis Episcopatibus resuscitat , propter quam Hildebrando cum Henrico inimicitiae intercesserunt , quae fuerunt maximae cladis occasio in Germania . Episcopos namque non ineuntes secum gratiam & obedientiam pollicentes in eo Concilio dejecit , substituitque alios : Statuitque neminem ex Laicis debere dare Ecclesiasticas dignitates . Henricus audiens fale Decretum in Synodo promulgatum , Moguntiae Concilium habuit , unde misit suos Legatos ad Pontificem , postulaturos ne se ex jure spoliaret quod olim Carorolo datum esset , et suis omnibus in imperio successoribus . Pontifex inducias petiit super ea quaestione , donec Henricus Romam veniret , dicens , Sibi non esse integrum in alieno regno de tantis rebus aliquid definire . Henricus 5. rebus in Germania pacatis , Anno Dom. 1111. in Italiam ire decrevit , ingredituriter . In Italiam cum venisset , intellexit Paschali Pontifici suum adventum esse ingratum , eumque in se gerere hostilem animum quod pro suo arbitrio Ecclesias & Episcopatus demandasset iis qui sibi placuissent . Rex ergo Henricus Sutrium subsistit , nec putavit propius accedere ad Pontificem sibi tutum esse , & missis legatis , tuta fide , ut liceat Romam adire postulat . Pontifex dat Regi potestatem tuto veniendi Romam , & testatur se promptum , cum ad consecrationem , tum ad omnem honorem Regium augendum , ea tamen lege ut Rex Ecclesiae suam libertatem relinquat , in qua tum fuit ; & pollicetur , se pacato agmine ingressurum urbem . His omnibus utrinque per Legatos compositis , populo Rom. annuente , Henricus Roman movet , advenienti populus & Clerus fit obviam , Sacerdotalibus infulis , et Sanctorum reliquiis ornati . Leoninam urbem ingreditur , deduciturque in basilicam Petri , in cujus gradu Paschali Pontifici pedes deosculatur . Henricus positis in statione suis militibus ad dextram Pontificis , Basilicum ingreditur cum Pontifice ; Oratione autem facta , rogavit , ut Paschalis Episcopos confirmaret a se institutos ; Paschali recusante id facere , totus Dies disceptatione firme absumptus est . Rex videns , se pace et jure non posse tueri suam potestatem in instituendis Episcopis , quam quasi per manus omnes Imperatores a Carolo Magno , plusquam per Trecentos Annos acceperant , Milites a statione ( dato signo ) vocat , capitque Pontificem cum Cardinalibus , jubet eos in sua Castra perduci , et custodiri , in munitissimo monte S. Sylvestri , donec concederent Imperatori suo proprio jure de instituendis Episcopis libere uti The Romans thereupon fly to their arms , assault the Emperors Army early in the morning , and after an whole dayes fight are vanquished . At last the Pope made Peace , and this agreement with the Emperor ; which was to be ratified by these mutual Oathes , & hoc est Juramentum Regis . d Ego Henricus Rex liberos dimittam quarta vel quinta feria proxima Dominum Papam & Episcopos & Cardinales , & omnes captivos & obsides , qui pro eo , vel cum to captisunt , securos perduci faciam intra Portas Transtiberinae civitatis , nec ulterius capiam aut capi permittam eos qui in fidelitate Dom. Papae Paschalis permanent , & populo Romano , & Transtiberinae , & Insulae Civitatis pacem & securitatem servabo , tam per me quam per meos , in personis & in rebus , qui pacem servaverunt . Dom. Papam Paschalem fideliter adjuvabo , ut Papatum quietè & ecurè teneat , Patrimonia & possessiones Romanae Ecclesiae quae abstuli , restituam , cuncta quae habere debee more antecessorum meorum recuperare , & tenere adjuvabo bonafide , & Dom. Papae Paschali obediam , salvo honore Regni , et Imper●i , sicut Catholici Imperatores , Catholicis Pontificibus Romanis . Haec omnia servabo bona fide , sine fraude & malo ingenio . Et isti sunt Juratores ex parte ipsius Regis , Fridericus Coloniensis Archiep. Gebehardus Episcopus Tridentinus , Burchardus Monasteriensis Episcopus , Bruno Spirensis Episcopus , Albertus Cancellarius , Comes Herimannus , Fredericus Comes Palatinus , Berengarius Comes , Fredericus Comes , Bonifacius Marcio , Albertus Comes de Bandriaco , Godefridus Comes , Warnerius Marchio . This Oath the Emperor refused to take at his Coronation , as new and unreasonable , dicens , * Imperatorem nemini jurare debet , cum juramentorum Sacramenta ab omnibus sunt sibi exhibenda : requiring the Pope to ratifie all the antient Rights belonging to the Emperor ; whereupon they came to this second Agreement ratified by the Popes Charter , and his and the Cardinals Oaths and Subscriptions . Dominus Papa Paschalis secundus concedet Domino Regi Henrico et Regno ejus , et privilegio suo sub anathemate confirmabit et corroborabit , Episcopo vel Abbate libere electo sine Symonia assensu Regis , quod Dom. Rex eum cum anulo et virga investiat . Episcopus autem vel Abbas a Rege investitus libere accipiat consecrationem ab Episcopo ad quem pertinuerit . Si quis vero a Clero et populo eligatur , nisi a Rege investiatur , a nemine consecretur ; et Archiepiscopi et Episcopi libertatem habeant consecrandi a Rege investitos . Super his etiam Dominus Papa Paschalis non inquietabit Regem Henricum , nec ejus Regnum et Imperium . ( A necessary Clause , since he and his Predecessors had so much disturbed them during his Fathers reign , and armed him against him . ) Hoc Sacramentum est ex parte Papae . Dominus Papa Paschalis non inquietabit Dominum Regem Henricum , nec ejus Imperium vel regnum de investitura Episcopatuum , vel Abbatiarum , neque de injuria sibi illata et suis , neque aliquod malum reddet sibi vel alicui personae pro hac causa , et penitus in personam Regis Henrici nunquam Anathema ponet , nec remanebit in Domino Papa , quin coronet eum sicut in ordine continetur , et regnum et imperium officii sui auxilio eum tenere adjuvabit pro posse suo , et hoc adimplebit Dominus Papa sine fraude et malo ingenio . Haec sunt nomina illorum Episcoporum et Cardinalium qui praecepto Domini Papae Paschalis secundi Privilegium et Amicitiam Sacramento confirmaverunt Domino Imperatori Henrico . Petrus Portuensis Episcopus , Centius Sabinensis Episcopus , Rodbertus Cardinalis Sancti Eusebii , Bonifacius Cardinalis Sancti Marci , Anastatius Cardinalis Sancti Clementis , Gregorius Cardinalis Sancti Chrisogoni , Johannes Cardinalis Sanctae Potentianae , Risus Cardinalis Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli . Item Gregorius Sancti Laurentii , Reinerus Cardinalis Sanctorum Marcellini & Petri , Vitalis Cardinalis Sanctae Balbinae , Duizo Cardinalis Sancti Martini , Teobaldus Cardinalis Sancti Johannis & Pauli , Johannes Diaconus Sanctae Mariae in Schola Graeca . Istud est Privilegium Domini Papae quod fecit Imperatori de Investituris Episcopatuum . Paschalis Episcopus Servus servorum Dei , Charissimo in Christo filio Henrico Glorioso Teutonicorum Regi , & per Dei operis gratiam Romanorum Imperatori Augusto , salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem ; Regnum vestrum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae singulariter cohaerere dispositio divina constituit . Praedecessores vestri probitatis cum prudentiae amplioris gratia Romanae Urbis Coronam & imperium consecuti sunt . Ad cujus videlicet Coronae & Imperii dignitatem , tuam quoque personam fili Charissime Henrice per Sacerdoti nostri ministerium Divina Majestas provexit . Illam igitur dignitatis Praerogativam quam Praedecessores nostri vestris Praedecessoribus Catholicis Imperatoribus concesserunt , et privilegiorum paginis confirmaverunt , nos quoque dilectioni tuae concedimus , et praesentis privilegii pagina confirmamus , Vt regni tut Episcopis vel Abbatibus libere , praeter violentiam et symoniam , electis , investituram virgae et anuli conferas ; post investitutionem vero canonice consecrationem accipiat ab Episcopo ad quem pertinuerit . Siquis autem a Clero et populo praeter tuum assensum , electus fuerit , nisi a te investiatur , a nemine consecretur . Sane Episcopi vel Archiepiscopi libertatem habeant a te investitos Episcopos vel Abbates Canonice consecrandi . Praedecessores enim vestri Ecclesias regni sui tantis regalium suorum beneficiis ampliarunt ut regnum ipsorum Episcoporum maxime vel Abbatum praesidiis oporteat communiri , et populares dissensiones quae in electionibus saepe contingant , regali oporteat Majestate compesci . Quamobrem prudentiae et potestativae curae debes sollicitius imminere ut Romanae Ecclesiae celsitudo , et caeterarum salus praestante Domino beneficiis et servitiis conservetur . Si qua igitur Ecclesiastica vel Secularis persona hanc nostrae concessionis paginam temerario ausu pervertere temptaverit , anathematis vinculo , nisi resipuerit innodetur , honoris quoque ac dignitatis suae periculum patiatur . Observantes autem misericordia divina custodiat , et personam potestatemque tuam ad honorem suum , et gloriam foeliciter , imperare concedat . His conventionibus & juramentis inter Dominum Papam & Imperatorem in Paschali festivitate facta est Concordia ; Deinde Romam Idus Aprilis Imperator venit : quem Papa in Ecclesia Sancti Petri missam celebrans , Imperatorem consecravit , & ei omnibusque suis absolutionem fecit , & omnem injuriam sibi factam condonavit . The Emperor being thus solemnly Crowned , and receiving this Charter concerning Investitures , and Oath from the Pope and Cardinals , not long after departed out of Italy with his forces , being conducted by the Pope , Cardinals , Prelates , with all possible professions & expressions of future loyalty and affection to him . No sooner were the Emperor and his forces departed out of Italy , but this most perfidious ambitious Pope upon this occasion , summoned a Council at Rome on purpose to null and abrogate all these his Concessions and Oath to the Emperor , as made by mere duresse , and constraint , thus related by the * forecited Historians . Anno Domini 1112 : Anno Pontificatus Domini Papae Paschalis secundi 13. Indictione quinta , mense Martio 15. Calend. Aprilis , Celebratum est Romae Concilium Lateranis in basilica Constantiniana , In qua cum Dominus Papa resedisset cum Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , & Cardinalibus , & varia multitudine Clericorum & Laicorum , ultima die Concilii facta coram omnibus professione Catholicae fidei , ne quis de fide ipsius dubitaret , dixit , Amplector omnem divinam Scripturam , scilicet Veteris ac Novi Testamenti , Legem a Moyse scriptam & a Sanctis Prophetis . Amplector 4. Evangelia , 7. Canonicas Epistolas , Epistolas gloriosi Doctoris beati Pauli Apostoli , sanctos Canones Apostolorum 4. Concilia Universalia sicut 4. Evangelia , Nicenum , Ephesinum , Constantinopolitanum , Chalcedonense , Antiochenum Concilium , & Decreta Sanctorum Patrum * Romanorum Pontificum , & praecipue Decreta Domini mei Gregorii 7. et beatae memoriae Papae Vrbani : quae ipsi laudaverunt laudo ; quae ipsi tenuerunt teneo ; quae confirmaverunt confirmo ; quae damnaverunt damno ; quae repulerunt repello ; quae interdixerunt interdico ; quae prohibuerunt prohibeo , in omnibus et per omnia , et in his semper perseverabo . Quibus expletis , Surrexit pro omnibus Gerardus Engolismensis Episcopus , Legatus in Aquitania , & communi assensu Domini Papae Pasch . & totius Concilii coram omnibus legi● hanc Scripturam . Privilegium illud , quod non est privilegium , sed vere debet pravilegium dici , pro liberatione Captivorum , et Ecclesiae , a Domino Paschali Papa per violentiam Regis Henrici extortum , nos omnes in hoc Sancto Concilio cum Domino Papa congregati , Canonica censura et Ecclesiastica authoritate judicio * Sancti Spiritus damnamus , et irritum esse judicamus , atque omnino quassamus , et ne quid authoritatis et efficacitatis habeat pentius excommunicamus . Et hoc ideo damnatum est , quia in eo privilegio continetur , quod Electus a Clero et populo , a nemine consecretur , nisi prius a Rege investiatur , quod est contra Sanctum Spiritum et Canonicam institutionem . ( though tatifyed by this and other forecited Popes . ) Perlecta vero hac Charta , acclamatum est ab universo Concilio Amen , Amen , Fiat , Fiat . ( O the Punick faith , perjury , treachery of this Pope , his Cardinals , and Prelates , thus to repeal what they so solemnly ratified by their Oathes , Charters , in Gods own presence but few Moneths before to the Emperor , as his undoubted right ! ) Archiepiscopi qui cum suis Suffraganeis interfuerunt , hii sunt , Johannes Patriarcha Veneticus , Senes Capuanus , Laudulfus Beneventanus , Almaphitanus , Regitanus , Hidrontinus , Brundulfinus , Capsanus , Girontinus & Graeci , Rosanus , & Archiepiscopus Sanctae Severinae ; Episcopi quoque , Petrus Portuensis , Leo Hostien●s , Cono Praenestinus , Gerardus Engolisinus , Galo Leonensis , Legatus pro B●turicensi & Viennensi Archiepiscopis , Rogerus Wulturensis , Gaufridus Senensis , Rollandus Populiensis , Gregorius Terracinensis , VVillielmus Trojanus , Gibinus Siracusanus , Legatus pro omnibus Siculis , & alii fere C. Episcopi , & Siguinus & Johannes Tusculani Episcopi cum essent Romae illi die Concilio non interfuerunt , quin postea lecta damnatione pravilegii , consenserunt , & laudaverunt . Upon this occasion there arose new Quarrels and contests between the Emperor and Pope about Investitures ; the Bishops , and Churches adhering to the Emperor asserting , maintaining this his antient Right against Pope Paschal and his perjured Confederates Amongst others , Waltramus Bishop of Naumberg writ a particular Treatise , De Episcoporum Investitura per Imperatores facienda ; Which being very rare and pertinent to my Theam , in respect of the great controversies about Investitures then arising not only in Germany , but also in England between Anselm and our Kings , I shall here insert . * Leo Constantini filius , imperavit annis quinque in regno Graecorum & Romanorum . Post quem uxor ejus Hyrene , filia Caiani Avarum , id est , Hunnorum Regis , cum filio suo Constantino imperavit annis decem : verum Constantinus matrem suam Hyrenen imperio privavit , solusque annis sex imperavit . Hyrene autem super erepto sibi imperio , foemineo dolore abusa , Constatinum filium suum oculis & imperio privavit , & sola annis sex imperavit . * Romani autem , qui ab Imperatore Constantinopolitano jam animo desciverant , propter tardum & infructuosum illius auxilium contra Tyrannos , accepta occasionis opportunitate , quia mulier , excaecato Imperatore Constantino filio suo , imperabat , uno omnium consensu Carolo Magno Imperatoris laudes acclamaverunt , eumque per manus Leonis Papae coronaverunt , Caesarem & Augustum appellantes . Igitur ex quo Byzantium Thraciae Civitas , a primo Constantino in novam amplificata , & in regiam urbem est exaltata , evolutis annis circiter CCCCLXVIII , diviso a Constantinopoli Romano imperio , Carolus Magnus Rex Francorum primus imperavit Romanis annos XIII . Ex tunc a Graecis in Reges ●rancorum translata est Imperatoria dignitas : & Adrianus Papa , collaudantibus Romanis & plena Synodo Primatum , Archiepiscoporum , Episcoporum , Abbatum , Ducum & Principum acclamatione ; Carolo Magno , ejusque successoribus futuris Imp. sub anathemate concessit Patriciatum Romanum : & per se vel per nuncios confirmationem in electione , et in consecratione Romani Pontif concessit , et investituras Episcoporum eis determinavit , ut non consecretur Episcopus qui per Regem et Imp non introiret pure et integre : exceptis quos Papa Romanus investire et consecrare debet ex antiquo dono Regum et Imperat. cum aliis quae vocantur Regalia , id est a Regibus et Imperatoribus Pontif. Romanis data , in fundis ; et redditibus . In hac concessione continentur regales Abbatiae , Praepositurae . Ex hoc constituto , Carolus Magnus , Aistulfum , Desiderium , aliosque Reges & tyrannos , bello , caede & exilio delevit , qui fundos & bona Ecclesiae Romanae , aliarumque Ecclesiarum invaserant , omnia reddens libertari . Alii Reges et Imperatores , successores Caroli Magni , defensionem Romanae Ecclesiae , et aliarum Ecclesiarum timore Dei et charitate devote prosequuti sunt , investituras Episcoporum facientes , eorum consecrationibus per se & nuncios suos as●istentes , juxta quod Paulus Apostolus ait ad * Corinthios : Non quod primum spirituale , sed quod animale , diende spirituale . Magnus etiam Gregorius , Theodorico & Theodeberto , & Brummihildi scribit , ut absque Symonia investituras Episcoporum faciant . Hic etiam primus Gregorius non est consecratus , donec Mauritii Imperatoris interfuit assensus . Ioannes Papa investituram Leodicensis Episcopatus , quam Carolus Rex fecerat , Richario Prumiensi Abbati plane confirmat , et invasionem Hilduvini per Gisilbertum Comitem de Capremonte sub anathemate damnat . Papa Leo primo Otthoni , aliique plures Pontifices Romani idem confirmaverunt sub anathemate Regibus et Imperatoribus . Vnde mirum est , imo periculosum in salutem animarum , quod ea quae sancti antecessores ex magna necessitate , et patenti ratione sub anathemate confirmaverunt , atempore Gregorii , qui et Hilteprandus , sub absolutione immutantur . Qui a primo Constantino , quem Silvester baptizavit , gesta et decreta revolverit , patenter inveniet , quod per Reges et Imperatores , et devotos Laicos , Romana Ecclesia , aliaeque in orbe terrarum Ecclesiae , in fundis et mobilibus ditatae et exaltatae sunt , sibique tutelas et defensiones contra tyrannos et raptores retinuerunt , ut gladius Regalis et stola Petri sibi invicem subveniant , quasi duo Cherubin conversis vultibus , respicientia in Propitiatorium . Romani Pontifices , aliique prasules , de sundis & rebus per devotos Laicos et Laicas adquisitis , & a seculari potestate confirmatis , struxerunt & ornaverunt Ecclesias : et a quibus acceperunt gratiam , non debent inferre contumeliam , et si de investituris peccaverunt , exemplo primi * Georgu exhibeantur . Quod Paulus dicit : * Argue , ob●ecra , increpa , in omni patientia & doctrina . Hieronymas in Epistolis suis dicit , Quadringentos Epi copo● Imperiales literae ad Synodum contraxerunt . In hoc virtus Imperialis egit , quod excommunicatio Pontificis agere non potuit , ut sine captione , sine damnatione , sine contumelia , tot Episcopi ierunt & redierunt . Excommunicatio enim quanto inteligetur & timetur , tanto cavendo vitatur : & punitio corporalis in vita , vel in membris , & rebus vel in sundis , plures resipiscere facit ex justicia regali . Domino autem Pontifici summopere cavendum est ex medulla Scripturarum , ne quando liget in terris , quae Deus solvent in coelis : & quando solvit in terris , Deus liget in coelis . Hoc evenit ex illa gloria praelationis , nimiisque motibus animorum , quando succedentes Pontifices praecedentium Pontificum decreta & excommunicationes immutant & solvunt . Unde cum Dominus Jesus , ipsa veritas , dicat : * Si male loquutus su●n , testimonium perhibe de malo : mirum est , & periculosum in Christi pusillos , quod antiqua constituta sub anathemate confirmata , novis immutationibus solvunt , & inde nolunt reprehendi , objicientes , Romana judicia non sunt retractanda . Si Romana judicia non sunt retractanda , non videtur pusillis Christi canonicum & salubre , ut a tempore Gregorii ( qui & Hildeprandus ) ea solvantur , quae sub anathemate consirmaverunt 〈◊〉 , Leo , Adrianus , primus Gregorius , Leo , Benedictus , erga Reges et Imperatores , de investiendis Episcopis per illos : a quibus , et etiam a devotis Laicis & foeminis , fundi & alia mobilia , Ecclesiis omni in orbe terrarum provenerunt , sibique tutelas et defensiones rerum Ecclesiasticarum retinuerunt contra tyrannos et raptores . Si in successione quisque solvit , quod praedecessio sub anathemate confirmavit : ecce oritur confusio pusillis Christi , cui parti potius assentiendum sit , antiquae an novae . Pars antiqua in paupertate mediocri & honesta arguit , obsecravit in patientia & doctrina , & parcendo justitiae majores & inferiores personas ad correctionem adduxit . Nova autem pars ex votis fidelium insolescens , sub specie religionis omnia trahit ad se manibus expansis , cum Dominus dicat , * Reddite Caesari , quae sunt Caesaris , & Deo quae sunt Dei ; Gregorius , Augustinus , Ambrosius testantur , ea quae sunt data Ecclesiis a Seculari potestate , et confirmata , potius a seculari potestate retinenda . Legitur etiam de Episcopis Hispaniae , Scotiae , Angliae , Vngariae , quomodo ex antiqua institutione , usque ad modernam novitatem , per Reges introirent cum pace temporalium pure et integre . Qui pacifice sollicitus est , revolvat vitas patrum , & historias legat , & intelligat . Sed Episcopatus qui sub Romano degunt imperio , majoribus fundis , & amplioribus vigent justiciis ; & ideo propter majus scandalum , à stola Petri discretius tractandi sunt , quia non omnes sunt Petrus , qui tenent sedem Petri. Sic * Scribae & Pharisaei , qui sederunt super cathedram Moysi , non omnes fuerunt Moyses . Elatio enim ex praelatione , et indiscretio ex correctione , pariunt scandalum in confusionem : & fit manifeste illud , quod Dominus in Evangelio dicit : * Vos Scribae & Pharisaei circuitis mare & aridam , ut faciatis unum proselytum ; & cum inveniretis , facitis filium Gehennae , duplo quam vos . Longe etiam ante decretum Adriani Papae , ejusque successorum , Reges qui non erant uncti , et Majores domus , investituras Episcoporum fecerunt : scilicet Dagobertus , Sigibertus , Theodoricus , Hilaricus , Pipinus filius Beggae Major Domus , Theodebertus . Ab his inthronizati sunt Remaclus . Amandus , Audomarus , Autpertus , Eligius , Lampertus , alisque sanctissim praesules ; cum Reges isti in moribus suis satis fuerint notabiles , et solo nomine Regum per majores domus vivebant . Postquam autem Romani , ingruentibus vicinis & gravibus bellis , desciverunt a Graecis Imperatoribus , ex causis supradictis , Papa Stephanus ob infestinationem Longobardorum venit Parisios , & assensu Romanorum & Francorum in Regem & Imperatorem unxit Pipinum , filium Caroli Martelli , nati ex Alpaide : proter quam ex pellicatu increpatam , Pontifex Lampertus martyr factus est . Unxit etiam idem Pontifex Stephanus filios ejusdem Pipini , Carolum qui agnominatus est Magnus , & Carolomannum frarrem ejus , confirmans stirpem illorum in Regia & in Imperatoria dignitate . Ibi de Investiendis Episcopis per Reges , antiquam consuetudinem confirmavit : Ex horum collectione pure et integre servanda est antiqua constitutio , ne pusilli Christi scandalizentur . Nil enim refert , sive verbo , sive praecepto , siue baculo , sive alia re quam in manu tenuerit , investiat aut inthronizet Rex et Imperator Episcopum : qui die consecrationis veniens , annulum et baculum ponit super altare , et in curam pastoralem * singula suscipit a stola et ab aucthoritate sancti Petri. Sed congruum magis est , per baculum , qui est duplex , id est temporalis et spiritualis . Operatius enim in seminandis spiritualibus dignus est mercede sua , * non accipiendis temporalibus , juxta quod Paulus ait : * Si spiritualia vobis seminamus , non est magnum si carnalia , id est temporalia a vobis metamus . Praecedens investitura per Regem in fundis et rebus Ecclesiae contra tyrannos et raptores , quieta et pacifica reddit omnia . Sequitur autem Consecratio , ut bannus Episcopalis banno Regali conveniens , in communem salutem operetur : et si Episcopis faciendum est regibus hominium , et sacramentum de regalibus , apertius est ante consecrationem , cum Paulus Apostolus dicat : * Vnusquisque in suo sensu abundet . Omnia divina & Ecclesiastica per magistros Ecclesiarum ad pacem & quietem pusillorum Christi tendere debent . Legitur etiam in libris Regum et Machabaeorum , quod a regibus Iudaeis et gentilibus sacerdotes investituras acceperunt , etiam in Iudaismo . A Petro usque ad Silvestrum , qui Constantinum baptizavit , Imperatores Romani erant Gentiles , & Christianorum persecutores : & in fundis & rebus Ecclesiasticis pauperes erant Ecclesiae : & a timoratis Christianis , qui tunc pauci erant , Romae & alibi constituebantur Episcopi . Postquam autem a Silvestro per Christianos Reges & Imperatores dotatae , ditatae & exaltatae sunt Ecclesiae in fundis , & aliismobilibus : & Imperatores tatum ●nteloneis , monetis , villicis & scabinis , comitatibus , advocatiis , Synodalibus bannis per Reges delegata sunt Episcopis : congruum fuit et consequens , ut Rex qui est unus in populo , et caput populi , investiat , et inthronizet episcopum , et contra irruptionem hostium sciat cui civitatem suam credat , cum jus suum in donum illorum transtulerit . Primus Gregorius conqueritur dolendo , de quodam Episcopo , qui adeo pauper erat , ut de Episcopatu suo contra frigus hyemalem vestem habere non posset . A taali Episcopo , forsitan sancto , non erat Regi necessarium exigere hominium , sacramentum , obsides . Ex hoc , prout sunt consuetudines in regnis per orbem terrarum , de Episcopis investiendis servanda sunt antiqua jura . Sicut enim primus Gregorius dicit : Si voluissem , inquit , hodie Gens Longobardorum nec Regem nec Duces haberet : & quia Dominum timui , in alicujus sanguinem me miscere nolui . Ita successores ipsius Gregorii cavere debent scandalum , ne contristent noviter Reges in suis antiquis juribus , per quorum antecessores caput et membra exaltata et confirmata sunt : sed juxta Paulum a Pontifice Romano et Regibus omnia fiant in charitate et humilitate , remotis superbia et contentione . Quapropter apud Pontifices & Reges fiant Ecclesiastica pure et integre , quia Dominus JESUS dicit : a Si oculus tuus fuerit simplex , totum corpus tuum lucerna erit : id est , si intentio bona est , et opus bonum est . Si Romani Pontifices intendunt Regibus auferre antiqua jura de investiendis Episcopis , timent , dubitant , dolent pusilli Christi . Reges si in Episcoporum investituris excesserint , possunt a timoratis viris et Pontifice Romano argui , et ad rectam correctionis lineam reduci . Si autem in promotione et consecratione Episcoporum Pontifex Romanus exorbitaverit , et sub verbo summae praelationis ad voluntatem suam egerit , non vult ut reprehendatur , cum Dominus Iesus se reprehendi concesserit , dicens , b Si male locutus sum , testimonimonium perhibe de malo . Isti autem , Summus ( in quiunt ) Pontifex anemine judicetur . Et si ab illa sua aucthoritate sub specie religionis introducuntur personae contra oculos Dei , ecce periculum et in capite et in membris : id est , qui scienter operantur , et scienter cooperantur . Unde Dominus JESUS hypocrisin , et avaritiam , & cupiditatem sacerdotum in Evangeliis super omnia arguit , vocans illos sepulchra dealbata : et peccatum mulieris adulterae misericorditer suscipit : & tria genera eunuchorum humanè definit , c pro se & pro Petro tributum solvit , Regibus jubet debita reddi . d Petrus , Paulus , aliique in orbe terrarum viri sanctissimi concedunt in sententiam Domini JESU , qui omnibus dixit , e Beati pacifici , quoniam regnum Dei possidebunt . Sunt autem Pacifici , qui ex contentione , arrogantia , cupiditate , ex nimiis motibus animorum , non moventur , non inveniunt commutationes contra antiqua jura propter pacem constituta , maxime propter potestates superiores , in quorum pace f juxta Paulum ) tranquillam vitam agere debemus . Notandum est autem , Pontificibus Romanis et corum civibus , quando orta fuerat divisio in electione Pontificum , et in communione civium , non est par restituta nisi per Graecos Imperatores , quandiu Imperium ibi fuit : et per Francos Imp. ex quo Imperium Romanorum datum est eis . Et quidam Graeci Imperatores Christiani , quosdam Romanos Pontifices viros sanctissimos , usque ad exilium & mortem immisericorditer tractaverunt : sicut legitur de Agapeto , & de Joanne : Imperatores autem ex Francis , honestè & piè deduxerunt , sicut legitur de Stephano , et de Leone excaecato . De divisione cleri et populi in electione Romani Pontificis , comprehensa per Honorium Augustum , ex Graecis ita legitur : Bonifacius xl . Romanae praesedit Ecclesiae . Contra hunc Bonifacium ordinato Eulalio , et per hoc dissidente Ecclesia , ambo jussu Honorii Augusti , urbe egrediuntur , et sic reprobato Eulalio , jussu Augusti , Bonifacius , quia prior ordinatus fuerat , sedi Apostolicae restituitur . De divisione Romanorum civium in electione Pontificum per Imperatores ex Francis adnihilata , ita legitur : Otto primus Ioannem , quem Adalbertus Papam constituerat , iudicio Canonico deponi fecit , et Leonem ordinari fecit ; et iste Ioannes se cum uxore cujusdam oblectans , a diabolo percussus est , ac sine viatico mortuus . Post reditum Ottonis , Romani ex ambitione quendam Benedictum superposuerunt . Imperator rediens , obsessa Roma , Romanos caede et fame adeo afflixit , ut Leonem Papam se recepturos promitterent , et jurarent : Benedictus rejectus non solum Papatu , sed etiam sacerdotio , a Leone exordinatur . Idem Benedictus Simoniace Papatu Romano invaso , cum esset rudis literarum , alterum ad vices Ecclesiastici officii exequendas , secum Papam consecrari fecit . Quod cum multis non placeret , tertius superducitur , qui vices duorum expleret Romae . Vno itaque contra duos , & duobus contra unum de Papatu altercantibus , Rex Henricus filius Chonradi , contra eos Romam vadit : et eis Canonica et Imperiali censura depositis , Swyggerus Babenbergensis Episcopus , qui et Clemens , Romanae Ecclesiae Cxlvi praesedit : et ab eo Rex Henricus ad Imperatorem benedictus est , jurantibus Romanis , se sine ejus consensu , ejusque successorum , nunquam Papam electuros . Igitur haec scandala gravia pastores animarum cavere debent , coram Deo , in vera simplicitate , propter pusillos . Ex quo Imperium Romanorum Carolo Magno acclamatum est , sunt anni trecenti et unum , est autem annus praesens , Millesimus centesimus nonus , quando ultimum Pascha fuit ab incarnatione Domini , secundum Cyclum Dionysii . I shall hereunto adde * Flacius Illyricus his Argumentum Libelli praefixed to this Treatise of Waltramus . Hildebrandus ille , di quo ex historia Bennonis superius plura scribuntur , Cluniacensis sectae monachus , demum artibus suis post annum Christi MLXXIV . Pontificatum Romanum obtinuerat sub Gregorii septimi nomine : nullo tamen Romani Imperatoris , qui tunc Henrichus quartus erat , conseju accedente . Quod quidem ut contra ritus sacrosanctae Catholicae Ecclesiae esset , atque juribus authoritatique Imperii multum derogare videretur , sic Reip. maximam calamitatem peperit . Statim enim quibusdam Symoniacae haeresis quaesitis calumniis , Principibus Romanis potestatem conferendi Ecclesiastica officia eripere tentabat : quam Imperatores ab eo tempore quo in Germania Christus praedicari coeperat , habuerant integram . Papa autem causae caput ab ipso Imperatore inchoans , omnia miscebat : cum bellis occupatus Augustus , initiis obstare non posset : atque Conciliis , quae Papa hinc indicebat , consulto interesse nollet . Hinc in ipsum insidiae siruebantur , adeò ut & de vita periclitaretur . Quibus non succedentibus , aperta vi grassabatur in Imperatorem ambitiosus Pontifex , ac summissis inauguratisque demum tyrannis supplicem sibi reddit . Tandem devictis tyrannis , & Hildeprandum ipsum solio dejicit Augustus , cujus tamen victoria tanta non fuit , quo minus Victor & Urbanus , insequentes duo Pontifices eo etiam invito Romanam sedem ascenderent : Clemente , quem ipse ad eandem dignitatem intulisset , excluso . A Paschali deinde exagitatus Imperator , atque ab Henrico V. filio , quem Pontifex instigaverat , & imperio et vita spoliatus , dum Pontifex odio adhuc flagrans , investiendi Episcoporum jus imperatoribus nititur extorquere : quapropter variae de hac re hinc inde habentur consultationes , diversis in locis congregantur Concilia , doctorumque virorum ingenia seriis disputationibus exercentur ; inter quos Waltramus hic , Namburgensis Episcopus , hunc quem damus Libellum exaravit . Pontifex autem ambitiosissimus , qui authoritatem suam omnibus modis amplificare studebat , nullius acquiescens consiliis , captus tandem , & vix liberatus , Henricho privilegia Francorum Imperatorum confirmavit : cujus confirmationis exempla apud Marianum Scotum , Nauclerum , atque aliis permultis in historiis extant . Statim verò post discessum Imperatoris , Pontifex retractavit quod concesserat , Pravilegium nominans , quod scripto ediderat : quanquam morte praeventus , quod moliretur excqui , atque ipsius successor Gelasius dignitatem , quam inconsulto Imperatore invaserat , retinere non posset . Atqui Calixtus , qui ex Burgundiaca familia Papa effectus , minis , dirisque abstentionibus , invisum omnibus Imperatorem reddidit : & ita terruit , ac nescio quo consanguinitatis vinculo enervavit , ut maximo , ac adhuc nunquam deleto Germaniae Imperii totius dedecore , jus investiendi Pontificis condonaret ; i●que apud Wormaciam ad Rhenum in campo quodam spaciocisissimo proclamare juberet . Literis insuper conscriptis & obsignatis , quas Pontificii postea Romae in victoriae signum , et triumphatae Germaniae testimonium publicè in aede Apostoli Petri suspenderunt . Of which more in its due place . Pope Paschal the 2d . ( as I formerly touched ) having in the respective a Councils of Rome , Mentz , Treca , Beneventum , Lateran , passed several Decrees against Clergymens receiving any Investitures to Bishopricks , or other Ecclesiastical preferments from the hands of the Emperor , or any other secular Prince or Layman , and revoked the Priviledge he had granted to Henry the 5th . though ratified both by his Charter and Oath : yea and the Sacred Hostias reception in these words , then uttered by this Pope himself to the Emperor ; * Domine , hi● est Dominus Deusque noster , ex Maria Virgire natus , pro nobis in crucem actus , ficut sacro sanctus Christianorum coetus credit ; accipe pignus verae amicitiae , quo reconciliati sumus : sicut haec pars vivifici corporis divisa est , ita divisus sit a regno Christi Domini nostri qui pactum hoc violare tentaverit . Soon after he endeavoured ( such was his atheistical , transcendent , execrable Papal perjury ) by all possible means to dethrone this Emperor as he had done his father , upon the self-same quarrel of Investitures , and to stir up a rebellion against him . To which end Adelbertus Archbp. of Mentz , with the other * forementioned Bishops present in the Council of Lateran ( most perfidiously betraying the rights of the Emperor & those Christian Kings who had both endowed and advanced them freely to their dignities , to this ambitious perjured Pope ) Soluto Concilio Pontificii Legati emissi sunt in omnes Nationes ut Excommunicationem in Heinricum Imperatorem publicarent , denunciarentque , Privilegum Heinrico datum de Investitura Episcoporum , in Concilio revocatum atque damnatum esse : Praesul Romanus suis artibus coelum , terramque quasi concitans non quiescens adversus Imperatorem . Anno Dom. 1115. this Pope sent Dieterichus a Cardinal , his Legat into Germany , there to proclaim the Excommunication thundred against the Emperor in this Council ; with whom the Bishops of Magdeburgh , Mentz , and other Bishops , Nobles , Creatures of this Pope , confederating , stirred up the Saxons with other Nations against the Emperor : who being reduced to great straights by these fedifragous Conspirators , summoned a Diet of the Princes , Bishops , & States of Germany to meet at Mentz , promising a most free audience of all parties , a liberal satisfaction if he had injured any , and a reformation if he had youthfully offended in any thing , by the advice and Decree of this Council . b Sed Romanus Papa Caesar , atque ejus Socii Episcopi , factis clamoribus Principum aures obtruderunt , minisque Excommunicationis a Synodo promulgatae , quasi catenis quibusdam constrinxerant , ut ad eum Conventum non veniret . Pauci igitur Episcopi Imperatori adsunt , treventes ad Pontificis fulmina . Ipsi quoque Moguntini Cives ab Ecclesiasticis inflammati , ( praesertim cum ob perfidiam Archiepiscopus suus ab Imperatore captivus d●t●neretur ) correptis armis , in ipsam Magistratiis summi Curiam irrunt , caedem omnibus perquam horrendis clamoribus intentantes . Caesar Henricus tanta urgente calamitate , pollicetur se factis●um quod cunque postulassent . Petunt autem liberationem sui Archiepiscopi : quo impetrato , indomitum vulgus tanquam tempestas illico subsidit ac sedatur . Sic Magistratus ille summus . Romanis artibus turbata Ecclesia et politia , contumeliose tractatus , Moguntia discedit . The Archbishop being released and restored to his See , mor sese totum Praesult Romano mancipar , incendiumque publicum quantis potest viribus fovet et auget ; To which purpose he invited the Popes Legat by his own and other Bishops Letters to publish the Popes commands and Excommunication against the Emperor in a Council at Mentz , and to perfect his consecration to that See , without requiring the Emperors consent thereto , placing all his confidence in the most potent Imperial Pope , quem videbat coelum terrae impunè miscere posse , longeque plus valere Papae fulmen , quam Caesaris gladium ; qui Spirae cum paucis Principibus & Episcopis sese continet , acerbe ferens & observans quae Coloniae agebantur . The Popes Legat suddenly deceasing before the Excommunication published , the Emperor thereupon sent the Bishop of Wirteburg to Colen to treat with these insolent Prelates , who would not admit nor hear him , till he had reconciled himself to them , and promised to approve the sentence of the Synod ; who thereupon retiring to the Emperor without effecting any thing , was compelled to say Masse before him ; ea peracta mox ad hostes Henrici omnino iterum defecit ; Such was the treachery of those Popish German Prelats to this Emperor who advanced them : Tam superbe itaque repulsus c Imperator et excommunicatus in Italiam , furoribus Ecclesiasticorum et Principum cessurus cum regina totaque familia sese confert , cum Papa Caesare , si qua ratione posset , reconciliationem tractaturus : Where staying an whole year , he imployed the Abbot of Clungy to mediate a reconciliation between him and the Pope ; Sed superbus & durus Paschalis difficillimum sese praebet , tandemque Synodum Romae instituit . Wherein the Pope declaring the principal cause of calling this Synod , confessed he had done ill in granting the priviledge of Investitures to the Emperor , desiring their prayers to God to pardon this his transgression : superadding , Illud malum scriptum , quod in tentoriis factum est , quod pro pravitate sua Pravilegium dicitur , condemno sub perpetuo anathemate , ut nullius sit unquam bonae memoriae , et rogo vos omnes ut idem faciatis . Tunc ab universis acclamatum est ( as in the former Synod ) Fiat , Fiat . Bruno autem Siguinus Episcopus , altius exorsus est , gratias agens Omnipotenti Deo , quod Dominum Paschalem Papam , qui praesenti Concilio praesidet , audivimus proprio ore condemnantem illud privilegium , quod pravitatem et haeresin continebat . Ad haec quidam ex ast antibus Episcopis subjunxit ; Si privilegium illud haeresin continebat , Ergo qui illud scripsit hae reticus fuit . Johannes autem Cajetanus ad haec commotus , Siguino respondit : Tu ne hic , & in Concilio , nobis audientibus Romanum Pontificem appelles haereticum ? Scriptum quod fecit Dominus Papa , malum quidem fuit , sed haeresis non fuit . Et alter quidam adjecit , Imo nec malum dici debet , quia si liberare populum Dei bonum est , quod Dominus Papa fecit , bonum fuit : Sed liberare populum Dei bonum est , authoritate Evangelii , quia praecipimus , * animas quoque pro fratribus ponere . The Popes patience being awakened , and moved with this charge of Heresie , commanding silence with his hand , said ; Fratres & Domini mei audite ; Ecclesia haec nunquam habet haeresin , imo hic omnes haereses conquassatae sunt , &c. On the 6. day of the Council , when as Cuno Praenestinus Episcopus frequently attempted to Excommunicate the Emperor therein , Johannes Cajetanus , and Petrus Leo , with some other of the Emperors friends resisted him to his face , and restrained him with these words : Ecclesia primitiva martyrum tempore floruit apud Deum , & non apud homines ; Deinde ad fidem conversi sunt Reges , Imperatores , Romani Principes , qui matrem suam Ecclesiam sicut boni filii honest averunt , conferendo Ecclesiae Dei praedia , & allodia , seculares honores & dignitates , regalia quoque jura & insignia , quemadmodum Constantinus caeterique fideles ; & cepit Ecclesia florere tàm apud homines , quàm apud Deum . Habeat ergo mater & Domina nostra Ecclesia sibi à Regibus sive Principibus collata , dispenset & tribuat ea filiis suis , & sicut scit , & sicut vult . Notwithstanding which opposition , Paschalis privilegium Investiturae , quod in tentoriis concessisse videbatur , obliterare volens , iterans sententiam Papae Gregorii Septimi , investituram Ecclesiasticarum rerum a Laica manu rursus excommunicavit sub anathemate dantis & accipientis ; Hereupon Cardinalis vero Dominus Cuno Praenestinus , talem Papae fecit inductionem Legationis suae , & contra disturbatores praesentis negotii competentem ; Domine Pater , si tuae placet Majestati , si vere tuus fui Legatus , & quae feci tibi placent esse rata , in auribus Sancti hujus praesentis Concilii ore tuo edicito , & Legationem meam tua Authoritate corrobora , ut sciant omnes , quia tu me misisti . Ad haec Apostolicus respondens , ait ; Vere Legatus ex latere nostro missusfuisti , & quicquid tu caeterique fratres nostri , Cardinales , Episcopi , Legati Dei & Apostolorum Petri & Pauli hujus sedis , & nostra Authoritate fecerunt , confirmaverunt , probaverunt , ego quoque probo & confirmo , quicquid damnaverunt damno . Et Dominus Praenestinus consequenter subjunxit , qualiter pro sedis illius Legatione Hierosolymis audierit , Regem Heinricum post Sacramenta , obsides & oscula , in ipsa beati Petri Ecclesia Dominum Papam tenuisse captum , indigne tractatum , potiora Ecclesiae membra , Cardinales videlicet , exutos , tractos , et male tractatos , Nobiles quoque Romanos occisos et captivos , et populorum stragem factam , audiens , ingemuerit , et pro hujusmodi facinoribus Ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae consilio et zelo Dei animatus , excommunicationis sententiam in Regem dictarit , et eandem in Graecia , Vngaria , Saxonia , Lotharingia , Francia , in quinque Conciliis , consilio praedictarum Ecclesiarum , renovando confirmarit . Orare se demum , ut sicut Dominus Papa Legationem suam confirmasset , ita praesentes Concilii Patres & Episcopi concorditer annuerent . Ad eundem modum Legati , & literae Domini Viennensis postulabant . Dum tali ratione et ordine , tam variae & dissonae multitudinis assensus exquiritur , à saniori parte veritati & apertae rationi nihil contradictum , a paucis submurmuratum , ab Episcopis vel Abbatibus nullo modo reclamatum . The Emperors Excommunications being thus ratified by the Pope & Council , the sad consequences thereof are thus recorded by a Abbas Uspergensis and others . Hinc factiones extitêre , altera alterius agros vastare coepit , maximè vero Herbipolensis Dioecesis per Conradum Ducem ( qui Imperatoris frater erat , ) affligebatur ; ac denique cuncta fere loca armis infesta erant . Igni oleum Moguntinus , qui serpente pejus Imperatorem odera● , addidit , Imperatoris fidelibus quacunque ratione poterat , malum creans . Seditiones crebrae , ejectiones Praesulum , Castellorum demolitiones , conflictus , caedes mutuae , oppressiones pauperum in frequenti usu fuere , et neque pax Dei , caeteraque Sacramentis firmata pacta custodiuntur : sed uniuscujusque conditionis & aetatis , praeter solos Ecclesiasticae professionis homines , quibus jam penè nihil praeter miseram restabat vitam , caeteri hoc tempore belluino furore bacchantur . The Emperor thus still vexed , excommunicated by this Luciferian Pope & his Prelates , without any hopes of reconciliation by all his amicable Treaties , being tyred out with Papal delayes , & exasperated by new affronts , resolved to recover his right , & work out his peace by force of armes . * In pursute whereof , Heinricus tantam inclementiam Papae aegerrime ferens , exercitu conscripto , ipsemet Romam contendit , armis discreturus quod summa subjectione , & quotidianis precibus obtinere non poterat . Sed Papa id animadvertens , sese in pedes conjecit , atque in Apuliam fugiens , ibi Rogerium contra Imperatorem impellit . Dum itaque Romae Imperator est , in Apulia denuò suos convocat , quieti non assuefactus Paschalis ; & primum quidem fulminibus suis Acheronta movet , deinde Rogerium hastis atque gladiis cruentis in Heinricum armat ; who thought to surprise the Emperor at unawares ; but being prevented by the Emperors sodain collecting of his forces , resolving to give him battel , he retreated with the Pope into Apulia . The Emperor often petitioned the Pope to absolve him from his Excommunications , but he still affirmed he could not do it without the consent of the Bishops who concurred with him in the sentence , and that in a Synod , where both parties might be heard , the Bishops by their Letters urging him to continue it . During these delayes , the Emperor retyring with his forces from Rome into Germany , to suppress the Insurrections there raised against him by the Archbishop of Mentz and other Prelates and Confederates of the Pope ; Paschal thereupon returned to Rome , and repossessed himself of St. Peters Church ; whither the Emperor marching with a great Army to chastise him , Paschal soon after breathed forth his seditious Antichristian spirit . During these contests between the Emperor and Paschal concerning Investitures , a there fell out this Quarrel between the King of France and him . About the year 1108. Pope Paschal presiding in the Synod of Treca in France , therein published some Decrees against the Kings antient rights of Investitures , and Bishops Oaths , Homages , Fealty to him . In pursuance whereof , he presumed to make Richard Archdeacon of Virodune , Archbishop of Rhemes , to withdraw him from the Emperors party , and confirm his usurped Papal authority in France : which preferment Richard refusing , being made Bishop of Verdune by the Emperor , Paschal thereupon constitured Rudolphus Archbishop of Rhemes , by his own Papal authority , without the consent of King Lewis the Grosse , then newly come to the Crown , and involved in wars with his Barons : who thereupon taking possession of the Archbishoprick , King Lewes on the contrary , created Gervasius Archbishop , Et Archiepiscopatu Rhemensi pro suo jure investit : The City hereupon receiving Gervasius for their Archbishop , was interdicted and excommunicated by Paschal , who imployed Yvo Carnotensis , to mediate with King Lewes , to remove Gervasius as an intruder , receive Rudolphus into his royal favour , and grant him leave to enjoy the Archbishoprick . The King at last , upon Yvo his solicitation , concessit ut eum ad Curiam suam , quae Aurelianis in Natali Domini congreganda erat , Rudolphum securè adduceremus , & ibi cum eo & Principibus regni de hoc negotio , quantum fieri posset , salva Regni integritate , tractaremus . But what the issue of this Treaty was , Yvo himself thus relates in his Epistle to Pope Paschal . Sed reclamante Curia , plenariam pacem impetrare nequivimus , nisi praedictus Metropolitanus per manus et Sacramentum eam fidelitatem Regi faceret , quam praedecessoribus suis Regibus Francorum antea fecerant omnes Rhemorum Archiepiscopi , et caeteri Regni Francorum , quamlibet Religiosi et sancti Episcopi : Whereupon Yvo made this request to Paschal ; Petimus ergo flexis genubus , ut hoc eodem intuitu charitatis & pacis veniale habeat paterna moderatio , quod illicitum facit non aeterna lex ( Dei ) sed intentione acquirendae libertatis praesidentium ( Pontificum ) sola Prohibitio . So that this great Bishop and Canonist Yvo , deemed Kings investing of Bishops , and Bishops Oaths , Fealty made to Princes , constantly practised ever before & at that time by all the holy & religious Archbishops & Bishops of France , no wayes unlawfull by Gods Law , but by Popes meer prohibitions : Which he likewise * asserted against John Bishop of Lions , and Hugo the Popes Legate in France , who expostulating , that this King had invested the Archbp. of Sienna against the Popes Decretals ; Ivo declared it to be no Heresie nor crime ( as Popes deemed it ) cum hoc nullam vim Sacramenti in constituendo Episcopo , vel admissum , vel omissum , quod fidei & religioni officiat , habeat , cum Reges nihil spirituale se dare intendant , sed tantum votis petentium annuere , & bona exteriora , quae de munificentia Regum obtinent Eccl●siae , ipsis electis conceder , &c. Whereupon he made this supplication and gave this good advise to Pope Paschal , ( who attempted , Hermanensem Episcopatum à Noviodunensi distrahere , without the Kings royal assent : ) * Nos sicut filii & fideles , rogamus & consul●●●s , ut statum Ecclesiarum Galliae , quae quadringentis fermè annis duravit , inconcu●●um manere concedatis ; ne hac occasione Schisma , quod est in Germa●eo Regiis adversus sedem Apostolicam , in Galliarum regno susciter●s . 〈◊〉 enim Paternitas vestra , quod cum Regnum & Sacerdotium inter 〈◊〉 conveniunt , bene regitur mundus , floret & fructificat Ecclesia : Cum vero inter se discordant , non tantum parvae res non crescunt , sed etiam maximae res miserabiliter dilabuntur ; whereupon this Pope made no further progresse in these Usurpations . This b Yvo Carnotensis asserts the Supremacy of Kings as well in Ecclesiasticals as Temporals ; That they ought not to be excommunicated ; That if they receive any Excommunicate persons into their royal favor and protection , the Bishops , Priests and people ought to absolve and receive them into their Communion ; Dispositiones rerum temporalium Regibus attributa sunt , & Basilei , id est , fundamentum populi et caput existunt ; Si aliquando potestate sibi concessa abutuntur , non sunt a Nobis graviter exasperandi , sed ubi Sacerdotum admonitionibus non acquieverint , divino judicio sunt reservandi , ( not to the Popes tribunal ) ubi tanto districtius sunt puniendi , quanto minus fuerint divinis admonitionibus obnoxii ; unde habetur in libro c Capitulorum Regalium auctoritate Episcoporum constitutorum . Si quos culpatorum Regia potestas aut in gratiam benignitatis receperit , aut mensae suae participes effecerit , his etiam Sacerdotum et populorum conventus suscipere in Ecclesiastica communione debebit , ut quod principalis pietas recipit , nec a Sacerdotibus Dei alienum habeatur . Upon which account Yvo thus justifyed his reception of Gervasius , an Excommunicated person , ad communionem in Paschali Curia : Pro regia honorificentia hoc feci , fretus auctoritate Legis praedictae , which he there recites ; thus ratified and prefaced in his Decretals , and in the 12. Council of Toledo . Vidimus quosdam & flevimus ex numero culpatorum receptos in gratiam Principum , extorres extitisse a Collegio Sacerdotum ; quod notabile malum illa res agit , quia Licentia principalis , in qua se solvi licentius curat , ibi alios alligat , & quos in suam communionem videtur suscipere , à communione & pace Ecclesiae eligit separare , & qui cum illa convescant , sola Sacerdotum communione priventur . Et ideo quia remissio talium qui contra Regem , gentem vel patriam agunt , per definitiones Canonum antiquorum in potestate solum regia ponitur , cui et peccasse noscuntur , * adeo nulla se deinceps a talibus abstinebit Sacerdotum communio ; Sed quos regia potestas aut in gratiam benignitatis receperit , aut participes mensae suae effecerit , hos etiam sacerdotum ac populorum conventus suscipere in Ecclesiasticam communionem debebit ; ut quod Principalis pietas habet acceptum , neque à Sacerdotibus Dei habeatur extraneum . This was the received practice both of the Churches , Realms of France , Spain , and of England too , ( as the learned French Advocate Pierre Pithou proves at large , by several Histories , Presidents , Authorities ; ) before and under Pope Gregory , Vrban , and Paschal the 2. whose excommunications of the Emperors Henry 3. & 4. and their adherents , by all these resolutions , were meerly uncanonical , and voyd , by this approved antient Law , which gave Emperors and Kings power to absolve their Excommunicated Subjects , and exempted themselves much more from Excommunications , which Priviledge the French Kings Clergy strenuously maintained against this usurping Pope Paschal ; who though he miscarried in his Design of stripping the Emperor and King of France of their right of Investitures , yet he so terrified the King of Hungary with his Thunderbolts , that after a great Schism and contention between them , Literis graviter scriptis renunciavit Pontifici Investituras Episcoporum & aliorum Praelatorum ; as the a Century Writers inform us out of Martinus Capel . But these Letters being not extant , we cannot resolve upon what terms , or how farre he quitted this his ancient indubitable Prerogative royal , to this Pope . Before I proceed to the next Popes Contests with the Emperor , I cannot but inform you what censure b Sigebertus Gemblacensis Monachus ( living and dying under Pope Paschal , in the year of Christ , 1112. ) hath given in his Chronicle of this Controversie between the Emperors and Popes about the right of Investitures . Anno 1111. Henricus Rex Romam vadit propter sedandam discordiam quae erat inter Regnum & Sacerdotium , quae caepit a Papa Gregorio septimo , qui & Hildebrandus nominatus est , et exagitata a successoribus ejus Victorie & Urbano , et prae omnibus a Paschali , magno scandalo erat toto mundo . Rex autem uti * volens authoritate et consuetudine et authoralibus privilegiis Imperatorum , qui à Carolo Magno , qui post de Regibus Francorum imperavit Romanis ; jamque per trecentos et eo amplius annos imperaverant sub 63 Apostolicis , dabat licite Episcopatus et Abbatias , et per Annulum et per Virgam . Contra hanc majorum authoritatem censebant Papae Synodali judicio , non posse nec debere dari per Virgam vel per Annuium Episcopatum , aut aliquam Ecclesiasticam Investituram a Laicali manu , et quicunque ita Episcopatum , aut aliam Ecclesiastici juris Investituram accipiebant , excommunicabantur ; Propter hanc praecipue causam Rex Romam tendebat . After which he reciteth the c forementioned Charter and Oath of Pope Paschal and his Cardinals , confirming this antient right of Investitures to the Emperor , and their perfidious violations thereof , upon which many prodigies and calamities ensued . I shall hereunto subjoyn these passages out of d Joannes Aventinus , relating the original and progresse of the Contests between this Emperor , Pope Paschal and his predecessors touching Investitures . Per triginta tres annos a Gregorio & Urbano continenter sanguine ovium belligratum est , &c. donec Augustum Paschalis per filium Henricum è fastigio rerum in privatum statum deturbavit , pollicitus se in Germaniam ad Conventum solennem Augustam Rhaetiae venturum . Dumque eo contendit , certior fit de morte Augusti ( Henr. 4. ) ad Padum ergo substitit , atque coacto suae partis Coetu , acta Gregorii Urbanique comprobat , Clementis tertii , caeterorum Episcoporum atque Augusti rescindit ; pollui Religionem , si quispiam sacrificus suffragio prophano cooptatus fuerit , fidemve principi dederit . Necesse est cuivis Christiano in Romani Pontificis leges jurare , decernit , * &c. Proinde debere homines consideratius jam loqui cum illo , atque pro legibus habere quae dicat . Quicquid adversus Romanum Senatum Pontificalemve se extulerit , contundendum esse decernit . Conventu peracto ad Caesarem Legatos cum mandatis mittit , se in Germaniam venturum , ubi de summis utriusque rebus colloquatur , promittit . Inde Romam ipse , at Caesar Reginoburgum ad hyemandum petit , adventum Paschalis praestolatur , Verum is se in Gallias Cluniacum confert . Postea Augustobonae in Trecassiorum , & Galliae Lugdunensis Vrbe , conciliato sibi Galliae Episcoporum favore , ad captandum plebis auram , leges turbulentissimas rogat atque perfert . Caesarem de creandis Pontificibus ad disquisitionem vocat : ipsum Pontificalibus Comitiis excludit ; ea ad Plebem transfert , nempe communem omnium Pastorem , communiter omnium suffragio capiendum esse statuit ; pollui religionem , si quispiam sacris addictus caelestis atque immortalis Imperatoris Caeremoniarum consors sit , terreno atque mortali Regi se in Clientelam atque servitutem dicaverit . Sacerdotiorum administrationem ad Pont. Max. armorum ad Caesarem pertinere . A singulis igitur Episcopis jusjurandum exactum , futuros in potestate Romani Pont. Hereupon the Emperor Henry the 5. in defence of his antient Imperial Rights and Jurisdiction against these Papal incroachments , by his publike Proclamations declared , & per Edicta ita obnunciat ; Non licere Gallis curiosis , aliena , quae nihil ad eos attinent , curare ; cuilibet facile esse de alieno largiri . Christiani orbis Imperium sibi a Deo Opt. Max. impositum esse ; proinde se de veteri more , et ritu priscae Religionis , sacris supremae Majestatis placitis non defuturum , daturumque jure suo operam , ne quid Respublica detrimenti capiat . Extare vetustissimam Sanctissimorum Patrum Legem tempore Caroli Magni perlatam , quae Paschalis , atque cum eo sentientes , per omnium Sacerdotum religiones devoventur , atque proscribuntur . Nullo pacto fas jusque esse fastuoso Pontifici , levissimis Gallis , magis superstitiosis , quam Religiosis , tot divos , tot pientissimos Pontifices maximos , minores Mystas , Monachos , Reges , Imperatores , Superos atque Caelites impietatis condemnare ; se quoad vita suppetat , non passurum , ut instituta a majoribus accepta , per tot annos hactenus observata , fraude et astu paucorum , cum maximo Christianorum morum pernicie , obliterentur , Pontifices , Episcopos , mystas , Monachos ab Imperatoribus , atque Regibus collocupletatos esse ; Ubi his pares opibus facti sunt , more perditorum , quo plura donata fuerint , plura concupiscere , illi●que sordere prima quaeque ubi majora sperarint : Titulo honesto libertatis Ecclesiasticae , fraudulentos homines grassari , illud conari ut se excluso , paulatim etiam populum , Sacerdotes , Episcopos alios in ordinem atque servitutem tandem redigant , atque arma in eis , quorum beneficia possident , ne haec aliquo pacto repeti queant , vertant . Pontifices Romanos orbis Imperium animo cogitare , Regnum Christiani populi adfectare , non quieturos , donec oppresso Caesare omnibus jugum servitutis , quod ipsi excussere , imponant . Christi cruciamenta declarare quaenam sit rabies * sacerdotum , adversus immodicam concupiscentiam , cui semel animus devoverit , nullum stareterminum ; se paene impuberem , imperitum omnium rerum ab illis egregiis Pastoribus dolo circumventum in Patrem Charissimum concitatum esse , armaque horum consilio sumpsisse . Nunc genitore oppresso adversus se conspirasse , neque modum ambitioni ponere nisi alios omnes dignitate , honore expolient , et , quo ipsis quicquid habeat , liceat , ab singulis juramentum , se futuros in eorum potestate ; quicquid illi dicant , pro legibus habituros , atque tandem pro Deo adoraturos , exigant . In hanc sententiam multae ultro citroque datae sunt Epistolae . Novissimè Caesar rescripsit : Quamvis veterem consuetudinem atque ritum a tot sanctissimis Patribus per tot annos observatum , jure atque armis retinere possit , nihil tamen sua referre , si Pontificalibus Comitiis excidat ; modo Episcopi , mystae , Monachi praedia stipendiaria , fiscos , nervos Reipub. Arces , Civitates , Vrbes , oppida , Vicos Regios , Castella , Reipublicae atque Caesari reddant , Decimis contenti vivant , Dei & pauperum , populique causam , Philosophiam divinam interpretando , vota illustrando , Crucem Christi praeferendo agant , atque Universis Christianis paupertatem atque simplicitatem Servatoris nostri , & Comitum ejus aemulando , praeluceant . Convenit itaque inter Pontificem Max. atque Caesarem , uti Sacerdotes , Flamines , Pontifices Maximi , Minores , medioximi , omissis hujuscemodi Reipublicae , ( ut Christus Magister noster appellat ) spinis , victu parabili ac parco contenti , Christi praeceptoris nostri quoad liceat modestiam , paupertatem ( ectentur , studio literarum operam navent. Atque ad hanc legem promulgandam jam Paschalis Romam ex Galliis redierat ; where forgetting , rescinding all his premised Promises , Charter , Oaths , Obligations to the Emperor , ( recited by Aventinus ) he stirrs up all the G●rman Prelates , ( whereof the Archbishop of Mentz was the ring-leader ) to conspire and rebell against him , when he expected nothing but Peace and Unity . Hereupon , d Alberto Moguntino Pontifice authore , plerique Proceres & Sacerdotes , maxime Saxones , adversus Imperatorem conspirant , domum jugum excussuri remeant . Augustus indicio ad se delato , Albertum Moguntinum in vincula conjicit . Unde elapsus , ad Saxones se confert . Fridericus quoque Agrippinensis Episcopus cum Civibus rebellionem facit . Gotofridus atque Hainricus Luthareae inferioris duces , imperata etiam detrectant . * Pleraque tum prodigia bellum Civile portendisse in fastos relatum est ; sanguine pluit , lavans caput cruore manus pollutas invenit ; terra intremuit ; Vrbes , Domus eversae ; Dormitantes nectu cubilibus excussi sunt . Tonitrua , fulgura crebra mortales attonitos fecerunt . Dira grando segetes , homines , pecora attrivit . Leodii subito tranquillo aere turbo coortus fulmine tres Sacerdotes comprecantes in Templo , vesperi pridie ejus diei qua Christus triumphabundus coelos conscendit , extinxit ; moenia , aedes subvertit , factor pestilens subsequutus est . Nubes solutae , fluminumque more effusae , pecudes , casas , villas cum hominibus aquis operuêre ; Nubes sanguineae , crux , homo candens in caelo visus , exitium Orbi terrarum adventasse credebant . Rursus Germania in sua viscera ferrum convertit . Solum Fridericus & Conradus , hic Franciae , alter Sueviae regulus , & Godefridus praef●ctus praetorio Rheni Imperatoris tutebantur partes . Caeteri omnes jugum excutiunt , saeviunt , cuncta incendiis , caede complentur . Vrbes , oppida , Vici , Arces , Castella diripiuntur , ad egestatem & solitudinem rediguntur , licentiaque & consuetudine belli civilis , grassatores plurimi , passim Villas , Civitates , itinera obsident ; Viatores , Cives , Rusticos , Sacerdotes , fine discrimine spoliant , fana donis referta expilant . Dum haec in Germama fiunt , Legati Calojoannis , qui Alexio Parenti successerat Imp. Constantinopolitani ( taking advantage of these divisions and Civil wars between the German Emperor , Pope , and their adherents ) Romam venêre & honorificentissime excepti sunt . Romani eisdem ad quintum lapidem officii gratia obviam procedunt . Postridie Pont. Max. Sacerdotes , Senatum , Populum , acturos de communi omnium salute , atque libertate Urbis Reginae Mundi , in Templū Constantini coire jubet . Legati Orientalis Imperatoris introducti , super omnes ad dextram Paschalis collocantur . Deinde pauc●ssimis ita verba faciunt ; Salutat Universos orbis terrarum Dominus Imperator Orientalis , postulatque , ut relictis insams , discordiosis , furibundis ; et ebriosis Germanis , saevissimis praedonibus , qui famem et egestatem suam latrociniis explere coguntur , ad verum , antiquum et legitimum Imperatorem redeatis . Is non solum Ecclesiae se propugnatorem praestabit , sed etiam viduas , pupillos , infirmumque quemque auro , argento , ditabit . Haec ubi dicta , acclamatum est more gentis , Perplacet , reddamus diadema legitimo et antiquo rerum Romanarum Principi . Deficiamus a Teutonibus seditiosis et stolidis ad veterem Romani Imperii moderatorem ; vetus Roma cum nova , Occidens cum Oriente rursus conjungatur . Posthac Paschalis concionatur in Imp. Hainricum Quartum , atque ejus filium Quintum ; crimina , injurias , vitia commemorat . Petrus Leon praefectus Urbis , Joannes Cajetanus , Hugo Cluniacensis antistes , caeteri pacis studiosi , obnunciant , clamant , perstrepunt , vociferantur , Paschalem maximo Reipub. Italiae , Romae , omnium denique incommodo , contra fas atque aequum pacem exuere , faedus dissolvere , pactum praevericari , Christianam Religionem discordiae malis scindere , atque polluere . Fit tumultus , Conventus dissolvitur . Postridie in eandem aedem Episcopi partium Paschalis , vocato ad arma populo , frequentes obstinatique concurrunt , confluunt . At Paschalis excluso populo , accitis in Curiam quibusdam Flaminibus Italiae , Sicilia , Galliae , Britanniae , Episcopis , maxime Conrado , Praenestino , Beluacensi , Rhemensi Episcopis , Legato Burguadiae , quibus omnibus Potentia Germani Principis formidolosa erat , contra nitentibus pacis studiosis , ac statum temporum , perniciem communem , clades futuras , civilia arma , Christianorum necem , dissentiones , seditiones deplorantibus , in Imperatorem Hainricum Quintum concionatur , ingratum vocat , eundem a se patronum D. Petri nuncupatum , tamen cuncta caede , incendiis , rapina , sacrilegio complesse , castella vi expugnasse commemorat . Alia convitia quae ira suggessit , in Caesarem jactat , sacrilegii , caedis , homicidii , latrocinii , tumultus concitati condemnat , ( of which himself was principally guilty . ) Deinde Hildebrandum atque Urbanum amplissimis verbis collaudat ; acta eorum comprobat , Imperatorem , Prophanos quosque a rerum Divinarum cura , a Sacerdotiorum procuratione , ab opum Ecclesiasticarum rerumque ministratione , decreto submovet , Comitiis Pontificalibus arcet , excludit ; omne jus interdicto Caesari adimit , nullam ejus rationem in illiusmodi habendam censet ; Pontificem Max. * mendacii religione obstringi non posse ( iterum ) decernit , inductoque Priore decreto , diploma privilegiumque sibi captivo , vi atque armis in Castris sub Papilionibus a tyranno extortum , ut sua Roma à servitute atque saevitia immanissimorum Latronum liberaretur , Pravilegium nuncupat ; quod modo ratum erat , irritum facit ; quod dictum , indictum est , contra sentientibus sacrificiis interdictum . Deinde Friderico Agrippinensi , Conrado Juvavensi Archiepiscopis scriptum , Imperatorem in numero impiorum computatum esse , e Curia Christianorum submotum , et ad auxilium Ecclesiae Romanae invitantur illi Archimystae . Extant Epistolae atque hujusmodi quae ego breviter perstringo , quemadmodum gesta sunt , servantur in Bibliothecis nostris , relata a quodam Legato Augusti , qui interfuit , & quid quoquo die a singulis dictum factumve fuerit , Imperatori renunciavit . Dumque talia in Italia & Romae fiunt , Conradus Archimysta Boiorum ad Saxones defecit . Hugonem Episcopum Caesarianum , Brixina movet , Renoberthum Monachorum Salisburgensium Praesulem sufficit . Hainricum quoque Fruxinensem Episcopum abdicare conatur . Vischopagum , alia templa , quae is consecrarat , resecat : Fruxinum inde se confert , Hainricum Paschalis decreta refellentem dignitate moturus . Verum mystae ejusdem Fani , qui tum doctissimi omnium Sacerdotum Germaniae censebantur , Acta Paschalis , velut sacris literis contraria rescindunt , Conradum exigunt . Qui a Salisburgensibus quoque exclusus in Saxoniam aufugit , Saxoniae Proceres , Episcopi , Archimystae hi , Conradus Juvavensis , Albertus Mogontinus , Fridericus Agrippinensis , Theodoricus Legatus Paschalis in Agrippinensi Colonia coeunt , Augustum et Episcopos ab eodem more et ritu priscae religionis in Senatum Pontificalem allectos , devovent , Imperatori hisque Pastoribus rebellantibus mandata detrectantibus , belligerantibus adversus Caesarem , veniam scelerum condonant , caelum aperiunt , caeteris claudunt . Fidem igitur servantes oppugnantur sub specie Religionis ; stupra , incestus , sacrilegia passim committuntur ; caedes , incendia impune fiunt . Augustus se quoque tutaturus Agrippinam Coloniam petit , agris circa vastatis in Saxoniam tendit , cum Saxonibus contendit , Segifridus ac Horo Manoveltrae Proceres Saxonum praelio succubuere , atque occisi sunt . Inter haec Conradus in Francia & ad Danubium , Friderieus in Su●via & juxta Rhenum sorore Imperatoris geniti , fortiter acta avunculi tutantur , Emicho dynasta partium Alberti Sarobriga , Episcopi Mogontini , authoris hujusce belli Civillis , a Friderico occiditur , Stephanus Colomanni RegisVngariae filius Lupoldus Austriacus cum Duce Boiemiae Ladislao , subsequuntur vestigiaVngarorum ad Eylenostadium progrediuntur : agris circum circa vastatis , incolumes revertuntur . In the mean time Machtylda ( Hildebrands and Paschals grand Patroness ) deceasing , a Romano Episcopo legavit , id quod patrimonium Petri nominant ( being in truth the Emperors Patrimony , not Peters ) tuncque vox caelitus audita ( uti a gravissimis accepi Theologis ) Venenum melle litum foeminam propinasse . The Pope seising on her pretended Legacy , the Emperor hereupon to recover his right , and chastise him for his premised Conspiracies and Rebellion , Augustus cum exereitu Italiam intrat , Machtyldae opes jure hereditario ( nam cognata fuerit ) possedit ; but before his arrival at Rome Pope Paschal died . This Papal Usurper ( as b Aventinus observes ) was the first Pope who set the year and date of his Papacy to his Letters and Bulls instead of the Emperors , and granted immunities to Colledges built by others . Priores Pontifices Romani ad diplomata , Epistolas , libellos omnes hactenus Imperatoris annos addiderunt , primus Paschalis hisce tacitis , suae potestatis numerum adscripsit , ( which other Bishops since usurped ) huncque primum immunitate donasse Collegia , licet ab aliis extructa , reperio . Anno Domini 1118 : after Paschals death , c Joannes Cajetanus , stiled Gelasius Secundus , was chosen Pope by some of the Romans and Cardinals , without the Emperors privity , yet with great dissention . Nam cum sine Imperatoris consensu eligeretur Cincius quidam Fregepanis dictus , Patricius Vrbis potentissimus , illius injuriam non ferens , ad Palladii Monasterium , ubi Cardinales erant congregati , cum satellibus armatis venit , Imperatoris injuriam ulturus ; Cupiebant enim hac in parte tum authoritatem Imperatoris conservare , sicuti fidem ei dedissent , tum Ecclesiae patriaeque suae consulere . Cum autem monitionibus precibusque nullus daretur locus , impetu in Coventiculum Cardinalium facta , Cincius in eos irrumpens , refractis foribus , obvium quemque percussit ; Pontificem obtorto ejus collo in terram dejectum calcibus contrivit , in vinculaque protrusit , ne sedem ascendat , donec Imp. ea de re certior factus esset . Cardinales autem fugam parantes ex mulis et equis dejecit , nullumque genus contumeliae praetermisit , quo affici tantus Senatus posset . Sed non tulit tantam injuriam populus Romanus , quin auxilio Normannorum eum tandem liberaverit , & hostes ad pedum oscula compulerit . Hinc Imperator Henricus ( to vindicate his Imperial Jurisdiction and right in the Popes election and removal of this Intruder ) Exercitum magnum ex Germania Romam misit . Gelasius hereupon , conscious of his guilt and inability to resist , cum suis Cajetam navigio mox petiit , ibique Sacerdos factus est , cum solum Diaconus ante creatus fuisset Pontifex . Henricus Romam veniens absente Gelasio ( by his Imperial Soveraignty and Privilege ) Mauritium Burdinum Bracharensem Archiepiscopum pontificem creavit , ac Gregorium octavum vocavit , eumque familiae Frangepanum commendans tuendum , inde abiit . Quo audito Gelasius clam redit , & sumpto animo prodit in aedem Praxedis , Missam facturus . Ubi ab adversaria parte ita fuit impetitus , ut aegrè fuga suae incolumitati consuleret . Animadvertens igitur Pontifex se imparem iis quos Caesar jusserat Burdini partes defendere , gravi concitata seditione , quasi faetore suo relicto , ipse iterum in fugam dilabitur . Elapsus difficulter manibus suorum hostium , Pisas navigavit , atque inde in Galliam solvit , ad portum S Aegidii , & consecratis in via inter eundum aliquot Ecclesiis , scilicet S. Caeciliae in Stagello , S. Sylvestri in Tullano , & S. Stephani in Tornaco . ( Christum nullibi praedicabat ) lapidibus earum terminos notabat . a Abbas Uspergensis relates , that this Pope in contempt of the Emperor and Magistracy , assembled a kinde of Synod at Capua of his conjured Prelates , wherein Caesarem cum Antipapa Burdino ( quem vocat idolum Caesaris ) damnavit , inde in Galliam iter facit . Ab Abbate demum Cluniacensi peramice exceptu● est , ac pleurifi correptus Anno Domini 1119. post unum sui Pontificatus annum & aliquot dies , obiic mortem , in eodem sepultus Caenobio . Abbas b Uspergensis , Onuphrius , and others inform us , that after the death of Pope Paschal the 2d , the Emperor Henry hastening to Rome to provide a Pope to succeed him , primo quidem in electione Domini Johannis , qui & Gelasius 2. dictus est assensum praebens , postea vero eodem se à communione subtrahente , cum noluisset Investituram Praelatorum Heinrico confirmare , ideo sede dejectus est ab Imperatore , qui non sine quorundam Romanorum favore , quendam Burdinum ex Hispania supervenientem , Apostolicae sedi imposuit , sicque scisma quod jam sperabatur emortuum , crudeliter revixit . c Joannes Aventinus relates , that Paschali vita defuncto , Romani certiorem faciunt Imperatorem , petunt ut Romam veniat , atque Comitia Pontificalia cum Sacerdotibus Senatu populoque , more majorum habeat . Inter haec quidem Joannem Cajetanum Magistrum Epistolarum Pontificem designant , Gelasium adpellant , is ubi adventare ad Vrbem Imperatorem accepit in Galliam aufugit , tertio ab Augusto et Romanis revocatus rediere ad ovile noluit , Cluniaci obiit . Tum quintus Romani veteri consuetudine Mauritium Burdinum Archiepiscopum Braccensem Hispanum pontificem legunt , Gregorium Octavum adpellant . Profugi dissimulata hujus consecratione , Vidonem Archiepiscopum Viennensem Germanum , Stephani Burgundionum Tetrarcha , Avunculum Baldovini Flandrini Consanguineum Imperatoris , Pontificatui Maximo imponunt , Calistum vocant . Is à sociis emendicatas pecunias , ubi Augustus ex Italia in Germaniam redit . Romanis distribuit ad Urbemque triumphabundus deductus est . Gregorius Sutrium aufugit atque in vincula conjectus est . Quintus impar factioni Pontificum Romanorum , diffidens rebus suis , atque eventum causae desperans , cum Calisto in gratiam rediit , ex summaque discordia Principes Romani reconciliati sunt . Augustus Comitiis Pontificalibus , clientela Episcoporum destitutus , arbitrio Coetus Ecclesiastici excidit Pontificatus universi , sacerdotiaque beneficia Romani Pontificis facta sunt . Thus Aventinus in brief . d Abbas Vspergensis , Albertus Krantzius , Platina , and others quoted in the margin , render us this larger Narrative of the election and proceedings , of Calistus . Pope Gelasius deceasing in the Abbey of Cluny , Anno 1119. the fugitive Cardinals of his faction assembling in that Abbey in opposition to the Emperor , and support of the Hildebrandian Faction , created Calixtus the 2d . Pope , in the life of Burdinus whom the Emperor had made Pope , and stiled Gregory the 8. Contra Burdinum igitur Calixtus non prius capit arma , quam Caesarem sua Excommunicatione compulisset , ut sibi praeberet suffragium et extorsisset Investiturae Episcoporum privilegium ; To which end Calixtus sent Conon his Legat into Germany to excommunicate the Emperor , in order to deprive him of his Crown . This Excommunication being publickly denounced first at Colen , and then at Friburgh in a German Synod of Bishops , thereupon coactus est Imperator ( to post out of Italy into Germany ) apud Triburiam Conventum Episcoporum & Principum agere , ut concordia inter ipsum & Papam statim procuraretur . Et ne Pontificum arte regno ( ut ejus piissimus Pater ) exueretur , conditiones Pacis valdè iniquas admisit . Missis Triburiam Oratoribus , Calixti hujus electionem ad summum sui dedecus confirmare cogitur , ( vivo ad huc Gregorio seu Burdino , quem ipse pontificem prius fecerat ) ne velit à dignitate sui Imperii excidere . Hoc scilicet erat caput rei , & causa cur regnum Romanum concuteretur . The Pope and his Confederates not satisfied with this his great condescention in the Council at Friburg , Pontificis Legati & Episcopi deinde perurgentes eum , ut de jure suo investiendi Praelatos cederet , atque tradat Romano Praesuli , id enim postulare ipsum securissime et strictissime . Thereupon the Emperor , who in a former Council at d Mentz asserted , Christiani orbis Imperium sibi a Deo Opt. Max. impositum esse , proinde se de veteri more et ritu priscae religionis , sacris Supremae Magistratus placitis non defuturum , &c. insisting upon his ancient undoubted right , multa ultro citroque de hac re disputantur : Sed velle Pontificis praeponderat . In tantas igitur angustias Caesar redactus , et aut cedendum suo veteri jure , aut regnum amittendum esset ; petit inducias & potestatem cum Principibus conferendi ; Sed illi perterriti atque examinati paene tam potentis Praesulis Romani fulmine , ad unum omnes suadent , cedendum esse voluntati Papae , ni velit sese universamque Germaniam in extremum discrimen adducere . Consulit porro amicos atque adversarios , verum nihil solatii uspiam audit . Expugnatus itaque Caesar ; quasi supplices manus porrigit , necessitatique , tanquam durissimo telo , parendum esse dicernit ; ( Sic ejus tandem Dominus retaliabat proditiones in pientissimum patrem suum , as Balaus and others observe . ) Hereupon , Percepta illa grata fama , Caesarem voluntati Papae , seujugo , sese submittere , non sibi celandum putat Calixtus , sed absque mora , ad S. Lucam Conventum indicit ad 13. Calend. Novembris . Promiserant autem qui Triburiae fuerant se ad eum locum venturos , quem Papa designasset . Vicinum quoque Caesar sese praebet , sicut Catalaudensis Episcopus , & Cluniacensis Abbas cum Henrico Argentinae transegerant . Adfuerunt autem ipsi Calixto circiter 426. Patres , innumera Clericorum & populi multitudo . Vlcus erat Investiturae negotium quam tenebant Laici , inter quos princeps erat Caesar Romanus . Legati Imperatoris Henrici sua proferunt privilegia antiqua a Pontificibus obsignata , et diuturnam possessionem , et jus ipsum atque aequitatem ; sed eis se Papa Calixtus cum suis creaturis pro Authoritate opponit , omnia antiqua jura repudians , et mandans , se velle id dignitatis sibi attribui . Legati singulari reverentia , inducias ulterius petunt , et vix extorquent . Papa autem nihilominus Synodalia suorum antecessorum decreta confirmat , hoc est , decernit jus investiendi Episcopos penes Episcopos Romanos , et non penes Caesarem esse : ( being against all rules of Law , reason , justice , the sole Judge in his own cause , and pronouncing sentence for himself ) : & sic omnem suam potentiam adversus Caesarem dirigit . Hoc pacto diebus duodecim Synodus ista finitur . In Italiam deinde Papa reversus maxima pompa , ut Papam Caesarem decebat excipitur . And here we may behold the proper Genius of the Popes and Popish Prelates , when ever they were in distresse , and needed the Emperors and other Princes ayde to assist and defend them against their Potent adversaries , they would then cry up , ratifie and confirm their Soveraign Power and Patronage over themselves , and all other Churches , and ratifie their right of electing , confirming Popes , and of Investitures , by Canons , Councils , Oaths , Instruments , but no sooner were they reestablished in their Chairs by them , but presently upon the first advantage they violated , abjured , revoked all their former Oathes , Canons , Engagements , and excommunicated , dethroned , and trampled them under their feet , with highest scorn , contempt , like most perfidious ungratefull Traytors . Anno sequenti , hoc est Vigesimo , in Germania Episcopis Papa literis praecipit , ut vacantibus Cathedris Canonicè , uti loquebatur , Pastores eligerent . Hac ratione & decretis , & ipsa praxi , licet inducias verbis dedisset , ne tamen ipsa Papa Caesari jus investiendi Episcopos eripit . Moguntinus Praesul Albertus ( seu Adelbertus ) Romano Papae Caesari addictus omnem Romano Imperatori Reverentiam detrectabat . Itaque Henricus eum persequitur . Pelluntur & Spirensis & Wormatiensis Episcopi suis sedibus , quia in gratiam Papae nolebant Imperatori communicare . Sed Moguntinus Duces Saxoniae extimulat , ut arma contra Caesarem sumant , et hisce facibus accensi Saxones ante Moguntiam exercitui Caesaris suas opponunt copias , neque procul aberat res à cruento praelio . Sed Sapientum quorundam interventu duodecim Primates ex utraque parte deliguntur , qui de rebus inter Regnum & Sacerdotium , uti loquuntur Scriptores , componendis , consultarent , atque statuerent . Locus denominatur Herbipolis , seu Wirtzburg ad diem Michaelis , Anno Domini 1121. Veniunt autem eò armati utraque pars , ac consultatio inchoatur . Tandem Septimana integra controversiis agitatis , sancitur pax tali pacto , ut regalia vel fiscalia regno , Ecclesiastica Ecclesiis praedia spoliatis , Haereditates haeredibus manerent , & cuilibet personae sua tribueretur justitia . Praedones ac fures edictis Imperialibus , & juxta leges antiquas cohercendo● . Scandala & perturbationes excitatas in Germania , omni ratione sedandus & extirpandas . Excommunicatione unde ista mala omnia scaturirent , ad Apostolici regiminis audientiam esse rejiciendam . Denominati etiam sunt Legati Bruno Episcopus Spirensis , & Arnulfus Abbas Fuldensis , qui Romam istam concordiae rationem perferrent , ac Papam de Generali Concilio in Germania instituendo sollicitarent . Anno sequenti mortuo Herbipolensi , Imperator Gebhardum constituit Episcopum ; Sed alii Ruggerum diligunt , ac Moguntinus quidem contra Imperatorem eum confirmat instigantibus Legatis Pontificiis qui venerant , ut contra Imperatorem facerent omnia . a Redeuntes Spirensis & Fuldensis ex Italia , secum adaucunt Papae Caesaris Legatos , plenissima instructos potestate ad transigendum omnia , quae ad Caesarem Papamque pertinerent : nempe Lambertum Ostiensem , Saxonem , Sancti Stephani , & Gregorium Sancti Angeli Cardinales . Hi vultures Romani mox Wormatiae indicunt Conventum Principibus & Episcopis , Caesare adstipulante . Nam ille nunc se passivè quidem habebat , prostratus ictu Pontificio , ac cermens se necessitatem praesentem nulla vi effugere posse . Caput disputationis est Investitura Episcoporum , quam e manibus Laicorum omni Authoritate et vi extorquendum esse , Papa Romanus decreverat . Etsi autem plurima de jure Caesaris , et usu diuturno antecessorum , deque plurium Pontificum permissione , et comprobatione in medium afferrentur , tamen vicit , Sic volo , sic jubeo , sit pro ratione voluntas . Nam Magistratus Politicus debebat ( juxta ipsius b Petri vaticinium , ab hususmodi hominibus summa ignominia affici , atque egregie pedibus conculcari . Caesar licet aegerrimè ferret , tantam sibi plagam a Papa infl●gi . tamen excommunicationis terrore , et quod Papa omnes suos Principes fascinasset , atque ad horribilem defectionem permo vislet , Patrisque metuens exemplum ( after an whole weeks contest , & more ) fractus , cedit invitus tantae violentiae ; Imperiique tranquillitatem suis commodis ac dignitati propriae anteponit , Pontificique suum jus investiendi tradit : Et Legato Apostolicae sedis ( qui postea et Summus Pontifex factus ) resignavit , per eumque ab anthematis vinculo solutus est ; Haec praedaistis retibus capta , Legati eum nodis anathematis exolvunt , atque potestatem faciunt , ad Ecclesiae coetum , unde eum excluserant , redeundi . Vt autem nihilominus istam aviculam arctissimè constrictam tenerent , catissiimeque ut illi monebat ducerent , formulam concordiae utrinque datis Literis sigillisque appensis corroborant , atque ut omnibus quam notissima esset victoria et Caesaris probrum , eas literas in loco campestri spaciosissimo prope Rhenum , clara voce proclamant ac denunciant . Formulae verò sunt ejusmodi : Ego Heinricus , Dei gratia Imperator Augustus , pro amore Dei , et Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae , et Domini Papae Calixti , et pro remedio animae meae , dimitto Deo , et Sanctis ejus Apostolis Petro et Paulo , Sanctaeque Catholicae Ecclesiae , omnem Investituram per Annulum et Baculum : et concedo in omnibus Ecclesiis fieri electionem et liberam consecrationem . Possessiones et regalia beati Petri , quae a Principio hujus discordiae usque ad hodiernum diem , sive tempore Patris mei , sive etiam meo ablata sunt , quae habeo , eidem Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae restituo ; quae autem non habeo , ut restituantur fideliter juvabo . Et do veram pacem Calixto , Sanctaeque Romanae Ecclesiae , et omnibus qui in parte ipsius sunt vel fuerunt , et in quibus Sancta Romana Ecclesia aurilium postulaverit , fideliter juvabo . Literae à Pontifice Imperatori vicissim datae hae sunt . Ego Calixtus Servus Servorum Dei , Dilecto filio Heinrico , Dei Gratia Romanorum Imperatori Augusto , * Concedo Electionem Episcoporum et Abbatum Tentonici Regni , qui ad regnum pertinent , in praesentia tua fieri , absque Simonia , et aliqua violentia . Et si quae inter partes discordia emerserit , Metropolitani , & comprovincialium Concilo vel Iudicio , saniori parti assensum & auxilium praebeas . Electus autem regalia per sceptrum a te recipiat , ( exceptis omnibus quae ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere noscuntur ) et quae ex iis jure tibi debet , faciat . Ex aliis vero partibus Imperii consecratus , infra sex menses regalia per sceptrum a te recipiat . De quibus vero si querimoniam feceris , secundum officii mei debitum auxilium praestabo . Doque tibi veram pacem , & omnibus qui in parte tua sunt vel fuerunt tempore hujus discordiae . Datae Anno 2122. 9 Calendas Octobris . Estque observatione dignissimum , quod Otto Frisingensis annotat . Hoc pro bono pacis Henrico soli concessum esse , et non successoribus ipsius . Attende igitur quam honestè , & candide illi homines agant ! Haec diplomata ubi Romam perlata sunt , incredibilem excitaverunt laetitiam et tripudium . Vt autem triumphus ille de manubiis Caesari ereptis Communis et illustrior esset , Sanctissimus Papa Caesar Calixtus 2. eas literas de extorta resignatione et renunciatione Iuris Caesarei de Investitura Episcoporum , in Ecclesia Lateranensi publice suspendit , ut omnibus et risum et insultationem , more scilicet vere Apostolico , moverent . Pope Calixtus having thus publickly triumphed over the Emperor , and forcibly wrested out of his hands the right of Investitures , after above 46 years hot contests , and bloudy warres about it , between the Imperial Scepter , and Papal Myter , he next addressed himself to vanquish his Competitor Gregory the 8. by the Temporal , as he had conquered the Emperor by the Spiritual sword ; whereupon d conspiratione suorum facta , more Romuleo , non Petrino , maximas copias mittit Sutrium , ubi Gregorius se continebat , addito divo Joanne Cremensi , Sancti Chrysogoni Diacono Cardinali , milite ( ut decebat Ecclesiasticum virum ) strenuo , ad oppugnandam Civitatem . Ipse Pontifex ad visitationum , scilicet Ecclesiasticam , praemisse exercitu cum gladiis , lanceis & tormentis , pedetentim subsequitur , quia Burdinus adhuc nomen Pontificium arrogabat , quod electione habebat , Romanos incursionibus infestabat ; & ut qui contra se latrocinia exercebat , peregrinos religionis & suorum negotiorum causa cum turgida crumena Romam adventantes pecuniis spoliabat , quas Papa , Cardinales , & sacrifici avide expectabant . Quid fit ? Sutrium expugnatione Petrinorum capitur , Burdinus in potestatem Calixti traditur . Jam attende , quanta clementia mitissimus Papa erga hunc suum rivalem , usus sit ; Burdinum ( non sine summa Caesaris , et Papatus ignominia ) crudis & sanguinolentis pellibus caprinis amictus , per mediam Civitatis , via Regia , ut magis publicaretur educitur , & imperante Domin● Papa Calixto , imponitur camelo , capite ad caudam verso , candamque manu tenentem , publicéque omnibus deridendum & conspuendum exponitur ; tandemque monasterio eum tanquam in carcerem intrudit , & ad tantae ultionis memoriae conservationem , in camera palacii sub pedibus Calixti conculcatum depinxerunt . Calixtus by these triumphant conquests of the Emperor and Antipope , made the Church of Rome to increase into a Great mountain , as Otto Frisingensis and others observe , unde de eo Romae scriptum , e Ecce Calixtus , honor patriae , Decus Imperiale , Burdinum nequam damnat , pacemque reformat ; Yea he grew so insolent , as to write this blasphemous Decretal Epistle to all Bishops , f Non licet regulis Eccesiae Apostolicae ( id est Romanae ) ullatenus deviare , et sicut Dei filius venit facere voluntatem Patris sui , sic et vos implete voluntatem Matris vestrae , quae est Ecclesia , cujus caput est Romana , which he decreed in a Council at Rome , Anno 1123. with this derogatory Canon to the Rights of Princes , and other Laymen , Laici quamvis religiosi sint , nullam tamen de Ecclesiasticis rebus aliquid disponendi habeant facultatem ; sed secundum Apostolorum Canones ( to wit , of Pope Steph●n ) omnium ecclesiasticorum negotiorum curam Episcopus habeat , & ea velut Deo contemplante dispen●et . Si quis ergo Principum , vel aliorum Laicorum , dispositionem vel donationem rerum & possessionum Ecclesiasticarum sibi vendicaverit , ut Sacrilegus judicetur . To which he annexed Decrees and Canons against Priests wives , and marriages . By these Canons , this Pope and his Successors since engrossed into their own hands the disposal of most Archbishopricks , Bishopricks , and other preferments , which they bestowed on their Creatures , or those who would give most money for them , without the guilt of Sacriledge , or Simony , to maintain their usurped Soveraignty against the Emperor and his Successors , and thereby g monopolized into their hands the Government of the Empire , and all Christian Realms , all Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , dignities , and the whole Clergy being thenceforth solely dependant upon the Pope , not Emperor , Kings , Princes ; who in that and subsequent ages were both Legats , sworn Vassals , Homagers to the Pope , and the Grand swaying Officers of State , Privy Counsellors , Chancellors , Treasurers , Secretaries , as well as Confessors to the Emperor , the Kings of England , France , Spain , Hungary , Poland , Denmarke , Scotland , and other Princes ; siding with the Pope against the Emperor , Kings , Princes , their Crownes and Interests , whenever they came in competition with the Popes usurped Supremacy and Jurisdiction , and betraying their secrets unto him . Rupertus Tuitiensis Abbas , a learned Author flourishing under this Pope , l 9. in Mat. c. 11. writes thus against these usurpations . Viro spiritualis propositi non conceditur evaginare gladium . a Virga Discipulorum Christi , est virga Pastoralis Officii , super curam animarum sollicitè vigilantis ; Illam namque virgam quae Dominationis est non esse concessam Ministris Evangelii Pacis ( much lesse then the swords ) interdici imo hic , &c. b Christi Ministri sciant Apostolatum non esse Dominium , sed summae Humilitatis Ministerium , ut ponant animas pro fratribus suis . And if this be not sufficient , he thus quite subverts the foundation of Peters and the Popes Supremacy . c Christus super seipsum , videlicet firmam petram , suam aedificat Ecclesiam . Et mutato nomine , Petrus à petra denominatum , per quod significatum est , quia cunctis super illud fundamentum ( quod est Christus ) aedificantur , juxta Prophetam vocandum sit nomen novum quod os Domini nunciavit . And what that name is , St. Peter himself defines , 1 Pet. 2. 4 , 5. Ad quem accedentes quasi ad lapidem vivum , & ipsi tanquam lapides vivi , ( the same with Peter ) superaedificamini domus spiritualis , &c. This Antichristian Pontiff dying of a feaver Anno Domini 1125. d Lampertus Bishop of Hostia , ambitione quorundam potius quam bonorum consensu , arte magis & astutia Leonis Frangepanis potentissimi Civis , quàm cordatorum hominum suffragiis , magna equidem contentione in Pontificem electus erat , à populo ; the Cardinals electing , creating Theobald Cardinal of St. Anastatia , Pope , calling him Coelestine ; against whom Lambert prevailing by Leo his power , took upon him the name of Honorius the 2. cum potissimorum in Curia Romana judicio tanto censeretur dignus honore , omnibus ejus superbissimis regni titulis insignitus . His Papacy was more peaceable them his predecessors ; Omnibus enim terribiles erant Romani Pontifices excommunication●s fulminae , qui sibi adversantes , ipso etiam Imperatores , egregie compescere poterant : But yet though the Emperor having quitted the right of Investitures as aforesaid , durst not to claim or assert , yet the Kings of England and France did strenuously exercise , assert Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over Bishops and their Churches , and collated to all Ecclesiastical Dignities , notwithstanding Calixtus Decrees : as is evident by these memorable Passages in the Epistles of Hildebertus Caenomanensis Episcopus flourishing in that age : e who thus complained of H. 1. King of England , Epist . 19. Longum est enarrare quàm constanti tyrannide Rex Angliae in nos faevierit , qui ( temperantia Regis abjecta ) decrevit , non prius Pontifici parendum , quàm Pontificem compelleret in sacrilegium , quia etenim turres Ecclesiae nostrae dejicere nolumus , transmarinis subjiciendi judiciis * coacti sumus injurias pelagi sustinere , singularem scilicet molestiam itineris , atque unicam totius humanae compaginis dissolutionem . Tantis igitur agitati turbinibus , ad Apostolorum limina decrevimus proficisci , magnum novae tribulationis arbitrati remedium , si Romanus Pontifex nobis & consilio subvenerit & auxilio . After which he being made Archbishop of Towers , and taking upon him to dispose of the Deanery Archdeaconry , & Prebendaries thereof , without and against the King of France his assent , in obedience to Pope Paschals and Calixtus forecited Decrees ; the King thereupon confiscated his Churches temporalties ; whereof he thus complained in his f 67. Epistle to this new Pope , Honorius the 2. Quantis tribulationum turbinibus Turonensis agitatur Ecclesia , vestram venerande Pater latere non credo sanctitatem . Adhuc enim Francorum Rex innocentiam meam tantum persequitur odio , ut traducar in gravamen Ecclesiae , & quod constate esse Sanctuarii , fisco ascripsit . Tota quoque terra ipsius ita mihi , & his qui mecum sunt in Domino , suspecta est & clausa , ut nec ego , nec illorum aliquis in ea pedem ponere audeant . His aliisque permor angustiis , i quia zelo zelatus sum legem Domini Dei ; quia non sum transgressus terminos quos patres nostri posuerunt : quia dignitates Ecclesiasticas , nec ex Regis praecepto disposui , nec ei disponendi facultatem indulsi ; Sciens enim , quia i Oportet magis Domino obedire , quam hominibus , personas elegi quae in exequendis Ecclesiae negotiiis k Pondus diei portant & aestus . Alteri igitur , Archidiaconatum , alteri Decaniam dedi , &c. Haec idcirco vobis ( Pater sancte ) scripsi , quatenus si quis aliud Sanctitati vestrae de praefato retulint negotio , vos ipsam cognoscatis veritatem , Not by way of Appeal . And in his l 75 Epistle he complains , That not so much as one of his Friends defended his or his Churches cause with the King of France , to procure their peace . Silent amici , silent Sacerdotes Jesu Christi , denique silent & illi , quorum suffragio credidi Regem mecum in gratiam rediturum , &c. ne sagittas suas in sene compleret Sacerdote , ne sanctiones Canonicas evacuaret , ne persequeretur cineres Ecclesiae jam sepultae , &c. Although this Bishop complained thus of these Kings to this Pope and others , yet he declaimed more bitterly against the Corruptions of the Pope and Court of Rome , in one of his Epistles , omitted in the Jesuites Edition of their Bibliotheca Patrum , m Romani sunt quos timent & qui timentur ; Hi sunt quos haec peculiariter provincia manet , inferre calumnias , deferre personas , afferre minas , auferre substantias . Hi sunt quorum laudari audis in otio occupationes , in pace praedas , inter arma fugas , inter vina victorias . Hi sunt qui causas morantur adhibiti , impediunt praetermissi , fastidiunt admoniti , obliviscuntur locupletati . Hi sunt , qui emunt lites , vendunt intercessiones , deputant arbitros , judicanda dictant , dictata convellunt , attrahunt litigaturos , protrahunt audiendos : trahunt addictos , retrahunt transigentes . Hi sunt , quod si petas , & nullo adulante beneficium promittunt , pudet negare , paenitet praestitisse . Hi sunt , qui negant reverentiam Clericis , originem Nobilibus , consessum prioribus , congressum aequalibus , cunctis jura . Nullum illis genus hominum , ordinum , temporum cordi est . In foro Scythae , in cubiculo viperae , in convivio scurrae , in exactionibus harpyae , in collocutionibus statuae , in questionibus bestiae , in tractatibus cochleae , in contratibus trapezitae . Ad intelligendum saxei , ad judicandum lignei , ad succensendum flammei , ad ignoscendum ferrei , ad amicitias pardi , ad facetias Vrsi , ad fallendum Vulpes , ad superbiendum Tauri , ad consumendum Minotauri . Spes firmas in rerum motibus habent , dubia tempora certius amant , & ignavia pariter conscientiaque trepidantes . Cum sint in praetoriis Leones , in castris lepores , timent foedera ne discutiantur , bella ne pugnent . Quorum si nares afflaverit rubiginosi aura marsupii , confestim videbis illic , & occulos Argi , & manus Briarei , & ingenium Sphyngis . In his 82 Epistle to Pope Honorius the 2. he thus declaimes against Appeales to Rome . n Honorio Deigratiâ Excellentissimo & Reverendissimo Patri suo Sanctaeque Romanae Ecclesiae Summo Pontifici , H. humilis Turonum Minister , debitae integritatem obedientiae . Philosophus , ait , colere officis , non exasperare verbis oportet potestatem . Ideo cumulatis precibus exoro , ne vos Reverende Pater , scriptum praesens exasperet , aut velitis de necessitate praesumptionem figurare . Etenim necessitate scripsi , eodem quo sum laesus jaculo , laedi metuens Ecclesiae sospitatem . Bonam spem in sinu meo gero , quia scribens pro justitia , gratiam Patris non avertam . Quaslibet igitur Appellationes in Romana vigere et suscipi Ecclesia , cis Alpes auditum non est , nec ex sacris traditum institutis . Quod si forte hujusmodi emersit * novitas , ut placeat omnem indifferenter admittere Appellationem , Pontificalis censura peribit et omnino conteretur Ecclesiasticae robur disciplinae . Quis enim raptor ad solam Anathematis comminatinem non statim Appellabit ? Quis Clericus aut Presbyter , frustratoriae Appellationis refugio non putrebit , aut etiam sepelietur in stercore suo ? Quis Episcopus habebit in promptu , non omnem dico , sed aliquam ulcisci inobedientiam ? Ejus virgam quaevis Appellatio quassabit , solvet constantiam , severitatem emolliet , adducens et illi silentium , et reis impunitatem delictorum ? sic fiet ut sacrilegia ac rapinae , fornicationes ac adulteria pernicioso inundent incremento , cum Praesul ad superfluas Appellationes clauserit ora , et desierit persequi piorum persecutores locorum , cum viduarum injurias desierit ulcisci et Orphanorum . Dilatione nimirum censurae facinora fovebuntur , et venient in profundum iniquitatis impune delinquentes ; super quos Evangelicum illud implebitur praeceptum , * Exi cito in plateas , & vicos Civitatis , & pauperes ac debiles & caecos , & claudos introduc huc . Quis vel caecum vel claudum intrare compellat , si caecus , cum compelletur , appellet ? Denique pro delicto Heli , nullus Pontificum punietur , quoniam Appellationis excusatione suam quisque defenderet offensam . Exempla quaedam censurae semper vivent , aemulatores autem ejus , quaelibet Appellatio sepelicet & vivos . Sane parva est materia , & exilis scientia , quae si ( juxta * Job ) Inter aquilas in praeruptis lusitantes cum pullis earum sanguinem lambit , satis est . Non erubesco meam & attendere & profiteri mensuram . Inter caeteros tamen Sacerdotes ad me pervenit , quas Appellationes Cisalpina susceperit Ecclesia , quas et sine offensione , sedis Apostolicae renuit et abjecit . Accepi enim , & universitas Ecclesiae praedicat , quod gravatis judicio , subventus Appellationis debeatur . Accepi , quod suspectos habens judices aut infestos , aut formidans vim temerariae multitudinis , eodem remedio possit & debeat relevari . Vnde etiam in * Decretis Cornelii Papae , taliter Ecclesiae traditum est : Si quis Judicem adversum sibi senserit , vocem Appellationis exhibeat , quod nulli oportet negari . Item in eodem , Nullus Sacerdotum causam suam alieno committat judicio nisi ad sedem Apostolicam fuerit Appellatum , sed unusquisque comprovinciales Judices & notos habeat , nisi aliquem vim temerariae multitudinis illic timuerit , aut infestos vel suspectos Judices ibi habuerit ; pro quibus causis ad majoris authoritatis Judices , & ad alias provincias appellare & venire concessum est . Andivi etiam alias quoque Appellationes esse , sed moratorias nec aliquando recipiendas , de quibus in sacris legibus his legimus verbis . Quicunque non confidentia justae causae , sed causa afferendae morae ne contra eum sententia proferatur Appellaverit , & si de facto suo confessus ne addicatur Appellare voluerit , hujusmodi Appellationes non recipiuntur . Et quidem videri mihi plures talium Appellationum species , quas prudens Judex ita necesse est discernat , ut circa Judicandos debitam in omnibus servat aequitatem Porrò ea quae Praerogativam obtinent , sicut parvitati meae ministravit authoritat , perstrinxerit , quae si plura sunt ; etiam usque ad ipsius Cathedrae vestrae sedem Apostolicam incurrere vigilantia : confiteor non transgrediendos esse terminos quos posuerunt Patres nostri ; Moratorias autem Appellationes omnino a vestra relegandas esse audientia , nec sustinendum in horto Domini plantari toxicum mortis ; toxicum quo subventus afflictorum morietur , quo justitia in nihilum reverteretur , incrementum suscipiat ubertas delictorum . Vale. This Bishop being violently taken and detained in prison by Earl Hubert , thereupon writ this a Epistle to H. Sagiensi Episcopo , ( not to the Pope ) to excommunicate him till he should release him . Duos in coena fuisse gladios , hoc quoque & legis & intelligis . Vnum quidem Petrus in Malchum vibravit , dum Malchus in Christum manus extenderet ; alter verò eductus fuisse non legitur . Aptè profecto inventus est uterque apud Discipulos Christi , quia adhuc uterque ostenditur in membris corporis Christi : Membrum enim Christi , Rex ; membrum Christi , Sacerdos : Scienti loquor , nosti gladium Regis , nosti gladium Sacerdotis . Gladius Regis , censura Curiae ; Gladius Sacerdotis , Ecclesiasticae rigor disciplinae . Hos Evangelistam signasse legisti , dicentem ; b Domine , ecce gladii duo hic ; Si esset qui in gladio Regni liberaret me , non peteretur educi gladius Sacerdotii propter me . Caeterum vides quia jam c Potestas sine causa gladium portat ; in vagina reconditus est , pellibus mortuorum animalium tectus est , in Christum Malchus , in vasa Templi Balthasar impunè manus extendit : Nemo est quem d Zelus Domus Domini comedat ; nemo est qui cum Moyse minetur & dicat , e Inebriabo sagittas meas sanguine , & gladius meus devorabit carnes ; f Bonum est ergo sperare in Domino , quam sperare in Principibus , &c. g In Angelis ejus reposita est spes mea , collacata anchora mea , ne mergatur procellis fragilis navicula mea . Angeli Domini , Pontifices ejus ; Angeli Domini , Sacerdotes ejus , Mal. 2. Si ergo Angelus Domini es , imò quia Angelus ejuses , Illum geris gladium , qui apud h Joannem de ore Angeli , bis acutus exiit . Hunc & tu ( quod absit ) sine causa portabis , nisi seces , & i tradas Sathanae filium mortis ; k nisi claudas & obseres reliquis Adae Paradisum Domini Dei tui . Hoc autem non dico , l tanquam mortem peccatoris desiderans , sed ut ostendas peccatori cauteriatam conscientiam suam , sed ut ei cum Propheta dicas , m Arguam te , et statuam contra faciem tuam . In which passage , it is remarkable ; 1. That this famous Bishop and Archbishop , ( one of the first who wrested the two swords in Luke 22. to typifie only the temporal and ecclesiastical Swords of Jurisdiction ) directly resolves , the sword that Peter used in cutting off Malchus his ear , to be the Temporal sword , belonging to the King , not Spiritual , which was then hid amongst the other Apostles , but not drawn forth by Peter or Christ against those who laid violent hands upon , and crucified him . How then this later sword can belong to Peter , Popes , or Prelates alone , by divine right , let Pontificians resolve the world when they are able . 2ly . That he asserts , the King to be the Supreame Member in the body of Christ , to whom St. Peters sword appertains ; not the Pope , Bishops , or Priests , who have only that sheathed sword which Peter and the other Apostles did not then draw forth . 3ly . That so long as the Kings sword is drawn , exercised in and for the Church , or its Members ; the Spiritual sword of Excommunication ought not to be drawn or used . 4ly . That the Ecclesiastical Sword equally belongs to every Bishop , Angel , Priest of God , as much as to St. Peter , or the Pope , who may lawfully draw it out , when ever there is occasion , without the Popes Commission , License , Permission . 5ly . You may hence observe , how much this Text hath been n perverted by Popes and their Advocates , to maintain the Popes title to the Supreame Temporal and Spiritual swords of Authority & Jurisdiction in & over all Christian Kings , Kingdoms , which ( as I have * formerly evidenced ) make nothing at all for these two Metaphorical Swords , Jurisdictions , or St. Peters , or his pretended successors Title to them . For if we believe o St. Ambrose , and others , these two swords , which the Apostles then had , and Christ resolved to be enough , were only the Old and New Testament , which Saint Peter and the other Apostles were to draw forth , open , explain , and preach to all Nations for their instruction , the slaying of their sinnes , errors , corruptions , pricking them at their hearts , arming them against all the assaults of the Devil , and for the edification , conversion , defence and salvation of their souls : Which exposition of theirs is warranted by Luke 24. 25 , 26 , 27. Rom. 1. 1 , 2 , 16 , 17 , c. 10. 6. to 21. c. 16. 25 , 26. Eph. 2. 17 , to 22. c. 3. 5 , to 12. Mat. 28. 19 , 20. Mark 16. 15 , 16. compared with Eph. 6. 17 , 19. Hebr. 4. 12 , 13. Rev. 1. 16. c. 2. 12 , 16. c. 19. 14 , 15 , 16 , 21. Ps . 45. 3. Ps . 149. 6. Isay 49. 2. Mat. 10. 34. Duo Gladii , unus veteris , alter novi Testamenti , quibus adversus Diaboli armamur insidias ; & dixit , Satis est , quia nihil deest ei quem utriusque Testamenti doctrina munierit . Gladius Sermo Domini Servatoris ; ideo anceps , quoniam duo contineat Testamenta , is the general and genuine resolution of St. Ambrose , Augustine , Chrysostom , Jerome , Beda , Cassiodor , Bruno , Lyra , Hugo de Sancto Victore , the Ordinary Glosse , most Orthodox Interpreters Old and New , on these Texts ; This is the only sword proceeding out of Christs mouth , which he came to send into the world : which himself brandished or made use of whilst on earth , & committed to his Apostles , Ministers , Peter , ( or the Roman Pontiffs , admitting them to be his genuine Successors ) after his death and resurrection : not the Supream Spiritual or Temporal Coercive Sword of Jurisdiction in and over all Persons , Churches , Kingdoms , causes whatsoever , as Popes and Pontificians most blindly inferr from hence , against the Letter , true scope of this Text , Exposition of the Fathers , and their own learned Expositors . 6ly . These words p But now , he that hath no sword , let him sell his garment and buy one , &c. And they said , Lord , Behold here are two swords ; And he said , they are enough , are thus interpreted by the Fathers . St. q Ambrose hath this Meditation on these words in St. Peters name ; O Domine , cur emere nos jubes gladium , qui ferrire me prohibes ? Cur habere praecipis , cum vetas promi ? nisi fortè ut parata sit defensio , non ultio necessaria , & videar potuisse vindicari , sed noluisse . Lex tamen referire me non vetat : & ideo fortasse Petro duos gladios offerenti , sat est , dicit ; quasi licuerit usque ad Evangelium ; ut sit , in Lege aequitatis eruditio , in Evangelio bonitatis perfectio . Multis hoc iniquum videtur , sed non iniquus Dominus , qui cum se possit ulcisci , maluit immolari . r St. Chrysostom hath the like ; Cum illi dixissent , Duos se gladios habere , Christus satis esse respondit : Cur igitur habere permisit ? ut facilius crederent , quod tradetur : Propterea dixit eis , emat gladium ; non ut percutiant animat , sed ut proditionem per hoc declararet . Propterea Petrus gladio usus comminatione , & quidem vehementi repraehenditur : Which Beda , Theophylact , Hugo de Sancto Victore , Lyra , Erasmus , Aretius , Calvin , Beza , Marlorat , Heinsius , Walaeus , and others on this Text recite , yea second ; and Origen before them , Tract . 35. in Matth. gives the like interpretation thereof . The summe , scope of which words they resolve to be this ; 1. To give a further check to the Disciples ambitious spirit and contest for precedency or worldly grandure ( which he had reprehended immediately before ) by minding them of the persecutions and hardships they should suffer after his passion , ascention , and thereby advising them to provide against them . 2ly . To instruct them , that in times of persecution , they might lawfully buy a sword to defend their persons against private violence ; but ſ not to resist the publike Authority of persecuting Princes , or revenge themselves . 3ly . That the Disciples misapprehending Christs meaning , imagining he commanded each of them personally to buy a sword to defend him from the band of men armed with swords , staves , that should apprehend and put him to death , they in their simplicity thought two swords sufficient to effect it , when as not twelve , nor two hundred swords , much lesse two , would be sufficient for that purpose ; Whereupon he replied , It is enough : either by way of Ironie , as some hold ; Dominus ironia dixit ; Quia duo gladii sunt , omnino multi sunt , & sufficiunt nobis contra multitudinem quae venit super nos : Or else rather by way of diversion to some other discourse , as t Theophylact thinks ! Haec enim opinor aenigmaticè propterea dicebat , ut postea recordantes & intelligentes , utilitatē capiant , quoniam tunc adeo insipientes erant , ut dicunt : Domine hic duo gladii , at ipse quia vidit ipsos non intellexisse , inquit , Satis est : tametsi nequaquam sufficerent , si humano auxilio contra honicidas illos uti oportuisset ; neque omnium gladii sufficissent : si autem hoc ●oluissent , & diviniore subsidio opus erat , superstui fuissent & duo . Veruntamen Dominus noluit eos arguere , utpote nihil intelligentes , sed dixit , satis est : & processit . Sic igitur etiam nos quando cum quodam conversantes vidimus cum non intellexisse quid diximus , dicimus ; Bene , dimitte ; quamvis non sit bonum ; sed ne conturbaremus , remittimus . Facit hic Dominus quando videt discipulos non intelligere dictum ; transit , & eventum rerum explicare dictorum intelligentiam , &c. 4ly . That Christ by this reply , It is enough , expressed his own willingnesse to suffer death , without the least resistance by his Apostles swords , or u any other human or angelical power , and that he would make use of neither of them to prevent his apprehension or crucifixion . Duo gladii sufficiunt ad testimonium spontè passi Salvatoris : Vnus qui & Apostolis audaciam pro Domino certandi , & avulsaictu ejus auricula ( Malchi ) Domino etiam morituro pietatem virtutemque doceret inesse medicandi . Alter qui nequaqam vagina exemptus , ostenderet eos , ne totum quod potuere pro ejus defe●sione facere permissos ; as our Venerable w Beda expounds these words , living about 750 years after Christ , and Hugo Cardinalis , Stella , besides others since : 5ly . x Origen , y Ambrose , z St. Chrysostom , with other Antients , Erasmus in his Paraphrase on Luke 22. & Oecolampadius in Mat. c. 26 conclude from hence , and from Christs command to Peter , Put up thy sword into its place , &c. That it is unlawfull for Christians under the Gospel to wage warre ; since two swords are enough for Christs disciples to defend themselves withall , even in times of persecution , without an offensive or defensive army , which requires thousands of swords , not two : Yea * Sixtus Senensis himself , who differs from them in opinion , confesseth , that exordio nascentis Ecclesiae , armorumusus minimè conveniret . Whence Christ prohibited his Apostles so much as to take * two staves , much lesse two swords , to defend themselves , or offend others . Finally 1 Maldonat , and Cardinal 2 Bellarmine in this our age are forced to confesse , That these two swords and the Popes Titles to them cannot be literally deduced from this Text ; & Mr. Calvin concludes , 3 Quod hinc eliciunt Canonistae , cornutos suos Episcopos duplici Jurisdictione esse praeditos , non solum putida est allegoria , sed protervum ludibrium quo verbo Dei insultant Antichristi mancipia . Wherefore let a Popes and their Parasites for the future evince their pretended divine Right to the two Temporal and Spiritual swords of Supream Coercive Power over all Emperors , Kings , Princes , Churches , and Pope Hildebrands and his Successors arming many thousands of souldiers with swords against Henry the 3 , 4 , 5. Frederick and other Christian Kings , Princes , and their slaughters of Millions of Christians to wrest these Swords out of their hands , and keep them in their own with meer armed force , by better arguments then any yet produced from this Text , or else for ever renounce their distinction of , and Title to these two swords , with these Thrasonical Paradoxes vented in that age by m Petrus Blesensis and others in their Writings to Pope Honorius and Coelestine the 2. Cum à Principibus Sacerdotum & a populo Judaeorum Christus quereretur ad mortem , & de emendis gladiis ageretur , voluit duobus gladiis contentos esse duodecim . Arma Alexandri & Caesaris hodie celebri opinione tra●scendit unicus ille gladius Petri quo servi auriculam amputavit . b Princeps Apostolorum adhuc in Apostolica sede regnat et imperat , et in medio constitutus est judiciarius rigor , illudque restat ut exeratis in maleficos Pater , gladium Petri , quem ad hoc constituit super Gentes et Regna : Christi Crur , antecellit Caesaris Aquilas ; Gladius Petri , gladio Constantini ; et Apostolica sedes praejudicat Imperatoriae potestati . Nonne Deus Deorum locutus est vobis in Petro Apostolo dices ; Quodcunque ligaveris super terram , &c. Quare ergo , &c. Ecclesia olim superborum et sublimium colla propria virtute calcabat , Legesque Imperatorum sacros Canones sequebantur , &c. Arnulphus a devout , zealous , famous Preacher , comming to Rome whilest Honorius the 2d sate there in his Pontificalibus , and observing the Roman Clergies vices , Presbyter Arnolphus , vir doctissimus , magnae devotionis , & praedicator egregius , qui cum inter annunciandum verbum Dei , Claricorum lasciviam , libidinem , avaritiam , pompam , divitias , & nimium fastum reprehenderet , & paupertatem Christi & Apostolorum ejus , integerrimamque vitam ad imitationem omnibus proponeret , à Romana quidem Nobilitate , ut verus Christi discipulus laudatus est ; sed Cardinalium et Clericorum odio nimium est habitus , à quibus & noctu captus , occul●è est interfectus . Haec suum Martyrium , antea cum adhuc esset in Eremo , divinitus sibi fuit revelatum , cum per Angelum , ad praedicandum Romam mitteretur . Vnde & publicè dixit , Scio quod animam meam quaeritis , scio quòd me brevi jam occidetis . Sed quare ? Veritatem vobis dice ; fastum , superbiam , avaritiam , luxuriam , nimiumque studium quod comparandis divitiis miseri impenditis , reprehendo ; propterea vobis non placeo . Ego testem invoco coelum & terram , quod annunciaverim vobis ea , quae mihi Dominus praecepit : vos autem contemnitis & me , & Creatorem vestrum , qui vos per unigenitum suum filium rede●●it . Nec mirum si hominem me peccatorem , vobis veritatem annunciantem , morti tralituri estis : Cum etiam si Sanctus Petrus hodie resurgeret , & vitia vestra , quae minus multiplicata sunt reprehenderet , ei minimè parceretis . Cum haec alta voce clamasset , subjunxit ; Ego quidem morte● subire pro veritate non timeo , vobis autem in verbo Domini praedico , quod omnipotens Deus non parcet impuritatibus vestris . Vos enim omni spurcitia pleni , plebem vos commissam praeceditis ad infernum . Deus vindex est . Cumque odium Cleri propter veritatem in eum saevire capisset , eorū insidiis captus & submersus ( or as others suspensus ) est . Coccius Sabellicus styles this Foedum facmus a Clero perpetratum : id flagitium totum ordinem infamia aspersit , culpa tamen paucorum ; quam plerique ex iis turpiter viverent , eoque licentiae processissent , ut ne salubria quidem remedia pati possent . Arnolphum qui magna nominis celebritate , magnoque mortalium concursa divinam praedicabat legem , quia eorum vitam increpabat , impie necarunt . He subjoynes , Tulit id facinus Honorius iniquo animo , caeterum quaestione abstinuit . Therefore doubtlesse he assented to it ; qui tacet consentire videtur . St. Bernard Abbot of Clarevall flourishing in that age , upon this occasion ( as I suppose ) thus declaimed against the Prelates persecution , Tyranny , * Videatur jam Ecclesiae persecutionis tempus , sed ut palam factum est , nunquam deest persecutio Christianis , sed neque Christo : & nunc , quod gravins est , ipsum Christum persequuntur , qui ab eo utique Christiani dicuntur . Amici tui Deus & proximi adversum te appropinquaverunt & steterunt . Conjurasse videtur contra te Vniversitas populi Christiani a minimo usque ad maximum ; a planta pedis usque ad verticem , non est sanitas ulla : egressus est iniquitas a Senioribus , Iudicibus et Vicarus tuis , qui videntur regere populū tuū . Non est jam dicere , ut populus , sic sacerdos , quia nec sic populus ut sacerdos . Heu , heu , Domine Deus quia ipsi sunt in persecutione tua primi , qui videntur in Ecclesia tua Primatum diligere , gerere Principatum . Arcem Syon apprehenderunt ; munitiones & universam deinceps libere & potestativè tradunt incendio Civitatem ( He alludes to Pope Calixtus conquest of the Emperor , and wresting Investitures and Ecclesiastical preferment out of his hands , under pretext of Simony , that he and his successors might bestow them gratis on the best deserving Clergymen ; but it fell out quite contrary , as his next words import ) Misera eorum conversatio plebis tuae miserabilis subversio est , atque utinam hac parte sola nocerent . Esset fortè qui Dominica praemonitus & praemunitus exhortatione , daret operam ipsorum non exempla imitari , sed observare praecepta , juxta illud ; Quae dicunt facite , & ad opera eorum nolite respicere . Nunc autem dati sunt sacri Gradus in occasionem turpis lucri , et quaestum aestimant pietatem . Copiosissimae si quidem pietatis inveniuntur in suscipienda , immo accipienda magis animarum Cura , sed haec apud eos cura minor , et de animarum salute novissima cogitatio est ; An vero Salvatori animarum gravior ulla esse poterat persecutio ? Inique agunt & caeteri contra Christum ; multique sunt nostris temporidus Antichristi . Meri●ò tamea & crudeliorem eam censct persecutionem , pro acceptis beneficiis , & graviorem sentit pro potestate quàm propriis sustinet à Ministris : licet alii quoque multi contra proximorum salutem multiphariè multisque modis & variis occasionibus agere videantur : Agnoscite dilectissimi & expavescite consortia eorum qui suggestione maligna , exemplo pernicioso , scandali occasione salutem impediunt animarum . Horrendum penitus * Sacrilegium , quod & ipsorum videtur excedere facinus quo Domino Majestatis manus Sacrilegos injecerunt . Haec videt Christus , & silet : Haec Salvator patitur , & dissimulat . Proptere● dissimulemus nos quoque necesse est & sileamus interim , maximeque de Praelatis nostris magistris Ecclesiarum . Sic nimirum , sic placet , et impiis ut evadant nunc humana judicia , veniatque semel ejudicium grave his qui praesunt , et potentes patiantur tormenta potenter . How corrupt , unjust , and dishonourable this Pope Honorius and the Court of Rome were in their proceedings , St. Bernard thus informed both himself and the world in several of his Epistles to him and Haimericus Chancellor of the Roman See. a Summo Pontifici Honorio , pauperum Christi Abbates , Hugo de Pontiniaco , & Bernardus de Claravalle , quicquid potest peccatorum oratio . Lachrymabilem Episcoporum , imo totius Ecclesiae querimoniam , nos quoque ejus filii , si tamen digni , dissimulare non possumus . Quae vidimus , loquimur : magna siquidem nos necessitas de claustris ad publicum traxit , ubi & quod loquimur vidimus . Tristes vidimus , tristes eloquimur ; honorem Ecclesiae Honorii tempore non minime laesum . Jam Regis flexerat iram humilitas , vel potius constantia Episcoporum , cum ecce a Summo Pontifice summa superveniens auctoritas , heu dejecit constantiam , superbiam statuit . Scimus quidem id vobis per mendacium fuisse surreptum , quod ex vestris literis palam datur adverti , ut everti tam justum , tamque necessarium interdictum juberetis . Sed nunquid non vel tandem deprehenso mendacio , mentitum se sentiret iniquitas sibi , & non tantae utique Majestati ? Est autem quod miramur ; qua nam ratione judicatum sit de parte , abjudicatum absenti . Quod tamen non temeraria praesumptione reprehendimus , sed filiali amore , paterno cordi suggerimus , quantum ex hoc et superbit impius , et incenditur pauper . Caeterum quamdiu illum pati , quantumve huic compati debeatis , non est nostrum praescribere vobis . Vos vestra hinc potius dulcissime Pater viscera consulite , Valete . The cause of which complaint is thus related in his next Epistle to this Pope , written b ex persona Gaufridi Carnotensis ; King Lewes of France , for some pretended misdemeanor , or just cause had seised the Temporalties of the Bishop of Paris , who complaining thereof to the Archbishop of Sienna , and his Suffragans ; excepta siquidem tam modesta praedicti Episcopi querimonia , Senonensis Diocesis universi Episcopi , una cum venerabili Metropolitano nostro , ascitis etiam nobiscum quibusdam aliis Religiosis personis , Regem super gravi injuria per nosipsos humiliter , prout debuimus , convenimus , ut Episcopo , nil quidem tale merito , su● quae tulerat restitueret , rogavimus , nec impetravimus . Sentiens tandem nos ad arma Ecclesiae pro Ecclesia velle confugere , ( they interdicting his Land , and threatning to excommunicate him ) timuit , annuitque ( se omnia redditurum . Sed in eadem forte hora supervenientibus Literis vestris , quibus ejus terram ab interdicto absolvi praecepistis , male in maium confortatus , quod bene promiserat minime executus est . Die tamen nominata qua id se rursum promisit executurum , ejus nobis conspectui praesentantes , sustinuimus pacem , & non venit , quae sivimus bona , & ecce turbatio . Hoc denique literis vestris factam est , ut male ablata pejus teneantur , et reliqua passim indies rapiantur , eo utique secure quo impune ; illa retinentur ; Soluto nempe ad vestrum imperium Episcopi justo ( ut putamus ) interdicto , nostroque , quando parabamus , & quo sperabamus pacem consequi , vestro aeque timore uspenso ; interim facti sumus opprobrium vicinis nostris . Quousque , vestrae viderit pietatis compassio . In c two other Epistles he complains how much he was slandered , misrepresented to this Pope and his Court at Rome , yea persecuted for writing truth to them and doing well ; Etiamne pauperi & inopi veritas odium parit , & ne ipsa quidem miseria declinare invidiam potest ? Sed hoc viderint fratres vestri , qui contra legem , maledicunt surdo ; & maledictum propheticum non verentes , dicunt bonum malum , & malum bonum : Quid in me ô boni viri displicuit Paternitati vestrae ? &c. Quousque durat illa sententia , Omnes qui piè volunt vivere in Christo , persecutionem patiuntur ? Quousque relinquitur virga peccatoris super sortem justorum ? Vtinam nuper non es●em , ubi vidiisem adversum Ecclesiam Apostolica ( proh dolor ) auctoritate violentam armari tyrannidem , quasi non satis per se insanisset . Tuns demum sensi juxta Prophetam adhaerescere linguam meam palato meo , cum subito pondus superjectum est nostris cervicibus , atque irrefragabilis auctoritas literarum : Obmutui & humiliatus sum , & dolor meus renovatus est , quoniam vidi repente ad illas literas , impleri facies innocentium ignominia , et laetari amplius impios quod male fecerint , et exultare in his rebus pessimis : Misertum est impio , ut juxta dictum propheticum , non disceret facere justitiam ; & quae in terra sanctorum injusta gessit , ipsius terra justissimo quo tenebatur absoluta est interdicto , &c. Non tamen me latente et tacente cessare puto murmur Ecclesiarum , si non cesset Romana Curia pro voluntate assistentium facere praejudicium in absentes . Valete . Which he further prosecutes Epist . 49 , 50 , 51 , 52. This holy zealous Abbot St. Bernard , writ , preached , declaimed more frequently and largely against the Usurpations , Temporal , Spiritual Domination , Ambition , Pomp , Pride , Simony , Sacriledge , Lazinesse , Uncleannesse , Sodomy , Bribery , Corruptions of the Popes , Prelates , Clergy , Court and Church of Rome , then Arnulphus whom they slew , both in his * forecited Passages , ( on which you may reflect ) and in his Homilia 4. Supermissus est , De Conversatione ad Clericos , parvi Sermones ; Super Cantica Sermo 10 , 23 , 24 , 32 , 33 , 76 , 77. Epistola 42. ad Henricum Senonensem Archiepiscopum , Epist . 48 , 51 , 78 , 87 , 91 , 125 , 126 , 132 , 152 , 164 , 168 , 169 , 176 , 178 , 178 , 185 , 189 , 210 , 219 , 234 , 235 , 236 , 299 , in his Bookes De Consideratione to Pope Eugenius ; in his Sermo ad Clerum in Concilio Rhemensi , ad Pastores Sermo , in Synodo , and other his works . I shall transcribe some Passages of his , that all the world may thereby discover the sad effects of Popes wresting Investitures out of the Emperors and Laymens hands , to engross the disposition of all Ecclesiastical dignities , preferments into their own & Clergies , and their inhibiting Priests marriages produced ; and what ill Bishops , Clergymen they preferred . * Si reddanda est ratio de his quod quisque gessit in corpore suo : heu quid fiet de his quae quisque gessit in corpore Christi , quod est Ecclesia ; Ecclesia Dei vobis commissa est , et dicimini Pastores , cum sitis Raptores . Et paucos habemus heu Pastores , multos autem Excommunicatores . Et utinam sufficeret vobis lana et lac , sititis enim sanguinem . Quatuor tamen in his qui praesunt in Ecclesia Dei necessaria esse prae omnibus reor : videlicet ut perostium intrent , ut in humilitate se contineant , avaritiam declinent : mundiciam tam corde quam corpore servare studeant . Sed quid prodest si canonice eligantur ( quod est per ostium intrare ) & non canonicè vivant ? Dixit dominus , ad duodecim , Nonne ego vos duodecim eligi , & unus ex vobis Diabolus est ? Domine Jesu cum esset electio illa in manu tua , & non haberes aliquem contradicentem , & reclamantem tibi , Quare eligisti Diabolum Episcopum ? Cur bone Jesu non eligisti bonum , & justum , & sanctum , sicut Petrus bonus , justus , & sanctus fuit ? Vel si eligisti Diabolum , cur te jactas eligisse ? Fratres , sic facit Iesus hodie , eligens sibi multos Diabolos Episcopos . Vbi proh dolor ! reperiemus Episcopos qui post adeptam dignitatem in humilitate se contineant ? Nempe superbia eis occasio est ut ad tantam dignitatem aspirent , ut in ovile Christi impudenter irrumpant : cum tamen per Psalmistam Dominus dicat , Non habitabit in medio domus meae qui facit superbiam . Jesus autem in medio est , non in angulo . Vnde ipse in Evangelio ; Ubi duo , inquit , vel tres congregati fuerint in nomine meo , in medio eorum sum . Et iterum , Jesus autem transiens per medium illorum ibat . Et in Libro Sapientiae , In medio , inquit , Ecclesiae aperuit os ejus . Et rursus in Evangelio dicitur ; Stetit Jesus in medio Discipulorum suorum . Ve mihi Domine Jesu si tecum ero in domo tua , & non in medio domus tuae . At isti non sic , sunt quidam cum Jesu ; sed non in medio domus ejus , quia amant & faciunt superbiam ; Parentes suos extollentes , Pauperes autem negligentes , & deprimentes . Male vivunt , et subjectos male vivere volunt . Et idcirco comparantur Apostati Angelo qui dixii in corde suo , Ponam sedem meam ad aquilonem , &c. Tales fuerunt Scribae & Pharisaei , contra quos ait Dominus , Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisaei qui clauditis regnum coelorum ante homines , vos enim non intratis & intrountes non sinitis introire . Porro Episcopi hujus temporis avaritiam quomodo declinent ? Quod enim sine miserabili gemitu dicendum non est , Christi opprobria , sputa , flagelia , clavos , lanceam , crucem , haec omnia fornace avaritiae conflant , et profligant in acquisitionem turpis quaestus , et precium Vniversitatis suis marsupiis includere festinant , hoc solo sane à Juda Ischariote differentes , quod ille horum omne emolumentum denariorum numero compensavit : isti voraciori ingluvie lucrorum infinitas exigunt pecunias . His insatiabili desiderio inhiant , pro his ne amittant , timent ; & cum amit : unt dolent . Harū in amore quantum quiescunt duntaxat lib rum est eis arbitriū acervandi vel augmentandi , cura . Animarum nec casus reputatur , nec salus : non sunt profecto matres , qui cum sint de curcifixi Patrimonio nimium incrassati , impinguati , dilatati , non compatiuntur super contritione Joseph . Archipresbyter circuit obedientiam sibi creditam & ut impleat saccum suum , tradit sanguinem justum . Vendit nempe homicidia , adulteria , incestus , fornicationes , sacrilegia , perjuria , et usque ad summum implet manticam suam . Fama igitur volante innotescit Episcopo , talis quaestus , & accersito Archipresbytero , Da mihi ( inqit ) partem meam . At illi nihil dabo tibi : è contra Episcopus ; si non dederis mihi ( inquit ) partem meam , auferam tibi omnia . Fitque altercatio maxima , & propter dvaritiam fit discordia , Postea vero Archipresbyter revolvens secum , quod Authoritate Episcopi fungatur potestate ista ; & quod sine gratia ipsius nihil possit ( perverse conversus ) poenitet inquit me , accipe partem tuam , & insuper de mea quod beneplacitum fuerit , & reconcilantur . Heu sicut Herodes & Pilatus reconciliati sunt ; et Christus crucifixus est : sic nihilominus isti reconciliantur ; & pauperes Christi spoliati sunt . En tempora ista planè foeda a negotio perambulante in tenebris : Quapropter Vae generationi huic a fermento Pharisaeorum , quod est Hypocrisis : si tamen hypocrisis dici debet , quae jam latere prae abundantia non valet , & prae impudentia non querit . Et sic serpit hodie putrida tabes per omne corpus Ecclesiae , quo latius , eo desperatius : eoque periculosius quo intestinius . Nam si insurgeret apertus Haereticus , mitteretur foras & aresceret ; si violentus inimicus , absconderet se quis for sitan ab eo . Nunc quomodo ejiciet , aut quomodo abscondet se ? Omnes amici & Inimiciomnes necessarii , omnes domestici & nulli pacifici . Et quae sua sunt quaerunt omnes . Ministri Christi sunt , et serviunt Antichristo ; honorati incedunt de bonis Domini , cut honorem non deferunt . Unde hic est eis quem quotidie videmus meritricius nitor , Histrionicus habitus , regius apparatus . Inde aurum in froenis , aurum in sellis , & in calcaribus : plus nitent calcaria quàm altaria . Inde mensae splendidae , & Cibis & Cyphis ; Inde commessationes & ebrietates , Inde Cithara & lyra & tibia : redundantia torcularia , & promptuaria plena , erustantia ex hoc in illud . Inde dolia pigmentaria , inde referta marsupia . Hujusmodi sunt et volunt esse , Ecclesiarum Praepositi , Decani , Episcopi , et Archiepiscopi . Nec enim haec merito cedunt , sed negotio illi , quod perambulat in tenebris . Olim praedictum est , & nunc tempus impletionis advenit , Ecce in pace amaritudo mea amarissima . Amara prius in nece Martyrum , amarior post in conflictu Haereticorum , amarissima nunc in moribus Domesticorum . Non fugari , non exterminari possunt , ita invaluorunt , ita multiplicati sunt super numerum . Intestina , & insanabilis enim plaga Ecclesiae , & ideo in pace amaritudo mea amarissima . Sed in qua pace ? Pax est , & non est Pax : Pax a Paganis , Pax ab Haereticis , sed non profecto a filiis . Vox plangentis in tempore Israel , Filios enutrivi & exaltavi , ipsi aut spreverunt me . Spreverunt et invaluerunt a turpi vita , a turpi quaestu , a turpi commercio , a negotio perambulante in tenebris : Superest ut jam de medio fiat demonium meridianum ad seducendos si qui in Christo residui sunt , adhuc persistentes in simplicitate sua , siquidem absorbuit fluvios sapientum , & torrentes potentum , Et habet fiduciam quod influat Jordanis in os ejus , i. humiles & simplices qui sunt in Ecclesia , Ipse enim est Antichristus , qui non solum se diem , sed & meridiem mentitur , & extollitur supra id quod colitur , ut Deus , quem dominus Jesus interficiet Spiritu oris sui , & destruet illum illustratione adventus sui . Ecce diximus quales habemus Pastores in via hac qua ambulamus , non quales habere opus . Non sunt omnes amici sponsi , qui hodie sponsi sunt Ecclesiae . Hinc inde assist●re cernuntur , & vulgo aiunt eam quasi addrextrare videntur . Pauci admodum sunt qui quae sua sunt , non quaerunt , ex omnibus Charis ejus . Diligunt munera , nec possunt pariter diligere Christum , quia manus dederunt Mammonae , Intuere quommodo incedunt , nitidi & ornati , circumamicti varietate tanquam sponsa procedens de thalamo suo . Nonne si quempiam talium repentè eminus procedentem assexeris , sponsam potius putabis quàm sponsae custodem ? Unde vero hanc illis , exuberare aestimes rerum affluentiam , vestium splendorem , mensarum luxuriam , congeriem vasorum argenteorum & aureorum , nisi de bonis sponsi ? Inter haec est quod illa pauper , et inops , et nuda relinquitur facie miseranda , inculta , hispida et exanguis : propter hoc non est hoc tempore ornare sponsam , sed spoliare ; non est custodire , sed perdere ; non est defendere , sed exponere ; non est instruere , sed prostituere ; non est pascere gregem Domini , sed mactare , et devorare ; dicente Domino de illis , qui devorant plebem meam ut cibum panis : & iterum , quia commederunt Jacob & locum ejus desolverunt , peccata populi commedent , quasi dicat ; peccatorum precia exigunt , et peccantibus sollicitudinem non impendunt . Quem dabis mihi de numero Episcoporum , qui non plus invigilet subditorum evacuandis marsupiis , quam vitiis extipandis ? Vbi est qui flectat iram ? Vbi est qui praedicet annum placabilem domino ? Propterea restnquamus istos , qui non sunt Pastores sed Traditores , et imitemur illos qui viventes in Carne , plantaverunt Ecclesiam sanguine suo . Et quidem isti sortiti sunt Ministerii locum , sed non Zelum ; successores omnes cupiunt esse , imitatores pauci ; utinam tam vigiles reperirentur ad Curam , quam alacres currunt ad Cathedram ; vigilarent utique sollicite servantes sibi creditam Ecclesiam . Immo vero vigilarent pro semetipsis nec sinerent de se dici , amici mei & proximi mei adversum me appropinquaverunt & steterunt . Iusta omnino querimonia , nec ad ullum justius quam ad nostram referenda aetatem ; Parum est nostris Pastoribus quod non servant nos , nisi et perdant : Graviter quippe dimersi oblivionis somnio ad nullum dominicae comminationis tonitruum expergiscuntur , ut vel suum ipsorum periculum expavescant : inde est quod non parcant suis , qui non parcunt sibi : perimentes pariter & pereuntes . After which he relates their unclean , Sodomitical practises , which I * formerly touched , and shall not here repeat . In another place he thus complains of the ambition , avarice , depravation of the Clergy , & Court of Rome in that age . * Nunc verò quia sola attenditur gloria , & non poena , purum esse clericum erubescitur in Ecclesia , seque viles aestimant & inglorii , qui quocunque eminentiori in loco non fuerint sublimati : Scholares pueri , & impuberes adolescentuli ob sanguinis dignitatem , & de sub ferula transferuntur ad principandum Presbyteris , laetiores interim quod virgas evaserint , quàm quod meruerint principatum , nec tam illis blanditur adeptum , quàm ademptum Magisterium : Et hoc quidem in initio . Processu vero temporis paulatim insolescentes , docti sunt in brevi vendicare altaria , subditorum marsupia vacuare , Magistris nimirum in hac disciplina utentes idoncis , ambitione et avaritia . Verum quantavis industria tua tibi lucra conquirere cautulus videaris , quantalibet vigilantia rem possis servaretuam , quantecunque studio Regum tibi ac Pincipum gratiam captare cures , dicimus tamen , Vae terrae cujus Rex est puer , & cujus Principes mane comedunt : Caeterum curritur in Clero , passim ab omni aetate & ordinè , à doctis pariter & indectis , ad Ecclesiasticas Curas , tanquam sine curis jam quisque victurus sit , cum ad curas pervenerit . Nec mirum de his qui necdum in semetipsis experti sunt . Videntes quippe illos qui jam proprios humeros cupitae sarcinae summiserunt , non solum non gemere tanquam sub onere , sed insuper appetere plus onerari , non deterrentur periculis , qui cupiditate caecati non vid●nt , sed favoribus amplius quos illis invident provocantur . O Infinita semper Ambitio , et insatiabilis avaritia ! Cum primos honorum gradus meruerint in Ecclesia , meruerint , autem vel vitae merito vel pecunicae , sive etiam carnis et sangunis , quae regnum Dei non possidebunt , praerogativa , non ideo Corda quiescunt , duplici semper aestuantia desiderio , quo utique magis ac magis et dilatentur * in plura , et ad celsiora sublimentur . Verbi gratia , cum factus quis fuerit in quacunque Ecclesia Decanus , Praepositus , Archidiaconus , aut aliquid hujusmodi , non contentus uno in una , plures sibi immo quotquot valet conquirere honores satagit , tam in una quam in pluribus . Quibus tamen omnibus si locus evenerit , libenter unius praeferet Episcopi dignitatem ; Sed nunquid sic satiabitur ? Factus Episcopus , Archiepiscopus esse desiderat . Quo fortè adepto , rursum nescio quid altius somnians , laboriosis itineribus , et sumptuosis familiaritatibus Romanum statuit frequentare palatium , questuosas sibi quasdam exinde comparans amicitias . Si Lucri Spiritualis gratia haec faciunt , laudandus est zelus , sed praesumptio corrigenda . Nonnulli cum ista non possint , vertunt se ad aliud ambiendi genus , in quo nihilominus aperiunt eam quam habent dominaudi libidinem . Nam cum praesident Vrbibus valdè populosis , & totas , ut ita dicam patrias propriae Diocasis ambitu cincumcludunt , occasione inventa , ex quocunque veteri privilegio , satis agunt , ut et vicinas sibi subjiciant . Civitates , quatenus duae , quibus duo vix praesules sufficiebant , sub uno redigantur Antistite . Regi quae haec tam odiosa praesumptio ? Quis hic tantus ardor dominandi super terram ? quae principandi , tam effrenis cupiditas ? Certè cum primum tractus es ad Cathedram , flebas , refugiebas , vim querebaris : multum ad te , & omnino supra te esse dicens , miserum clamitans & indignum , qui non esse idoneus tam Sancto Ministerio , tantis non sufficeres curis : Quid igitur nunc verecunda depulsa formidine , sponte ambis ad ampliora , immo irreverenti audacia , propriis non contentus invadis aliena ? Cur hoc ? Fortè ut plures populos salves ? Sed in alienam messem tuam mittere falcem injuriosum est . Vt tuae praestes Ecclesiae ? Sed Ecclesiarum sponso non placet tale unius incrementum quod sit detrimentum alterius . Crudelis ambitio , & incredibilis , si fidem oculi non astruerent : Vix tenent manus quin illud ad literam impleant , quod logitur in Propheta , Secuerunt pregnantes Galaad , ad dilatandum terminos suos . Vbi est illa terrifica comminatio , Vae qui conjungitis domum ad domum , & agrum agro copulatis : Nunquid in his duntaxat exiguis , vae istud metuendum est , non autem cum Vrbes Vrbibus , aut Provinciae Provinciis continuantur ? Immò , etiam respondeant si imitari Dominum Christum ; facientes & ipsi utraque unum adducentes , & ipsi ex diversis pascuis greges , Ut fiat unus pastor , & unum ovile . Hujus rei gratia , non pigritantur crebro terere limina Apostolorum , inventuri et ibi quod magis dolendum est , qui suae faveant improbae voluntati : non quod valde Romani curent , quo fine res terminetur ; sed quia valde diligunt munera , sequuntur retributiones . Nude nuda loquor , nec retego verecunda , sed inverecunda confuto . Utinam privatim & in Cameris haec sierent , Utinam soli viderimus & audierin us , Utinam nec loquentibus crederetur , Utinam nobis reliquerint moderni Noae unde à Nobis possent aliquaetenus operiri . Nunc vero cernente Orbe mundi fabulam soli tacebimus ? He elsewhere thus seconds this complaint , a Ipsa quoque Ecclesiasticae dignitatis officia in turpem quaestum & tenebrarum negotium transière , nec in his salus animarum , sed luxus qua ritur divitnarum . Propter hoc tondentur , propter hoc frequentant Ecclesias , Missas celebrant , Psalmos decantant . Pro Episcopatibus et Archidiaconatibus et Abbatiis , aliisque dignitatibus hodie impudenter decertatur , ut Ecclesiarum redditus in superfluitatis et vanitatis usus dissipentur . ●perest ut reveletur homo peccati , filius perditionis , daemonium non modo diurnum sed & meridianum ; quod non solum transfiguretur in Angelorum lucis , b sed extollitur super omne quod dicitur Deus , aut quod colitur . Nimirum insidiatur crudelius calcaneo matris Ecclesiae , â qua dolet caput suum esse contritum . Hic planè gravissimus erit incursus , sed ob hoc quoque Ecclesiam Electorum veritas liberabit propter eos brevians dies . c Cernitur in nonnullis Sacerdotibus vestium cultus plurimus , virtutum aut nullus , aut exiguus . Quibus ego si rememorarem illud Apostolicum , non in veste preciosa , vereor ne indignentur : dum nimirum indignum ducant in se assu●●ptam sententiam , quàm prius in viliorem sexum & ordinem prolata fuisse , recognoverint , Quasi vero non eodem utantur medici ferro secandis regibus quo & popularibus hominibus , aut capiti fiat injuria , si ipsis forcipibus capilli excrescentes detondeantur , quibus & unguium fuer intresecata superflua . Attamen si dedignantur pari cum mulierculis , non quidem à me , sed ab Apostolo feriri sententia ; dedignentur & cum ipsis eadem involvi culpa . Despiciant jam textricum sive pellificum , & non propriis operibus gloriari . Horreant et murium rubricatas pelliculas , quas gulas vocant , manibus circundare sacratis , & sacrantibus tremenda mysteria . Respuant & apponere pectori quod decentius ornat gemma sapientiae , Pudeat & Collo circumtexere quod honestius atque suavius Christi jugo submittitur : Non Christi stigmata sunt haec , quae isti Martyrum exemplo circumferant in corpore suo . Muliebria potius esse noscuntur insignia : quae utique curiosius , & sumptuosius ille sibi praeparare consueverunt , cogitantes nimirum , quae sunt mundi , quomodo placeant viris . Verum tu Sacerdos Dei altissimi , cui ex his placere gestis , mundo , an Deo ? Si mundo , cur Sacerdos ? Si Deo , cur qualis populus talis et Sacerdos ? Nam si placere vis mundo , quid tibi prodest Sacerdotium ? d Nec enim potes doubus Dominis servire . e Qui autem vult amicus esse hujus mundi , inimicus Dei constituitur . E● Propheta f Deus ( inquit ) dissipabit ossa eorum qui hominibus placent , confusi sunt quoniam Deus sprevit eos . Et Apostolus , g Si hominibus placerem , Christi servus non essem . Volens itaque placere hominibus , Deo non places . Sinon places , non placas . Cur ergo , ut dixi , Sacerdos ? Sin vero quod addidi , placere intendis non mundo sed Deo , cur qualis populus & Sacerdos ? Enimvero si Sacerdos Pastor est , & populus Oves dignum est ut in nullo appareat Ovibus Pastor dissimilis , si instar mei qui ovis sum , Pastor meus & ipse incurvus graditur , vultum gerens deorsum , & terram semper respiciens , & soli ventri mente jejunus pabula queritans , in quo discernimur ? Vae si h venerit lupus , non erit qui praevideat , qui occurrat , qui eripiat . Decetne pastorem more pecorum , sensibus incubare corporeis , haerere infimis , inhiare terrenis , et non potius erectum stare ut hominem , coelum mente suscipere , i quae sursum sunt & quaerere , & sapere , non quae super terram ? Caeterum mihi indignatur , si vel nutum facere audeam , jubetque ori manum apponere , * dicens , Monachum qui non habeam judicare de Episcopis . Vtinam & oculos mihi claudas , ut nec cernere possem , quae contradicere prohibes . Magna verò praesumptio si ovis cum sim , in ipsum Pastorem meam Lupas saevissimas , vanitatē & curiositatem irruere cernens , infremuero , quo ad meum forte balatum cruentis bestiis à quopiam occurratur , & succurratur perituro . Quid facient de me qui ovicula sum , quae in ipsum pastorem tanta feritate insiliunt ? Et quidem si non vult ut clamem pro se , nunquid non et pro me balare licebit ? Sed si ego sileo ne ponere videar in coelum os meum , clamatur tamen in Ecclesia , k non in veste preciosa . Clamat autem specialiter ad foeminas , ut erubescat in se deprehendi Episcopus quod in fragiliori quoque sexu audierit reprehendi . An fortè nulla timetur confusio si ego solus sub●ussitare desiero ? Nunquid etsi Ego non loquor , sua cuique non loquitur Conscientia ? Quid si alius audacior me non quidem de Apostolo , ut ego , non de Evangelio , non de Propheta , non denique quippiam Ecclesiasticum , sed illud tamen gentilicum ingerat , Dicite Pontifices , non quidem in sancto , sed froeno quid facit aurum ? Quoniam tolerabilius in Sancto , quàm in froeno . Haec me etiam tacente ; & si non Curia Regum , tamen penuria pauperum clamat . Sileat licet fama , sed non fames . Fama quidem silenti , quod non potest mundus odisse vos ; Nam quomodo arguet mundus peccatum à quo potius l laudatur peccator in desideriis animae suae , & iniquus benedicit ? Clamant vero nudi , clamant famelici conqueruntur & dicunt ; Dicite Pontifices , in froeno quid facit aurum ? Nunquid aurum à froeno , repellit frigus sive esuriem ? Nobis frigore & fame laborantibus , quid conferunt tot mutatoria vel extensa in particis , vel plicata in manticis ? Nostrum est quod effunditis , nobis crudeliter subtrabitur , quod inaniter expenditis , Et nos enim Dei plasmatio , m & nos sanguine Christi Redempti sumus . Nos ergo fratres vestri . Videte quale sit de fraterna portione pascere oculos vestros . Vita nostra cedit vobis in superfluas copias , nostris necessitatibus detrahitur quicquid accedit vanitatibus vestris . Duo denique mala de una prodeunt radice cupiditatis , dum & vos vanitando peritis , & nos spoliando perimitis . Jumenta gradiuntur onusta gemmis , & nostra non curatis crura nuda caligulis . Annuli , Cathenulae , tintinnabula & clavatae quaedam corrigiae , multaquè talia tam speciosa coloribus quam ponderibus preciosa , mulorum dependent cervicibus , fratrum autem lateribus nec simicintia miserantes apponitis . Huc accedit , quod haec omnia , nec negotiationis studio , nec proprio manuum exercitio vobis elaborastis , sed nec jure Haereditario possidetis , nisi fortè & vos in corde vestro dixeritis , n Haereditate possideamus sanctuarium Dei. Et haec pauteres modo quidam coram Deo tantum , cui corda loquuntur ; nec enim audent apertè causari adversum vos , quibus interim pro sua vita necesse habet potius supplicare . Caeterum in futuro stabunt in magna constantia adversus eos qui se angustiaverunt , stante quippe pro eis prece Orphanorum , & ju lice Viduarum . Ipsius enim tunc voxerit ; o Quamdiu non fecistis uni de his minimis meis , nec mihi fecistis . Epist . 152. he thus complained to Pope Innocent the 4th . as he had done to his Predecessor ; Insolentia Clericorum , cujus mater est negligentia Episcoporum , ubique terrarum turbat et molestat Ecclesiam : Dant Episcopi * Sanctum canibus , & & margaritam porcis , & illi conversi conculcant eos . Quales fovent , tales sustinent . Quos ditant Ecclesiae bonis , non corrigunt eorum mala , malosque gravati portant . Alienis nimirum laboribus locupletantur Clerici , comedunt fructum terrae absque pecunia , & prodit quasi ex adipe iniquitas eorum ; quos propriè hodiéque respicit vetus illa Scriptura , * Sedit populus manducare & bibere , & surrexerunt ludere . Mens quippe assueta deliciis , nec exculta disciplinae sarculo , multas contrahit sordes . Porrò inveteratam rubiginem si tentes abradere , nec summis saltem digitis contingi patietur , sed sicut scriptum est , incrassatus est dilectus & recalcitravit . Insurrexerunt testes iniqui homines , quos delectat vitam semper alienam rodere ; negligere suam . And Epist . 177. Ad Dominum Papam Innocentium in persona Alberonis , Treverensis Archiepiscopi , he complains , Suffraganeos accepi juvenes & nobiles : adjutores esse deberent , et utinam non adversarentur . Sed supersedeo : Dico tamen Ius , fas , honestas , religio in nostris Episcopatibus perierunt ; to wit , among the Bishops and Clergy , of whom he thus complained to the Pope , without any hopes of redresse . I pretermit his * other passages against the Corruption , Simony , Sacriledge , Ambition , Pomp , Pride , Lazinesse , Uncharitablenesse , Luxury , Uncleannesse , Bribery , and Atheistical lives of the Roman Court , Prelates , Clergy in that age , when Popes and Popish Prelates had the sole election , preferment , correction of them ; yet would not suffer Monks or Laymen so much as to reprehend , much lesse to correct their persons or vices . After the death of Pope Honorius ( to whom St. Bernard writ several a Epistles ) Anno Dom. 1130. there arose a Great Schisme in the Church about the election of a New Pope ; some of the Cardinals electing Gregory Cardinal of St. Angelo , who assumed the name of Innocent the 2. against the Romans consents : who presently taking up arms against Rogerius Duke of Sicily and Normandy ( stiling b himself King of Sicily ) to suppresse him , was together with his Cardinals taken and detained Prisoner by him , till he granted him all his demands , except only the Title of King of Sicily : In the mean time the Romans chose the sonne of Peter Leo Pope , and sti●ed him Anacletus . He to establish himself in St. Peters Chair , seised upon the gold or silver Crowns , Crosses , Crucifixes , Vessels , Ornaments of the Church , & melting them into coyn distributed the mony among the Romans , wherby he so obliged them to him , that Innocent after his release out of prison , thought it not safe to stay at Rome , but taking ship with his Cardinals passed over to Pisa , and there excommunicated Anacletus . From thence sending a Legate to Ludovicus Crassus King of France , to relate the equity of his cause , desired he might be there received as Pope ; the French Bishops being doubtfull , to which of these Popes they should adhere , some of them siding with Anacletus against Innocent ; thereupon a Council was held at Stamps , where ( by St. Bernards means , who stickled for Innocent , and writ many * Epistles to Kings , Princes , Bishops in his behalf ) Innocent was received as Pope . After which he posted into Germany to Lotharius , where a Council of Bishops was called at Leodium , which received him as Pope ; engaging Lotharius the Emperor by Oath to restore him , if he would crown him Emperor . After which returning into France , having by St. Bernards Epistles , travel , mediation , engaged the Kings of Germany , England , Scotland , Spaine , Jerusalem , to receive him as lawfull Pope , he held several Councils at Rhemes , Placentia , Pisa , and Claremount , wherein he * solemnly excommunicated , anathematized Anacletus and all his adherents with horrible execrations . St. Bernard in his 125. Epistle renders this account of these two Popes elections and proceedings , ad Magistrum Galfridum de Loratorio ; Tu tibi quiescis , & mater tua Ecclesia graviter conturbatur : habuit sua tempora quies , & sanctum otium hactenus sua negotia licenter , libenterque exercuit : Tempus faciendi nunc , quia dissipaverunt legem : Bestia illa de Apocalypsi , cui datum est os loquens blasphemias , & bellum genere cum Sanctis , * Petri Cathedram occupat , tanquam Leo paratus ad pr●dam : ( he means Anacletus ) Altera quoque bestia penes vos subsibilat , sicut catulus in ●bditis . Illa ferocior , ista callidor pariter convenerunt in unum adversus Dominum & Christum ejus : Demus operam cito dirumpere vincula eorum , & projicere à nobis jugum ipsorum . Nos in nostris partibus una cum aliis Dei servis , divino igne accensis , Deo cooperante laboramus in conveniendo populo in unum & Reges , ad diripiendum pravorum consensum , ad destxuendam omnem altitudinem extollentem se adversus scientiam Dei. Nec infructuosè . Alemanniae , Franciae , Angliae , Scotiae , Hispaniarum & Hierosolymorum Reges , cum universo Clero & populo favent & adhaerent Domino Innocentio , tanquam filii patri , tanquam capiti membra , solliciti servare unitatem Spiritus in vinculo pacis . Merito autem illum recepit Ecclesia , cujus & opinio clarior , & electio sanior inventa est , nimirum eligentium & numero vincens , & merito . At tu frater quid adhuc negligis ? quousque vicino serpenti tua malè secura dormitat industria . Scimus quidem te filium pacis nulla posse ratione induci deserere unitatem ; sed profectò non sufficit , nisi & defensare , atque ipsius quoque turbatores totis viribus debellare studueris . Nec quietis timeas detrimentum , quod non parvo tuae gloriae incremento compensabitur , si fera illa vicina vobis tuo studio mansuescat , vel obmutescat , & tantam Ecclesiae praedam ( Comitem dico Pictaviensem ) in man tua Dei pietas de ore Leonis eripiat . In his Epistola 124. ad Hildebertum Senonensem Archiepiscopum , qui nondum acceperat Papam Innocentium . Epistola 126. ad Episcopos Aquitaniae contra Gerardum Engolismensem Episcopum , Epistola 127 , & 128. ex persona Ducis Burgundiae Guillermo egregio Comiti Pictaviorum , & Duci Aquitanorum . & Epist . 129. to 140. he pleads Pope : Innocents cause and election against Anacletus , commending those who assisted Innocent , exhorting them to persevere therein , and menacing those who would not embrace him , or adhered to Anacletus : wherein he hath some strange , Hyperbolical expressions : Quidam juxta Esaiam vidi foedus percussisse cum morte , & cum inferno fecisse pactum . Ecce namque Christus Domini Innocentius positus est in ruinam & in resurrectionem multorum : Nam qui Dei sunt libenter junguntur ei ; qui autem ex adverso stat , aut Antichristi est , aut Antichristus : Cernitur abominatio stare in loco sancto , quam ut obtineat incendit igni sanctuarium Dei. Persequitur Innocentium , & cum eo omnem innocentiam . * Fugit ille nimiram a facie Leonis : sicut dicit Propheta , Leo rugiet , quis non timebit ? Fugit secundum praeceptum Domini dicentis , Si vos persecuti fuerint in una Civitate , fugite in aliam . Fugit & in hoc verè virum se Apostolicum probans : quod Apostolica sese forma insignierit . Nec enim Paulus erubuit in sporta dimitti per murum , & sic effugere manus querentium animam suam : subfugit autem non parcens vitae suae , sed dans locum irae ; non ut mortem evaderet , sed ut vitam acquireret . Merito Ecclesiae Innocentio concedit ipsius vicem , quem per eadem vestigia gradientem 〈◊〉 . Nec sanè otiosa fuga Innocentii . Laborat quidem , sed honestatur in laboribus suis pulsus urbe , ab orbe suscipitur , & finibus terrae occurritur cum panibus fugienti , Et si furor Semei Gerardi Engolimensis nondum ex toto quiescat maledicere David , Velit nolit pictor qui videt & irascitur : magnificatur in conspectu Regum , portans coronam Gloriae . Nunquid non omnes Principes cognoverunt ; quod ipse est verè Dei electus * Francorum , Anglorum , Hispanorum , & pestremo Romanorum Rex , Innocentium in Papam suscipiunt , & recognoscunt singularem Episcopum animarum suarum . Solus adhuc ignorat Achitophel suum jam patefactum ac dissipatum consilium . Fructra molitur miser super populum Dei malignare consilium & cogitare adversus Sanctos , sanctofirmissime adhaerentes ; & continentes curvare genua ante Baal . Nulla fraude praevalebit parricidae suo obtinere regnum super Israel , & super Civitatem sanctam , quae est Ecclesiae Dei , viventis columna fidei , & firmamentum veritatis . Funiculus triplex difficile rumpitur . Electio meliorum , approbatio plurium , & quod his efficacius , est morum attestatio , Innocentium apud omnes commendant : summum confirmant Pontificem . Ad quod sane & vestra Pater expectatur sicut pluvia in vellus , vel sera sententia . Non improbamus tarditatem quia gravitatem redolet , levitatis abolet notam . Nam & Maria non statim respondit Angelo salutanti : prius cogitans qualis esset illa salutatio . Et Timotheo praecipitur , nemini ci●ò manum imponere . Dico tamen ego vobis notus Pontifici , ne quid nimis dico ut familiaris , & notus non plus sapere quàm oportet sapere . Pudet fateor , quod Serpens vetustissimus nova audacia relictis insipientibus mulieribus , etiam robur pectoris vestri visus est attemptare , & tantam Ecclesiae columnam ausus concutere . Confidimus autem , quod etsi concutit , non dejicit : quoniam amicus sponsi stat & gaude● ad vocem sponsi , vocem exultationis & salutis , vocem unitatis & pacis . His * Epistle ad Lotharium Imperatorem , in this Popes behalf , is very observable ; Lothario Dei Gratia Romano Imperatori Augusto , B. Abbas Claravallae , si quid potest peccatoris oratio . Benedictus Deus qui vos elegit , et erexit cornu salutis nobis , ad laudem et gloriam nominis sui , et reparandum Imperii decus : ad subveniendum Ecclesiae suae in tempore malo : postremo ad operandum etiam nunc salutem in medio terrae . Ipsius est enim opus quod Corona Gloriae vestrae ita indies ampliatur , & sublimatur , mirabiliter crescens ac proficiens in omni decore , & magnificentia apud Deum & homines . Ipsius profectò nuper opus & virtus fuit , quod iter satis laboriosum & meticulosum pro pace Regni , & Ecclesiae liberatione susceptum in tanta prosperitate peregistis . Romae siquidem Imperialis culminis plenitudinem gloriosissimè assecutus . Idque quod majus fuit in manu non magna , ut animi fideique magnitudo clarius emineret . Quod si ante tantillum exercicum terra tremit & quievit : quantus patamus horror hostium corda invadere habeat , cum coeperit Rex procedere in magnitudine brachii sui ? Animabit insuper honestas causae , immo duplex provocabit necessitas . Non est meum hortari ad pugnam , est tamen ( securus dico ) advocati Ecclesiae , ab Ecclesiae infestatione schismaticorum rabiem , est Caesaris proprium vendicare Coronam ab usurpatore Siculo . Vt enim constat Iudaicam sobolem sedem Petri in Christi occupasse injuriam ; sic proculdubio omnis qui in Sicilia Regem se facit , contradicit Caesari . Si autem utrumque incumbit Caesari , restituere scilicet Caesari quae sunt Caesaris , & quae sunt Dei Deo ; ( Therefore by St. Bernards Verdict , Siciliy is the Emperors , not St. Peters or the Popes Patrimony . ) Cur apud Tullum res Dei minuitur , cum Caesar nihil ibi lucretur ? Verendum est ne minimorum neglectus , impedimentum sit maximorum . Hoc est quod dico , Ecclesia Sancti Gegulfi graviter injusteque ( ut dicitur ) in illa Civitate opprimitur , & aiunt vestrae prudentiae nescio qua fraude subreptum , ut Domino Papae per justitiam subvenire paranti vestrae interventu precis obviaretis , obsecro & consulo consultius agi , noxiam revocari precem ; dari locum justitiae , antequam Ecclesia illa funditus destruatur . Pauper sum ego , fidelis tamen vester . Et si video Importunus , fortasis inde est : The History of Pope Innocents and Anacletus schismes , elections , contests , proceedings , wars against each other is thus related at large to Posterity by Carolus Sigonius , more exactly than by any other Historian . Mortuo Honorio postridie Cardinales cum Clero convenerunt , ac relatione de novo substituendo Pontifice facta , alii alio sua studia contulêrunt . Major pars , eaque integrior , Gregorium Johannis Vidonis filium ex Canonico regulari Cardinalem , vitae , aetatis , ut prudentiae gravitate , illo honore dignissimum legit , eumque Innocentium secundum vocavit ; minor eaque corruptior Petrum , Petri Leonis filium , ex Clerico Cardinalem , omnibus his laudibus omnium judicio inferiorem renunciavit , ac Superioribus fustra renitentibus , festinanter atque astute consecratum , Anacleti secundi nomine insignivit . Innocentius per Ostioensem Episcopum legitimè consecratus ac moderatè à suis per omnia loca , in quibus ex antiquo instituto Sessiones ipsi habent Pontifices , circumductus , demum , legitimam Lateram sedem inivit . Uterque Civis Romanus erat ; verùm Nobilitas in Petro major & spes pramiorum uberior , multo plures ad eum venerandum illexit . Itaque Petri sive Anacleti parte in urbe fuerente , atque Innocentio , & fautoribus ejus terrorem ac periculum intentante , Innocentius timuit , atque unà cum Cardinalibus suis ad Fragipanes amicos accestit , homines tum in urbe insigni potentia ac nobilitate florentes , & in eorum turribus salutem tueri suam contendit . Anacletus ad pecumam , quam ex Patrimonii magnitudine , & negotiis Domini Ecclesiae gestis coacervatam habebat , simul etiam quoque nefarie comparavit ; Siquidem occupata Vaticana D. Petri Basilica coronas , calices & crucifixos aureos , ac ciborium , quod Leo construxerat , sustulit , itemque alia opulenta urbis Tempia donariis pretiosissimis spoliavit , atque auro conflato ingentem in pecuniae summam redegit , quam cum plebi distribuisset , facilè quod reliquum populi erat , ab Innocentio avocavit . Itaque Populus Romanus pravis illebris Anacleti corruptus , Innocentium ac Cardinales partemque ejus non solum probris & convitiis petere , sed etiam manu , telisque incessere institit . Quibus malis cum resistere se non posse Innocentius cerneret , sibi urbe cedendum existimavit , ac relicto in Laterano Conrado Sabinensi Episcopo , paratis occulte navigiis secundo Tiberi cum Cardinalibus suis ad mare , atque inde duabus Pisanorum triremibus Pisas accessit . Exceptus a Pisanis tantis studiis , quantis verum excipi Pontificem decuit . Ibi proximorum Episcoporum conventu habito Anacletum partemque ejus devovit , atque Henricum Patriarcham Gradensem designatum consecravit , ac pallio insignivit . Interim Legati ab eo in Franciam missi Ludovicum Regem , ac populos Francorum de jusstis ipsius Comitiis docuerunt , eosque ad complectendum Innocentium adhortati sunt . Haerente autem consilio , Ludovicus , & Episcopi , Concilium Stampis habuere , atque eo praecipuè Bernardum Abbatem Cluravallensem maximè tunc propter creditam sanctitatem authoritatis hominem accivere . Ibi utriusque Pontificis comitia accuratissimè sunt discussa . Bernardo vero Innocentii causam graviter ac copiosè agente , haud aegrè & Rex , & Episcopi omnes Innocentio subscripsêre , ac missis ad Innocentium nunciis ipsum in Franciam vocavêre . Ita Innocentius rebus satis in Etruria constitutis , gratiis Pisanis actis Franciam versus accessit . Ex itinere cum Genuam attigisset à Civitate honorifice exceptus Syrum Novum urbis Episcopum consecravit , atque inter eos & Pisanos inducias usque ad suam reversionem composuit . Profectus indè Genua ad littus Provinciae accessit , & per Decembrem mensem alterum Claramonte conventum habuit , atque iterum Anacletum et fautores ejus damnavit . Dum haec ab Innocenti administrantur , Anacletus , qui solus in urbe remanserat , et ipse partem adversam infligendis Anathematis institit premere , et ad causam suam amicos quam plurimos potuit aggregare . Praecipuè autem Anselmus Mediolonensis Archiepiscopus , ab Honorio Conradi causa devotus , ei se tradidit , atque una secum populum Mediolanensem , ac plerosque Lombardiae Episcopos traxit . Quin etiam Rogerius Siciliae Comes , atque Apuliae & Calubriae , cum Roberto Principe Capuano ad Innocentium Pisas profecto , per arma Principatum eripuisset omnes ditionis suae Proceres ad Anacletum traduxit . Ejus verò facti haec ratio fuit . Rogerius cum Sicilia , Calabria , Apuleaque potitus , se opibus ad tuendam regiae Majestatis titulum satis instructum videret , nec tam latè patentem potentiam , exiguitate nominis coarctandam existimaret , ultrò se Regem Siciliae nuper appellare nulla Pontificia authoritate inceperat . Quod cum vulgo improbari sentiret , occasionem idoneam nactus ad Anacletum accessit , & se cum suis Episcopis complexurum , si se Regem appellaret , ostendit . Anacletus optatissimam occasionem adeptus , avidè arripuit , ac re composita , Beneventum profectus 5. Calendas Octob. ipsum praesentem Siliciae Regem , Apuliae , Calabriaeque Ducem , Capuaeque Principem declaravit , ac feudatarium , sive hominem , ut vocabant , ligium Ecclesiae confirmavit . Ah illo die Episcopi Abbatesque ulterioris Italiae , * in primisque Seniorietus Abbas Cassinas , Anacsetum , ut justum Pontificem coluerunt . Qua ex re maxima Ecclesiae Italiae incommoda perceperunt . Being divided against each other in Civil wars by reason of the Schisme between these Popes , and subjected to the forces and invasions of Lotharius the Emperor who assisted Pope Innocent . Anno Domini 1131. Innocentius Claremonte profectus per Burgundiam Aure●anam venit ab Episcopis , & Ludovico Rege obviam progressus exceptus , * ac legitime cultus ; Inde à Gaufrido Carnotensi Episcopo Carnotum adductus Henricum Anglorum Regem , cum maximo Episcoporum , Principiumque suorum Comitatu obviam habuit . Eo vero invitis Episcopis suis Innocentium recipere non audente , Bernardus qui aderat , Quid haesitas ? inquit , anne Deo displiceas , & piaculum contrahas ? cogita de aliis peccatis tuis quid ei respondeas . Istud vero fac mihi relinquas Atque ita illum ad colendum Innocentium impulit . Reversus inde Gerardus Cardinalis à Lothario Rege Germaniae , quem Natalicia Gandersheim celebrantem , Innocentii jussu convenerat , bonum ejus erga Innocentium animum retulit , ac praesto ad Leodium fore nunciavit . Quo nuncio erectior ipse factus , haud tamen in praesens Leodium voluit adire , verum Franciam ante , postulantibus ita populis , perlustrare . Itaque praesente Ludovico 14 Kalend. Novembris Concilium Remis frequentissimum habuit in quo Anacletum deintegro condemnavit , ac Ludovicum juvenem Ludovici filium , Regia Franciae Corona 7 Kalendas ornavit . Sequenti Anno Innocentius Leodium prodiit . Atque eodem quoque Lotharius cum omnibus Sacris , & profanis Regni sui proceribus , & universa Germaniae nobilitate occurrit . Ibi Innocentius à Rege , caeterisque eximii cultus Conventum celeberrimum habuit ; in quo sacras adversus Anacletum detestationes redintegravit , ac Lotharium ad se Ecclesiamque tuendam honesto Othonis Magni , & posterorum ejus exemplo hortatus est . Lotharius se nullo ei tempore defuturum respondit , si ipse sibi antiquum jus conferendorum sacerdotiorum , cui nuper Henricus renunciarat , concederet ; Nam Imperium plurimum eo vectigali subtracto ad gravia pro Ecclesia sustinenda bella detrimenti caepisse . Qua voce audita graviter perculsi Cardinalium animi sunt , ut qui se tristiorem in Germania ipsis Ecclesiae rebus fortunam reperisse viderentur , quam Romae reliquissent , si eo sibi jure cedendum esset , quod ipsi nuper tanto sudore ac sanguine vix tandem Ecclesiae peperissent . Tum Bernardus qui ab Innocentii latere nunquam discessit , Petitionem ejus iniquam , atque alienam esse docere , neque ipsum petisse sed * extorsisse tempore iniquioris fortunae captato , judicaturos homines esse oportere eum , ut genere , sic studio à Gebellinis differre , qui pravum exemplum ut vendendorum sacerdotiorum , sic oppugnandae Ecclesiae induxissent , eundem omnem dissidii inter Imperium , atque Ecclesiam tollere occasionem debere , ne diuturna concertandi consuetudo Christianorum in duas factiones studia distrahat . Quod si quando eveniat profectò non sine ingenti pernicie omnium eventurum . Haec ipsa non aliter atque si ex oraculo edita essent , facile prudentem piumque Regem de sententia deturbarunt , pollicitusque est , se Innocentium Romam cum exercitu reducturum , atque Anacleto exacto incolumem in Laterano collocaturum , si ipse sibi Imperatorium diadema sponderet . Quod cum Innocentius promisisset , & rei perficiendae consilium satis , ut in praesentia , constitisset , Leodio abiit ; ac Monasterio Bernardi Claravallae lustrato sese in Italiam retulit , ac Genuam reversus ibi Lotharii adventum sibi expectandum esse constituit . Eodem Anno Mediolanenses ( in defence of Anacletus his title against Innocent ) iterum adversus Papienses moverunt , ac Praelio magno ad Martinengum facto eos ita fuderunt , ut propè ad internecionem afflixerint . Agro inde rursus longe lateque vastato , domum est reditum . Imolenses castri Sancti Cassiani , quod ex Diaecesi sua cum Bononiensibus sentiebat , iruerunt . Erat tum in Germania Conradus ex Italia nuper post varios excitatos tumultus reversus . Is licet magna pecunia rerumque omnium difficultate oppressus , tamen partium studio multos adhuc causae suae studiosos habebat . Ea res fecit , ut manentibus adhuc seditionibus Lotharius exercitum conficere haud magnum potuerit . Cum iis igitur quas parare potuit , copiis sequenti anno in Italiam per vallem Tridentinam , Othone & Sigeberto authoribus , transiit , atque à Bononiensibus , & Aemiliensibus cum Conradi studio , tum copiarum exiguitate contemptus , recta ad Appenninum accessit , ac Pisas ad sumendum Innocentium properavit . Caeterum Innocentius à Genuensibus comiter & honorifice jam bis acceptus , hanc eis gratiam retulit , quod Episcopum eorum , obedientia Archiepiscopi Mediolanensis exemptum Archiepiscopum fecit , atque ei dimidiam Episcoporum Corsicae partem subjecit . Syrus primus ea dignitate est usus . Genua inde Placentiam terrestri itinere profectus novo Anacletum , & fautores ejus concilo jugulavit . Via inde Aemilia ingressus 17 Kalendar Junias Bononiam venit , mox superato Apennino Pisas progressus , pacem inter Pisanos & Genuenses composuit , eorumque Ecclesiam perinde ac Genuensem Metropolitanam effecit ; parte altera Episcoporum Corsicae , contributa , quae res adhuc discordiam inter eas Civitates aluerat . Haec vero illo , cum ad vetera earum Civitatum erga se beneficia persolvenda , tum ad nova duris his temporibus provocanda studiose agente , Lotharius supervenit , atque ipso ut dixi assumpto Viterbiam , atque inde Romam perrexit . Ibi castris ad portam S. Agnetis locatis , Genuenses & Pisanos Classes suas littoribus admovere Romanis jussit , ac , tantum Anacleto , & fautoribus ejus qui Urbem tenebant , terroris injecit , ut in editas se turres salutis suae tuendae causa referrent . Qua re animadversa ab amicis receptus , ipse cum Innocentio Urbem pacato agmine in●it : cumque illum in Laterano reposuisset , ipse Aventinum insedit . Rebus in hunc modum habentibus duo inde sibi expedienda putavit , unum , ut praesentem controversiam cum Anacleto aliqua ratione finiret ; alteram , ut Coronam ab Innocentio Augustalem acciperet . Ubi vero se dissidium tollere non posse sensit , quod Anacletus ad id neque Colloquii neque Praelii facere Copiam vellet , omne studium ad insignia recipienda convertit . Huic rei cum illud obstaret , quod Anacletus basilicam Vaticanam operibus , praesidioque firmatam tenebat , in qua moris fuerat Diadema Imperatorium tradi , Innocentius , ne qua ei solemni mora injiceretur , Lotharium in Lateranum vocavit , atque ibi pridie Nonas Junias ipsi Coronam imposuit , ac protenus ad prodendam rei novo exemplo actae memoriam , hujus facti seriem regiae in pariete pingi , atque hos Versus subscribi mandavit : Rex venit ante fores , jurans prius Vrbis honores , Post homo fit Papae , sumit quo dante Coronam . This Emperour Lotharius departing soon after from Rome into Germany , Eo urbe profecto Anacleti factio è turribus exiit , ac per urbem volitans caedem amicis Innocentii intentare , ac novo omnia tumultu permiscere instituit . * Quare Innocentius intelligens manisionem suam in urbe rationibus Ecclesiae parum conducere , ne praesentia sua rabiem , ac furorem adversariorum accenderet , Pisas , Civium erga se benignitatem expertus repetiit , eoque novum Concilium ex toto Occidente indixit . Quod ubi Bernardus Claravallensis audivit * Epistolam , quae extat , ad Pisanos scripsit , adhortans eos ut singulari studio Pontificem cum Cardinalibus custodirent , atque honoris accepti magnitudinem assiduitate Officii compensarent . Assumitur , inquit , Pisa in locum * Romae , et de cunctis urbibus terrae ad Apostolicae sedis culmen eligitur , nec fortuitu sive humano istud contigit Consilio , sed coelesti providentia , et Dei benigno favore fit , qui diligentes se diligit , qui dixit Christo suo Innocentio Pisam inhabita , et ego benedicens benedicam ei , hic habitabo , quoniam eligi eam Me auctore . Tyranni Siculi malitiae Pisana constantia non cedit , nec minis concutitur , nec donis corrumpitur , nec circumvenitur dolis . O Pisani , Pisani , magnificavit Dominus facere vobiscum , facti sumus laetantes . Quae Civitas non invidet ? Serva depositum urbs fidelis , agnosce gratiam , stude Praerogativae non inveniri ingrata . Honora tuum , & Universitatis patrem ; honora * mundo Principes , qui in te sunt , & Judices terrae , quorum te praesentia reddit illustrem , gloriosam , famosam . Alioquin si ignoras te , O pulchra inter Civitates , ingredires post greges fidelium tuorum pascere haedos tuos . At the same time * St. Bernard writ an Epistle to the Clergy and People of Millain , ( whose Archbishop Anselmus , Innocentius had degraded , and erected two Archbishopricks in lieu thereof , for siding with Anacletus ; ) informing them by his intercession , mediation , that Pope Innocent was ready to receive them into his favour , to confirm their new-elected Bishop Robaldus , restore their Archbishoprick to them , and send them a Pall without delay , if they would consent and adhere to Innocent and Lotharius , and desert Anacletus . Benè vobiscum facit Deus , Benè vobiscum facit Romana Ecclesia . Facit ille quod Pater , facit illa quod Mater . Et revera quid vobis debuit facere & non fecit ? Si postulastis mitti vobis de Curia honorabiles personas ad honorem Dei & vestrum , factum est : si postulastis confirmari quod unanimitas vestra venerabilis Patris vestri electione firmaverat , factum est . Si voluistis licuisse vobis quod illicitum , nisi pro magna quidem necessitate Sacri Canones judicant , translationem Episcopi scilicet in Archiepiscopum , concessum est . Si rogastis erui Cives vestros de Vinculis Placentinorum quod utique ego praetermittere nec volo , nec valeo , Et hoc factum est . In quo postremo quocunque rationabili● petitio filiae , non dico repulsam , sed vel moram passa est , apud p●am matrem ? En ad complementum pallium praesto est , plenitudo honoris . Nunc vero audi me inclytplebs , Gens Nobilis , Civitas gloriosa . Audi inquam , me ( veritatem dico ; non mentior ) dilectorem tui , zelatorem salutis tuae . Romana Ecclesia valdè clemens est , sed nihilominus potens . Fidele Consilium , & omni acceptione dignum , noli abuti clementia , ne potentia opprimaris . Sed dicit aliquis debitam ei reverentiam exhibebo , & nihil amplius . Esto , fac quod dicis ; quod si exhibeas debitam , & omnimodam ; Plenitudo siquidem potestatis super universas Orbis Ecclesias , singulari Prerogativa Apostolicae Sedi donata est . Qui igitur huic potestati resistit , Dei ordinationi resistit . * Potest eos qui sunt altos deprimere , alios sublimare prout ratio sibi dictaverit , ita ut de Episcopis creare Archiepiscopos liceat , & è converso si necesse visum fuerit . Potest à finibus terrae sublimes quascunque personas Ecclesiasticas evocare , & cogere ad suam praesentiam non semel aut bis , sed quotiens expedire videbit . Porro in promptu est ei omnem ulcisci inobedientiam si quis fortè reluctari conatus fuerit . Denique , probasti & tu , quid enim contulit tibi , vetus tua rebellio , & recalcitratio malè suasa à pseudo-Propheris tuis ? Quem fructum habuisti , in quibus nunc erubescis ? Agnosce potius in qua potestate , Gloria & Honore suffraganeorum tuorum tam diu privata extitisti . Quis pro te valuit obviare Apostolicae authoritatis justissimae severitati , cum provocata tuis excessibus ; decrevit te tuis illis antiquis ac praeclaris ornamentis nudare , mutilare membris ; & hodie confusa & truncata jaceres , si non benignius quàm potentius tecum actum fuisset . Quis eam prohibere valebit etiam à gravioribus , si rursum ( quod absit ) adjeceris provocare ? Vide ne patiaris recidivum quia pro certo ( nisi fallor ) non tam facilè denuò poterit inveniri remedium . Si quis itaque dixerit tibi , partim oportet obedire cum in te experta sis plentitudinem Apostolicae potestatis , authoritatis integritatem ; nonne hujusmodi aut seductus , aut seducere vult ? Sed fac quod dico , nam ego te non seduco , &c. Not long after this Epistle St. Bernard and Pope Innocents Legate repairing to Millain , they submitted themselves to Pope Innocent and renounced Anacletus . After which by Pope Innocents command , S. Bernard was sent to Papia and Cremona to reconcile them by a Parly ; but those of Cremona would by no means receive him . Lotharius having pacified Germany , at the Popes Importunity , Anno 1136. entred into Italy with two great Armies to restore Pope Innocent , expell Anacletus out of Rome , and reduce all parts of Italy adhering to him . Having reduced Millain , Cremona and other Cities to his obedience ; Henry Duke of Bavaria the Emperors General with part of his Army conducted Innocent to Rome : Ibi tertio nonas Maii Conventus omnium Episcoporum Abbatumque qui adesse potuerunt est habitus , ac rursus Anacletus Rogeriusque devotus : Eo post triduum Henricus urbe cum Innocentio egressus , Albam , quae cum Anacleto sentiebat , invasit , ac suburbiis disiectis infestum indè in Campaniam ducere exercitum instituit . Ac statim Richardum Monachum qui idem Innocentii erat Sacerdos ad Cassinas Monasterium misit , qui moneret Rinaldum ( whom they had elected Abbot , adhering to the contrary party ) se si Innocentio obtemperare , & Lotharium recipere in animum induxisset , Monasterium ab omni maleficio , atque injuria servaturum . Qua re audita , Rinaldus Monachos advocavit , atque ut in fide Anacleti , Rogeriique persisterent obsecravit , se enim Monasterium quod ab eis acceperit , in eorum retinere potestate constituisse , subitoque auxilia nova ac civit , quibus se Monasterium tueri posse confidit . Quae ubi Richardus vidit , ex loco decessit ac Civitatem quae Monasterio continens est , Sacramentum dicere Innocentio jussit . Diebus inde undecim interiectis Henricus Rinaldum ad se vocavit , acceptoque aureo calice , & quadraginta libris , contraque obsidibus aliquot datis , Abbatiam illi nomine Imperatoris firmavit , si in ejus fide mansisset , & vexillum Imperatoris in arce quae aedi S. Benedicti , imminet , statuit . After many Sieges and Battles all or most of the Cities in Capua , Campania , and Apulia being taken by Lotharius his forces , and reduced to Pope Innocent , ( recorded at large by Sigonius ) he thus proceeds in the Story of Rinaldus and his Monks , and Pope Innocents deportment towards them , and Lotharius . * Jampridem ab Italiam ingrediens Senioreum Abbatam Cassinatem monuerat , ut si cujus metu Romana Ecclesia defecisset se auctore in fidem ejus redire studeret , quem universa Ecclesia Patrem agnosceret , se Monasterii jura exemplo superiorum Imperatorum conservare paratum esse : eadem etiam à Richiza ad Monachos scripta erant . Senioreto inde mortuo eadem renunciari , Rinaldo jussit , adjiciens , ut quoniam infesto Sancti Petri Conventum Melfiam edixisset , ipse quoque Monachis secum prudentissimis ductis eo veniret , omniaque Monasterii privilegia secum ferret . Quibus Literis Rinaldus sibi obtemperandum ratus , Melfiam ad lacum pensilem , ubi universus Lotharii exercitus cum Innocentio Pontifice confidebat , accessit . Adventanti ei Innocentius nunciis obvian● missis mandavit , ut prius , quam castra iniret , ipse cum Monachis suis sibi nudis pedibus satisfaceret , ac pro obedientia Anacleto exhibita , piaculum quod imponeretur , acciperet , ac jurejurando omnia sua se mandata facturum , et Anacletum repudiaturum , sanciret : Rinaldus subica re perturbatus * Lotharium appellavit , & se ex ejus sententia deliberaturum respondit , atque ita castra ingressus Lotharii jussu tabernaculum suum propè illius tabernaculum posuit . Ea res animum haud mediocriter Innocentii perculit . Itaque missis Cardinalibus , à Lothario postulavit , ut Rinaldum cum Monachis Anacleti obedientiae renunciare , et sibi dicere sacramentum juberet , Monachis autem sibi per Majorum suorum instituta , jurare fas esse negantibus , jussit , ut ab eorum qui absentes essent , consuetudine abstineret . Qua re motus Lotharius diem 7 Idus Julias ad causam cognoscendam , constituit , atque utriusque partis patronos in consilio , ad illam diem adesse praecepit . Ea ubi dies venit ipse cum peregrino Patriarcha Aquileiense , Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , & Abbatibus plurimis assidens ad Consilium , retulit , num Monachi Cassinates , quod Anacletum recipissent , inpaenam Anathematis incurrissent ? et num salvis legibus cogi ad jurandum Innocentio obsequium possent ? Res per multos dies magna altercatione peracta est . I shall at large relate the History of this contest , and Councils proceedings , more clearly discovering the Arrogance , Obstinacy , Ingratitude , & uncharitableness of this proud Pope to the Emperor , who with so much pains and expence had twice restored him to his See , from whence he twice fled and was ejected by Anacletus ; and likewise the Emperors Jurisdiction to be paramount the Popes , in calling , presiding , ruling judging in Councils , even in Appeals , cases between the Pope , Church of Rome , and other Ecclesiastical persons and Churches . In nomine Domini Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi , Anno ab incarnatione ejus 1138. indictione prima , septimo Idus Julii , Anno Imperii Domini Lotharii Caesaris septimo , residente eodem invictissimo Principe ad aquas Pensiles , consedente etiam Peregrino Patriarcha Aquilegiensi , cum Archiepiscopis , Abbatibus quampluribus , Causidicus pro Romana Ecclesia directus est Gerardus Cardinalis , titulo Sanctae Crucis , & Guido Cadinalis , qui ambo posteà Romani fuêre Pontifices : Aimericus Cancellarius , & Diaconus Cardinalis Presbyter , Baldwinus Cardinalis , qui post Pisanus Archiepiscopus fuit , & * Bernardus Clarevallensis Abbas , & alii plurimi Romanae Vrbis Nobiles . Ex parte Casinensis Ecclesiae auditores fuere Henricus Dux , Imperatoris gener ; Conradus Dux , qui post imperii Sceptra tenuit , Otto Imperatoris consobrinus , Fridericus Marchio Anconitanus , Mala Spina Marchio Liguriae , Henricus Episcopus Ratisponensis , Hanno Episcopus Basiliensis , Hanno Abbas Luneburgensis , Galfridus Palatinus , Romani Imperii Judex . Facto itaque silentio Imperator dixit : Non modo praesentium , et temporalium , verum futurarum aeternarum rerum in hoc conventu discussio erit . Constat enim , Sanctos Patres , dum unius rei gratia Concilia saepe celebrarent , plurima unius occasione definiisse . Ita et h●c Romanae quidem et Cassinensis Ecclesiae causa cum specialiter agi videatur , variae tamen agente Deo , solventur quaestiones , fiet que unius Ecclesiae causa salus omnium per orbem constitutarum . Nos quoque vestigia Praedecessorum nostrorum sequentes , dignum duximus huic interesse Concilio , et eorum quae dicentur librare monumenta . Defensores utriusque disceptantium partis magnificos a nostro latere dedimus viros , qui violentiam omnem prohibeant . Igitur in Domini nomine sedeant , quibus Romanae non displicent leges , taciteque rerum exitum expectent , ne dum omnes confusè vel dicunt , vel obstrepunt , veritas obnubiletur . Hac & alia plura dum praefatus esset Augustus , Conradus ab Imperatore defensor datus , inquit , Copia Imperiasium verborum me fecit fandi inopem , cum tàm profundè , tàm plenè , tantaque ratione Imperialis sit praefata Majestas , ut non humano opere , sed Divino produsse videantur . Ducibus tamen atque Comitibus , mecam defensoribus datis , visum est primo apparatu hodiernae Sessionis proferri , quae sint 〈◊〉 parte disceptaturae personae , vel si cui permittitur disceptandi licentia , nisi 〈◊〉 tantum quibus fuerit concessa . Omnis enim , maximèque divina conventus 〈◊〉 , ordinatè fieri ac rationabiliter debet ; quippe cum nil prfectè definiri possit , ubi confunditure ordo loquendi , Placuit omnibus sententia Ducis , & quis pro utraque parte 〈◊〉 inquiritur , quinam item inter pretes , & quis esset disputantibus locus . Elig 〈◊〉 Gerardus Cardinalis Sanctae Crucis , qui pro Romana , & Petrus Diaconus , qui pro Casinensi responderet Ecclesia . Interpretes dati sunt Bertulfus Imperatoris Cancellarius , Anfredus Vestiarius , & Bertulphus Masionarius . Traditur autem Gerardo locus ante Imperatoris faciem . Ad pides vero ejus constituitur Petrus Diaconus . Renuit Girardus Monachum ad suos sedere pedes , dicent , nequaquam oportere sive licere excommunicatum cum filio sedere Ecclesis . At Imperator finem litigio imponens , Petrum Diaconum extunc & doinceps sedere ad pedes suos jussit . Tum taliter Gerardus Cardinalis loqui orsus est . Sancta & universalis Eccles●● , invictissime Imperator , quae & vos & praedecessores vestros orbis totius dominatores effecit , mirari non desinit , cur excommunicatores , & à laminibus Ecclesiae separatos receperitis . Ad haec Imperator , Imperii quidem nostri nos ab Apostolica sede gaudemus accepisse coronam , excommunicatos nullo pacto suscepisse putainus ; hoc tamen ex conflictu vestro constabit . Pandulphus Theanensis Episcopus Casinensis Monachus dixit , Quomodo Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis Cannenses Monachis excommunicatos asserat , videre non possumu● . Girardus Cardinalis dixit ; Quid mihi & tibi bone Tit ? Alienus nobis es . O mirum , O novum inauditumque prodigium , ut truncus ramis praecisis , & à radicibus evulsus novas contra Ecclesiam erigat Machinas . Ad haec * Imperator ; Cesset , inquit , omnis violentia : hic enim non inferendae vel referendae injuriae , sed ferendae potius aequanimiter sunt . Quocirca statuimus , ut neutra pars utatur in alteram contumeliis , ne quod ad laudem Domini , et posterorum utilitatem statuatur , in litigium riramque vertatur . Tunc Girardus resumpto sermone , sic ait , Decrevit Sancta & Universalis Ecclesia , ut Casinesis Coenabii Monachi voluntatem Domini nostri Innocentii pii & universaliae Papae , se in omnibus impleturos Sacramento confirment . Jam enim Innocentis ipse hos Casinenses Monachos dispergere per diversa loca statu rat , nisi Lotharius Clementissi●●s Imperator , nolens Casinensem Ecclesiam destrui pro ipsa Ecclesia contra Papae voluntatem se objecusset . Cumitaque Girardus Cardinalis de Sacramento Monachorum sermonem fecisset , Petrus Diaconus respondit , Non parum miramur , cur Dominus Cardinalis Monachos Sacramento velit astringi , cum Dominus in Evengelio , * Jusjurandum omnino 〈◊〉 Girardus Candinalis dixit , Quod Monachus ait , prob●mus ; sed Romana Ecclesia Casinenses Monachos sine Sacramento recipien los non esse dicernit . Patrus Diaconus ait , In regula Sanctissimi Patris nostri Benedicti jurare omnino interdicitur Monachis . Quod non modo divinae , verum humanae quoque prohibent leges . Quippe inter Imperatorum praecepta Caroli , Ludovici , Hugonis , Lotharii , Berengarii , Alberti , trium Othonum , quinque Heinricorum et Conradi , sic invenitur : statuimus , ut Monachi ad Sacramentum non compellantur . Et haec dicens , pracepta ipsorum Imperatorum , Casinensi collata Monasterio , auro , plumbo , ceraque signata , Imperatori caeterisque monstravit . Ea Imperator praecepta excipiens deosculatus est , moxque in haec verba prorupit : Magnorum Sanctorumque Principum haec esse praecepta , ex sigillis agnovimus : Convenit Majestati nostrae , cuncta praedecessorum nostrorum servare praecepta . Quare Dominum Apostolicum vos qui hic illius adestis vice , ex nobis * orate , ut sanctissimorum Imperatorum praecepta nobiscum protegere , suaque authoritate confirmare dignetur : Quis enim jam Imperatorem observaret si ab Apostolico contemnatur ? Omnia membra sequuntur caput , neque ab eo nisi magno suo detrimento separari queunt . Certes itaque pro membris caput , pronatis Pater , pro ovibus Pastor : quia nullo modo Lupirabies praevalet , ubi cura sollicita pastoris invigilat . Sit igitur hodierno consensui finis , et hospitia sua singuli repetant . Cardinales vota nostra Pontifici referant , Casinenseque Caenobium ut mecum foveat nostra vice precentur , Monachi Electo suo quae dicta sunt referant , et crastina die quid respondere objectis debeant , parent . Tertia diei hora hic adesse singuli curent , hodiernusque tractatus , adhibitis notariis , literis mandetur , ne oblivion● tradantur , quae posteris quoque profutura praevidimus . His dictis in sua quique disecssere . Imperator ad ea quae sibi imminebant , negotia tractanda resedit . Postera die utraeque conveniunt disceptantium partes . At ubi ingressis data copia est fandi , Girardus Cardinalis dixit , Mandato pietatis vestrae , Sanctissime Imperator , retulimus summae Sedis Antistiti : Sed haec nullo modo implere se posse respondit , asserens , facilius se Pontificalia vestimenta deponere , ac pedibus subjecta calcare , quam quae abs te rogantur efficere . Ad haec Imperator paulisper obticuit , De tunc reliquas disputationes hesternas concludere jussit . Girardus dixit , Memini nos die hesterno de Sacramento Casinensium Monachorum tractavisse , nihilque inde fuisse definitum : De eadem igitur denuò tractaturi , denuò proponere debemus ex parte Domini nostri , quae heri quoque proposuimus , fidem , scilicet Apostolico à Casinensibus Sacramento promittendam , perpetuamque obedientiam , alioquin nunquam illos patietur Domini corporis ac sanguinis participes fieri . Ad haec Petrus , Constat inquit Dominum Cardinalem hesterni tractatus renovasse conflictum , nostrosque terminos ad rediviva reparasse certamina . Nobis contra satis superque videtur huic sententiae Dominicis obivisse praeceptis , quibus * omnino jurare prohibemur : fidem autem à nobis Sacramento exigi profecto otiosum est , cum hanc sponte simus exhibere consueti . Girardus inquit , Non est veritus Monachus coram invictissimo Principe mendosa proferre , dicens Casinenses Monachos Romanae Ecclesiae semper servasse fidem , cum constat omnibus , eos hactenus schismaticos esse , Abbatemque à schismatico ordinatum praefecisse . Petrus Prudentius inquit , Viri est , non antè quempiam falsitatis arguere quàm ipsum omnibus mendacium in conspectum dederit , & cum nihil contra possit opponi à conscientia sua , qui mentitus est , ipse accusetur . Inique igitur & obliquè me petit Dominus Cardinalis , qui tacito mendacio me falsitatis insimulat , proponaetur causa , aperiantur mendacia : tunc me fallacem asserat , tunc mendacii arguat . Girardus , facilè id quidem probare est . Nam cum relicto Innocentio , schismatico adestis , quid nisi infideles fuistis ? Petrus , Deum ero , inquit , illum nos , an potius nos ille demisit ? Girardus , Ecclesia , inquit , à schismaticis capta , piissimus de sua sede est pulsus Episcopus : sicque Italia relicta , properavit ad Gallias . Petrus ; Nonne Pastor bonus Christus Jesus cum diversitatem , imò unitatem in se unitam ostenderet : Bonus pastor , inquit , animam suam dat pro ovibus suis ? Girardus , Haec , inquit , non solum verbis , verum & factis ostendit . Petrus , Rursus ipse Dominus , cum descripsisset optimi facta Pastoris , Mercenarii quoque mores adjunxit , dicens , Mercenarius , & qui non est Pastor , cujus non sunt oves propriae , videt lupum venientem , & dimittit oves , et fugit . Agnoscis profectò Evangelii verba . Girardus : Ita sanè . Petrus , Hocne Romanum agere Pontificem decet ? Girardus ; Tantò , inquit , magis ab Apostolicae sedis sunt observanda Pontifice , quanto peculiarius suscepit aliis praedicanda . Petrus , Quid igitur ? Ovibus ne imputabitur , si quid pastor amisit ? Girardus , minimè , inquit . Petrus , Ergo Monachis imputandum non est , si Pastore destituti , morsibus lupi patuerunt . Debuit enim Apostolicus ( ut ait Dominus ) oves suas non modo non dimittere , verum pro eis quoque mortem libenter amplecti . Ad haec Imperator , Patet , inquit ex assertione , Monachi si quid peccaverunt , Pastoris culpa contigisse , non ovium . Vnde rogan●a adhuc est Domini Apostolici pietas , ut nobiscum , quae contra nos gessêre , dimittat . Quare hodiernae quaestioni finem placet imponi . Occupati enim Reipublicae curis , diutius his interesse non possumus ; quisque igitur revertatur ad propria . Cras idem certamen rursum ineundum est . Hoc dicto cum omnium favore discessum est . Altera die , cum piissimus Imperator , memoratique Proceres , audituri quae residua erant , consedissent , hac voce incipit ; Cum exercitui , tum omnibus qui intra Romanum orbem sunt , notissimum credimus , quanta in reverentia & observatione Casinensem Ecclesiam , ut suam scilicet peculiarem Cameram , majores nostri habuerunt ; & super omnia Monasteria Imperii Romani dilexerunt , honoribusque & privilegiis eximis exaltarunt . Deceret itaque dominum quoque Apostolicum mecum eandem fovere Ecclesiam quod auxiliante Domino in posterum fiet . Non est autem ista quae agitatur controversia , dicenda lis , cum constet , membra secum litigare non posse , neque Caput dicere manui , Necessarium te non habeo ; neque oculus pedi ; viliora saepè nostra utiliora sunt . Nullus igitur , nos indecens aliquid existimet facere , quod Casinense Monasterium quasi tueri videmur . Nam neque cum vel mater filiam , vel conjugem vir , aut filium pater ira stimulante caeciderit , si quis se inter saevientem patrem & paventem filium ob●iciat medium , natumque ab immoderata caede patris eripiat , cum mansueverit , pater homini illi indignabitur , sed contra maximas hab●bit gratias , quod filium è fuis subtraxerit manibus : ita et universalis mater Ecclesia cum posita ira requieverit , gratias aget Imperio nostro , quod ipsius irae subdurimus . Agantur ergo quae agenda restant : quia nunquam desistam , quin compleam desiderium meum . His dictis , Girardus Cardinalis dixit , Vestrae magnitudinis verba , sacratissime Imperator , & semper Auguste , precesque Domino Innocentio Papae retulimus , sed nullo pacto , sine sacramento Casinenses ut recipiat , induci potest . Petrus Diaconus dixit , Satis nos fecisse his , & ex praecepto Domini , & ex Imperialibus edictis existimamus . Alia si quae habes , edicito . Girardus , Ignoras , Invictissime Imperator , hos quos vestra magnitudo defendit , cu● Rogerio Siculorum Comite , contra Romanam Ecclesiam vestrumque conjurasse Imperium , nequè non solum conjurasse , verùn anathematizasse & damnasse ? O Rem inauditam , ut ligati & ligent solutos , & solvant ligatos ! Ad haec Caesar indicto silentio dixit , Quod in me Casinenses admisere libens tolero , gratèque remitto . Exemplo itaque nostro , quod in Romanum Pontificem commiserunt , et ipse dimittat . Girardus , Et si Domini nostri Innocentii pii universalis Papae agimus vices , hujusmodi tamen sine illo definire non possumus . His dictis favente Imperatore discessum est . Nocte insecuta cum Imperator duraret pervigil , Petrus Diaconus genu flexo ante illum ita pro Casinensi orabat Ecclesia , Cum omnes mortales vobis militent , ut Domino rerum atque principi , Vos autem ipsi Imperatori Coelesti pacis , pietatis atque justitiae autori , humiliamini : Aliter enim utriusque vitae salus tuta esse non poterit , nisi talibus ministratoribus gubernetur . Itaque , Imperator invicte , cum Majestatem vestram cunctas per orbem tueri Ecclesias deceat , Casinensi tamen Ecclesiae ideo magis te exhibere convenit , quia magis opus habet , cum nobis et loqui licitum non sit , et indulta ab Imperatoribus privilegia pro nihilo habeantur . Nam Romano Pontifici obtemperandum et ipse censeo : sed Deum illi quoque praeferendum , libera voce profiteor , neque enim illi irrogatur injuria si sibi praeferatur Deus . Totus in Casinensis Ecclesiae dejectione Monasticus ordo vacillat . Te ergo Imperatore , Monachis sua jura tollentur ? Te Imperatore à Monachis Sacramentum extorquebitur ? Te tuamque clementiam deprecamur , Imperator Invicte , ne hoc decernas , ne statuas , ne hujusce decreto subscribas . Indignum profectò est , ut te agente abrogetur Casinensis Ecclesiae dignitas , ut Cardinalibus proveniat malae voluntatis affectus . Nihil majus est religione , nihil sanctius ordine Monastico , nihilique sublimius Patre Benedicto . Quid respondebit Carolomannus pius Imperator Augustus ? Nonne tibi dicet , Imperium me dimisisse non credidi , quia Lotharium justum & sanctum Imperatorem habebam , Imperium me deposuisse non dolui , quia Imperia mea praesertim de religione Monastica inconvulsa perpetuò manere credebam . Titulos ego pietatis , justitiae atque mansuetudinis in Casino exexeram , has de mundi pressuris manubias referebam . Quid mihi plus potuit meus hostis auferre ? modò inquam , modò abrogantur decreta mea . Nunc gravius telum excipio corpore cum a Romano Pontifice mea decreta damnantur . Nunc mihi abrogatur Imperium , et quod est gravius , a Pontificibus Romanis , et hoc praesente fratre meo Imperatore Lothario . Cui enim magis quam sibi praestat Imperator , si instituta majorum , si Casinensis Coenobii conservat ? Nulli ergo grave vidiatur , si defendimus religionis Monasticae siatum . Certe à beato Benedicto ad Innocentium Papam , 113 Romani Pontifices nume rantur , ii omnes Casinense Coenobium dilexerunt , coluerunt , auxerunt , nullus Religionem violavit . Jam verò si quid meretur veneranda canities , beatum Benedictum introducamus loquentem ; Optime Imperator , Pater Patriae , Caesar Auguste , reverere canos meos , in quos aetas me longa provexit . Utantur licite filii mei legibus suis , à me sibi salubriter traditis . Decet enim ut vivant meo more . Per hos occiduum Orbem in mea redegi jura , per hos Anglia , multaeque Nationes ad Christum conversae sunt . Mea est horum salus , tutela , juvamen . Cum haec & his similia Petrus orasset , ad Bertulfi Cancellarii tentorium , Imperatore jubente , regressus est . Cum igitur evocati Cardinales ad Imperatorem egressi essent , Girardus ait , Quae heri vestra sublimitas jussit Domino nostro retulimus : benigne vestra postulata suscepit . Causam tamen permolestam sibi a vobis injungi conquestus est . Ius enim Episcopale , quod sui habuerunt majores , nullo se pacto , nulla ratione posse dimittere . Lotharius ad haec : Nos , inquit , Casmensem Ecclesiam eo magis honorare decet , quo majoribus nostris in honore ac reverentia habitam scimus atque ditatam . Nam sciat Dominus Apostolicus , castra , praedia , villas , omnemque Monasterii possessionem juris nostri esse . Episcopale autem jus suum in nullo violamus . Bertulfus Cancellarius dixit : Nil juris sui Apostolicus in Casinense debet habere Coenobium , quod Romani Imperii specialis Camera esse decernitur , nisi Abbatis consecrationem , quam Heinrico Imperatore concedente , habuisse , dignoscitur . Girardus , Placeat ergo consilium meum vestro Imperio , Caesar invicte , ut vobis quibus Secularium , Apostolico vero spiritualium rerum fidem sacramento confirment . Lotharius ; Nostro valde inhonestum videtur Imperio , Majorum nostrorum non servare mandata , eorumque Sanctissimis non obedire praeceptis . Nam si nos illa negligimus atque no●umus , quis ea servabit ? Quo pacto alios haec servare compellimus , si nos ea convellimus ? Lex itaque Imperatorum non plus aliis , quam Imperatoribus ipsis constituitur . Imo illos hanc magis servare convenit , ne a seipsis descivisse videantur . Girardus Cardinalis dixit , Non parum quoque Dominus Papa miratur , cum te Ecclesia in Caesarem orbis dominatorem consecraverit , cur contra eum niti pro Casinensi Ecclesia videaris , quam non ad te ut asseris , sed ad se , ut caeteras Ecclesias , pertinere testatur . Tum Imperator iratus : Immo ( inquit ) nos valde miramur , cur nostris precibus annuere nolit , cum nos ipsius gratia annum jam dimidium in Papilionibus commorati cum Romano exercitu , pecunias in usus publicos deputatas , in ipsius obsequium converterimus , omnesque ultramontanos populos illi obtemperare fecerimus . Quid ergo mirum , si Casinensem tuemur Ecclesiam , cum constet , id a majoribus nostris gloriose actum ? & illi quidem eam tanti fecerunt , ut ibi magis quam domi sepeliri delegerint . Quid de Sanctissimo & omni honore nominando Augusto Carolo dicam , qui relicto Imperii sceptris , Monasticam ibi transegit vitam ? Quid de ipsius Caroli fratre Pipino loquar , qui defunctum apud se Monachum fratrem Casinum , ibi tumulandum , cum honore remisit ? Raches quoque Longobardorum Rex , relicto regno , ad ipsum venerabile Monasterium venit , monasticamque ibi exercuit vitam . Quid de Imperatoribus Justiniano , Justino , Theodorico , Pipino , Carolo , Pipino , Carolo , Magno , binis Ludovicis , Hugone , duobus Lothariis , Alberto , tribus Othonibus , quinque Heinricis ? Quid de Constantinopolitano & Alexio referam ? Qui omnes Casinensem Ecclesiam et summo affectu dilexerunt , et magnis illustrabere muneribus . Adeò Casinensis Ecclesia Imperatoribus extitit grata , ut ad ejus liberationem Romani Imperatores cum omni exercitu venerint . Heinricus enim ●ius , invictissimus , Christanissimusque Imperator ad eam tuendam cum Centum Octoginta millibus Militum Italiam ingressus est , eaqu● à Capuam Principis ditione sublatam pristinae restituit dignitati . Conradus autem Imperator Augultus , & Heinricus ipsi iis filius cum Centum Sexaginta Millibus pugnatorum ea , defensurus Ecclesiam venit , cum Pandulphi nequissimi , non aicam Principis sed Tyranni jugo premeretur . Omittimus nova & nostra gesta memoria . Antiquiora repetamus locique situ , cujus propriè fuerit videa●us . Varro nempe ( ut legimus ) Romanorum nobilissimus ac doctissimus hanc sibi sedem eligisse , extruxisse , multisque illustrem monumentis reddidisse , cognoscitur . Ipsum Casinatem fundum ( ut M. Tullius in Philippicis refert ) Caesar Antonio tradidit . At fortassis objicitur , Benedictum Patrem Romanae Ecclesiae alumnum , illud instruxisse Coenobium . Quis id nesciat ? Sed Romanorum nobilium sustultus auxilio id eum fecisse cognoscimus . Beatissimo namque Papa Gregorio referente d●dicimus , Beatum Benedictum una cum Mauro Senatoris equitii Placido ●ue Tertulli patricii filio , ad Monasterium Casinense construendum divinitus fuisse directum . Alibi quoque expressimus , Casinum cum finibus suis à Tertullo pa●ricio jure suo haereditarso praecisum , Patrique Benedicto traditum legimus . Quid plura ? aut Romana Ecclesia Romani Imperii Cameram Casinense Coenobium decenter accipiat , aut ab ea Romanum Imperium irrevocabiliter separabitur . Girardus Cardinalis ait , Nequaquam , invictissime Caesar , vestra indignetur mansuetudo , nec super Domini Apostolici indignetur mandatis , neque Domini Innocentii pii & universalis Papae mandata videantur injusta . Verùm siquid in his displicet , ad eum referatur . His dictis , quarti diei est solutus conventus . Manè facto , cum utraeque partes ante Imperatoris praesentiam constitissent , Girardus qui vicem Romanae gerebat Ecclesiae , dixit . Noverit vestra Celsitudo , Caesar invicte , haec Dominum Apostolicum vestris ita annuisse mandatis , ut vestri causa , fidelitate omissa , Sacramentum solummodo obedientiamque requirat . Interim quoque de electione Abbatis nobis injunxit disputandum ; qua ratione Excommunicatum , et quod gravius est , Schismaticum ( Rinardum ) Ecclesiae Christi praetulerunt ? In which debate Petrus Diaconus proved the right of electing the Abbot to belong only to the Monkes by several instances , without the Popes concurrence ; justified their election of Rinaldus to be lawfull , answering all Girardus his objections to the contrary , who insisted principally on the Excommunication and schism of Rinaldus . Ad haec Imperator respondit , Et quae injusè hactenus gêre Casinenses Monachi , eis per omnia impetranda censuimus : haec petitionis mea summa , quam à Domino Apostolico rego , ut eis quae usque in praesens incautius admiserunt , remittantur ▪ Sit ergo finis hodierni conflictus . Nostra iterum rogata ad Papam referantur & pos● diem quintam quid jubeat audiemus . Has autem indicias idcirco damus ; ut definire melius ac stature possit . His dictis quique ad sua rediêre . Petrus vero Diaconus in Curia remansit Imperatoris . Cardinales itaque ad Apostolicum redenutes , quae dicta fuerunt ei retulère , dicentes ; quendam Romanum esse Casinensis Ecclesiae , qui solus pro suo Monasterio contra Romanam disceptaret Ecclesiam . Hunc si quo constrinxeris vinculo , alios omnes pro nihilo reputabis . His Innocentius auditis , interrogat , quod illi genus patriaque sit ? Et illi , Pater ( inquit ) ejus Gregorii filius fuit , Romanorum Ducis & Consulis . Tunc Papa , auxiliante Deo , et illum , et alios tali praepedivit compede ut contra ipsum mutire non auderent : vehementique ira concitatus , cum post quartam diem referri Imperatori verba praecepit , Dominium Casinensis Ecclesiae non ad illum , sed ad se pertinere , sicuti et Ecclesiarum reliquarum . Decreveramus , inquit , vestra interventione infidelitatem dimittere Monachis , verum quia nituntur contra nos , et haec , et alia ab eis inquirenda consulimus . Mandat deinde Pontifex per Benedictum Capellanum suum Petro Diacono , ut ab Imperatoris famulatu recedens , à Casinensium quoque fratrum societate se separaret : indignum esse ut Romano genere exortus , exteros praeferat contribulibus , Romanam Ecclesiam linquens : Proinde si Casinensibus dimissis , illos impugnare omnibus modis mallet , se illum inter Capellanos suos habiturum . Ad quem ille talem remisit responsum , Gratiam agens , quod se tanti aestimasset , ut obsequio suo dignum judicaret . Caeterum non posse se Socios in tali articulo constitutos deserere . Post peractum negotium , se in servitio Sedis Apostolicae & Romani in fide Pontificis , quod vixerit , si ille vellet , permansurum . Post haec decernit Papa per omnia loca Casinensi Ecclesiae subdita literas mittere , ut Casinensi Abbati & Monachis non obedirent , omniaque Coenobia quae sub praepositis erant , sibi Abbates eligerent . Sed omnipotens Deus consilium Pontificis , voluntatemque impedivit . After this a Cistercian Monk scoffing at the Monks for adhering to Anacletus , and asserting their election of Raincrus to be voyd , forged and reprobate : Ad haec Lotharius , De omnibus ( inquit ) quae contra nostram Cameram Casinensem Ecclesiam Cistellensis objecerat , Petrus Diaconus lucidè satis apertéque respondit . Sed hujus altercationis iste sit finis . Singuli ad hospitium redeant , manè rursum ad conflictùm redituri . Die altera , ubi lux est reddita terris , Imperator accersitis Magnatibus suis in Consistorio resedit , & utrasque disceptantium partes coram se ingredi jussit : Et dum venisset Cistellensis , hujusmodi disputationis initium dedit , &c. Die altera Girardus Cardinalis ex parte Sedis Apostolicae veniens , Imperatore pro tribunali residente , ait ; Romana Ecclesia , sacratissime Imperator , & semper Auguste , non ab hominibus , neque per hominem , sed per Iesum Christum fundata est , qui Petrum Apostolorum Principem illuc direxit , cui etiam claves regni coelorum tradidit : & idcirco nullum illius gratia violari debere Apostolicus censet . Petro autem respondente , Nunquam Romanum Pontificem à Casinensibus Monachis Sacramentum exegisse . Girardus ait , Ideirco eos non haec quaesisse , quia usque ad illa tempora in Ecclesiae unitate mansissent ; sed postquam schisma incurrissent , absque Sacramento recipiendos non esse : protulitque jussu Papae Innocentii , Capitulum Niceni Concilii , ut revertentes a schismate absque Sacramento non reciperentur . Lotharius Imperator dixit , Non vos idcirco congregavi , ut Canonum jura servetis , sed ut benigne , ut leniter cum Ecclesia Casinensi ageretis ; Meminisse debetis , quae in Romana Ecclesia beneficia ipse contulerim , quot et quanta pericula pro vobis cum exercitu perpessus sim , qualiter annum integrum , ac menses duos in tentoriis egerim , quot propinquos et amicissimos inter bellorum amiserim fremitus . Non enim Casinenses fratres , ad inimicum Pontificis , sed ad Romanum Imperatorem Ecclesiae propugnatorem confugere . Postremo , si me ea spe frustratum esse vultis , contestor hodie , schisma inter me et Pontificem futurum , et pro amico obsequentissimo infestissimum fore inimicum . Cumque ad hanc Imperatoris vocem exercitus omnis acclamasset , rectaque prosecutum , fremens diceret : Primo , per omnes Episcopos ; Secundo , per Archiepiscopos ; Tertio , per Aquilegiensem Patriarcham ; Quarrò , per Abbates ; Quintò , per Comites ; Sextò , per Marchiones & Principes ; Septimo , per Richizam Augustam ; Octavo , per seipsum Imperator Pontificem hac de causa rogavit . Mandat dehinc Pontifex Imperatori , de Casinensi Ecclesia consilium ejus voluntatemque se facturum . Caesar hoc nuncio laetior factus , rursum per seipsum Pontificem adiit . Supplicanti itidem pro Casinensi Monasterio : Miror , ait Pontifex , cur tanta pro illis oras instantia , qui te ac me anathematizarunt ; qui Petri Leonis filium pro Papa receperunt ; qui Coronae alteri obtemperarunt , hactenusque in priori nequitia durarunt . Tunc Imperator Clementissimus totus solutus in lachrymas , dixit ; Scio equidem illos haec omnia ideo egisse , ut integer ad nos Ecclesiae ipsius status perveniret . Nam si secus egissent , Ecclesia illa ab hostibus nostris eversa jaceret . Unde oro , ut censuram , qua plectendi illi erant , in me retorqueatis . Si caedendi sunt , ego pro eis dorsum submitto ; si deponendi , deponi pro eis volo . Tunc Papa , Canonicae severitatis rigorem vestri causa temperamus . Jure enim deponendi erant , qui participarunt excommunicatis , qui Pontificem suum Anathematizarunt . Sed nos lenitate usi atque clementia , vestri amoris gratia ( not for Christs sake , or command ) cuncta dimittimus . Ita tamen , ut Filium Petri Leonis ejusque complices anathematizent , mihique ac successoribus meis obedientiam promittant . Ista dum Imperatori placuissent , beatae Martyris Simphorosae die misit Imperator Rainerum cum electo & fratribus Heinricum Ducem generum suum , Conradum Ducem , nepotem Henrici 5. Imperatoris , Ottonem Consobrinum suum , omnesque Archiepiscopos , Episcopos , Comites , Duces , ac Romani Imperii Proceres . Cumque Papae tentorium appropinquassent , Cardinales occurrentes interrogabant , Sifilium Petri Leonis renuere paratus esset ? Quo sum ille annuisset , protinus electum in hac verba jurare fecerunt . Ego Rainaldus refuto et anathematizo Schisma omne , et omnem Haeresim extollentem se adversus Sanctam et Apostolicam Ecclesiam . Anathematizo etiam filium Petri Leonis , et Rogerium Siciliae Comitem , omnesque illorum complices , et obediens ero Domino Papae Innocentio , et Successoribus suis canonice intrantibus . Cumque Rainaldus in haec verba jurasset , reliquos ( Monachos ) similiter jurare cogebant . Illi autem Patri Benedicto ejusque successoribus se jurasse , atque ideo Sacramentum se exhibere non posse dicebant . Tunc Rainaldus , ex parte Patris Benedicti , ac sua praecepit , ut obedientiam , quam B. Benedicto ejusque successoribus sibique exhibuerant , in manu Papae promitterent . Sicque constricti fratres , quod electus ad Evangelia , hoc illi juxta tenorem Chartulae in manu Episcopi Hostiensis juraverunt , adjectoque hoc insuper , Quod si Casinensis à Romana Ecclesia divisa fuerit , ego in Monasterio non remanebo , neque Abbati obediam , salva Romani Imperii fidelitate . Haec ubi ad Papae libitum impleta sunt , ab excommunicationis nexu absoluti , nudis pedibus ad Papae vestigia , deinde ad osculum recepti sunt . Petrum vero Draconum Innocentius ad se evocans dixit : Praecipio tibi in virtute Spiritus Sancti , & per Sacramentum , quod hodiè mihi & successoribus meis praestitisti , te a●juro , ut quacunque hora literas vel nuncium meum acceperis ; non habes licentias ultra remorandi : sed quamprimum poteris vestigiis sedis Apostolicae & Pontificis , qui pro tempore fuerit , te representare studeas . Nolo enim ut pia Romana Ecclesia inquietetur . Post haec Rainaldus ad Imperatorem deductus , & ab eo magno cum honore susceptus , cum fratribus inter Imperii Capellanos constitutus est . Nam usque ad eam diem Imperatoris obtutibus praesentatus non fuerat . A●●●…al●volis tamen post●a in suspicionem adductus , singulari Papae livore depositus est . Such was this Popes Christian candor , charity , fidelity towards him , after this solemn reconciliation , notwithstanding the Emperors mediation . And to demonstrate his unparalled ingratitude to the Emperor , who with extraordinary expence and travel had twice by force of Armes suppressed his Competitor , and restored him to his Papal Authority , * Cum se Salernitani Imperatori victorioso Lothario dederent , Papa indigne tulit , quod Imperator eos suos esse assereret , Papa enim contendebat , eos sui juris esse ; Which the Emperor would not admit : As for his antient Right of Investitures , and bestowing Bishopricks in Germany , he strenuously maintained it , as this president amongst others demonstrates . * Circa initium Imperii Lotharii , Magdeburgensis sedes v●ca●● , tres simul inter Canonicos habuit procos . Quilibet enim istius Sponsae amore ard●●at . Lotharius tres istos rejicit , ac Norbertum qui in Burgundia Novum Praemonstratensium ordinem excogitaverat , ei loco praeficut . After his death , † Nortbertus Innocentii Papae Catholici aequissimus fautor , Petri verò Scismatici justissimus execrator , dying in Italy , de exuviis Nortberti posteà int●r Clericos majoris Ecclesiae & fratres Sanctae Mariae contentio gravis exoritur ( non de Doctrina , de qua nihil erant sollici●● ) quam quidem solus Imperator Lotharius potuit dirimere : Res ad Imperatorem delata est , et ejus praecepto , cadaver fratribus Sanctae Mariae attribuitur , quia Monachus extiterit ; & cum filiis & fratribus quos in Christo genuerat , in Ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae ( quam Christo aedificaverat ) sepultus est . How corrupt , unjust , this Pope , his Cardinals , and the Court of Rome were , & how ingratefull they proved even to St. Bernard himself , after all his travel and pains for them ; his Epistles to them thus relate to posterity . * Thomas Prior S. Victoris in France ; Vir religiosus , in itinere quod induxerat pietas , in opere sancto , in sanctorum Comitatu , in Dominico die , certe in sinu Episcopi Parisiensis , & inter manus ejus , crudeliter ab impiis excerebratus est , by the instigation of another Clergyman of Noble extraction ; who to secure himself from legal proceedings in France for this murder , appealed to Pope Innocent , and there found favour and protection ; Of which St. Bernard thus complained to this Pope ; In quantam misera devenit amentiam , ut fera pessima quae devoravit Joseph , vaga & profuga , & tremens super terram , illuc potissimum fugam inerit , ubi plus timere oportuit ? Sceleratissime , tu summae aequitatis sedem , putas esse speluncam latronum , aut cubile leonum , &c. S●●●s inquam impunè ferat , quod utique mira impudentia de vestra Apostolica Authoritate praesumit , quanta putamus impunitas ista in Ecclesia parturiet punienda unum de duobus fore , necesse est , aut nullos ex nobilibus sive potentibus secundum hoc seculum , admitti deinceps ad honores Ecclesiasticos ; aut passim ad omne illicitum permitti libere Clericos sacris abuti officiis , ne fortè si quispiam Zelo Dei accensus prohibere tentaverit , ferro illico militari reus justitiae trucidetur . Atque ita quid spirituali gladio , quid censurae Ecclesiasticae , quid Christianae legis & disciplinae , quid reverentiae sacerdotali , quid denique divino timori relinquitur , si metu potentiae secularis nullus mutire jam audeat contra insolentiam Clericorum ? Quid enim insolentius , quidve indignius in Ecclesia esse potest , quam ut sibi quisque Ecclesiasticas vendicet dignitates seritate armorum , non morum probitate ? Quamobrem Domine Pater , aliquid ut videtis prorsus decernendum in hominem quod Ecclesiae prosit , ut salus facta hoc tempore per vos transfundatur in posteros , & cognoscat generatio altera non solum quod fuit praesumptum , sed & qualiter ultum . Alioquin si serpat venenum , nec sequatur pariter antidotum , multos ( quod absit ) habeat perimere . Yet his 160 , 161 , 162 , & 163 Epistles prove , that contra jus et fas this murderer found protection at Rome , and so escaped unpunished . In his Epist . 166. ad Dominum Papam Innocentium ( to whom he had complained at large in his 164. Epistle , of the fraud , rashnesse , injustice of the election and consecration of the unworthy Bishop of Lingon , against the Archbishops , Deans and Canons promises to him , and this Popes command , without the least redresse upon several Appeals to him against his election ) he writes thus ; Iterum clamo , iterum pulso , & si non clamosis vocibus , certè lachrymosis gemitibus ; cogit iterare clamores , iterata in nos injuria perditorum & prolongantium iniquitatem suam . Confortati sunt addentes praevaricationem . Apponunt iniquitatem super iniquitatem , & superbia eorum ascendit semper . Invaluit furor , pudor evanuit , & timor Dei. Quem contra tuam , Pater , castam justamque dispositionem non timuerunt eligere , etiam post Appellationem tui nominis ausi sunt execrare . Et hoc praesumpserunt Lugdunensis , Edunensis , Matisconsis , ac amici Cluniacensis . In fraude & temeritate istorum heu quam ingens multitudo sanctorum turbabitur , si angariati fuerint tali portare jugum taliterque impositum . Proh nefas , hoc ita accepturi sunt , ac si cogantur genua curvare Baal , aut certe juxta prophetam , pactum facere cum morte , & cum inferno fedus inire . Rogo ubijus , ubi lex , ubi sacrorum auctoritas Canonum , ubi denique reverentia Majestati ? Illa , illa , quae nulli negatur oppresso , soli mihi non profuit Appellatio , Vbi nimirum imperabat aurum , judicabat argentum , leges Canonesque silebant , locum ratio et aequitas non habebant . Eisdem telis ( quod intollerabilius est ) arcem quoque Apostolici culminis oppugnare minantur . Id vero ridiculum ; Fundaeta est enim supra firmam Petram . Sed quid ago ? Excessi fateor ; non est meum accusare quemquam aut reprehendere ; sufficit mihi ut plangam dolorem meum Post longam moram multosque labores quos pro servitio Romanae Ecclesiae pertuli , cum tandem placuit Serenitati vestrae reditum annuere ad fratres meos , etsi fractus viribus Corporis tanquam malè operans , laetus tamen ob manipulos pacis , quos reportabam , ad Monasterium cum prosperitate perveni . Credidi me de labore evasisse ad requiem , licere mihi utcunque resarcire spiritualium damna studiorum , ac sanctae quietis detrimenta quae foris incurreram ; et ecce tribulatio et angustia invenerunt me : En lectulo recubantem plus Cordis quam corporis dolor excruciat . Nec enim Ego deploro temporale incommodum ullum ; Anima mea in manibus meis , salus ejus in causa est . Placet vobis , ut illi homini credam animam meam , qui perdidit suam ? Scio quod non placet . Quamobrem dixi animae meae , expedire magis inire fugam quam & maerore consumere residuum dierum meorum , & nihilominus in periculum solertis incidere . At Deus vobis potius inspiret , quod potius est , reducere ( viz. ) ad memoriam ( si dignum judicatis ) qualiter vobiscum egerim , & ponere oculos pietatis super puerum vestrum , & liberare afflictum de angustia ; quin potius non oblivisci , quanta Deus ipse fecerit vobis , & in quantulecunque vicem recompensationis , ad ipsius gloriam , quod tam perperam factum est , revocare . This businesse he again pressed to this Pope , Epist . 167. concluding it thus , Nisi isti à tam scelerato , tamque temerario ausu deficiant ( ut meipsum nunc sentio ) deficiet in dolore vita mea ; & anni mei in gemitibus : Which he thus backed with an * Epistle Ad Episcopos & Cardinales Romanae Curiae ; Vos scitis , si dignum ducitis recordari , qualiter vobiscum in tempore malo conversatus sim , egrediens & regrediens , & pergens ad imperium Regis : persistens ac permanens vobiscum in tentationibus vestris , ita ut consumptis penè viribur corporis , vix post redditam caelitus pacem Ecclesiae repatriare potuerim . Et recolo hoc non glorians , aut improperans , sed provocans & efflagitans , monens & reposcens debitum vestrae miserationis affectum . Urget necessitas modo omnes repetere debitores . Ego vero si feci quod facere debui , haud aliud me ex eo quàm servum inutilem reputo , juxta sermonem Domini . Veruntamen si feci quod oportuit , aut quod faciendum fuit , nunquid merui vapulare ? Et ecce rediens a vobis tribulationem et dolorem inveni , et nomen Domini ( to wit , Innocentii Papae ) invocavi , sed non profuit . Invocavi et vestrum , et non valuit . Siquidem Dii fortes terrae vehementer elevati sunt , Lugdunensis scilicet Achiepiscopus , & Cluniacensis Abbas . Hi confidentes in virtute sua , & in multitudine divitiarum suarum gloriantes , adversum me appropinquaverunt & steterunt : Et non adversum me tantum , sed adversum magnam multitudinem servorum Dei , adversum vos , quoque adversum seipsos , contra Deum , contra omnem aequitatem et honestatem . Denique imposuerunt hominem super capita nostra , quem , proh pudor ! & boni horrent , & mali rident . Quo ordine , imo quàm extraordinariè , videat Deus & judicet : Videat , et doleat Romana Curia : Videat , misereatur et accingatur ad vindictam malefactorum , laudem vero honorum . Quid enim ? Placet tibi , domina mundi universitati constituta est , vindex in iram , judex in miseriam , placet inquam , tibi quod dum superbit impius , incenditur pauper , & ille pauper qui pro tuo servitio , cum non haberet Censum quam effunderet , sanguini non pepercit ? Dignum ne tibi videtur tua perfrui pace , & nostram non curare , nec recipere in sortem consolationis quos habuisti consortes laboris ? Si inveni gratiam in oculis vestris , eripite inopem de manu fortiorum ejus , egenum & pauperem , ab eripientibus eum . Alioquin ego quidem ut potero laborabo in gemitu meo , & erunt mihi lachrymae meae panes die ac nocte , vobis autem legem illum versiculum , Qui tollit ab amico miseriam , timorem Domini derelinquit . Et illud , omnes necessarii mei recesserunt à me . Illud quoque , Qui juxta me erant de longe steterunt , & vim faciebant , qui quaerebant animam meam . In his 178 Epistle ad Dominum Papam Innocentium , pro Alberone Treverensi Archiepiscopo , he writes thus ; Querimonia Domini Treverensis non est ejus solius , sed communis multurum , eorumque praecipuè qui sinceriori affectu vos diligunt ; Vor una omnium qui fideli apud nos cura populis praesunt , justiciam in Ecclesia deperire ; Annullari Ecclesiae Claves ; Episcopalem omnino vilescere authoritatem , dum nemo Episcoporum in promptu habeat ulcisci injurias Dei ; nulli liceat illicita quaevis , ne in propria quidem Parochia castigare . Causam referunt in vos , Curiamque Romanam . Recte gesta ab ipsis , ( ut aiunt ) destruitis : juste destructa , statuitis ; Quique flagitiosi et contentiosi de populo , sive de Clero , aut etiam ex Monasteriis pulsati currunt ad vos , redeuntes jactant et gestiunt se obtinuisse tutores , quos magis ultores sensisse debuerunt ; An non gladius Phinees promptissimè atque justissimè eductus fuerat , ad condemnandum incestuosum concubitum Drogonis & Milis ? sed confusis atque retusus abiit retrorsum : Scuto nimirum Apostolicae defensionis opposito . Proh pudor ! quos Cachinnos res ista movit , et movet Ecclesiae inimicis , eisque etiam ipsis quorum fortasse metu aut favore a recto tramite abducti sumus ? Amici confunduntur , fidelibus insultatur , Episcopi ubique in opprobrium veniunt et contemptum , quorum dum recta judicia contemnuntur , vestrae quoque plurimum derogatur Auctoritati . Ipsi sunt enim qui honorem vestrum zelant , qui vestra pro pace , & exaltatione laborant fideliter quidem , sed vereor ne inefficaciter . Quid vobis vires minuitis ? quid robur vestrum deprimitis ? Quousque retunditis arma fidelia militantia vobis ; humiliatis cornua erecta vestrae virtutis , & salutis ? Plorans plorat desolationem suam apud Tullum Ecclesia Sancti Gengulsi , nec est qui consoletur eam . Quis enim se opponat brachio excelso , torrentis impetui , summae arbitrio potestatis ? &c. Which he thus aggravates in his 179 Epistle to him . Quomodo malitia vincit sapientiam ? Nosti pie Domine , nosti Treverensem Archiepiscopum ? Scio quod nosti . Nosti & illum Sancti Maximini non sanctum Abbatem ? Puto quia non nosti . Quis dignior honore illo priori ? Sic nemo confusione digmor isto sequenti , & tamen iste honoratus est , ille opprobriodatus . Quid peccavit Archiepiscopus , praedam Ecclesiae suae recuperavit , captivam Ecclesiam de manu Laica liberavit , &c. In his 180 Epistle to him , he shewes how Popes and the Court of Rome did oft times erre in their determinations by misinformations . Iterum supplicatio , iterum preces , & decies repetitae te non desinent . Non desistimus , quia non diffidimus . Bonam causam habemus , et aequum judicem qui non cunctabitur evacuare quod subreptum est , cum apparebit quod verum est : nec poterit inde ridere qui voluit irridere , sed ut scriptum est , Mentita est iniquitas sibi . Hoc solet habere praecipuum Apostolica sedes , ut non pigeat revocare quod a se forte deprehenderit fraude elicitum , non veritate promeritum . Res plena aequitate , & laude digna , ut de mendacio nemo lucretur , praesertim apud Sanctam & summam Sedem . But notwithstanding all St. Bernards importunate successive Letters , Merits , Piety , the Justice of his own and others causes he recommended to this Pope Innocent , his Cardinals and Chancellor , the heavier purse overballanced them , and carried the cause , though never so unjust or irregular , during this Popes domination , as well as his predecessors ; as these Epistles and other Testimonies evidence . In his 213 Epistle ad Dominum Papam Innocentium , he thus expostulates with him for his Injustice , in styling him a Traytor to him ; Quis mihi faciat Justitiam de vobis ? Si haberem judicem ad quem vos trahere possem , jam nunc ostenderem vobis quid meremini : Extat quidem Tribunal Christi ; sed absit , ut ad illud appellem vos , quia illic si vobis necessarium , & mihi possibile esset , vellem magis totis viribus stare , & respondere pro vobis . Itaque recurro ad cum cui in praesenti datum est judicare de Vniversis ; hoc est , ad vos : Vos appello ad vos ; vos judicate inter me & vos . In quo quaeso puer vester tàm malè meruit de vestra Paternitate , ut eum inurere et insignire placeret nota et nomine proditoris ? &c. Quisnam ergò constantiae vestrae , suo consilio , vel magis suo dolo subripuit , indulta repetere , & quae processêre de labiis vestris facere irrita ? Epist . 216 , 217. he writes to this Pope , Scriptum est , Quod Deus conjunxit , homo ne separet . Surrexerunt viri audaces qui non timuerunt conjunctos à Deo contra Deum disjungere : Neque id solum , insuper & adjecerunt conjungere non conjungendos , addentes praevaricationem . Lacerantur sacra Ecclesiae , scinduntur proh dolor vestes Iesu Christi , idque ad cumulum doloris ab his a quibus resarciri debuerint : Amici tui Deus , & proximi tui adversum te appropinquaverunt & steterunt , &c. Comitem Radulphum & unxorem ejus , Deus conjunxerat per Ministros Ecclesiae , & Ecclesia per Deum , qui dedit talem potestatem hominibus : Quomodo quos Deus conjunxit , disjunxit camera ? In quo facto illud solum convenienter provisum est quod in tenebris facta sunt opera tenebrarum . Qui enim malè agit odit lucem , & non venit ad lucem , ut non arguantur opera ejus a luce . Quid meruit Comes Theobaldus ? Quid peccavit homo ille ? Si peccatum est , quod diligit justitiam , & odit iniquitatem , non potest excusari . Si peccatum est , quod reddit Regi quae Regis sunt , & quae sunt Dei , Deo ; non potest excusari . Si * Archiepiscopum Bituricensem suscepit ad Imperium vestrum , hoc est maximum & primum peccatum : En sanguis iste de manu ejus exquicitur , &c. Tribulatio & angustia invenerunt nos : Ipsa religio venit in opprobrium & contemptum . Probro ducitur apud nos saltem mentionem facere pacis : Nusquam fides , nusquam innocentia tuta . Amator innocentiae , pietatis cultor Comes Theobaldus penè traditus in animam inimicorum ejus : And in his excusatory last Epistle to this Pope he thus complains he was fallen quite out of his favour ( only for his just reprehensions of his Injustice , abuses , and disobeying his unjust commands . ) Domino & Patri Reverendissimo Innocento B. nihilum id quod est . * Putabam me aliquando aliquid vel modicum esse ; Sed nunc ut sentio prorsus ad nihilum redactus sum , dum nescivi . Nec enim me dixerim omnino nihilum tunc fuisse , cum oculi Domini mei super puerum suum essent , & aures ejus ad preces meas ; cum omne quod scriberem obviis manibus accepisset , & vultu hilari perlegisset , benignissimè atque plenissimè ad omnia postulata respondens . Modò autem me merito non modicum dico , sed nihilum , quoniam ab heri & nudiustertius avertit faciem suam à me . Cur hoc ? Quid peccavi ? Multum fateor , si pecunia Cardinalis Yvonis bonae memoriae meo arbitrio distributa fuit , & non ad nutum ipsius , quod utique ad aures Domini mei fuisse perlatum , mihi relatum est which act he justified , referring the Pope to his forecited Epistle written to his four Cardinals : In fine , he thus complaines of * Henry the Archbishop of Sienna his proceedings , just like the Popes and Court of Rome , Multiplicatis vobis accusatores , defensatores subtrahitis ; Provocatis adversarios , patronos offenditis : Vbique apud vos pro ratione voluntas ; totum pro imperio , nihil pro timore Dei. Qui de vobis non rident inimici , non conqueruntur amici ? Quomodo devestitis hominem , non dico judicio non convictum , sed nec verbo conventum ? Quantus hoc verbum scandalizabit ? quot ora ad subsannandum ? quot corda ad succendendum movebit ? Itane putatis periisse justitiam de toto orbe , sicut de vestro corde , et homo sic ablatum perdat Archidiaconatum ? &c. Haec vobis mordacius audaciusque quàm velletis audire scripsi , sed non ad insipientiam vobis si velietis corrigere . That the Kings of France maintained , exercised their antient right of Investing of Bishops and Abbots by a Ring and Pastoral Staff , and usually gave their Royal assents to and confirmed their elections , under Pope Innocent and his Predecessors , notwithstanding all their Canons to the contrary , is evident by these Passages in St. Bernard , ( no Friend to Investitures ) who informs us in general : * Multa siquidem facta propter se tantum ; alia verò propter alia designanda , & ipsa dicuntur signa , & sunt ; ut enim de usualibus sumamus exemplum ; datur annulus absolute propter annulum , & nulla est significatio : datur ad investiendum de haereditate aliqua , & signum est , ita ut jam dicere posset quid accepit : Anulus non valet quicquam , sed haereditas est quam quaerebam . Variae sunt investiturae secundum ea dequibus investimur : Verbi gratia : investitur Canonicus per Librum ; Abbas per Baculum , Episcopus per Annulum & Baculum . In his 164. Epistle to Pope Innocent concerning the Cause of the Bishoprick of Lingon pending by Appeal before him he informs him , that the Bishop of Lingon being elected , against the consent of the Dean and others , yea against the Popes Order & Electors promise to him ; the Archbp. of Lyons upon St. Bernards importunity refusing to consecrate him ; he thereupon privily procured an Investiture from the King , and then was ordered to be consecrated at another day and place : Interim nempe homo qui & consecrationem fugerat & electionem refutat , festinavit ad Regem ; Regalium investituram obtinuit , quibus meritis ipse viderit : Mox directis Epistolis , & locus qui assignatus fuerat , est mutatus , & dies anticipatus , ut loci temporisque opportunitate substracta , & copia agendi pariter , subtrahatur contradicturis , & consecrationis dies subripiatur appellaturis . Caeterum non est consilium contra consilium Domini , cujus providentia factum est ut nec contradictores defuerint nec appellatores . Appellatum est à Falcone Decano Lugdunensis Ecclesiae , &c. and others to the Pope against his Consecration . St. Bernard , as he writ several Epistles to the Pope in favour of the Appellants , so he sent an b Epistle ad Ludovicum juniorem Francorum Regem , desiring him to revoke his Investiture granted to this Bishop being unduly elected , and unfit for that Charge , and to invest the Bishop duly elected by the contrary Party ; Which begins thus : Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , ut quippiam moliter adversus Regiam majestatem , ego tamen Deum timerem , ac ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temere non auderem : Nec enim ignaro ubi legerim ; qui potestati resistit , Dei ordinationi resistit , &c. Non imminuetur honor Regis , regnique utilitas per nos : Nam in quo alio regia majestas ; recte in eo quod factum est imminuta dicatur ? Electio rite celebrata est ; electus fidelis est ; Non esset fidelis si vestra autem et non per vos habere vellet . Necdum ad vestra manum extendit , necdum civitatem vestram ingressus est , necdum prorsus se intrusit de aliquo , quanquam invitatio Cleri & Populi , & oppressorum afflictio , & vota bonorum id ab eo vehementissimè flagitarint , &c. Quae cum ita sint , opus est , ut videtis , maturatione consilii , non minus vestro honori , quam nostrae necessitati : & nisi per praesentes nuncios expectanti populo , qui vester est , Serenitas vestra pro voto responderit , multorum religiosorum adversum vos ( quod non expedit ) devota vobis nunc corda turbabitis , et regalibus vestris ipsis , quae ad Ecclesiam pertinent , non parvum , ut veremur , incommodum acquiretis . In another Epistle Ludovico Regi Francorum pro electo Antisiodorensi , * he writes thus of the usual Elections of Bps. in France , the Kings Prerogative to grant Licenses and approve elections when made , & differences likely to arise between the King and Pope in case of a Provision by the Pope without the King Volui ego unquam in aliquo imminui honorem Regis , dignitatem regni ? Deus scit , nec vestra ut confido conscientia id vobis respondet . Videte ne illi magis contra vos faciant qui electiones disturbant , ne sint in Ecclesiis qui serviant Regi , sed ipsis de Ecclesiarum redditibus serviatur . Ego , ego electioni Antisiodorensi interfu● ; concors fuit : quia Clerici qui ante hac in partes dissilierant , sixe contradictione nunc tandem , Deo miserante convenerunt . Electum benè novimus , testimonium ei perhibemus , quoniam bonus est . Neminem prorsus arbitror affuisse illi celebritati qui de assensu vestro dubitaret , cum jam idem assensus vestris literis teneretur . Quis enim hoc vel cogitare posset , repetendum alterum assensum , nec sufficere unum ; praesertim ubi nulla extunc intervenit altera electio ? Nunquid quociens dissenserint Clerici , totiens erit requirendus favor Regis ? Nec ratio , nec consuetudo hoc habet . Denique nuper , si recordamini , in S●●essionensi Ecclesia quotiens ad eligendum Clerici convenerunt , quotiens disserserunt , & infecto negotio discesserunt , nec tamen existimo totiens repetisse assensum vestrum quem semel promeruerant . Ita est Dominus Rex , non est quod debeatis reprobare factas electiones quibus ut fierent semel vos assensisse constiterit . Sed sunt aliqui qui vos conturbant , & conturbaremtuntur Ecclesias , sua lucra sectantes ; quodque gravius est , summi Pontificis et Serenissimi Regis mutuam gratiam et amorem Diabolico studio dirumpere molientes . Absit hoc : judicium portabunt quicunque sunt illi , et Rex semper faciet quod bonus Rex sicut hactenus fecit . Itaque citò mandentur jocundiora , ne diutius sedeat in tristitia Ecclesia tamdiu jam vexata & afflicta . De persona nulla subeat suspicio , aut ego nimium fallor , aut fidelis erit , et Regi beneplacitum superea . Consido in Domino quod non contristabitis multitudinem Sanctorum qui sunt in illo Episcopatu , nec me servum vestrum , qui , ut verum fatear , nihil aequè unquam à vobis molestum pertuli , quàm si in hoc consilio quod non eveniat , praestiteritis . The Continuator of Sigeberts Chronicle ( Robertus de Monte ) informs us ; that Anno 1241. there arose a great difference between this Pope and the King of France , by reason of his making and consecrating one Peter Archbishop of Bituris by his Provision , without the Kings consent . Orta dissensione inter Papam Romanum , & Francorum Regem Ludovicum Ecclesia Gallicana turbatur . Defuncto enim Alberico Bituricensi Archiepiscopo , missus est Petrus a Papa Innocentio eidem Ecclesiae Pastor consecratus , sed a Rege Ludovico repudiatus , eo quod sine ejus assensu fuerit ordinatus , in Civitatem minime recipitur ; cujus partes quia propter reverentiam seu voluntatem Papae Comes Theobaldus fovere videbatur , simultas quae sopita putabatur inter Regem et ipsum coepit repullulare : The King besieging his Castles , and raising War against him as a Traytor , for receiving and assisting this Pseudo-Archbishop Peter , by the Popes command , burning a Church & no lesse then 1300 soules therein in his Castle of Vitriacum , which he took by force ; for which he was sharply reprehended by St. * Bernard , & excommunicated by Pope Innocent . After this ( as * Mat. Paris informs us ) An. 1146. Eodem Anno Papa Eugenius Parisiis veniens , consecravit Petrum quendam Aimerici Ecclesiae Romanae Cancellarii nepotem , in Archiepiscopum Bituricensem . contra Lodowici Regis Franciae voluntatem . Quod Rex injuria suae dignitatis factum vehementer indignans , propositis publice sacrosanctis reliquiis , in praesentia multorum juravit , quod Archiepiscopus praefatus , quamdiu ipse viveret , Civitatem Bituricam non intraret . Sic per triennium Regis persona subjacuit interdicto . In quamcunque civitatem , vicum vel castellum intrabat , suspendebatur celebratio divinorum . ( Such was the atheism of these Popes to preferr every punctilio of their own absolute wills and usurpations , before the Sacred publike Worship of God himself , and the peoples salvation ) Tandem Bernardi Abbate Claravallensi persuadente ad hoc , est Cor Regis inclinatum , ut Archiepiscopum reciperet , et pro transgressione perjurii , Hierosolymam se promitteret profecturum . Igitur per totam Galliam , fit exactio generalis , nec genus , vel ordo , aut dignitas , quempiam excusavit , quin auxilium Regi conferret . Vnde factum est , ut ejus peregrinatio multis imprecationibus persequeretur . A remedy farr worse then the disease , and an over-dear compensation for his perjury in departing with an antient royal indisputable prerogative , against his solemn Oath . The Letter of St Bernard to the Church of Rome in the behalf of this young King , is very remarkable ; wherin he excuseth the rashnesse and temerity of his forecited Oath , by the custom , generosity of the French Nation , the youth and courage of the King ; thereby in a manner betraying the rights of the Crown of France , to the usurpations of this tyrannizing Pope . Quantum malum schisma in Ecclesia , & quam sit detestandum , & omnimodis devitandum , evidenter quondam ostendit fam●sae & horrenda mors virorum illorum quos ob istiusmodi pestem terra deglutiens , vivos transmisit ad inferos ; ostendit & illa persecutio Guibertina , sive Burdini temeritas quae nostrae jam tempora experta sunt , inter Regnum & Sacerdotium dividentes , plaga penè incurabili , & castigatione crudeli . Ostendit & illa quae nuper adhuc post multam & multifariam Ecclesiae vexationem , & vastationem , tandem Deo miserante ●●nem accepit , rabies Leonina . Merito proinde Salvater in Evangelio , Vae ( inquit ) homi● illi , per quem scandalum venit ; Vae vobis qui vivimus plangere quae pertulimus , dolcre quae sentimus , timere quae expectamus . Et quod pejus est , ad tam malum habitum humanae res devenerunt , ut nec rei humiliari velint , nec Judices misereri . Dicimus , iniquis , nolite iniquè agere , & delinquintibus , Nolite exaltare cornu , & non audiunt nos quia domus exasperans est . Supplicamus his quorum est peccata arguere , peccantes servare , Ne calamum quassatum conterant , & linum fumigans non extinguant , & magis in Spiritu vehementi conterunt Naves Tharsis . Si denunciamus filiis cum Apostolo , ut obediant patribus per omnia , quasi acrem verberamus ; Si Patribus loquimur , ne ad indignationem provocent filios , in nos potius eorum indignationem provocamus . Nec delinquentes satisfacere , nec Rectores seu correctores condescendere ullatenus acquiescunt . Omnes suum stomachum sequuntur & totis viribus funem in diversa trahentes , rumpunt . Heu nec dum recenti Ecclesiae plagae cicatrix occalluit , & rursum scindere parant , rursus Corpus Christi assigere cruci , rursus fodere latus innoxium , rursus vestimenta dividere atque ipsam quod in ipsis est tunicam inconsutilem ( quamvis frustra ) dirumpere satagunt . Si qua in vobis sunt viscerae pietatis , tantis vos opponite malis , ne in illa praecipuè terra scissura fiat in qua solent sicut optime nostis scissurae aliae resarciri . Nam si author scandali , ore singulariter judicis tremendo addicitur maledicto , quibus putamus benedictionibus dignos hujus nequitiae fugatores & propugnatores ? De duobus non excusamus Regem , nam et juravit illicite , et perseverat injuste . Verum id non voluntate , sed vere cundia . Nam probro ducitur , sicut optime nostis , apud Francigenas juramentum solvere quamlibet male publice juratum sit , quamvis nemo sapiens dubitet illicita juramenta non esse tenenda . Veruntamen ne in hoc quidem excusari posse fatemur , neque enim excusare nos , sed veniam postulare suscepimus . Vos videte an excusare aliquatinus eum possit ita , aetas , et Majestas . Poterit sine dubio , si misericordiam judicio superexaltandam decernatis , quatinus videlicet , talis aliqua consideratio in Rege et puero habeatur , ut hac ei vice tali quidem tenore parcatur , quo tale aliquid de caetero non praesumat . Parcatur sanè dixerim , si fieri possit ( salva in omnibus Ecclesiae libertate ) simul & Archiepiscopo debita veneratione servata , quae manus Apostolica consecravit . Hoc ipse Rex humiliter petit , hoc nostra universa citramontana nimium jam afflicta Ecclesia suppliciter deprecatur . Alioquin damus manus morti , tabescentes & arescentes prae timore & expectatione quae supervenerunt universo Orbi . Siquidem deprecatio mea super hoc ab anno priore , & peccatis meis exigentibus deprecationem meam non exauditio , sed indignatio , indignationem autem desolatio pene universae terrae secuta est . Siquid Zelo urgente erupit , quod non fuit , aut secus quam fuit dicendum , sit quaeso apud vos quasi non dictum . Vbi vero dixi , quod oportuit , & ubi oportuit dici , sit non frustra dictum . As for Kings Supremacy over Archbishops , Bishops , Clergy-men , their due Subjection , and paying Tribute to them , as well as Abbots Subjection to their Diocaesan Bishop in that age , St. Bernard thus notably proves it from Christs own Precept , President , and the Centurions in the Gospel ; * Nolite illorum acquiescere consiliis , qui cum sint Christiani , Christi tamen vel sequi facta vel obsequi dictis opprobrio ducunt . Ipsi sunt qui vobis dicere solent , Servate vestrae sedis honorem . Decebat quidem ex vobis , vobis commissam Ecclesiam crescere , nunc vero saltem in illa quam suscepistis maneat dignitate . Si non crescit per vos , non decrescat per vos . Christus aliter jussit , et gessit ; Reddite , ait , quae sunt Caesaris Caesari , & quae sunt Dei Deo. Quod ore locutus est , mox opere implere uravit : Conditor Caesaris , Caesari non cunctatus est reddere censum , ex●mplum enim dedit vobis , ut et vos ita faciatis . Quomodo verò Di Sacerdotibus debitum negaret reverentiam , qui hanc secularibus quoque potestatibus exhibere curavit ? Porro vos si Caesaris successori , i.e. Regi , sedulò in suis Curiis , consiliis , negotiis , exercitibusque adestis , indignum erit vobis cuicunque Christi Vicario taliter exhibere , qualiter ab antiquo inter Ecclesias ordinatum est ? Sed quae sunt ( inquit Apostolus ) potestates , à Deo ordinatae sunt . Viderint ergo hujus ignominiae dissuasores , quale sit Dei ordinationi resistere . Valdè ignominiosum servo si sit sicut Dominus ejus . aut discipulo si sit sicut magister ejus . Plurimum se vobis deferre putant , cum vos Christo praeferre conantur , ipso reclamante ac dicente , Non est servus major Domino suo , neque Apostolus eo qui misit cum . Quod non dedignatus est Magister et Dominus , talisque et Magister et Dominus , indignum sibi judicabit servus bonus devotusque discipulus ? Quàm pulchrè locutus est beatus ille Centurio , cujus fidei nulla par inventa est in Israel ; Et ego ( inquit ) homo sum sub potestate , habens sub me Milites . Non jactabat potestatem quam nec solam protulit , nec priorem . Dicturus quippe , habens sub me Milites , praemisit , homo sum , & homo sub potestate . Praemissa siquidem est humilitas , ne altitudo praecipitet . Dedit prius honorem prae positis , ut jam a subjectis juste reciperet , sciers se à supertoribus accipere quod impenderet inferioribus , & quia melius propriae subjectionis disceret experimento sua ipse moderari imperia , &c. Miror quosdam in nostro ordine Monasteriorum Abbates hanc humilitatis regulam odiosa contentione infringere , & sub humili ( quod pejus est ) habitu & tonsura , tàm superbè sapere , ut cum ne unum quidem verbulum de suis imperiis subditos praetergredi patiantur , ipsi propriis obedire contemnant Episcopis : ( yea Regibus & Principibus suis , of which he formerly discoursed ; ) spoliant Ecclesias ●t emancipentur ; redimunt se ne obediant . Non ita Christus : Ille siquidem dedit vitam ne perderet obedientiam , quam illi , ut careant , totum ferè suum , suorumque victum expendunt . And did not Popes , Popish Prelates , Abbots then do so likewise , spending their own , and others revenues to exempt themselves from due obedience , taxes to their own Emperors and Christian Kings ? Pope Innocent Anno 1143. having by the forces and valour of the Romans reduced the Rebellious Tiburtes , punished them farre lesse then they demerited , and the Romans expected ; whereupon , Romani , qui a parta victoria ferociores evaserant , & irati , ac●rbiore poena Tiburtes afficiendos putabant , à Pontifice flagitarunt , ne tantam defectionem tàm molli vindicasse conditione vellet ; Tiburtes mernisse , ut muris disjectis è Latii finibus truderentur , neque ipsum à defectionibus esse tutum futurum , nisi in auctores eorum atrocius esse foret animadversum . Contra verò innocentius , postulationem eorum iniquam esse contendit , neque in dedititios , ac veniam pacemque petentes , tam acerbè consulere convenire , ab Ecclesia certè , quae communis omnium mater esset , tam acre vindicandae contumaciae studium abhorrere . Quod ubi Romani audiverunt , ira vehementius exarsêrunt , quod neque hostes à quibus laesi essent , puniri pro libidine possent , neque aequi aliquid à Papa impetrarent , cui operam magno suo detrimento navassent . Itaque tumultu in urbe concitato , ac Civitate antiquo seditionis morbo furente , Concionem extemplo in Capitolio convocarunt . Ibi pro se quisque ferocissimè ac superbissimè est loquntus , atque antiquam Romanorum animorum opemque magnitudinem ipsa verborum magnificentia , atque orationis granditate est facile consecutus . Ad extremum multis dictis sententiis , omnes in eam quae maxime popularis , & splendida visa est , descenderunt . Veterem Romanae libertatis statum restituendum ; ( being all weary of the Popes Tyranny , Vassallage , and resolving to shake off his usurped power over them ) pristinos ordines , magistratusque Reipublicae reponendos , Pontifici unam sacrorum curationem relinquendam in urbe esse . Hoc decus , hanc speciem dignitatis majores saepe , sed irrito incaepto tentasse ; id eo sibi apud posteros splendidius ac magnificentius for●e , si ipsi tantam urbi laudem , majestatemque pepererint ; pro certo autem parituros , si viribus suis agnitis parem ad caussam animum , constantiamque attulerint . Ad hanc itaque opinionem venisse * Arnoldi haeretici potissimum auctoritate videntur , cujus ejusmodi tum adversus Pontificem decreta vulgari hominum sermone celebrabantur . Itaque inita defectione , ordinem Senatorium jampridem extinctum popularibus suffragiis revocarunt , ac bellum cum Tiburtibus renovarunt . Innocentius his rebus cognitis , primum per amicos summa auctoritate praeditos Romanos redigere ad sanitatem contendit ; dein●e ubi se incassum labornare animadverterit , ad infesta edicta confugit , ac populum Romanum a sacris amovet , eumque Pontificiorum jure Comitiorum , cujus a primis temporibus ad eum usque diem particeps fuerat , spoliavit . Verum nè ita quidem furorem sanare eorum potuit . Itaque in timorem Romani amittendi Dominatus adductus , tantum ex ea re sollicitudinis hausit , ut langore confectus 8. Ralendas Octobris pericrit . Haec cum Innocentio instituta contentio tanti momenti fuit ( as Sigonius observes ) ut omnes deinde Pontifices usque ad Clementem tertium exercuerit . * Sepulto Innocentio , Cardinales excluso populo ad Comitia convenerunt , ac postridie ejus diei ( imperante Conrado ) Vidonem Civem , Castellanum , ex Cardinaliiū collegio , Pontificem sublegerunt , ac mox consecratum Caelestinum secundum vocarunt , Vir grandaevus , supervires quaedam animo concipiens adversus Rogerium Regem Siciliae , propter eandem Siciliam quae juri Apostolico competebat . Fuerat autem alumpnus Andegavensium , eorumque manus corroborare in depressionem Regis St●phani Angliae proposuerat , ( such was his treachery ) had he not suddenly been cut off by the Plague ( then raging in Italy ) 5 moneths and 13. dayes after he was elected Pope ; his short life hindering him from doing so much mischief as his predecessors to the Crowns of Emperors , Kings and the Church of Christ . I shall only transcribe 2. Epistles of St. Bernard , the one to this Pope Caelestine himself , the other to the whole Court of Rome , in behalf of Henry Murdas the intruded Archbishop of Yorke , setting forth their grosse corruption , Injustice , and Pope Innocents too , with the mischief , and vexation of Appeals from forreign parts . * Ad Dominum Papam Caelestinum , pro intruso Eboransi , Epist . 234. Oportet vos secundum justitiam quae ex lege est suscitare semen fratris vestri defuncti , quod dignè implebitur , si Papae Innocentio cui in haereditate Domini successistis , & defenditis benè gesta & minus adimpleta perficitis . Prae manibus est , in quo id liceat experiri . Causam Eboracensis Ecclesiae per eum fuisse decisam quis nesciat ? At quomodo executioni mandatum sit quod egressum est de labitis tanti viri ? utinam nesciretur . Quis det ut non annuncietur in Geth , neque in compitis Ascalonis ! Sed ut verbum abbrevia●um faciam auribus occupatis , audiat paucis Dominus meus quid dictum fuerit , & quid factum tu neamus . Cum in multis accusaretur is qui sili vendicare electionem in praefata Ecclesia impiè cupiebat , tandem omnis controversia ad testimonium viri illustris Willielmi ipsius Ecclesiae tunc Decani conquiescere jussa est , ut nisi capitulum intrusionis quod huic inter caetera impingebatur ille propriae manus juramento amoveret , suis omnino cona●ibus tanta frustraretur ambitio . Hoc autem non ex ju licio , sed ex misericordia . Sic enim rogaverat ipse . Mitissima plane sententia , quippe cum de plurimis & pessimis pulsaretur qua nullatenus propulsare valebat , sed utinam vel ipsa stet . Quid enim si non sufficit Iuri , dummodo sufficiat Ecclesiae liberationi ? Non causamur sententiae remissionem quae nil nocuit . † Neque enm proficit adversario etsi largior indulgentia , qui ne ipsum quod ultro spoponderat implere praevaluit . Nam de quo praesumere visus est defecit ei ne sibi ipsi desiceret , ●ejerans . Quando enim vir bonus attestaretur homini , quem rumor publicae opinionis & operis veritas detestatur ? Quid ergo ? Ille non juravit , & iste Episcopus est ? O rem ignorantia omnium dignam , et perpetuo si fieri poset silentio comprimendam : Verum id sero , Heu notus est orbi triumphus Diaboli , ubique personat plausus incircumcisorum et planctus bonorum , pro eo quod videatur sapientiam vicisse malicia . Monstratur digito matris Ecclesiae turpitudo , Patris Innocentii verenda irridentur denudata a servo nequam , quoniam mortuum putat , sed vivit in vobis . Si is exitus imminebat cur e longinquo Romam est pertractata causa spurcissima , umbra magis ex angulo digna ? Cur tanta mari terraque a multis assumpta fatigatio ? Cur a finibus terrae evocati viri religiosi qui eum accusarent , et pauperum Christi marsupia longi itineris expensis exhausta sunt ? Non poterat Episcopari turpis infamisque persona ( quod invitus dolensque loquor ) nisi quam in illo horrebat Anglia , Francia abominabatur , etiam Roma cognosceret ? Quanto melius in Romana Curia causa ejus minime ventilata fuisset : et non tangeret vel sacra limina generalis atque horribilis faetor ? Quanto tolerabilius ignorasset Apostolica sedes tam intolerabile malum , quam tolerat manifestum ? Quid istud temeritatis fuit ? publice infamatus , ante indicem accusatus , nec purgatus , imo et convictus , et sic consecratus est ? Viderit qui huic manum post ista imposuit , an magis execratus dicere debuerim . Non enim negabit sic se ista habere , non negabit si se er literis Apostolicis ad se pro hoc ipso directis eadem comperisse . Dicat fortè aliquis quod non est datum judicium , non fuisse convictum . Ego dico & confessum . Nam qui ut judicium evaderet , ultrò elegit ad testimonium Wilhelmi Decani confugere , illo sibi deficiente , quid risi suo judicio à causa decidit ore proprio condemnatus ? Quae cum ità sint , Vide Domine Pater ne declinet cor vestrum in opus malitiae , quoniam secundum Prophetam , declinantes in obligatione adducet Dominus cum operantibus iniquitatem . Alioquin quod consilium datis missis Abbatibus illis quos ad accusandum eum vocatio Apostolica Romana traxit , sed & aliis quampluribus ex illo Episcopatu viris religiosis , sint ne obedituri huic , & Sacramenta accepturi ab homine bis intruso ? primo quidem per Regem , deinde per Legatum . Quippe qui illum in Sanctuarium Dei contra jus et fas , contra mandatum Summi Pontificis in injuriam summae Sedis , et totius Romanae Curiae , cum non potuit per ostium , fodit argenteo ( ut aiunt ) sarculo , unde impudenter intrusit . Ante ( nisi fallor ) suis sedibus exulabunt , quam dare acquiescant manus Idolo huic , nisi vestra violenta authoritas obviarit . Caeterum quam Sanctiori vestroque Apostolatu digniori zelo gladium Phinees in confusione duorum tam turpiter fornicantium stringeretis , quam tot sanctos aut de suis fugere locis permittitis , aut contra conscientias suas cogit remanere . His other Epistle Ad totam Curiam Romanam , runs thus ; Dominis & Patribus reverendis , Episcopis & Cardinalibus Curiae Romanae , frater B. Claravallis vocatus Abbas salutem , & nostras qualescunque orationes . Omnibus scribendum fuit de eo quod spectat ad omnes . Nec vereor ne fortè praesumptionis arguar , quippe qui licet omnium minimus , tamen Romanae Curiae injuriam , a me non judico alienam . Vrimur assidue dico vobis , urimur graviter nimis , ita ut nos taedeat etiam vivere . In domo Dei videmus horrenda , et quod corrigere nos non possumus , saltem suggerimus his ad quos spectat . Siquidem emendaverint benè ; sin autem , nos animas nostras liberavimus , vos excusationem non habetis de peccato ; Non ignoratis , prolatam esse sententiam à Domiao Papa bonae memoriae Innocentio , cum vestro & Romanae Curiae generali assensu , irritam esse Wilhelmi Eboracensis electionem , immo intrusionem , nisi Wilhelmus alter , tunc Decanus , quod objectum ei fuerat , propriae manus juramento repelleret . Nec vos latuit quàm plena esset sententia , non judicii sed misericordiae , nimirum cum hoc Wilhelmus ipse quaesisset . Sed utinam vel ipsa stet , & quod adversus eam factum est stare non possit . Quid enim , Non juravit ille , et iste in Cathedra pestilentiae sedit ? Quis tribuat ut adversus fornicationem hanc , Phinees cum pugione procedat , aut vivat in sede sua Petrus , qui Spiritu labiorum suorum interficiat impios ? Multi clamant ad nos in toto corde suo : ut sacrilegium hoc digna animadversione vindicare studeatis . Alioquin dico vobis scandalum magnum nimis erit in Ecclesia De● , et timen ne Romanae sedis authoritas gravem admodum jacturam et detrimentum grande suscipiat , nisi in eum qui pervertit generalem ejus sententiam vindicta processerit , et taliter ut caeteri metum habeant . Quid enim de eo dicam , quam occultas , et vere tenebrosas literas habuisse se gloriatur Wilbelmus ille ; utinam a Principibus terrarum , non a Principibus Apostolorum . Et ecce audierunt filii incircumcisorum , subsannant Romanam Curiam , a qua post datam tam manifestam sententiam furtim datas esse aiunt contrarias literas . Quid dicam vobis ? Si non vos urit scandalum grave quo scandalizantur , non pusilli , sed magni et perfecti viri , si non compatimini pauperibus Abbatibus quos a finibus terrae vocatio Apostolica Romam traxit : si non miseremini magnis et religiosis Monasteriis quibus omnino sub incubatore illo destructio imminet , si ( quod primum dicere debui ) Zelus domus Dei non comedit vos . Nunquid usque adeo inimici hominis versutia praevalebi● , ut proprium quoque contemptum , et infamiam hanc pessiman Ecclesiae Principes aequanimiter ferant ? Quid enim si sacrile gam homo ille consecrationem recepit ? Profectò longè gloriosius , erit jam elevatum d●jicere Simonem , quam prohibere conantem . Alioquin , quid facietis religiosis viris , qui omnino non inveniunt salva Conscientia ; vel ipsa communia Sacramenta de leprosa manu suscipere ? Ante ( nisi fallor ) eligent fug●re , quàm dare manus morti , & exulare priusquam vesci idoloticis . Quod si contra conscientias suas coegerit eos Romana Curia curvare genua ante Baal , videat Deus et Iudicet , videat Curia illa caelestis , in qua nulla poterit ambitione subverti judicium . In fine omnium obsecrat vos puer vester , per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri , si quis in vobis est Zelus Dei , miseremini Ecclesiae Sanctae saltem vos amici ejus , & quantum potestis date operam , ne tam detestabili facto detur assensus . But this Pope and the whole Court of Rome turning the deaf ear to these his Epistles ; he thereupon ( some years after ) backed them with two other Epistles to Pope Eugenius , his Scholar , and familiar friend , which I shall here insert . Ad Dominum Papam Eugenium , de Ebor●censi intruso , Epistola 238. Importunut sum , & habeo excusationem Eugenii Apostolatus excusat me . Aiunt non vos esse Papam , sed me , & undique ad me confluunt qui habent negotia . Nec desunt in tanta multitudine amicorum , quibus officium negare non possum , non solum absque scandalo , sed etiam aebsque peccato ; Et nunc est etiam alia excusatio non minus idonea , quia causa honestissima est , contra Idolum illud Eboracensi iterato stylus dirigitur , ea scilicet necessitate , quod saepenumero hoc telo impetitum à nobis necdum confossum est . Cur hoc ? Quia nil fortè à nobis tale directum est , qualis fuit Gladius Jonathae qui nunquam rediit retrorsum ; Nec sanè fuit culpa jaculi , sed dirigentis jaculum , Patet enim quod non in ea qua oportuit fortitudine missum est ; Nec mirum , Quis enim in manu forti sagittas mittere potest ; nisi filius excussorum ? Qui locum Petri tenet , potest uno ictu extinguere Ananiam , uno Simonem Magum , & ut planius quod loquimur fiat , peremptoriam dare sententiam ad depositionem Episcoporum solius Romani Pontificis non scitur esse , pro eo nimirum quod & si alii multi vocati sunt in partem sollicitudinis , solus ipse plenitudinem habeat potestatis . Solus perinde si dicere audeam in culpa est , si culpa non feritur , qua ferienda est , et eo impetu quo fuerit ferienda . Quo autem impetu non dico ferienda sed fulminanda fuerit , praedicti Eboracensis culpa , vestrae conscientiae derelinquo . Caeterum quod factum non est vobis credimus reservatum , ut in eo experiatur Ecclesia Dei , cui ipso auctore praestis , fervorem Zeli vestri , potentiam brachii vestri , & animi sapientiam , & timeat omnis populus Sacerdotem Domini , audiens sapientiam Dei esse in illo ad faciendum judicium . Ad eundem pro eodem . Epistola 239. Quam cupio semper illa de vobis audire , in quibus glorificetur Deus , honoretur Ministerium ( vestrum , & anima mea letificetur . Inde est quod audita responsione vestra , de quibusdam qui ad officium legationis nimium videbantur , & ambitio●è ●spirare , & impudenter sperare , supra quam dicere possumus facti 〈◊〉 laetantes , Non autem nos tantum , sed & omnes qui diligunt nomen vestrum , gavisi sunt gaudio magno . Porro visis literis vestris quas pro causa Rutinensis Ecclesiae de●●nastis ; tunc prorsus , tunc repletum est gaudio os nostrum , & lingua nostra exultatione , &c. Age ergo transeat ●am Sanctus hic pietatis zelus , & ad miseram illam Ecclesiam transmarinam quia tempus mi●erendi ejus Vin●a Domin : Sabbaoth est , vinea electa , vinea speciosissime , sed heu in desertum pene redacta , quod singularis ferus depascitur eam ; Cur dicunt inter gentes , Vbi est Deus ejus ? Vbi quem posuerunt custodem in vineis ? Vbi manus putans ? Vbi sarculus excolentis ? Quousque sarmento inutili occupatur tellus , suffocatur fructus ? Et certe tempus putationis advenit . Siquidem homo pacis ejus in quo speravit , quod se purgare deberet , non purgatione ●ed amputatione opus esse testatur . Extant denique literae ipsius de eo ad Apostolicae sedis legatum , in quibus manifestè manifestam asserit intrusiorem , electionem negat . Ita ergo quem sibi paraverat defensorem , accusatorem sustinet . Ad haec quae ubique de co publica fama concelebrat , etiam virum militarem possent omni jure spoliare Cingulo Militar● . Quamodo ●am poterit stare ubi multiplex vobis sub est ratio de●●ciendi , & voluntas non deest ? Legi siquidem Zelum vestrum pro Ecclesia illa in Literis vestris & jam exigo de manibus vestris . Quanam via procedendum sit ad ejus dejectionem ( neque enim una 〈◊〉 esse videtur ) non est meum dictare sapienti . Nec multum nostra interest in qua parte arbor i● fructuosa cadat , dummodo cadat . Dico tamen , qui sibi possessionem vendicat furtivarum commertio literarum , Nonne fur est & latro ? Denique ubi asserit habuisse se clandestinas literas execrationis suae , aut verum est aut falsum quod loquitur ; Si verum , reus est furti , et Summi Pontificis criminator . Si falsum , debet audire , occidisti et possedisti . Os enim quod mentitur occidit animom . Sed absit ut tanta de tali viro credatur duplicitas , quanta ab ipso ei imponitur . Nempe Innocentius hic erat , cui si pro se respondere liceret , proculdubio diceret huic , quia ego palam in te dedi sententiam , & in occulto locutus sum nihil . At last , to satisfie St. Bernards importunity , * Eugenius removed William by his Papal power , and presently consecrated Henry Murdac Archbishop , sending him into England with his Pall , to the great offence of our King Stephen , who was much grieved with the disgrace of William ( being his Cosen ) which all men judged undeserved . The King thereupon denyed to admit him , unlesse he would swear fealty to him in an extraordinary manner ; which he refusing , the King detained his Temporalities , and the Citizens of Yorke shut their gates against him , for which resistance he interdicted the City ; whereupon divers seditions and tumults were raised for the space of 3. years , till his submission and reconciliation to the King. Upon the death of Pope Eugenius and St. Bernard , ( Williams heavy adversaries ) he repairing to Rome complained to Pope Anastatius his successor , of his unjust deprivation by Eugenius ; upon tyding of the death of Murdac , the Pope sensible of his former Injuries sustained , without any great suit , restored him unto all his honours of which he was unjustly deprived ; soon after he returned with his Pall to his Archbishoprick , notwithstanding a new Appeal of the Dean and Archdeacon of Yorke to hinder his installment . Of which more in its due place ; being here inserted only to evidence the grosse Injustice , Corruption , Bribery of Pope Innocent , Caelestine , Eugenius , and the Court of Rome in cases of Appeals , by St. Bernards testimony , and Pope Anastatius his resolution , particularly in this case of William Archbishop of York , relating to England ; I now return to my Chronological method . * After the death of Pope Caelestine the 2d . Anno 1144. post triduum Cardinales convocati , Gerardum Caccianimicum , Civem Bononensem , quem Honorius ex canonico regulari Cardinalem Sancti Crucis in Hierusalem coaptaverat , sublegêre , eoque cons●crato , Lucium secundum edidere nomen : in omnia superbi Pontifex creabatur ( writes Balaeus ) Interim novum Romani tumultum excitaverunt , in opposition to the Popes Supremacy ; etenim Senatoribus quos instituerant , non contenti , Patricium Celsioris magistratum fastigii adjecerunt , ac vectigalia omnia tam urbana , quam peregrina Pontifici erepta ei attribuerunt . Pontificemque sacris decimis et largitionibus dignitatem tueri suam jusserunt , Ea dignitas delata trimum est ad Jordanem Petri Leonis filium , hominem in urbe vetere nobilitate ac populari gratia potentissimum . Quas actiones Lucius primum blanditiis impedire contendit , deinde inanes eas expertus vim adhibendam putavit . Itaque postero ineunte Anno ( 1145. ) Lucius à Romanis propter hoc vehementer exagitatus , supplex per Legatos Conradum Imperatorem in Italiam vocabat , sed Conradus aliunde impeditus , illuc venire non poterat , nec ejus tunc inservire tyrannidi . Lucius ergo ex alia via rem comparandam ratus , exp●ctabat donec semel essent Senatores omnes cum Patricio in Capitolio congregati ut de rebus suis consultarent , tunc exercitu co● parato Senatores in Capitolio obsedit ( Papaliter factum ) ordinem illum , qui libertatis Romanae erat fundamentum cupiens vel omnino● per●ere , vel saltem expellere . Quo apparatu cognito Jordanes Patricius cum majori manu occurrit , populusque ad arma cucurrit , commissoque praelio ipsum Pontificem cum suis à Capitolio repulit . Lucius militio i●●mixtus lapidibus & ●axis ità est quassatus ( so little did the people esteem his Papacy or Sanctity ) ut neque amplius usque ad diem obitus sui , qui proximè consecutus est , in ●olio Pontificio consedisset , primo nondum sinito sui Pontisicatus anno . * Mat. Paris , Mat. Westminster and others write , that this Pope Lucius , sent a Pall to Henry Bishop of Winchester , volens apud Wintoniam novum con●●ituere Archiepiscop●tum , et septem ei Episcopos assigna●e , Henry going to Rome to obtain the name and office of a Legate , which some write he missed , but William Thorne assures us he obtained from Pope Lacius , who by his special Bull confirmed the agreement made between H●gh Abbot of St. Augustin and his brethren , and Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury , concerning an annual rent due to the Archbishop from the Monastery , which was composed at Rome , by this Pope , who ratified the Liberties of the Monastery and Church of Canterbury . Pope Lucius dying of his bruises , * Eugenius the 3. Patria Pisanus , Cisterciensis olim sectae , sub divo Bernardo Monachus , ejusque discipulus , & Romae Sancti Anastatii Abbas , consensu Cardinalium , qui in aede Sancti Caesarii convenerunt , Lucio in Papatu hac ratione successit ; cogitaverant Cardinals , in praesenti tunc rerum statu non exp●dire , ut ex suo coll●gio quisquam in Pontificem eligeretur , cum ita jus Libertatis a Romanis civibus quaeratur . Bernardi quoque cr●brescentem famam , multum 〈…〉 suam facere putabant ; atque si ejus di●cipulum elig●rint , praeceptoris authoritatem , auxilium & consil●um nunquam defuturum suis desideriis sperabant . Nec eos feseliit spes subdola ; auxit enim Bernardus quantum potuit Romani Pontifics authoritatem . As soon as St. Bernard heard of this elect on , being a plain-hearted man , he writ this chiding Epistle to the Cardinals and Bishops for making such an unfitting choyce . Epist . 236. ad Omnem Curiam Romanam quando eligerunt Abbatem Sancti Anastasii in Papam Eugenium . Dominis & Patribus venerandis , Cardinalibus & Episcopis omnibus qui sunt de Curia , puer Sanctit itis eorum . Parcat vobis Deus ; quid fecistis ? Sepultum hominem revocastis ad homines ; fugitantem curas et turbas , cur denuo implicuistis , et immiscuistis turbis ? fecistis novissimum primum , et ecce novissima illius periculosiora prioribus : Crucifixus mundo , per vos revirit mundo ; & qui elegerat abjectus esse in domo Dei sui , ipsum vos in Dominum omnium elegistis . Cur consilium inopis corfudistis ? Cur pauperis hominis & mendici & compuncti corde judicium perturbastis ? Currebat bene : Quid vobis visum est sepire vias ejus , avertere semitas , gressus involvere ? Quasi descenderet de Hierusalem , et non magis ascenderet de Hiericho , sic incidit in latrones : et qui se ( tanquam violentis quibusdam ) Diaboli manibus , carnis illecebris , et gloriae seculi potenter excusserat , non tamen valuit effugere manus vestras . Num idcirco Pisam deseruit ut reciperet Romam ? Num qui in una Ecclesia non sustinuit Vicedominatum , dominatum in omni Ecclesia requirebat ? Quid igitur rationis vel consilii habuit defuncto summo Pontifice , repente irruere in hominem rusticanum , latenti injicere manus , et excussa e manibus securi et ascia , vel ligone , in Palatium trabere , levare in Cathedram , induere purpura et bysso ; accingere gladio ad faciendam vindictam in nationibus , increpationes in populis ; ad alligandos Reges eorum in compedibus , & Nobiles eorum in manicis ferreis ? Sic non erat inter vos sapiens et exercitatus cui potius ista convenirent ? Ridiculum profecto videtur , pannosum homuncionem , assumi ad praesidendum Principibus , ad imperandum Episcopis , ad regna et imperia disponenda . Ridiculum an miraculum ? Planè unum horum . Non nego , non diffido posse fuisse hoc etiam opus Dei , qui facit ni●abilia magna solus ; praesertim cum audiam usquequaque ex ore multorum , quoniam à Domino factum est istud . Sed nec ego oblitus sum judiciorum Dei antiquorum , & Scripturae plurimos recensentis , ex privata seu etiam rusticana vita olim assumptos in voluntatem Domini ad regendum populum ejus . Denique , nonne ( ut unum è pluribus memorem ) taliquodammodo elegit David servum suum , & suscepit eum de gregibus ovium , de post fetantes accepit eum ? Ita inquam , ita & de nostro Eugemo in beneplacito Domini potuit contigisse : Non sum securus tamen , quoniam filius delicatus est , & tenera verecundia ejus assueta potius ocio & quieti , quàm tractandis quae foris sunt ; tremendumque ne non ea auctoritate qua oportuerit , sui Apostolatus officia exequatur . Quid putatis gerere animi nunc hominem illum , qui de secreto internae contemplationis , & amica sollicitudine cordis , tanquam infans è gremio & sinu matris subitò perturbatus , tractum se ad medium videt , & quasi ovem ad victimam ductum ad tam insueta et insuavia ? Nisi Dominus supponat manum suam , heu necesse est obruatur , et opprimatur onere insueto et nimio ; quod et gygantinis ( ut aiunt ) vel ipsis quoque angelicis humeris formidabile videatur . Veruntamen quia sic factum est , & sicut multi dicunt , à Domino sactum est ; vestra interest carissimi vestris ferventibus studiis fidelibusque obsequiis solicitè confoveri , quod vestris manibus constat elaboratum . Si qua ergò consolatio in vobis , si qua virtus charitatis in Domino , si qua miseratio pietatis , si qua compassionis viscera , assistite & collaborate illi in opere in quo assumptus est per vos à Domino . Quaecunque sunt vera , quaecunque pudica , quaecunque justa , quaecunque sancta , quaecunque amabilia , quaecunque bonae famae , haec ei suggerite , haec suadete , haec agite ; & Deus pacis erit vobiscum . He likewise writ another elegant Epistle to Pope Eugenius himself ; Amantissimo Patri & Domino Dei gratiâ Summo Pontifici Eugenio , &c. Quia tamen semel coepi lequor ad Dominum meum : jàm enim filium dicere non audeo , quia filius in patrem , pater mutatus est in filium : Qui post me venit , ante me factus est ; sed non invidio , quia quod mihi deerat in eo me habere confido , qui non solum post me , sed etiam per me venit . Nam si dignaris quodammodo per Evangelium ego te genui . Quae est ergo spes nostra , & gaudium nostrum , & corona gloriae ? Nonne vos ante Deum ? Denique , filius sapiens gloria est patris . Amodo tamen non vocaberis filius , sed vocabitur tibi nomen novum , quod os Domini nominavit . Haec est mutatio dexterae excelsi , & multi in mutatione ista gaudebunt . Nam quemadmodum olim Abram in Abraham , Jacob in Israel , & ut de tuis magis praedecessoribus tibi proponam : sicut Simon in Caepham , Saulus in Paulum : sic filius meus Bernardus in patrem meum Eugenium , laeta prorsus , & utili , ut speramus , translatione promotus est . Digitus Dei est iste , suscitans de pulvere Egenum , & de stercore erigens pauperem , ut sedeat cum Principibus , & solium gloriae teneat . Superest ut facta hac mutatione tui , ipsa quoque quae tibi commissa est Domini tui sponsa mutetur in melius , & jam nequaquam Sarai sed Sara de caeterò nominetur . Intellige quae dico . Dabit enim tibi Dominus intellectum . Si amicus Sponsies , ne dixeris , dilectam ejus Principem meam , sed Principem , nil tuum in ea vendicans , nisi quod pro ea si oportuerit etiam animam dare debes . Si Christus te misit , aestimabis te non ministrari , sed ministrare venisse , & ministrare non solum substantiam , sed ipsam quoque animam , sicut praefatus sum . Verus Successor Pauli dicet cum Paulo ; Non quia dominamur fidei vestrae , sed adjutores sumus gaudii vestri ; Petri haeres , audiet Petrum dicentem , Neque ut dominantes in Clerum , sed forma facti gregis ; sic enim jam non ancilla , sed libera etiam & formosa speciosissimi sponsi per te in desideratos asciscetur amplexus . Alioquin per quem alium haec tam debita libertas sperabitur , si & tu ( quod absit ) in Christi haereditate quaeras quae tua sunt , qui jam & ante ediceras non dico tua non retinere , sed nec tuus esse ? Ergo fiduciam talem habens in te , qualem in nullo praedecessorum tuorum , a multis retro temporibus visa est habuisse , exultat merito ubique & gloriatur in Domino Omnis Ecclesia Sanctorum , & specialiter illa cujus uternus te portavit , & cujus ubera tu suxisti . Quid ergo , Nonne & mihi licet gaudere cum gaudentibus ? Nunquid non ero unus de numero laetantium ? Exaltavi fateor , sed cum tremore . Exultavi , sed in ipsa exultationis meae articulo , tunor et tremor venerunt super me . Ego enim et si nomen patris deposui , sed non timorem , sed non axietatem , postremò nec affeclum , nec viscera patris . Considero gradum , et casum vereor : Considero fastigium dignitatis , et intueor faciem abyssi jacentis deorsum . Attendo celsitudinem honoris , et e vicino periculum reformido , pro eo quod scriptum est ; Homo cum in honore esset non intellexit . Quod quidem ad causam magis quàm ad tempus arbitror esse referendum , ut sic intelligatur dictum , Cum in honore esset non intellexit ; ac si diceretur , honor aborbuit intellectum : Et quidem elegeras abjectus esse in domo Dei tui , & recumbere in novissimo loco in convivio ejus ; sed placuit dicere ei qui te invitavit , Amice ascende superius . Itaque ascendisti in altum , Noli altum sapere , sed time , ne fortè contingat serò miserabilem illam emittere vocem , A facie irae & indignationis tuae , elevans allisi●ii me . Altiorem quippe locum sortitus es , sed non tutiorem ; sublimiorem , non securiorem ; Teribilis prorsus , terribilis est locus istae . Locus , inquam , in quo stas , terra sancta est ; locus Petri est , locus Principis Apostolorum , ubi steterunt pedes ejus . Locus illius est quem constituit Dominu Dominum domus suae , & principem omnis possessionis suae . Si forte declinaveris a via Domini , sepultus est in eodem loco , ut sit ibi contra te in testimonium . Meritò tali Pastori , tali nutritio commissa est Ecclesia cum adhuc tenera , adhuc in cunabilis esset , cujus docta magisterio , & exemplo educata omnia terrena calcaret , utpote qui excusserat manus suas ob omni munere , qui dicebat de corde puro et conscientia bona , Argentum & autum non est mihi . Haec hactenus . Caeterum causa quare ante tempus scripserim vobis , haec est . Wintoninesis Episcopus , & Eboracensis Archiepiscopus non gradiuntur uno Spiritu cum Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo , sed incedunt sibi ex adverso , & haec vetus est de legatione quarela . Veruntamen quis est ille , & qui sunt illi ? Nonne Eboracensis ipse est cui te praesente cum adhuc esses quasi unus ex nobis fratres tui restiterunt in faciem , eo quod reprehensibilis erat ? Sed speravit in multitudine divitiarum suarum , & praevaluit in vanitate sua . Certum est tamen , quod non intravit per ostium in ovile ovium , sed ascendit aliunde : si Pastor fuisset , diligendus erat ; si mercenarius , tolerandus ; Nunc autem cavendus & repellendus utpote fur & latro . Quid dicam de Domino Wintoniensi ? Opera quae ipse facit testimonium perhibent de eo . Porrò Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis cui adversantur vir religiosus est , & suaveoentis opinionis . Pro ipso petimus ut respondeat ei Justitia sua . Verum illorum iniquitas super eos , ut sit sicut scriptum est , Justitia justi super eum erit , & impietas impii erit super eum . Cum acceperis tempus secundum opera manuum illorum retribues illis , ut sciant Prophetam esse in Israel . Quis mihi det antequàm moriar videre Ecclesiam Dei sicut in diebus antiquis , quando Apostoli laxabant retia in capturam ; non in capturam argenti vel auri , sed in capturam animarum ? Quam cupio illius te haereditare vocem , cujus adeptus es sedem , Pecunia , inquit , tua , tecum sit in perditionem . O vox tonitrui ! O vox magnificentiae et virtutis ! ad cujus terrorem confundantur et convertantur retrorsum omnes qui oderunt Syon . Hoc vehementer expectat , et omnino expetit a te mater tua ; hoc filii matris tuae pusilli cum majoribus desiderant , hoc suspirant , ut omnis plantatio quam non plantavit Pater coelestius tuis manibus eradicetur . Ad hoc enim constitutus es super gentes & regna , ut evellas , & destruas , & aedifices , & plantas . Multi audito hoc verbo , dixerunt apud se , Jam securis ad radicem arborum posita est ; Multi dicunt in corde suo , Flores apparuerunt in terra nostra , tempus amputationis advenit , in quo sarmenta sterilia recidentur , ut ea quae praevalent uberius fructum afferant . Confortare igitur & esto robustus , manus tuae in cervicilus inimicorum tuo●um . Vindica tibi a●mi constantia , & vigore spiritus partem quam dedit extra fratres tuos tibi omni●● eus Pater , quam & tulit de manu Amorei in gladio & arcu suo . In omnibus tamen operibus tuis memento te esse hominem , et timor ejus qui aufert Spiritum principum semper sit ante oculos tuos , * Quantorum in brevi Romanorum Pontificum mortes tuis oculis asperisti ? Ipsi te praedecessores tui , tuae certissimae et citissimae decessionis admoncant , et modicum tempus dominationis ●●rum paucitatem dierum tuorum nunciet tibi . Iugi proinde medi●●tione inter transcuntis gloriae blandimenta , memorare novil●ma tua , quia quibus successisti in sedem ipsos sine dubio sequeris ad mortem . This Epistle of St. Bernard was seconded with sundry others , but especially with 5. sever● elegant Bookes De Consideratione , dedicated to Pope Eugenius , wherein he earnestly pressed him to the serious consideration and discharge of his Pastoral duty , which was not a Domination or Dignity , but a worke and Ministry , wherein he should ●●udy to profit , not to preside over others ; discovering unto him the manifold abuses , corruptions of the Popes , Court of Rome , their Officers and proceedings under former Popes , which he exhorted him diligently to reform . Anno 1145 , 1146 , and 1147. upon sad tydings from the Holy I and , that the Saracens on the night of Christs Nativity , by the treachery of some Christians , had entred the Temple of Hierusalem , sla●n the Archbishop and Clergy ministring in the Temple , subdued all Mesopotamia , and endangered the losse of all the Holy ●and and Kingdome of Jerusalem ; Pope Eugenius by his Bulls , and Saint Bernard by his Epistles and Sermons , excited the Emperor and most Christian Kings and Kingdoms to take up the Crosse and arms against them , granting him the same large indulgences for this service , as PopeVrban had done before them ; Omnibus inde rebus , quae a● causam orientalem pertinebant , satis , ut tum potuit , constitutis ; the Romans mutining against the Pope to recover their antient Liberties , he thereupon being greatly incensed , resolved to be avenged of them ; atque armis ( a Popelike argument ) ad pristinum Ecclesiae studium● obsequiumque reducere statuit . Itaque Lucii exemplo , hand molli rem agendem brachioratus , Tiburtes , caeterosque Latii populus , quorum caussa adeum furorem Romani venerant , ad arma sollicitavit , atque ipso ; corum ope Romanos invasit . Romani cum per aliquot dies acerrimè restitissent , tandem tectorum eversionem , patriae fortunarumque amissionem extimescentes , pacem petierunt , ea●que demum his conditionibus impetrarunt , ut Patricium abrogarent , Praefectum restituerent , Senatores ex Pontificia authoritate tencrent , et Arnoldum turbarum concitatorem urbe ejicerent . Hisrebus transactis Eugenius in Vrbem revertit , populo , Cleroque faullis vocibus , Benedictum esse , qui veniret in nomine Domini , concinente . After which , Anno 1246. Romani seditionem redintegrantes , rursus ab Engenio ut Tibur everteret , postularunt . Quare disertè negata , usque adeo exasperati animis sunt , ut se ni quod peterent i● petrarent , vim adhibituros o●tenderent . Itaque Eugenius consilio cum Cardinalibus habito rursus Urbe cum eis cedere statuit , ac pedum pulvere ad terrorem injiciendum in eos excusso trans Tyberim , una cum Cardinalibus , populo ipso telis missilibusque eos hostiliter incessente , atque inde Tybur contendit . Hac re audita Bernardus ad populum Romae literas ob●urgationis plenas has scripsit . Nobilibus & Optimatibus , * atque Vniverso populo Romano frater B. Clarevallis vocatus Abbas , Declinare à malo , & facere quod bonum est . Sermo mihi est ad te popule sublimis & illustris cum sim vilis exiguaque persona , ac nullius pene momenti homuntio . Id quidem verecundum atque onerosum mihi consideranti , quis quibus scribam , simulqu● quam aliter hoc alius indicare possit , sed levius reor verecundia apud homines periclitari , quàm condemnari apud Deum silentio , veri taciturnitate & absconsione justitiae , &c. Communis est causa , & non est distinctio pusilli & magni . Dolor nempe in capite est , ac per hoc minime alienus , ne à minimis quidem vel extremis quibusque corporis partibus , nec a me . Pervenit profecto usque ad me , quamvis omnium minimum dolor maximus istesqui maximus est ) & quod cum sit capitis non potest non esse & corporis , cujus membrum sum ego : Nunquid non dolente capite clamat lingua pro omnibus corporis membris , in capite se dolere ; omnia per ipsam suum caput suumque capitis fatetur incommodum . Dimittite proinde , quaeso dimittite , ut plangam paululum apud vos dolorem meum , nec meum tantum , sed & totius Ecclesiae . Nonne ipsius vox est hodie per universum mundum , Caput meum doleo , caput meum doleo ? Quis namque vel novissimus Christianorum in toto sit orbe qui non glorietur hoc capite , quod ambo illi gloriosi principes terrae alter amisso , alter submisso in cruce capite , suo t●iumpho extulerunt , suo sanguine ornaverunt ? Ad omnem itaque spectat Christianum injuria Apostolorum , & sicut in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum , sic laesio eorundem ab omnibus usquequaque sentitur , usquequaque plangitur , & doletur . Quid vobis visum est , O Romani , offendere Principes Mundi : vestros autem speciales patronos ? Cur Regem terrae , cur Dominum coeli , furor tam intollerabili , quam irrationabili in vos pariter provocatis , dum Sacram & Apostolicam sedem divinis regalibusque privilegis singulariter sublimatum , au●u sacrilego incessere , suoque minuere honore contenditis , quam vel soli contra omnes si oportuisset defendere debuistis ? Sic fatui Romani non judicantes , neque quod honestum est di cernentes , caput vestrum atque omnium , quod in vobis est , detur●atis , pro quo magis nec vesiris ipsis cervicibus parcendum a vobis foret , si necessitao exegisset . Patres vestri urbi orbem subjugaverunt , vos urbem properatis orbi facere fabulam . En Petri haeres , Petri sede , et urbe a vobis expulsus est : en rebus et domibus suis vestris manibus spoliati sunt Cardinales atque Episcopi Ministri Domini . O popule stulte et insipiens ! O Columba seducta non habens cor ! Nonne ille Caput , et illi oculi tui erant ? Quid ergo nunc Roma nisi sine Capite truncum corpus , sine oculis frons effossa , facies tenebrosa ? Aperi Gens misera , aperi oculos tuos , & vide desolationem tuam iam●amque imminentem . Quomodo in brevi mutatus est color optimus , facta est quasi vidua domina Gentium , Princeps Provinciarum : Verum initia malorum sunt haec graviora timemus . Nunquid non propè interritum es si persistis ; Revertere , Revertere Sunamitis , revertere ad cor tuum ; agnosce jam vel serò quae quanta , à quibus patiaris vel passa sis . Recordare qua causa , quo fine , per quos & in quos usus , non longe ante hos dies cunct●rum quae in te sunt Ecclesiarum , omnis ornatus et census profligatus est , quicquid in Altaribus et in Altarium vasis , quicquid in ipsis sacris imaginibus Auri et Argenti reperiri nunc potuit , manibus impiorum direprum et asportatum est . Quid ex his omnibus tu in tuis nunc marsupiis invenis ? Porro decor domus Domini irr●cuperabiliter periit , & nunc quid tibi visum est iterare malitiam , innovare denuo super te dies malos ? Quid modo vel lucri amplioris vel certioris spei arridet tibi ? nisi quod in eo novissima tua cernuntur incautiora prioribus , quod tunc quidem non solum multi de pl●be , sed etiam de Clero & Principibus nonulli per orbem in Schismate illo faverunt tibi . Nunc vero sicut manus tuae contra omnis , sic manus omnium contra te . Mundus est à sanguine tue mundus omnis praeter te sol●m , & filios tuot qui in te sunt . Vae ergo nunc tibi popule miserandè , & vae duplo quam ante , non ab exteris nationibus , non feritate Barbarorum , non a millibus armatorum . Vae tantum à facie tuorum , tibi vae à domesticis & amicis , à clade intestina , à cruciatu praecordiorum , à tortionibus viscerum . Agnoscis ne jam , quod 〈◊〉 omnes pacifici qui domestici , nec omnes amici qui videntur ? Et si alias noveramus , sed nunc parte manifestius edocemur omnem veritatem illius sermonis Domini quam dixit , quoniam inimici hominis domestici ejus . Vae fratri à fratre in medio tui , & filiis à parentibus . Vae non à gladiis sed à labiis iniquis , & à lingua dolosa . Usquequo male in malo vos alterutrum confortatis , & Gladiis labiorum invicem sternitis , invicem perditis , ut ab invice consumamini . Congregamini oves dispersae , redite ad pascua , redite ad Pastorem et Episcopum animarum vestrarum . Redite pravaricatores ad cor ; quod loquor non quasi hostis convicians , sed quasi amicut objurgans . Habet vera amicitia nor nunquam objurgationem , adulationem nunquam , sed iungimus & obsecrationem . Obsecramus pro Christo reconciliamini Deo , reconciliamini Principibus vestris ( Petrum loquor & Paulum ) quos utique in Vicario et Successore suo Eugenio suis sedibus et aedibus effugastis ; Reconciliamini inquam orbis Principibus , ne forte incipiat pro eis pugnare orbis terrae contra insensatos . An nescitis quia his offensis nihil omnino valetis ; his propitiis , nihil omnino timetis . Non , inquam , non timebis sub horum tutela millia populi circumdantis te , Urbs inclyta , Civitas fortium . Reconciliare proinde illis simul & millibus martyrum , qui quidem apud te , sed contra te sunt propter grande peccatum quod peccasti , inquo & persistis . Reconciliare etiam omni Ecclesiae Sancterum qui ubique terrarum aeudito hoc verbo scandalizati sunt . Alioquin pagina ista contra te , in testimonium erit , sed & ipsi Apostoli & Martyres tui stabunt in magna constantia adversus eos qui se angusti verunt , & qui abstulerunt labores eorum , Sed jam finem loquendi omnes pariter audiamus . Annunciavi justitiam praenunciavi periculum , veritatem non tacui , hortatus sum ad meliora ; superest ut aut de vestra citius correctione laetemur , aut de justa imminenti damnatione certi inconsolabiliter lugeamus arescentes & tabescentes prae timore & expectatione quae supervenient universae Vrbi . The Romans notwithstanding this Letter persisting obstinately in their Oppositisition against Eugenius , * to cast off his Papal Usurpation over them ; this Pope thereupon , veterum Pontificum exemplo , in Franciam ire constitutit , ut absentia desiderium sui Romanis efficeret ; accordingly he retired into France to avoid the fury and treachery of the Romans , and that principally by St. Bernards perswasion , who gave him this black Character of them . * Quid de populo loquar ? Populus Romanus est . Nec brevius potui , nec expressius tamen aperire de tuis Parochianis quod sentio . Quid tam notum seculis , quam protervia et fastus Romanorum ? Gens insueta paci , tumultui assueta ; Gens incivilis et intractabilis usque , adhuc subdi nescia , nisi cum non valet resistere . En plaga ; tibi incumbit cura haec ; dissimulare non licet ; Rides me , forsitan fore incurabilem persuasus ; Noli diffidere , curam exegeris , non curationem . Denique audisti , curam illius hab ; & non cura vel sana illum . Verum dixit quidam , Non est in medico semper relevetur ut aeger , &c. Quem dabis mihi de tota maxima urbe , qui te in Papam receperit precio , seu spe precii non interveniente ? Et tunc potissimum volunt dominari , cum professi fuerint servitutem . Fideles se spondent , ut oportunius fidentibus noceant . Ex hoc non erit consilium tibi , à quo se arcendos putent , non secretum , quo se non ingerant , Si stante prae foribus , quoquam illorum moram vel modicam fecerit ostiarius ; ego tunc pro illo esse nolo . Et nunc experire paeuci● ; noverim ne & ego vel aliquatenus mores gentis . Ante omnia sapientes sunt ut faciant mala , bonum ante facere nesciunt . Hi invisi terra & coelo , utrique iniec●ere manus , impii in Deum , temerarii in Sancta , seditiosi in invicem , aemuli in vicinos , inhumani in extraneos , quos neminem amantes amat nemo ; & cum timeri affectant ab omnibus , omnes timeant necesse est ; Hi sunt qui subesse non sustinent , praesse non norunt , superioribus infideles , inferioribus importabiles . Hi inverecundi ad petendum , ad negandum frontosi . Hi importuni ut accipiant , inquieti donec accipiant , ingrati ubi acceperint . Docuerunt linguam suam grandia loqui cum operentur exigua . Largissimi promissores , & parcissimi exhibitores . Blandissimi adulatores , & mordacissimi detractores , simplicissimi dissimulatores , & malignissimi proditores , Excurrimus usque huc , plenius te atque expressius ad monendum putantes horum quae circa te sunt in hac parte ; jam ad ordinem recurramus . St. Bernard perceiving the Romans to persist obstinately in their Rebellion against Eugenius , whom they forcibly expelled , without hopes of any amicable reception of him by Letters or mediation , endeavoured to stirr up the French King and other Princes to restore him , and reduce the Romans by force of arms to obedience both to the Pope and Emperor ; to which end he writ this memorable Epistle to Conrade King of the Romans , evidencing the Emperors and Kings Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical , that the defence , care of the Church and Religion , belongs primarily to them , not the Pope , and that Rome was the head , Inheritance of the Empire , though the See of the Papacy . * Ad Conradum Regem Romanorum . Nec dulcius , nec amicabilius , sed nec artius omnino Regnum Sacerdotiumque conjungi , seu complantari in invicem poterunt , quam ut in persona Domini ambo haec pariter convenirent , utpote qui factus est nobis ex utraque tribu secundum carnem , Summus & Sacerdos & Rex ; non solum autem , sed et commiscuit ea nihilominus , ac confederavit in sue corpore , quod est populus Christianus , ipse caput illius , ita ut hoc genus hominum Apostolica voce , genus electum , regale Sacerdotium appelletur . In alia quoque scriptura , quotquot sunt praedestinati ad vitam , No●ne omnes Reges & Sacerdotes nominantur ? Ergo , quae Deus conjunxit , Homo non separet : Magis autem quod divina sanxit authoritas , humana studeat adimplere voluntas , & jungant se animis , qui juncti sunt institutis . Invicem se foveant , invicem se defendant , invicem onera sua portent . Ait Sapiens , Frater ad●uvans fratrem , ambo consolabuntur . Quod si alterutrum se ( quod absit ) corroserint & momorderint , nonne ambo desolabuntur ? Non veniat anima mea in consilia eorum qui dicunt , vel Imperio pacem et libertatem Ecclesiarum , vel Ecclesiis prosperitatem et exaltationem Imperii nocituram ; Non enim utriusque institutor Deus in destructionem ea connexuit , sed in aedificationem . Si hoc s●●is , quousque vos communem contumeliam , communem dissimulatis injuriam ? Nonne ut Apostolica sedes , ita et caput Imperii Roma est ? Ut ergo de Ecclesia taceam , num honor Regi est truncum in manibus tenere Imperium ? Et quidem ignoro quid vobis super hoc consulent Sapientes vestri & Principes Regni ; sed ego in insipientia mea loquens quod sentio , non tacebo . Ecclesia Dei ab exortu su● , usque ad haec tempora pluri●s tribulata est , & pluries liberata est , ( to wit , by Christian Kings an● Emperors ) Denique , audite quid ipsa de se loquatur in Psalmo ; Ipsius enim vox est ; Saepe expugnaverunt me à juventu●e mea , etenim non potuerunt mihi : supra dorsum meum fabricaverunt peccatores , prolo● gaverunt iniquitatem suam . Certus esto , O Rex , quod nec nunc qu●que relinquet Dominus Virgam peccatorum super sortem justorum . Non est abbreviata manus Domini , nec facta impotens ad salvandum . Liberabit & hoc tempore absque dublo sponsam suam qui suo sanguine redemit eam , suo spiritu dotavit , donis caelestibus exornavit , ditavit nichilominus & terrenis . Liberabit inquam , Liberabit ; sed si in manus alterius , viderint Regni Principes , id ne honor Regis , regnive utilitas sit ; non est utique . Quamobrem accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , et restituat sibi Caesar quae Caesaris sunt , et quae sunt Dei Deo , Vtrumque interesse Caesaris constat , et propriam tueri Coronam , et Ecclesiam defensare ; Alterum Regi , alterum convenit Ecclesiae advocato . Victoria sicut in Domino con●idimus prae manibus est ; Superbia & arrogantia Romanorum plus quam fortitudo eorum . Quid enim ? Nunquid quispiam magnus vel potens verbi gratia , Imperator aut Rex , faedam Rem istam in Imperium pariter Sacerdotiumque praesumit ? Sed Populus hic maledictus , & tumultuosus ; qui suas nescit metiri vires , cogitare sinem , considerare proventum , insipientia sua , furore suo ausus est hoc grande sacrilegium attentare . Absit ut vel ad momentum stare possit ante faciem Regis popularis manus , vulgi temeritas . Factus sum insipiens , qui cum sim vilis ignobilisque persona , tanquam aliquis magnus consiliis tantae magnitudinis , tantaeque Sapientiae me ingessi , & de re magna . At quo ignobilior , atque objectior , tanto liberior sum ad loquendum quod Charitas suggerit : Unde & adhuc , addo in eadem ins●pientia mea ; Si quis aliud quam locutus sum vobis , quod non credimus , suadere conabitur is profecto , aut non diligit Regem , aut parum intelligit quid Regiam deceat Majestatem , aut certe quae sua sunt quaerit , et non valde quae vel Dei vei Regis sunt curare convincitur . This Pope at last by St. Bernards solicitation and the assistance of Conrade , and Ludovicus King of France , was restored to the possession of his See at Rome . In the mean time whiles Engenius remained in France , the Emperor Conrade apprehended that St. Bernard had done something in derogation of the Empire and his Prerogative ; whereupon he writ this short Epistle to him , to acquit himselfe from this accusation . Querimoniae Regis nostrae sunt , & maximè illa quàm dignanter exprimitis de invasione Imperii ; Regis dedecus , Regni diminutionem nunquam volui ; Volentes odit anima mea : Legi quippe , Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit , Et qui potestati resistit , Dei ordinationi resistit . Quam tamen sententiam , cupio vos & omnimodis moneo custodire , in exhibenda reverentia Summae & Apostolicae Sedi , & beati Petri Vicario , sicut ipsam vobis vultis ab universo servari Imperio . Pope Eugenius intending to hold a General Council at Rhemes in France , the French King conceiving it might derogate something from his Prerogative and right of his Crown , intended to prohibit it : hereupon St. Bernard writ this Epistle to perswade him to permit this Council to sit ; promising that the Pope should correct and reform any thing wherein he had exceeded his Jurisdiction , to his prejudice , wherein he would assist him . Ludovico Dei Gratiâ Excellentissimo Regi Francorum , B. Clarevallis vocatus Abbas , fidelis suus salutem , à Rege Regum & Domino Dominantium , ipsi & dilectae ejus , & filiis ejus . Regna terrae , et jura Regnorum tunc satè sana suis Dominis atque illaesa persistunt , si divinis ordinationibus ac dispositionibus non resistunt . Cur Domine trascitur furor t●us contra Dei electum , quem tua quoque sublimitas suscepit et praeelegit tibi quidem in Patrem , filio autem tuo in Samuelem ? Armatur Regia indignatio non plane in extraneos , sed in semetipsam et suos . Non mirum si juxta Scripturam , Ira viri justitiam Dei non 〈…〉 ; quae propriae quoque utilitatis , sed indignitatis , sed salutis facit sapè ut nec 〈…〉 omnibus advertas periculum , sentias damnum . Colligitur Consilium : Quid in hoc detrahitur Regiae Gloriae , Regni utilitatibus ? Ibi Vniversae Ecclesiae commendabitur , ac rememorabitur Excellentiae vestrae prompta et specialis devotio , quod Regum primus , aut certe inter primos rabie persequentium eandem matrem vestram strenuissime et Christianissime defendendo obviastis . Ibi gloriosè ab ingenti illa multitudine debitae gratiae referentur vobis ; ibi a Milibus Sanctorum orabitur pro vobis et vestris . Alias autem quàm sit hoc eempore necessarius Conventus Episcoporum nullus ignorat , nisi qui durus corde , matris Ecclesiae angustias non attendit . At calor inquiunt nimius est ; quasi nos glacilia corpora habeamus ; An corda nobis magis congelata sunt , & nemo est qui juxta Prophetam , Compatiatur super contritione Joseph . Sed haec alias . Nunc autem ego minimus in regno vestro sed dignitate , non fidelitate , dico vobis , non expe●it velle impedire tantum & tam necessarium bonum . Nec desunt evidentes causae quibus id manifestum facere possem , quas & nunc proferre in medium ad manum mihi est ; nisi quod sat arbitror dictum Sapienti . Tamen si quid ex Apostolicae auctoritatis rigore processit , unde se merito esse turbatam Celsitudinis vestrae Serenitas arbitratur ; qualiter hoc ipsum revocetur , aut temperetur , prout oportet ad honorem vestrum , fideles vestri qui adherent totis viribus enitentur . Inter nos quoque , si quid possumus , non dissimulabimus . The design of this whole Epistle imports ; 1. That the Pope himself could not then summon any Council in France , without the Kings special royal license , authority , and conviction of the grounds and necessity thereof . 2ly . That he had power to prohibit any Council to assemble in his Realm , if held by the Pope himself without his license and approbation . 3ly . That if the Pope did or had done any thing by his Decrees , or Papal authority , to the Kings offence , or prejudice of his honor , all his loyal Subjects and Clergy were obliged to endeavour to revoke and moderate it . Eugenius by S. Bernards instructions and assistance , beyond expectation of all men , became more couragious , Papal , & apt to govern the See of Rome then was imagined , whence Sigonius observes ; Eugenius ubi primum est designatus , contra opinionem omnium ingentem animi indolem prae se tulit . Nam cum à Romanis ad remittenda urbis vectigalia urgeretur , eos ita aspernatus est , ut ne dignos quidem , queis cum habitaret , putarit . Itaque urbe statim egressus ad Monasterium Farfense se contulit , eoque Cardinalibus evocatis novo instituto , ibi consecrationem accepit , atque inde aspectum pervicacis populi devitans , arce S. Angeli Petri Leonibus tradita , Viterbium se recepit . Sub eosdem dies Arnoldus Haereticus ex Germania in Italiam reversus , captato Romanae seditionis & Pontificiae absentiae tempore , in Urbem se conjecit , ac seditioni per se satis ardenti majores quoque faces admovit , populum ad vetera majorum instituta , factaque imitanda gravi inprimis , ac praesentibus temporibus oportuna oratione adhor●ans , qui senum consilio , et juvenum manu totum sibi terrarum orbem subjecissent , reaedificandum Capitolium ac Senatores , Equitesque Romanos renovandos , inclamans administrationem urbis ad Pontificem non pertinere , ipsum Ecclesiastico jure contentum esse oportere . Quibus vocibus 〈◊〉 Romani , praesectura urbis omnino sublata , caeteros Magistratus Patricio 〈…〉 ac populari ●●multu concito turres aliquot La●●orum , Clericorum , Nobilium deturbarunt , 〈◊〉 Vaticanam c●perunt , ac peregrinos religionis causa 〈…〉 ex spoliarunt , quique multam petitam per dere re●●sarunt , eos in 〈…〉 trucidarunt . Neque his contenti , liter●s 〈◊〉 Legatos ad Conr●dum Regem in Germaniam misere , eumque ad de●endum dominatum in Vrbe Pontificium vocavere , regemque Catholicum novo dissidio alienare ab Ecclesia contend●re . Earum literarum hoc suit exemplum . 〈…〉 Regi , Senatus populusque Romanus salutem . Multis literis cer●iores vos 〈◊〉 quemadmodum in authoritate , fideque vestra maneamus ; ac pro vestra in 〈◊〉 Co●ona augenda quotid●è decretemus , ad quas quod nihil responder●●s , satis mirari non possumus . Nos enim Regnum et Imperium Romanum redigere , cupientes in cum statum , qui fuit tempore Constantini et Justiniani , qui universum Orbem terrarum Senatus et populi Romani viribus pepererunt , Senatoribus restitutis , quique tantum honorem Imperio eripuecant , conculcatis , id agamus , ut vos quae Imperio debentur , obtineatis , nam Pacem & Justit●●um petentibus cunctis 〈◊〉 , & turres ac domos potentium qui vestro imperio una cum Siculo , & Pontifice adversari moliebantur , occupavimus , & alias in ve●tra potestate tenemus , alias solo ●cquavimus . Verum hoc nomine Pontifex , Fragitanes , & silii Petri Leonis , homines & amici Siculi , excepto Jordano nostro vestri studiosissimo , Ptolemaeus quoque & alii plures nos oppugnant , ne vobis Imperialem Coronam , ut convenit imponainus . Quare oramus ne iniquis de Senatoribus , nobisque sermonibus credatis , vestrumque nobis auxilium denegetis , sed primo quoque tempore in Italiam veniatis , quia quicquid optabitis , nullo negotio assequemini , atque in Urbe terrarum Principi toti Italiae dominantes , commodius , quam majores vestri fecerunt , ut nos quidem cupimus , habitabitis , Pontem Milvium , qui ad inter sep●endos Imperatorum ad urbem aditus erat eversus , ne Petri Leones vobis ex arce Sancti Angeli obesse venientibus possent ut statuerunt cum Pontifice & Siculo , 〈◊〉 , & brevi muro firmissimo ac Sicilibus munitum habebimus . Notum etiam vobis esse optamus Pontificem , ut audivimus , Siculo concessisse virgam & 〈…〉 , & Mitram & Sandalia , et ne quem in terram suam mittat Legatum nisi quem ipse poposcerit , et Siculum grandem adversus vos pecuniam tribuisse . Petimus à vobis ut in posterum Legatos nostros 〈◊〉 accipiatis , & eis nomine nostro agentibus fidem habeatis , sunt enim magnie Authoritatis viri , Guido Senator , Jacobus filius Sixti Procuratoris , & Nicholaus eorum Soc●us . Haec Romani . Conradus autem indignitate & vanitate literarum co●●●otus , ut Legatos Romanorum palam respuit , sic contra Guid●●em Pi●●num Cardinalem , aliosque qui a Pontifice missi fuerunt , comitèr accepit , ac liberaliter eis omnia ( quod petierunt ) privilegia confirmavit . By which passages 〈◊〉 observable , that both the Pope and Romans then appealed to the Emperor Conrade , as their superiour Lord. How much the Popes , * Cardinals , and Court of Rome were degenerated from their pristine Usage of preaching and seeking the salvation of the peoples souls , through worldly Pomp , Pride , Ambition , St. Bernard thus complained to Eugenius himself , without hopes of reformation , Quia non placebit Satrapis , plus Majestati , quàm veritati faventibus . Fuerunt ante te qui se totos ovibus pascendis exponerent , pastoris opere & nomine gloriantes , nil sibi reputantes indignum , nisi quod saluti ovium obviare putarent , Non quaerentes quae sua sunt , sed impendentes ; impendere curam , impendere substantiam , impendere & seipsos . Unde unus illorum , Et ego ( ait ) superimpendar pro animabus vestris ; Et tanquam dicerent , non venimus ministrari sed ministrare , ponebant quotiens opportuisset sine sumptu evangelium . Vnus erat de Subditis quaestus , una pompa , unaque voluptas , si quomodo eos possent parare Domino plebem perfectam . In omnimodis satagebant , etiam in multa contritione cordis & corporis , in labore & aerumna , in fame & siti , in frigore & nuditate . Vbi nunc quaeso consuetudo haec ? subiit dissimilis valde , longe in aliud mutata sunt studia , et utinam non in pejus . Cura tamen & anxietas , & aemulatio & sollicitudo fateor perseverant . Translata haec , non imminuta . Testimonium vobis perhibeo , quod nec substantiae parcitis , non magis quàm antè . Diversa autem locatio dissimilitudinem facit . Magna abusio , pauci ad os Legislatoris , ad manus omnes ressiciunt , &c. Quale est quod de spoliis Ecclesiarum emuntur , qui dicunt tibi Euge , euge ? Pauperum vita in plateis divitum seminatur , Argentum micat in luto , accurritur undique , tollit illud non pauperior sed sortior , aut qui forte citius pr●currit . Ate tamen ●os iste , vel potius mors ista non cepit , in te utinam desinat . In his 3d. Booke , he hath this memorable discourse concerning the great abuse , grievance , vexation of Appeals to the Court of Rome , which he pressed Eugenius seriously to consider and redresse . * Annon limina Apostolorum plus jam ambitio , quam devotio terit ? An non vocibus ejus vestrum toto die resultat Palatium ? Annon quaestibus ejus tota legum Canonumque disciplina insudat ? Annon spoliis ejus omnis Italica inhiat inexplebili aviditate rapacitas ? Quid ita tua ipsius spiritualia studia non saltem intercidit , sed abscidit , quotiens sancta & faecunda tua abortiri otia fecit inquietum , & inquietans malum ? Aliud est quod ab oppressis appellatur ad te , aliud autem quod ambitio in Ecclesia per te regnare molitur . Nec de esse illis , nec huic aliquatenus assentire opus . Quàm vero iniquè fovetur illa , spernuntur illi , utrisque tamen debitor es ; illis ut erigas , istis ut reprimas . Et quoniam incidit de Appellationibus , prosequi aliquatenus non erit ab re . Magno in his & pio opus intuitu est , ne quod magna fuit necessitate provisum , male utendo reddatur inutile . Michi videtur & in multam posse eas devenire perniciem , si non summo moderamine actitentur . Appellatur de toto mundo , ad te quidem in testimonium singularis primatus tui . At si tu sapis , non primatu gaudebis , sed fructu . Apostolis dictum est , In hoc nolite gaudere quod Spiritus subjiciuntur vobis . Appellatur ad te , ut dixi , et utinam tam f●uctuose , quam necessarie . Vtinam cum oppress us clamat , sentiat oppressor , et non superbiat impius unde incenditur pauper . Quia e regione tàm perversum , tam recti alienum , ut laetatur qui malum fecit , et qui tulit inaniter fatigetur ? Inhumanissimè non moveris erga hominem cui illatae injuriae cumulavêre dolorem , & labor itineris , & damna expensarum . Sed nichilomunus ignavissime in illum non moveris , qui huic tot calamitatum partim author , partim extitit causa . Evigilia homo Dei , cum haec contingunt , moveatur miseratio , moveatur & indignatio tua ; Alteram laeso , alteram laedenti debes . Consoletur ille damnorum resarcitu suorum , satisfactione injuriarum , fine calumniarum . Cum isto ita agatur ut poeniteat fecisse , quod non timuit facere , & non de poenis innocentis rideat . Arbitror idem debere p●ti illum qui sine causa fortè appellavit . Formulam hanc justitia praefigit tibi , & divinae incommutabilis ratio aequitatis , & ni fallor ipsa Appellationum lex , ut illicite usurpata appellatio , nec prosit appellanti , nec appellato obsit : ut quid enim frustra fatigatus sit homo ? Quam plenum justitiae , ut sese potius ●aeserit qui voluit proximum ? Appellasse inique iniquum est , inique et impune iniquarum Appellationum fomes . Iniqua autem omnis appellatio , ad quam Iustitiae inopia non coegit . Appellare non ut graves , sed si graveris licet . Appellandum a sententia : ante sententiam improve omnino , nisi ob manifestum gravamen praesumitur appellatio . Qui igitur non gravatus , appellat , liquet , quod aut gravare intendit , aut tempus redimere . Non est autem suffragium appellatio , sed refugiō . Quantos novimus appellasse pulsatos , quo interim liceret quod nunquā licet ? Nonnullis etiam quod vixerunt licuisse appellationis suffragio nefaria scimus ; Verbi gratia , incestum , adulterium . Quale est hoc turpitudini patrocinari , quod vel maxime formidari a turpibus oportebat ? Quousque murmur universae terrae aut dissimulas , aut non advertis ? Quousque dormitas ? quousque non evigilat consideratio tua ad tantam appellationum confusionem , atque abusionem ? Praeter jus et fas , propter morem et ordinem fiunt . Non locus , non modus , non tempus , non causa discernitur , aut persona . Praesumuntur leviter passim , plerunque et nequiter . Vole●tes malignari nonne his potissimum terreri solebant ? Nunc terrori ipsi er his magis fiunt atque id bonis . Antidotum versum in venenum : non mutatio dexterae excelsi haec . Appellantur boni a malis , ut non faciant bona ; et supersedent a voce tonitrui tui formidantes . Denique , appellantur Episcopi , ne illicita audeant Matrimonia solvere , vel prohibere . Appellantur , ne rapinas , ne furta , ne sacrilegia et quae ejusmodi sunt punire ullatenus , vel cohibere praesumant . Appellantur , ne indignas et infames personas a sacris officiis beneficiisve repellere , seu amovere queant . Quod tu invenis remedium morbo huic , ne quod repertum ad remedium fuit , reperiatur ad mortem ? zelatus est Dominus domum orationis factam speluncam latronum ; Tu ejus Minister dissimulas miserorum refugium ; datum arma iniquitati . Videas praeripi passim partes oppressorum , et prorumpere ad appellandum , non tam gravatos , quam gravare volentes : Quid hoc mysterii ? Tuum est considerare , non meum commentari istud . Et eur , inquis , male appellati non veniunt ostensuri suam innocentiam , malitiam convicturi ? Dico quod dicere ad hoc solent . Nolumus vexari frustra ; In curia esse qui proclivius faveant appellantibus , fovean● appellationes . Cessuris Romae domi cedere satius . Fateor me non omnino decredere his . Quem das mihi in tam crebris appellationibus quae hodie fiunt , qui pro expensis itineris , vel nummum restituerit illi quem forte appellarit ? Mirum vero si ita omnes et appellantes justi , et appellati rei vestro examine inventi sunt . Diligite , inquit , justitiam qui judicatis terram . Parum est justitiam tenere , nisi et diligas . Qui tenent , tenent , qui diligunt zelantur , Amator Justitiae inquirit 〈◊〉 , & prosiquitur eam . Porro omnem justitiam prosequitur . Nihil tibi et illis , qui appellationes venationes putant . Pudet Elogii , quod apud Ethnicos jam vertitur in Parabolam , duos movimus * servos pingues , ut mitius loquar , plus facetiae quam justitiae hic ; Tu si amas justitiam , appellationes non affectas , sed sustines . Veruntamen quid emolumenti affert Ecclesiis Dei tua unius hominis justitia , ubi sententia praevalet aliter affectorum ? At istud loci illius erit cum coeperint versari qui circa te sunt . Nunc verò non te existimes ociosè vacare considerationi huic , qua appellationes ad legitimum si fieri potest revoces usum . Et si hinc mea quaeratur vel potius curetur sententia , dico Appellationes ut non contemnendas , sic nec usurpandas omnino . Porrò horum quid insolentius censeam haud facile dixerim , nisi quod usurpatio quandam videtur inducere contemptus necessitatem , ac per hoc fortè acrius insectanda quia amplius noceat : Aut non verè nocentior est mala in se , in partu pejor ? Nonne ipsa est quae ipsum jus quoque naturae , aut extenuat at exterminat ? Nam saepe rebus etiam preciocissimis , precii gratiam non modo demit , sed adimit . Quid Sacramentis acceptius ? usurpata tamen ab indignis , indigneve tractata , minimè acceptantur . Magis habent damnationem , quia debitam venerationem non habent . Fateor , grande et generale mundo bonum esse appellationes ; idque tam necessarium , quam solem ipsum mortalibus . Revera quidam sol Justitiae est , procedens ac redarguens opera tenebrarum ; prorsus , fovendae & manutenendae sunt ; sed quas extorsit necessitas , non calliditas adinvenit : Vsurpatoriae sunt hujusmodi omnes , non subvenientes in necessitate , sed opitulantes iniquitati . Quid ni veniant in contemptum ? Quanti ut talibus quoque deferrent etiam de proprio cessere jure ne longo et casso itinere fatigarentur ? Plures tamen sua amittere , non ferentes Appellationes minus oportunas , et celsa nomina importunius contemserunt . Dico aliquid quod ad rem pertinet , exempli causa ▪ Quidam sibi publice desponsaverat uxorem , adest dies celebris nuptiarum , 〈◊〉 omnia , invitati multi , & 〈…〉 concupiscens uxorem proximi sui 〈◊〉 appellationis inopinatae prorumpit affirmans , sibi traditam prius , suam 〈◊〉 esse debere . Stupet Sponsus , 〈◊〉 omnes , sacerdos non audet progredi : 〈◊〉 omnes apparatus ille , descendit quisque in donum suam coenam manducaturus ; Sponsa a mensa et thalamo sponsi suspenditur , quousque Roma reditum est ; Parisiis contigit hoc nobili Galliarum Civitate sede Regia . Rursum in Civitate eadem , quidam sibi desponsata Uxore diem , 〈…〉 : Interim emergit calumnia , dicentibus quibusdam , non de bere conjungi . Ad judicium Ecclesiae causa delata est ; sed non est expecta●a sentence , appellatum est sine causa , sine gravamine , solo frustratoriae disationis 〈…〉 perdere quae pararat , sive dilectae camdiu frustrari consortio 〈…〉 quod proposuerat , contempta sive dissimulata Appellatione peregit . Quid illud quod in Antisiodorensi Ecclesia nuper a quodam adolescentulo praesumptuim est ? Nempe defuncto Sancto Episcopo volentibus Clericis alium , ut 〈◊〉 est eligere sibi , intervenit ille appellens , et vetans ne sieret quousque isset et redisset ab urbe : Cui tamen Appellationi nec ipse detulit . Num cum videret se contemni tanquam qui irrationabiliter appellasset , accitis qu●s 〈…〉 die post factam ab aliis electionem , fecit suam . Cum itaque ex his & innumeris talibus liqueat , non ex contemptu gigni usurpationem , sed ex usurpatione contemptum , videris tu quid sibi velit quod Zelus vester assid●è perè vindicat illum , istam dissimulat . Vis perfeciicus co●rcere contemptum ? Cura in ipso utero pessimae matris praefocari Germen nequam , quod ita siet si usurpatio digna animadversione mulctetur . Tolle usurpationem et contemptus excusationem non habet . Porrò inexcusabilitas ausunm explodet . Non sit proinde Vsurpator , et contemptor nullus erit , aut admodum rarus . Bene facis tu , quod appellationum negato suffragio , imo suffugio , multa remittis negotia ad cognoscentes , vel qui noscere citius possunt . Ubi enim certior ac facilior notio , ibi decisio tutior expeditiorque esse potest . Quam plenum Gratiae , quam multorum quoque per hoc & laboribus parcis & sumptibus ? At quibus sic credas id tibi omnimodis attendendum . Poteram multa de eodem utiliter addere his , sed memor praepositi mei contentus interim occasionem dedisse . After this he thus censures the Avarice and Bribery of the Pope and Court of Rome , 〈◊〉 Et primum quod occurrit minimè transeundum reor ; Praees , et singulariter : Ad quid ? Eget tibi dico consideratione , Nunquid ut de Subditis crescas ? Nequaquam ; sed ut ipsi de te , Principem te constituerunt , sed sibi , non tibi ; Alioquin quo pacto te reputas superiorem his a quibus beneficium mendicas ? Audi Dominum ; Qui potestatem habent super eos , benefici vocantur ; At istud de his qui foris sunt ; Quid ad nos ? Tu id mendaciter diceris , si non tam beneficus esse , quam beneficis praeesse intendas . Parvi dejectique animi est , de Subditis non profectum quaerere subditorum , sed quaestum proprium ; In summo praesertim omnium nihil turpius . Quam pulchre magister gentium ; Parentes filiis , non filios debere censuit , the saurizare parentibus . Non mediocris gloriae vexilla identidem ipsius , non requiro datum , sed fructum . At jam transeamus & hinc , ne quis moram in his meam , avaritae in te notam interpretetur , &c. Hic locus avaritiam carpit , à quo vitio immunis satis tua opinio est , an et opus tu videris : Vidimus tamen , Germanicos detinuisse saccos , sed precio , non massa . Argentum reputatum est fanum : summarii non levati sarcinis , onusti nihilominus repatriant vel inviti . Nova res : quando hactenus Roma aurum refudit ? et nunc Romanorum consilio id usurpatum non credimus . ( vi oblata à pauperibus . ) I shall adde his Notable passage of complaint against this and other Popes frequent exemptions of Abbots , Bishops and others ( for mony ) from subjection and obedience to their Superiors ; by subjecting them immediately to the Pope himself : because his arguments against them hold as firmly in cases of Popes exempting themselves , and absolving Bishops , Clergymen , or Lay-subjects from allegiance and obedience to their Princes : and gives a notable check to the pretented plenitude and absolutenesse of the Popes will and power to do what he pleaseth . Murmur loquor , et querimoniam Ecclesiarum ; Truncari se clamitant , et demembrari vel nullae , vel paucae admodum sunt quae plagam istam non doleant , aut non timeant . Quaeris quam ? Subtrahuntur Abbates Episcopis , Episcopi Archiepiscopis , Archiepiscopi Patriarchis , sive Primatibus . ( He might have as truly added , Regibus & Imperatoribus suis : ) Bona ne species haec ? Mirum si excusari queat vel opus . Sic factitando probatis , vos habere plenitudinem potestatis , sed justitiae forte non ita . Facitis hoc quia potestis ; sed utrum et debeatis ? quaestio est . Honoram ac dignitatum gradus & ordines quibusque suos servare positi estis , non invidere , ut quidam vestrorum ait ; Cui honorem honorem : Spiritualis homo ille , qui omnia dijudicat , ut ipse à nemine dijudicetur , omne opus suum trina quadam consideratione praeveni●t . Primum quidem , an liceat ? deinde , an deceat ? postremò , an expediat ? Nam etsi constat in Christiana utique Philosophia , non decere nisi quod licet ; non expedire , nisi quod decet , & licet ; non tamen omne quod licet dicere aut expedire consequens erit . Age , aptemus si possumus tria ipsa aperae huic . At quomodo non indecens tibi voluntate pro lege uti ; et quia non est ad quem appelleris , potestatem exercere , negligere rationem ? Tunc major Domino tuo qui ait ; Non veni facere voluntatem mea●● . Quanquam non minus dejecti quam clati animi est veluti rationis expertem , non pro ratione , sed pro libitu agere , nec judicio agi sed appetitu . Quid tam bestiale ? et si indignum cuivis utenti ratione vivere ut pecus , quis in te rectore omnium tantam contumeliam naturae , honoris injuriam ferat ? Sic degenerando , quod absit , generale opprobrium fecisti proprium tibi : Homo cum in honore esset non intellexit , comparatus est jumentis insipientibus , & similis factus est illis . Quid enim tam in dignum tibi , quam ut totum tenens , non sis contentus toto , nisi minutias quasdam atque exiguas portiones ipsius tibi creditae universitatis , tanquam non sint tuae , satagas nescio quomodo facere tuas ? Vbi etiam meminisse te volo parabolae Nathan , de homine qui multas oves habens , unam quae erat pauperis concupivit , Huc quoque veniat factum , imò facinus Regis Achab , qui rerum summam te●ebat , & unam vineam affectavit . Avertat Deus à te quod ille audivit ; Occidisti & possedisti . Nolo autem praetendas fructus emancipaturis ipsius , nullus est eni● , nisi quia inde Episcopi insolentiores , Monachi etiam dissolutiores fiunt : quid quod et pauperiores ? Inspice diligentius talium ubique libertorum & facultates & vitas , si non pudenda admodum ut tenuitas in his , & in illis secularitas invenitur : Matris noxiae libertatis gemina soboles haec . Quid ni peccet licentius vagum , & malum liberum vulgus , cum non sit qui arguat ? Quid ni licentius quoque spolietur ac depraedetur inermis religio , cum non sit qui defendat ? Quo enim refugium illis ? Nunquid ad Episcopos dolentes injuriam ? Ridentibus profecto aspiciunt oculis , sive quae faciunt mala , sive quae patiuntur . Quae demum utilitas insanguine isto ? Vereor ne illa quam in Propheta comminatus est Deuus , ille , inquiens , in iniquitate sua morietur , sanguinem autem ejus de manu tua requiram . Si enim extollitur qui subtrahitur , & cui subtrahitur uritur , qui subtrahit quomodo Innocens ? Parum est , involvimus ignemandi apertius , si is qui murmurat secundum animam mortuus est , qui instigat quomodo vivit ? Quomodo non reus mortis amborum , et suae pariter , qui gladium dedit unde ambo morerentur ? Hoc est quod dixeram , Occidisti & possedisti . Adde , quod qui audiunt scandalisantur indignantur , detrahant & blasphemant , hoc est vulnerantur ad mortem . Non est bona arbor faciens fructus tales , insolentias , dissolutiones , dilapidationes , simultates , scandala , odia , quodque magis dolendum inter Ecclesias , immicitias graves perpetesque discordias . Videt quam verus ●it sermo 〈◊〉 , 〈…〉 sed non 〈…〉 expediunt . Qum si forte nec licet , Ignosce mihi , non facile adducor licitum consentire quod tot illicita parturit . Tune denique tibi licitum censeas suis Ecclesias mut●iare membris , confundere ordinem , pertubare terminos quos posurrunt Patres tui ? Si justitiae est jus cuique fervare , auferre euique sua , justo quomodo poterit convenire ? Erras si ut summam , I●a et solam institutam a Deo vestram Aposolicam potestatem existimas . Si hoc sentis , dissentis ab eo qui ait , Non est potestas●●● a Deo. 〈…〉 quo , siquitur , qui potestati resisti● Dei ordinatiom resistit● , et si principaliter pro te facit , non tamen singulariter ; Denique idem ait . O 〈…〉 potestatibus su●●●●oribus subdita ●it . Non ait sublimiori tanquam in uno , sed sublimioribus tanquam in multis . Non ergo tua sola potestas a Domino , sunt et mediocres , et sunt inferiores . Et quomodo quos Deus conjunrit non sunt separandi , sic nec quos subjunrit comparandi . Monstrum facis , si manu submovens digitum facis pendere de capite superiorem manui , brachio collateralem . 〈…〉 in Christi corpore membra 〈◊〉 locas quam dispo●●●● ipse . Nisi tu putas alium esse qui posuit in Ecclesia quosdam quidem Apostolos , quosdam autem Prophe●●s , alios vero Evangelistas , alios Doctores & Patrores , ad consummationem Sanctorum in opus Ministerii , in aedificationem corporis Christi . Atque hoc corpus quod tibi ip●e Paulus suo ver● Apostolico figurans eloq●●● , & capiti convenientissime 〈◊〉 totum ex eo compactum perhibet & connex●m , per omnem juncturam subminister 〈◊〉 secundum operationem in mensuram un●●seujusque membri , augmentum corporis 〈◊〉 in a●d●●icationem sui in Charitate ; Nec vilem reputas formam hanc quia in terra est , exemplar habete coelo . Neque enim filius potest facere qui●quam 〈…〉 viderit patrem facientem ; prae●ertim cum ei sub Moysi nomine dictum sit . Vide omnia qua facias secundum exemplar quod tibi in monte monstratum est . Viderat hic qui 〈◊〉 , Vidi Civitatem Sanctam Hierusalem novam descendentem de coelo a 〈◊〉 parat●m . Ego enim propter similitudinem dictum reor ; quod sicut illic Seraphin & Cherubin , ac caeteriqu que usque ad Angelos & A●changelos ordinantur sub uno capite Deo , ita 〈◊〉 & sub 〈◊〉 Summo Pontifice , Primates vel Patriarchae , Archi●piscopi , 〈…〉 vel Abbates , & reliqui in hunc modum . Non est parvi-pendendum quod et Deum habet Authorem , et de coelo ducit originem . Quod si 〈◊〉 Episcopas ; Nolo esse sub Archi●piscopo ; aut Abbas , Nolo obedire Episcopo : hoc d● coelo 〈◊〉 est , nisi tu forte Angelorum quempiam dicentem audivisti , Nolo sub Archang●lis esse , aut exalio quolibet inferiorum ordinum aliquem non ferentem subesse 〈◊〉 Deo. Quid inquis , Prohib●s dispensare non , sed dissipare . Non sum tam 〈◊〉 , ut ignorem positos vos dispensatores , sed in ae●●firationem non in destructionem . Deind● quaeritur inter dispensatores ut fidelis quis inventatur . Ubi necessitas urget , excusabilis disp●nsatio est ; Ubi 〈◊〉 tas provocat , dispensatio laudabilis est : Vtilitas dico communis ▪ non propria . Nam cum nihil horum est , non plane fidelis dispensatio , sed crudelis dissipatio est . Besides St. Bernard complains much of Popes Bishops , * Clergymens at Rome and elswhere great care of their ●emporal estates , and carelesness of the people and their own souls . Mira re● , satis superque Episcopi aed manum hab●nt quibus animas credant , & quibus suas committa●t facultatulas non inveniunt . Optimi videlicet aestimatores rerum , qui magnam de minimis , parum aut nullam de maximis curam gerunt , undè datur intelligi , patientius serimus Christi jactura● quam nostram . ●uotidianas expensas quo●idi no reciproca●us scrutinio , et continua Dominici gregis detriments nescimus . De precio escarum , & numero panum cum ministris quotidiana di cussio e● ; raro admodum cum presbyteris celebratur collatio de peccatis populorum . Cadit asina , et est qui sublevet eam ; perit anima , et nemo qui reputet ; Nec mirum , cum nec nostros quidem assiduos senti●mus defectus , &c. He further complains of the pompous , * effeminate , disguised apparel of Prelates , Clergymen , and their attendants , after this Popes Canons made in the Council of Rhemes against this abuse ; which he thus recites ; Discant à te Coepiscopi tui & Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A91186-e10 (a) Mat. 7. 24 , 25. Luke 8. 4● . b Gratian Distinct 10 , 96. & caus . 2 qu. 7 Here p. 120 , 121. Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 300 , to 310. Hincmarus Epist . 4. c. 3. Epist . 5. c. 38. Damascenus Orat. 2. De Imaginibus . Damianus l. 4. Epist . 9. Hugo de Sancto Victore l. 2. De Sacram. pars 2. c. 4. Alexander Alensis , Summa pars 3. qu. 40. m. 5. Johannis Parisiensis de potestate Regia & Pontif. Alvatus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . l. 1. Artic. 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , &c. Tho. Waldensis Doctrinalis Fidei , Tom. 1. Artic. 3. c. 78. c Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Ecclesiae l. 1. Artic. 13 , 37. Thomas Bozius de jure status , l. 5. c. 10. Marta pars 1. c. 18. n. 25. Here p. 8 , 38. d Irenaeus adversus Haereses , l. 9. c. 12. Tertullian . de Praescriptionibus adversus Haereticos , & contra Marcionem , l. 1. Epiphanius contra Haereses , Titus Bostrensis contra Manichaeos . e Tertullian . adversus Hermogenem , & adversus Marcionem l. 1. he argues in like manner . Bibl. Patrum Tom. 4. p. 365 , 366 , 375 , 376 , 439. Cent. Magd 3. col . 112. Cent. 2. col 98. f De Quaestionibus Novi & Veteris Testamenti , qu. 210. g Doctrinalio Fidei , Tom. 1. Artic. 3. c. 78. sect . 3. f 391. h See Tertullian Apolog. c. 30 , 31. Here p. 52. i Heb. 7. 15. to the end . c. 8. 1. c. 9. 11 , 12 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 28. c. 10. 11 , to 24. k Here , p. 191 , 192 , 193. l 2 Chron. 9. 8. m See Bishop Carlton of Jurisdiction Regal , Episcopal , Papal , ch . 2. Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Ecclesiae l. 1. Artic. 13 , 36 , 52 , 52 , 68. * Ps . 62. 11. Mat. 6. 13. Rom 13. 1 , 2. c Gen. 1. 26 , 27 , 28 , c. 2 19 , 20. c. 9 2 , 3 , 4. Psal . 8. 6 , 7 , 8. Heb. 2. 7 , 8. (d) Dr. Field of the Church , b. 5. ch . 1. Jacobus Bouldo● , Ordo Ecclesiae à Mundi principio usque ad Legem . (e) Annales . (f) Titles of Honour , b. 1. ch . 1. p. 4. (g) Exod. 20 ▪ 12. Deut 5. 16. Mat. 15. 4. Eph. 8● , Col. 3. 10 1 Tim. 5. 8. Eph. 6 4. Gen. 18. 19. Psal . 34 11. Deut. 6. 7. (h) Gen 3. 16. 1 Tim. 2. 12 , 13 1 Pet. 3. 5 , 6. Eph. 5. 22 , 23 , 24. Col. 3. 18. (h) Gen. 1. 4. 18 Hebr. 7. 1. (i) Psal . 110. 1 , 2 , 4. (k) Rev. 1. 6. c. 5. 10. c. 20. 6. 1 Pet : 2. 6. Lam. 2. 6. (l) 2 Kings 23. 4. 1 Kings 1. 32. to 46. c. 2 , 22 , 26 , 27 , 35. 2 Kings 12. 7. (o) Gen. 4. 11. 14. (p) Bou●doc , Ordo Ecclesiae a mundi principio usque ad Mosen , l. 1 c. 17 Salianus Annales Eccles . Dr. Fi●ld of the Church , b. 5. c. 2 , 3. (q) Gen. 23. 6. c. 32. 28. (q) Summa Theol. pars 4. qu. 2. m. 1. * Quaest : He●● . in Gen. & in Iob. c. 1. Defence of ● Apol● part 6. ●● div● 4● (r) Of the Ch. b. 5. ch . 2 , 3. (ſ) Exod. 13. 13. c. 22. 29. c. 34. 20. Numb . 3. 12 , 13. 42 , to 51. c. 8. 16 , 17 , 18. (t) Ps . 89. 27. (u) 1 Tim. 6. 15. Rev. 17. 14. c. 19. 16. (x) Col. 1. 15. to 20. (1) Heb. 12. 23 (2) Rom. 16. 7. Jam. 1. 18. Rev. 14. 4. (3) Rom. 8. 23. (4) Rev. 1. 6. c. 5. 10. c. 20. 6. 1 P●t 2. 5. (y) Godwins Roman Antiq. l. 2. Sect 1. &c. 9. & 〈◊〉 Moses & 〈◊〉 , l. 1. c. 4. (z) 〈◊〉 l. 3. 〈◊〉 Roman Ant●q . l. 2. c. 9. (d) Antiq. Rom l. 3. Sect. 3 , 8 , (e) In Romu●●s , & Nama . (f) Rom. Hist . l. 12. * Paulus Manut●us Anttiq . l. 1. (g) Rom. Ant. l. 2. c. 9. (h) See Dionys . Ha●●●n . Ant. Rom. l. 2. & Plutarchi Numa . (i) Cor. Tacit. Annal. l. 3. ●p . 〈◊〉 , Defence of the Apol . pa●t 6. c. 11. d●vis . 4 , 5. p. 711. (k) Gen. dierum l. 2. c. 8. (l) J●stinus ●●●toriae , lib. 1. (a) Exod. 13 (b) Exod. 15. ●● &c. Rev. 15. 3● (c) Exod. 16. John 6. 31 , 3● 33 , &c. 1 Cor 10. 3. (d) Exod. c. 19. to 21. 24. Mat. 4. & 5. John 1. 17. c. 7. 19. Josh . 8. 31. 35. (e) Exod. c. 14. to 21. c. 31. 18. c. 12. 15 , 16. Deut. c. 4. & 5. c. 9 , 10. Heb. 9. 19. (a) Exod. 25. 3. 40. Numb . 8. 4. Hebr. 8. 5. Acts 7. 44. (b) Exod. 31 , to cap. 40. (c) Exod. 39 , 42 , 43. (d) Exod. 40. 1. to 36. * Levit. 21. 7 , &c. * See Num : 20 : 25 : to 29. * Aventinus Annal : Boiar : l. 6 : p : 506 : A●va●us 〈◊〉 De P●anctu Eccles : l. 1 : art : 13 : (e) Exod. 32. throughout , Ps . 106. 19 , 20. 1 Cor. 10. 7. Acts 7. 40. (f) Num. 15. 32 , to 37. (g) See the whole Booke of Deut. especially c. 4 , & 5. & cap. 31. to 34 ●osnua 1. 17. c. 8. 31. 33. (h) Deut. 17. 15 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. (a) 1 Kings 14. 30. c. 15. 9 , 7. 16. 31. (b) 1 Kings 12. 26. to the end . c. 1● . 33 , 34. c. 15. 3. 2 Ki●gs 10. 31. cap. 17. 2. to 25. * 1 Cor. 12 , 13. to 26. (c) Ezech. 37. 26. to 28. (d) Gratian Distinct . 96. & qu. 63. (e) 2 Thes . 2. 4. * See 1 Cor. 15. 37 , 38. (a) Psal . 97. 2. Psal . 9. 59. Psal . 10. 16. (b) 22 24. Mat. 6. 13. (c) Mum. 1 , 2. Col. 1. 16. Prov. 8. 15 , 16. (d) Dan. 4. 17. (c) Dan. 2. 11. Job . 12. 18. * 37 H : 8. c. 17 1 E. 6. c. 2. Cooks Rep : f. 1. to 41. * Therefore they & their Courts , Proc●sse , Proceedings , should hear only his Images , Armes , Superscriptions , as well as his Current Mony , & all Common Law Courts , 1 E 6 : c 2. that all may know & own them to be t●e Ki●gs alone , not bishops : (1) Summa . (2) De Planctu Eccles : l : 1 : art : 13 , 37 , 40 , 41 , 42 (3) De jure Status , l : 5 : c : 10 Sect : Johannes (4) Part : 1 : c : 18 : n : 25 : c : 19 n : 5 , & 14 : Dr : Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p : 7 : (5) Gul. Durant . Rationale Divinorum , l. 3. (6) Bellarmin de Roman : Ponti● . l. 4. Am●sius Bellarminus Enervatus , Tom. 1. p. 140. Dr Prideaux , Orat : 2 (a) Distinct : 22 &c , cap. Sacrosancta . & Distinct : 96 , 98 (b) Anacictu , a●ud Gratian Diftni●t ● 2● (c) De Planctu Ecclesiae l. 1. Art : 13. Glossa in Gratian Distinct : 22. 66 De Poenitentia . Distinct : 3. (d) Exod : 27. 21. cap : 28. throughout . c. 29. 1. c. 40. 12 to 17. Levit. 9 & 10 (e) Heb. 2. 17. c : 3. 1. c , 4. 8 , 4. 15. c. 3. 10. c. 6. 20. c. 7. 16. c. 8. 1. 3. c. 3. 11. c. 9. 22. (f) Exod. 18. 1 , &c. c. 40 , to 17 (g) Levit. 21. 10. Num : 15. 25 , 28. Josh : 20. 1. 2 Kings 22. 2 , 8. Neh. 3. 1. 20. Isa : 4. 1. 12 , 14. c. 2. 2 , 4. Zech : 3. 1 , 8. Mat : 26. 51 , 57. Acts 4. 1. Hebr. 9. 7 , 25. (h) Exod : 4. 28 , 29. c. 5. 1. 4. 20 & above 100. other Texts . (i) Glosia in Gratian dist . 22 (k) Numb . 20. 25. to 29. (a) Josh . 1. 16 c. 4. 14. (b) Josh 3. 6. to 17. c. 4 , 5 , &c. 15 , to 22. c Josh . 5. 5. to 15. (d) Josh . 6. 1. to 17. (e) Josh . 7. (f) Gratiaa Caus . 17. qu. 4. Summa Angeli●a , & Rosella , & Hostien●s , tit . Sacrilegium . (g) Josh . 8. 30 , to the end . (h) Josh . ch . 9. (i) Josh . 10. 12. 13 , 14. (k) Josh . 18. 1. (l) Josh . c. 20. &c. 21. (m) Joshua 24 1. to 29. (a) Judg. 17. 4 5 , 6. Judges 18. 1 , 14 , to 21. 30. 31. (a) Judges 18. 14 , to 21. 30 , 31. (c) Judg. 19. 8. 1 , (d) Judg. 21. 16. to the end . Object . Answer . (e) Judg. c. 4. v. 5. * 2 Sam. 4. 3 , & 5. 13. (f) 1 Sam. 2. 12. to 36. (g) 1 Sam. 2. 27 , &c. (h) 1 Sam. 4 , 11 , to the end . (k) 1 Sam. ● & c. 9. & 10. (i) 1 Sam. 11. 3 , 4. 1 Sam. ● c. 8. 1 , to 13 (l) 1 Sam. c. 12. & 15 , 16. (l) 2 Sam : 7 , 8. to the end . Ps . 89 , 3 , 9 , 29. 1 Chron. 17. (m) Gen. 17. 6 16. c. 35. 11. (n) Acts 13. 22 (o) 2 Sam. 6. 1 , to 20. 1 Chron. c. 13 , & 15 , & 16 , 1 , 2 (a) 1 Chron : 25. 1 , 2 , to 29. (b) Numb : 4. 2. 15. Exod. 25. 14. (c) 1 Chron : 16. 4 , to the end . c : 21 , 29 , 30. (d) 2 Sam : 6. 1 Chron : 17. c : 18 : 11 : cap : 27. to c. 29. 1 Chron. 21. 18. to 30. Psal . 24. 10 , to 20. (f) 1 Chron. 28. 1 , to 14 : 20 , 21. (1) 1 Chron. 16 , 7 , to 38 : 2 Sam : 23. 1 , 3 , &c : Luke 20 : 42 : Acts 1 16. c : 2. 25. c. 4. 25. Rom : 4 : 6 : c : 11 : 3 : Heb : 4. 7. * 1 Kings 1 34 , 38. (2) Ps . 95 : 2 : Ps : 105 , 2 : Eph. 5 : 19 : Col : 3 : 16 : Jam : 5 : 13 : (*) 2 Chron : 1. to c : 5 : 2 Kings 6. to c. 9. (a) 1 Kings 8. 2 Chron. c. 6 , & 7. (b) 2 Chron. 7 (c) 2 Chron : 8 12 , 13. (d) 2 Chron. 5 11 , 12. (m) 2 Chron. 7. 6 , &c. (f) 1 Kings 2. 26 , 27 , 35. (g) 2 Chron. 14. 3 , 4 , 5. &c. 1 Kings 15. 8 , &c. (h) 2 Chron. 15. 10 , to 16. (i) 2 Chron. 15 16. 1 Kings 15 13. (k) 2 Chron. 15 18. 1 Kings 15 16. (k) 2 Chron. 17. 7 , 8 , 9. (l) 2 Chron. 19 4. (m) 2 Chron. 29. 5 , to the end . See Deut. 17. 8. to 14. (n) 2 Chron. 20. 3 , &c. (o) 1 Kings 12. 5. to 17. (p) 2 Chron. 29. 31 , to 36. (q) 2 Chron. c. 29 , & 30. (r) 2 Chron. 30. throughout (ſ) 2 Chron. 31. throughout . (t) 2 Chron. 31 12 , 15 , 16 , 17. 2 Chron. 33. 3 , &c. (a) 2 Chron. c. 34. throughout . (b) 2 Chron. 34 , 33. (c) 2 Chron. 35. 1. to 20. d 1 Cor. 10. 11. Jam. 5. 10. Jude 7. e 1 Sam. 13 , to 15. f 2 Chron. 26. 16 , to 22. g Numb . 16. 17. Exod. 30. 7. Luk. 1. 8. 9. (a) Num. 16. 1 , to 20. (b) 1 Sam. 6. 19 , 20. (c) 1 Chron. 13. 9 , 10. 2 Sam. 8. 6 , 7. (d) Numb 4. 15 1 Chron. 1● . 2. (e) 2 Kings 17 & 25. 2 Chron 36. (f) Hosea 3. 4. c. 10. 3. Ezech. 17. (g) 2 Kings 17 25 , to 20. (h) 2 Chron. 36. 22. to 30. Ezr. 1. throughout , c. 31 , &c. Isa . 44. 25. c. 4● 1. 13. (i) Isay 44 28. c. 45. 1. (k) Ezra 5. 13. to 17 c. 6. throughout . (a) Ezra 7. c. 8. 24. to the end . (b) Neh. 2. 7 , 8 , 9. (c) Esther 4. 17 , to 32. (d) Dan. 3. 1 , to 30. (e) Jonah 2. 5. to 10 * Ex ea parte qua illud Sacerdotium in Veteri Testamento carnale erat et terrenum erat te●renae potestati , scil : Regali subjectum , Alvarus Pelagius De Planctu Eccles . l. 1 Art : 5● (a) ●●estat de la Religion & Republique de peuple Judaique l. 11. Genebrardi Chronicon . Jerom. Comment . in Dan. l. 1. c. 6. Josephus Ant. Jndaeorum , lib. 11 , to 18. Skickardus , & Sigonius de Republica Judaeorum . (a) ●●estat de la Religion & Republique de peuple Judaique l. 11. Genebrardi Chronicon . Jerom. Comment . in Dan. l. 1. c. 6. Josephus Ant. Jndaeorum , lib. 11 , to 18. Skickardus , & Sigonius de Republica Judaeorum . (b) John 7. 30 , 32 , 45 , 46. c. 11. 47 , 48 , &c. 57. c. 18. 3. to 40. c. 19. to 38. Mat. 26. 4 , &c. c. 27. throughout . Mar. 14. 43 , &c c. 15. 1 , to the end . Luke 22. 47 , c. ●23 . 1. to 43. (c) John 18. 31. Mat. 10. 17 c. 23. 34. Acts 5. 40. c. 9. 2. John 9. 22. c. 16. 2. c. 12. 42. Acts 22. 19. c. 26. 11. Lu. 21. 12. (d) Acts c. 4 , 5 , to 25. c. 5. 17. to the end . (e) Acts 5. 42. (f) Acts 6. 12. ●o 15. c. 7. 1 , 2 , &c. (g) Acts 7. 1. 3. c. 9. 1 , 2. c. 22. 4 , 5. c. 26. 10. ● . 25. 5. (h) Acts 23. 1 , 2 , 4 , 5. 2 Cor. ● . 6. c. 11. 23 , ● a Acts 25. 1 , to 27. b Acts 26. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , &c. c Acts c. 26. 27 , & 28. d Acts 16. to the end . e Luke 21. 12. Mat. 10. 17 , 18. Mar. 13. 9. f Lu. 22. 25. g Mat. 26. 3. c. 21. 23. Mar. 15 1. Lu. 23. 5. 66. Acts 10. Godwins Moses & Aaron , b. 5. c. 4 ▪ h Most Expositors and Commentators on Numb . 11. 16. Iyra , Ainsworth & the Rabbins on this Text , Skickardus , Sigonius , & Petrus Cunaeus de Repub. Hebraeorum . Godwins Moses & Aaron , b. 1. c. 135. &c. Dr. Field of the Church , b. 5 ▪ ch . 18. Sigonius de Repub. Judaeorum , l. 6. c. 7. Mat. 27. 22. i Jer. 26. 6. 10 42. a De Republ. Jud. l. 6. c. 7. b Dr. Field of the Church , b. 5. Ch. 10. c See Mr. Gela●py his Aarons Rod bloss●ming . d Mat. Paris & Mat. Westm . Anno 1208 , 1209 , 1213. Holinshed , Speed , Grafton , Daniel , Fox , Baker in King John. Antiqu. Eccles . Britan. & Godwin in the Life of Stephen Langton . Obiect . 1. e Innocentii 3. Opera . Tom. 2. p. 644. et cap. Solita . Extravagant . de Major et obedi●ntia . f Glossa . in cap. Solita . g Com. in ●ohan . de Sacrobosco . p. 189. Dr. C●●kenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p. 10. a Lugduni 1630. cap. 8. sect . 49 , 50 , 51 95 , 96 , b Guil. Barcl . de Potestate Papae , c. 13. & Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p. 7 , ● . c Lib. 2. c. 5. nu . 12. De Rom. Pontifice . d Doctrinalis Fide● , Tom. 1. Venetiis 1571. b. 2. Artic. 3. cap. 74 , 75. p. 177 , &c. * De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. ●rt . 10 , to 66. Answ . Gen. 1. 14 , to to 19. Ps 137. 7 , 8 , 9. Jer. 31. 33 , 34 , 35. c. 33. 20. Deut. 4. 19. * 2 Chron. 9. 8. Prov. 8. 15 , 16. Rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. Col. 1. 16. 1 Pet. 2. 13 , 14 , 15. * Gen. 1. 16 , 17. 26 , 27. f 2 Thes . 2. 10 , 11. * 37 H. S. c. 17 1 E 6. c. 2. a Mat. 6. 22 , 23. * De Consid . ad Eugenium . b Onus Ecclesiae , S●ae . B●●gittae Revelationes , Nichoaus de Clemangiis De Corrupto Ecclesiae statu , Espencaeas in Tit. & de Continentia . c See M●●ny his Mysterium Iniquitatis , Abbot , Powel , Squire , Dr. Beard , and others De Antichristo ; Catalogus Testum Veritatis . 2. a 1 Sam. 10. 1. c. 15 , 17. c. 16. 13. 2 Sam. 12. 7. 1 Kings 1. 35 , 45. 1 Kings 11 , 12. 2 C●● . 22 7. b Av●ntinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 6. p. 506. c In x. Distinct . cap. Qucniam . d Summa . e De Planctu Ecclesiae , lib. 1. Art. 13. 37. 53. f Part 1. c. 15. g See Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p. 6. to 22. Gratian Dist . 10. 23 , ●6 . and the Glosses thereon . Marsilius Patavinus Defensoris Pacis , l. 2. c. 29. h 1 Sam. 10. 1. c. 16. 1 , to 1● . i 1 Sam. 15. 17. k 1 Sam. 12 19 5. c. 24. 6. 10. c. 26. 9 , 11 , 16 , 23. 2 Sam. 1. 14 , 16. l 2 Sam. 19. 21 c. 22. 51. Psal . 18. 51. m 2 Sam : 12. 7. 2 Kings 3. 6. 12. n Psal . 20. 6. Psal 28. 8. Psal . 132. 17. o Psal . 89. 20. p 2 Chron. 23 Kings 11. q 2 Sam : 2. 4. c. 5. 3. 1 Chron. 11. r 2 Kings 23. 30. 2 Chron. 20. 1. ſ 1 Kings 1. 43 , 44 , 45. a 1 Kings 1. 7. 19 , 42 , c : 2 : 26 , 27 , 35. b 2 Kings 9. 1 , to 13. c Platina , Onuphrius , Anastatius , Augustinus Cherubinus , Beyerlinck & others , in their Lives ; Baronius , Spondanus , Genebrardi Annales et Ch●onica . d Ceremoniale et Pontificale My Unbishoping of Timothy and Titus , p. 84 , 85 , &c. e See Seldens Titles of Honour , Pontificale Romanum , the severall Histories of these kingdoms & Archbishops of Cante●buries Lives . The 2d Part of My Signal Loyalty of Gods true Saints , &c. to their Soveraigns , p. 14● , to 321. Object . 3 ▪ e Platina in Gregorio 7. f Extrav . D● Major . & Obedientia , cap. Solita . g Gratian Distinct . 22. 96. Caus . 15. qu. 8. h Summa . i De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. Art. 13. 37 , to 66. k De Pontifice Romano , l. 5. c. 10. &c. l Alexipharmacum Regium & in Ecclesiast . c. 36 , 38. m De Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 9. 13. n Comment . ad cap. Oportet . Distinct . 79. qu. 48. o De Rom. Pontif. p De Tempore Eccles : Monarchia Praefat. lib. 1 ▪ c. 8. l. 5. 18. q Part. 1. c. 15 , &c. r De Romano Pontif. l. 5. c. 1. Answer . a Jer. 1. 1 , 2. b Jer. 1. 1 , 2 , 3. 4 * See Jerom , Theodoret , Richard de Sancto Victore , Lyra , Tostatus , Dionisius Carthusianus , Calvin , & others in this place . c 1 Sam : 12 24 , 25. d 1 Sam. 15. 23 , 26. c. 13 , 14 , 15 ▪ a 2 Kings 11. to 14. See Jeremy , Ezechiel Daniel , Hosea ▪ Nahum , Obadiah , Amos. b Jonah 3. c De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam lib. 2. c Job 12. 16 , to 22. d Psal . 110. 5. Psal : 2. e Ps . 149. 7 , 8. f 2 Kings 5. 23 c. 25. 1. 2 Chr ▪ 33. 11. c. 36. 6 Ezech. 19. 4 , 9 , g Dan : 2. 21. Hosea . 13. 10 , 11. h Dan : 4. 37. 25. 32 , to the c. 5 ▪ 18. to the end . i 2 Chron. 9. 8. k Gratian caus . 11. qu. 1. caus . 23. qu. 1. caus . 15. distinct . 9. Bellarmin : Apologia pro Respons . ad Jacobum Regem . de Romano Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 4. Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , Dr. Ames Bellarminus Enervatus , Tom. 1. p. 275. Answ●r . a Dan : 2. 21. c. 4. 16 , 17 : 25 , 32. c. 5. 18 , to 31. Job 12. 18 , 19. 1 Tim : 6. 15. Ps . 150. 1 ▪ Ps . 149. 9 , 1. b 2 Kings 15. 5 2 Chron. 26. 26. 21. Levit. 13 , 45 , 46 , 5 , 6. Numb . 12. 14 , 15. a 1 Sam. 16. 1 , to 14. 2 Sam. 2. 4. c. 5. 3. 17. c. 12. 7. Ps . 80. 2 Kings 1. 14. 33. to 49. 1 Chron. 29. 22 , 23 , 24. c Psal . 45. ● ● John 12. 12. Mat. 21. 1 ▪ ●● , 14. Mat. 11. 1. to 12. Lu. 19. 29. to 47. a Psal . 2. 〈…〉 . b 〈…〉 c 〈…〉 . d 〈…〉 . f 〈…〉 . g 〈…〉 . a Mat. 2. 3. 4. 5 , 16. &c. b De Stella & Magis ▪ p 265 ▪ Edit : Pamelii . c John 18. 36. c. 19. 12. to 32. d John 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. Lu 23. 37 , 38. Mat. 27 37. Mar. 15 26 e 1 Cor. 2. 8. g Mat. 11. 8 , t● 14. Mar. 11. 15 16 , &c. Lu. 48 , &c. John 12. 1● 14 , 15 , 16. c. 2. 17. f Ps . 24. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. h Lu. 1. 45 , 4● c. 8. 25. i Mat. 9. 28. ● 13. 51. Lu. 9. 54 c. 11 1. c. 17 4. c. 24. 34. John 13. 13. c. 14. 5● 8 , 12. Acts 16. 24. k Mat. 14. 28. 30. c. 17 4. Lu. 33 , 38 , 49 John 6. 68 c. 1● . 6 , 9. 13 , 36 , 37. c. 21. 7 , 12 , 15 , 16 , 17. & 21. Acts 2. 36. c. 10 4. 14. 36. c. 11 8. c. 12. 17. 1 Pet : 2. 13. 1 Pet. 2. 1. 3. l Luke 2. 11. and infinite other Texts . m Luke 2. 11. Phil : 2. 9 , 10. n Luke 12. 17. Mat : 3. 21. Mar : 5. 10 , 11 , 12. o Mat : 7. 21. 22. c. 25. 11. Lu. 6. 46. c. 23. 25. p John 13. 13. 14. q 1 Cor. 8. 6. a Luke 23. 42. b Acts 1. 6. c 2 Tim. 4. 18. d 2 Pet. 1. 11. e Mat. 7. 21. c. 21 , 22. f Mat : 28. 18. g 1 Tim : 6. 14 , 15. Rev : 1. 5. c. 17. 14. c. 19. 16. h Ephes : 1. 18 , 19. i Col. 1. 10 , to 20. k Rev. 15. 3. l Rev : 4. 4 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , c. 5. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , c. 19. 4. Rom. 17. 36. m Mat : 6. 33. c. 21. 42 , 43. Mat : 10. 14. n Mat. 3 2. c. 4. 12 : c. 5. 19. c. 10. 11 , 12. c. 18. 24 , 31 , 33 , 47 , 52. Heb. 1. 4. o Mat : 13. 41. Luke 1. 33. 1 Thess . 1. 11. Col. 1. 13. Rev : 1. 9. Mar. 20. 21. Lu. 23. p 2 Pet : 1. 11. q Heb. 12. 28. r Mat : 13. 11 , ●3 . Lu. 8. 1. 10 Heb : 10. 8. Rom : 1. 16. Mat : 13. 44 , 47. Mar : 10. 15. Luc. 4. 43. c. 9. 2 , 11 , 60 , 61. c. 10. 9. c. 11. 20. c. 16. 16 : c. 18. 17. Acts 20. 25. c. 28. 31. 1 Kings 4. 20. t Mat : 25. 34. c. 5. 3. 10. Jam : 2. 5. Lu : 23. 29. u Lu : 22. 30. 2 Kings 2. 11. Rev : 22. 5. Rom : 9. 11. Mat : 19. 28. c. 15. Rev : 3. 11. Rev : 4. 2 , to 10. c. 5. 7 , 13. c : 6. 16. c : 7. 15 , 17. c : 22. 3. x Mat : 13 38. 1 Tim : 4 , 8 : Jam : 1. 12 : 1 Pet : 5 : 4 : Rev : 2 : 10 : y Rom : 3 : 20 : 4 : Mar : 19 : 28 : z Luke 12 : 32 : Mat : 15 : 34 : * 1 Cor : 6. 9 , 10. c. 15. 50. Gal. 5. 21. Eph : 5. 5. Mat : 25. 41 , to 46. 1 Pet : 3. 19. 2 Pet. 2. 4. 2 Thess : 1. 9. Lu : 19. 27 a De Romano Pontif. l. 5. c. 1. See Dr : Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , c. 1. Alvarus Pelagius De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. Art : 13. Gratian Dist . 15 , 22 , 69 , 96. * 2 Cor. 4. ● . b Rev. 18 , 2 , 3 4 , 21. a See Augustin De Civit : Dei , l. 20. c. 9. l. 7. c. 7 &c. Homil : in Johan : 115. Bucerus de Regno Christi , Dr Crakenthorp of the Popes Tem●●ral Monarchy c. 2 , 3. Bellarmin . de Pontif. Rom. l. 5. c. 4. b Psal . 103. 19. 21 , 22 , 23. Ps . 145. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. Ps : 148. 1. to 14. Ps . 135. 5 , 6 , 7. Ps . 9. 4. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Phil : 2. 15 , 16. Rom : 51. 36. Col. 1. 16 , 17 , 18. Rev. 4. 10. c. 11 , 13. John 1. 1 , 2. c Rev : 5. 9 , 10. c : 3 , 4 , to 17. c. 14 , to 6. c. 15. 47. c : 2 ▪ 15. Mar : 6 : 10. 13. f 1 Cor : 15. 24. &c. Mat : 25. 31 , to 46. c. 13. 43. c. 24. 30 , 31. Jam. 2. 5. a ●●han de 〈◊〉 de Potest : 〈◊〉 c. ● . b See Dr : Rainolds & others , on Psal : 11● . Bp. Jewels Defence , part 6. p. 713. c Doctrinalis Fidei , Tom : 1. l. 2. Art. c : 3. c. 76 , 77. d De Planctu Eccles : l. 1. Art. 10. to 68. e Lib : 1. Art : c : 61. f De Pontifice Romano l. 5. c. 4 , & Recognitio ejusdem , p. 33 , 35. g Ephes0 3. 16 , 17. Gal : 2. 20. 2 Tim : 1. 14. Rom : 8. 1. c. 5. 17. 21. 1 Cor : 3 16. Rev : 19. 6 , 7. Lu : 13. 14 , 27. Col : 3. 15. Bucerus De Regno Christi . Dr. Rainolds on Psal . 110. a Psal : 110. Heb : c. 6. 7 , 9 , to 7. 19. to 28 ▪ c. 8. 1. to 13. c. 9. c. 9. 17. to the end , c. 10 , 1. to 24. See Dr. James , David Dickson , Calvin , Marlorat , with all Old and New Commentators of these Text. b Gratian Distinct : 22 , cap. Omne● p. 33. Anno 1060. a ●pist : 1. c. 13 ▪ Dr. C●akentho●p of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p. 2. b Martinus Poiones Chron. Anno 1301. Alexander Care●ius . l. 2. c. 3. n● : 14. c Abbas Uspergensis An. 1. 98 p : 343. Johannes Lydius , & Cent : Magd : 13. col . 1216 d Gratian Dist . 10. 63. Alvarus Pelagius , lib : 1. Artic : 37 to 67 e l. 1. sect : 7. f. 84 , 85. Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy p. 2. Alvarus Pelagius De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. Artic. 34. f Mat. 28. 18. g Psal : 72 : 8. h Herep. 20 , 22. i Distinctio 22. 63. 96 k De Potestate Ecclesiae lib : 3. art : 3. qu : 1 : in Principio Summae de Potestate Papae . l De Temporali Ecclesiae Monarchia , l. 1. c. 3. p : 52. l : 5. c. 18. p : 807. & Praefa● : ad Clement VIII : Papam . m Annal : Anno 57. n. 28. n 2 Sent. dist : 4. qu : 9. art : 2. o Concil : Lateran : Sessio 10. p : 624. Surius Concil : Tom : 4 658 , 659. p Comment . ad Cap : Oportebit Distinct : 79. p : 253 : num : 13. p. 257. n. 64. p. 44. n. 39. p. 3. n. 7. (1) Extravag . de Rem : Praelati , c. Quanto Hostiens . (2) Extravag . Johannis 22. Paris●is 1555. De Poenitentia Distinct : 3. Quamvis . (3) Extrav . De Constit . cap. 6. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , part 1. c. 6. divis . 8. a Instit : Moral . pars 2. l. 4. c. 19 b Summa pars 3. n. 22. c. 5. c De Potestate Summa Pontitifices , l. 1. & 2. d Tract : Theolog : p. 81. e Lib : de Jure Status , c. 12. f Part 1. cap. 18. 22. g De Orig. & dissolut . princ : pars 1. h In Ecclesiastic . c. 36. & Alexipharma . i See Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , c. 1. k De Pontifice Romano l. 5. c. 1. l De Planctu Ecclesiae . l. 1. art . 19. m Ibid. l. 1. artic . 34. a Lib : 1. Artic : 3● . b Lib : 1. Artic : 76 , 78. * Baldus . Bp. Jewels Defence of the Apology , part 5. c. 6. div . 6. p. 585. a Lib : 1. Artic. 10. to Artic. 67 b Platina in Gregorio 7 , p. 178. c My 〈…〉 . a Sir Roger Twisden his late learned Historical Vindication of the Church of England in point of Scisme . London 1663. b Mat 2. 1 , 2 , 3. c John 6. 15. d Joan 18. 16. c. 19. e John 17. 16. f Hymno Acrostico de Vita Christi , Bellarmin : l. 5. i De Romano Poniifice , c. 3. Breviarum Romanum . g Collect. l. 2. in Mat. Bp. Usher of the Religion professed by the Antient Irish , p. 130 , 131. a Ma●● ▪ b Doctrina●e Fidei , Tom. ● . lib. 2. Artic. c. cap. 76 , 77 , 7● . c De Romano Pontifice l. 5. c. 4. & Recognitio , l. 5. c. 4. de Rom. Pontifice . d De Planctu Ecclesiae lib : 1. Artic. 37. e Gaspar Scioppius in Ecclesiastic . c. 36. 41. 46. 55. See Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , c. 1. f Mat. 17. 24 , 25 , 26. 27. Gratian , Caus . 23 , q● . 8. g Mat : 22. 17 to 12. Mar. 12. 16 , 17. Lu : 20. 22. to 26 : See Ambrosius Oratio 5. cont●a Auxentium . Gra●ian , Caus . 11. qu. 1. i Comment . in 17 Mat. k Oratio ● . 〈◊〉 Auxentium . a De Planctu Ecclesiae , l. 1. 55. f. 40. b Mat. Westminster , Annis 1296 , 1297. Walsingham , Hist . Angliae , p. 34 , 35 , 36. & Ypodigma Neustriae , Annis 1297 , 1298. * See Gratian , Caus . 11. quaest . 1. Caus : 23. quaest . S. Ostiensis , Summa Angelica & Rosella , Johannis Langecrucius De Censibus , Talliis , Clericis , & Immunitate Ecclesiae & Clericorum . c Mat. 10. 18 , 19 , 20. Mar : 13. 10 , 11. Lu. 12. 10 , 11. Acts 9. 5. e John 19. 9 , 10. d Mat : 27. Mar : 15. Lu : 23. John 5. 19. f John 12. 47 : Lu. 12. 13 , 14. g 1 Pet : 2. 9. h Rev : 15. 6. c. 9. 10. c. 20. ● . i ● Pet : 2. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. a Prov : 24 : 21 , 22. Eccles . ● . 1 : b Epist . Imperatori Constantinopolitano Operum Tom. 2. p. 64● . Gratian Dist . 10 , & 26. Caus . 11. qu. 1. Caus : 12. qu. 1 and the Glosser● thereon . c Alvarus Pelagius de Plan●●● Eccles . lib. 1. Art : 31. &c. * Jer. 1. † Here p. ● . d 1 Pet ▪ 2. 5. to 14. e G●atian Dist : 96. Alvarus Pelagius , lib. ● . Artic. 37. Eugubinus Steuchus de 〈◊〉 . Constantini ; See Dr. Crakenthorps Defence of Constantine , cap. 7 , ● . &c. f Acts 3. 3. to 19. Bernard de Consideratione ad Eugeni●m , lib. 2. & 3. g 1 Pet. 1. 1 ▪ 7 , 8. c ▪ 23. 16 , 17. Acts 2. 44 , 45. c. 4. 34 , to the end , c. 5 , 10. Hebr. 10. 32 , 33 , 34. 1 Thess . 2. 14. 15. * Antiqu. Judaeorum , l. 17 ▪ c. 3. & lib. 18. c. 1. 2. * Tertulliani Apologia & ad Scapulam , lib. * Gratian Distinct . 31. caus . 11. qu. 2. Here p. 37. b 1 Pet : 1. 1 , 2. c 2 Pet : 2 , 4 , 5. d See Bellarmin . & others De Clericis & Sacerdotio . Gratian Distinctio 22 , 96. e See Philip Morney his Mysterium Iniquitatis ; Centuriae Magd : 5. to 13. and my Antipathy of the Lordly Prelacy to Unity and Monarchy . a 1 Pet. 5. ● , 2 , 3 , 4. b De Romano Pontifice l. 2. Amesii Bellarminus Enervatus , Tom. 3. p. 175 , 176. c 1 Pet : 1. 13. d De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. artic . 37. f See Philip Morney , Hist . Papatus . Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l. 4 ▪ 5 , 6. Dr. Beards Theater of Gods Judgements . g In Rom. 13. a Contra Haereses , lib. 1. Her. 27. col . 88 , 89. b Eccles . Hist . l. 3. c. 31. c Chrysostom Homil. 23 : in Rom. 13. Th●odoret , Theodulus , Occumeninius , Sedulius , Theophilact in Rom. 13 ▪ d Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . lib. 1. Art. 37. e Orat. 5. contra Auxentium , Gratian Caus . 23. qu. 8. f Epist . 42. * Comment . in cap. 13. ad Romanos . g Comment . in Rom. 13. h In cap. 13. ad Romanos . i In cap. 13. ad Romanos . k See Dr : Willet . Peter Martyr , Paraeus and others in locum l Espenceus , Bishop Hall , Bishop Bilson , Bp. Downham , and others . My Vnbishopping of Timothy and Titus . m 1 Tim : 2. 1 , 2 , 3. † See the Collect for the King. a See my Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus . b Tit : 3. 1 ▪ c Col. 1. 16 ▪ d De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. artic . 46. e Glossa in Grat●anum Caus . 16. qu. 1. Quc●mque caus . 15 qu. 6. Auto-itate Distinct . 34. Lector . & Distinct . 82. Presbyter . f Extravag . de Divortiis c. Fia. g Sum. Angelic● tit . Papa . sect . 1. * John 13. 16. c. 15. 20. h Mat. 15. 4 ▪ 5 , 6. Mar. 7. 10 , 11 , 12. i Eph. 5 22 , 2● , 24. c. 6. 1 , to 10. Col. 2. 18 , to 25. 1 Tim. 6 1 , 2. k 1. Pet. 2. 18 , 1● c 3. 1 , 2 , 3. l Rom. 13. 1 , t●●● . 1 Tim. 2. 1● 2 , 3. a 1 Pet. 2. 12 , to 17. c. 3. 16 Tertull : Apol. Athenagoras apologia pro Christianis . b 1 Pet. 2. 16. c Rom. 13. 1 , to 10. d 2 Tim. 2. 3 , 4. e Rom. 13. 6. f Acts 6. 2 , &c. g Acts 6. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. h Mat. 6. ●4 . Lu. 10. 13. 1 John 2. 15. i Mat. 11. 27. Mar. 1. 18. Lu. 5. 11. k Acts 13. 2. l Rom : 1. 1. m Rom : 12. 6 , 7 , 8. n Gratian caus . 21. qu. 3. Summa Angelic● . Clericus 9. * Gul. Nubrigensis , hist . l. 4. c. 4. Antiqu. Eccles . Brit. p. 140 , 141. a 1 Tim. 4. 13 , 14 , 15. b 2 Tim. 4. 1 , 2 c 1 Cor. 9. 16 , 17 d Acts 19. 8 , 9 , 10. c. 20. 20 , 31. c. 28. 30 , 31. Rom. 15. 19 , 20 Lu : 21. 37 , 38. John 8. 1. 2 : Acts 2. 48. c. 4. 31. c. 5. 41. f 1 John 2. 6. Phil : 3. 17. Col. 4. 17. g See Matt. Parker Antiqu. Eccles . Brit : p. 138 , to 142. in Vita Huberti . Bernard . de Consid . l. 1. & 3. h 1 Cor : 6. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. i 2 Thess . 2 , 3 , to 1● . k Exod : 4. 16 ▪ Psal : 82. 1. 6. l Rev : 13. m Rev. 17. 12 , n Gratian , dist . 96. Marta , Alvarus Pelagius , & Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy . o Abbot , Powel , Squire , Dr. Beard , De Antichristo , Phil. Morney Mysterium Iniquitatis . * Lu. 12. 13 , 14. * See Alvarus Pelagius lib. 2. Artic. 57. where he objects this & the premised Texts , & returns most pitifull answers 〈◊〉 them . a De Consideratione l. 1. b. 2. Acts 3. 6. Mat : 20. 25 , 26 Lu. 22. 25 , 26. Hos : 8. 4. Luke 22. 2 Cor. 11. 13 ▪ Gal. 6. 14. b De Consideratione , lib. 1. Ps . 19. 1 Cor. 6. 2 Tim. 2. Luc. 12. Nota ▪ Luke ●2 . Mat 9. 4 De Consideratione , l. 3. c. 1 , 3 , 4 Ps . 45 , & 138. Psal : 49. Psal . ● . Mat. 2● . Rom. 1. Luke 1● . a De Consid●ratione , l. 4. Nota. John 21. Mat. 10. 1 , to 16. Mar : 3. 14. to 20. Lu. 9. 1 , to 16. compared with c. 10. 1 , to 14. b Mat : 28. 19 , 20 ▪ c Ma● : 16. 16 , 17 , 1● . a Acts 2. 4. 42 , 46 , 47. c. 3. c. ● 1 , 2 , 18 , 19 , 33 , c. 5. 28 , 29 , 42. c. 19. 8 , 9 , 10. c. 20. 20 , 31 , c. 28. 30 , 31. Col. 1. 5 , 6 , 23 Rom 10. 18. c. 15. 19 , 20. b 1 Cor : 9. 14. to 24. Rom. 1. 1 , 2. Gal. 1. 16 Eph : 3. 8. 2. Cor 10. 14 , 16. 1 Thess . 2. 9. Act. 20. 20. c. 28. 30 , 31. c 2 Tim : 4. 1 , 2. d Leo 1. Epist : 86 : Concil : Hisp . Surius Concil . Tom. 1. p. 500. Tom. 2. p. 719. Rabanus Maurus De Instit . Cler. l. 1 : c. 4. Concil . Trident. S●ssio . 23. De Sacramento Ordinis . Summa Angelica & Rosella . Tit. Ordo & Jurisdictio . John 20. 22. 23 e Mat : 6. 13 , 14 , 15. c. 28. 15 , to 22. Lu : 6. 37. c. 11. 4 , 6. Mar. 11. 25 , 26. f Ephes : 4. 32. 2 Cor. 2. 7 , 10 , 11. a De Verbis Domini secund . Mat. Sermo 16. b Enarratio in Mat. cap. 18. p. 45. c Defence of the Apology , 2 part cap. 6. div : 2. p. 176 , 177. d In cap. 5 Jacobi . e In 4 Senten● : Distinct . 17. f In 4 Sent. Distinct . 17. Art. 3. g Gratian De Poenit : Dist . 1. Extravag . De officio Judicis Ordinat . Pastoralis , in Glossa . * Jewel , Mousin Chamier , Chemnitius , Willet , Fulk , Field , White , & others of Confession . * Mat. 6 : 12. c. 26. 59. c. 10. 17. Mar : 14. 1. Lu. 22 66. Joh 11. 47. Acts 4. 15. c. 5. 21 , to 42. c. 6. 12 , 15. c. 22. 30. c. 23. 1 , 6 , 15. 20 , 28 , c. 24. 20. c. 25 , 12. a In ●ohann . Tract 124. b De P●●nitentia . c In Psal . 37. d Defence of the Apology , part 2. ch . 6. sect . 7. p. 192. e De veteribus Ecclesiae Ritibus , l. 2. a In Mat. cap : 16. b 4 Sentent . D●st : 18. cap. 〈◊〉 . c In Mat , Tract . 1. d Quam Clavem habebant Legis Doctores nisi int●rpretationem Legis ? contra Mar●●… . 1. m , l 4. e Duces Ecclesiae habent c●avem S●●●nt●ae , ut aperiant Scripturas , creditis tibi pop●●is . 〈…〉 , & Discipuli ingrediantur . In Esaim lib. 6. cap. 54. f Clavis et Scientia S 〈…〉 . Opus Imperfect . in Mat. Hom. 44. g Remitterentur peccata per Dei verbum , 〈…〉 lib. 2. h Clavis est dicenda , qua ad fidem pectorum dura referantur . De 〈…〉 . lib. 2. i 〈…〉 Apology , part 2. cap. 7. Divis : 1. k Conference with Hart , cap. 3 , 4. l Answer to the J 〈…〉 Cha●●●nge . * In Mat. tract . 1. m Hom : in Evang . Qui indicerunt . n 4 Sentent . Distinct . 18. o De Potestate Ligandi & Solvendi , pars 1. c. 24. a Defence of the Apology , part ● . chap. 6 , 7. b Conference with Hart , c. 3 , 4 , 5. c Adversus H●ereses , l. 2. De Asolutione . d Rom. 13. 4. e Gen. 4. 10. Num. 24. 17. Esth . 4. 11. c. 5. 9. Ps : 45. 6. Jerem. 19. 44. Amos 1. 5 , ● . Zech. 10. 11 : Hebr. 1. 8. f Johannis Parisiensis de Potestate Papali , & Regal . Cusanus Epist . ad Pohe●●os , Petius de Palud● de Potestate collata Apostolis . Bellarmine de Romano Pontifice . Mr. Harding against Jewel : Peter Lombard in 4. Sentent . 1● . g 4 Sententiarum Distinct : 18. qu. 1. 8. Omnes fere Sacerdotes ita sunt simplices & idiotae post succeptionem Sacerdotii sicut ante . Dicendum ergo , quod Scientia non est cla●●s principalis , nec per se , sed prout juncta est Authoritate Ligandi & Solvendi , & haec Clavis non est de esse Ordinis , sed de bene esse . h Gratian , Distinct : 10. 21. 22. Alvarus Pelagius De Planctu Eccles : lib. 1. Artic : 37 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 56 , &c. i Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , part 2. divis : 6 , 7. p. 182 , 183. &c. k De Subditis & Superioribus . * See Bern. de l. 2. c. 3. Stat ergo inconcussum privilegium tuum tibi , tàm in datis clavibus , quàm in 〈…〉 . a Gratian Distinct . 2. 96. Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . lib. 1. c. 23. 37 , 55. Joannis Parisiensis , de Potestate Regali & Pontif : Bellarmin de Romano Pontif. l. 5. c. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Carerius , Bozius , Thomas Waldenfis , Schioppius , Augustinus Triumphus , and others in their forccited Books , De Potestate Papae , &c. Here , p. 35. to 42 , See Dr. John Whites Defence of the way to the Church , ch . 6. & 10. b See here , p. 5 , 6. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , 8 part . ch . 1. divis . 4. p. 711 , 712. * See here p. 9. Hardings Reply to Jewel . c Exod : 7. 7. Num : 33. 39. Deut. 34. d Exod : 40. 12 , to 17. Here , p. 5. Bishop Carlton of Jurisdiction Royal , Episcopal , Papal , p. 32 , 33 , 34. * Num. 20. 25. to 29. e Levit : 10. 16 , to 20. f 1 Sam. 8. 18. 1 Chron. 18 17. Exod. 2. 16. Gen. 47. 22. 26 h Num. 12. 1. to 16. i Num. 1● . 11 k In Veteri lege Sacerdotium indignius erat Potestate Regia & ei subjectum Johannis de Parisiiis , De Potest . Regia & Papali , c. 5. g Levit. 10. 14. to 20. a John 10. 14. b Hebr. 13. 20. c 1 Pet : 5. 3. d John 10. 1 , to 5. e De dignitate Sacerd. cap. 2. f In Vita Solitaria c. 23. g Defence of the Apology , part 2. c. 7. div . 5. h Conference with Hart , lib : 3. p. 83. to 102. i Gratian Dist . 21. c. In Sacerdotales . k De Singularitate Praelatorum . l De Unitate Ecclesiae , Edit : Pamelii , p. 150. m Cypriani ep : 3. Edit : Pam : p. 10. Joan : 21. n Psal : 100. 3. Psal : 79. 13. John 10. 2 , to 26. Acts 20. 28. Jer : 23. & Ezech : 34. John 21. 16. * Gen. 31. 39. 40. a Psal . 23. 2. Isa . 40. 11. Acts 20 28. Gen. 29 2 , to 18. Ezech. 34 , 14 , 16 , 18. b Gen : 31. 29 , 30. Lu. 2. 8. Ezech. 34 : 2 , to 10. John 10. 2 , to 12. c 1 Pet : 5. 2 , 3. John 10. 3 , 4 , 5 d Ezech. 34. 4 , 5 , 6 , 8 , 11 , 12 , 16. Ps . 119. 76 Isay 53. 6. Jer. 50. 6. 17. Mat. 15. 24 , c. 18. 12 , 13. Lu : 15. 4 , 5. e John 10. 10. to 16 , 1 Sam : 17 , 34 , 35. f Isay 40. 11. Ezech. 34. 4. to 17. Numb . 32. 16. g Ezech 34. 4 , to 7. John 10. 10 , to 15. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Psal . 44. 11. h Quest : 3. nu . 14 , 15 , 16. i Alvarus Pelagius , de Planctu Eccles . l. 1. attic . 55. Bellarm. De Romano Pontif. l. 5. c. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , &c. a Gen. 9. 2 , to 8. b Acts 10. 14 , 15 , 16. c Acts 10. 10 , 11. d Levit. 11. 2. &c. Deut. 14. 4 e Col. 2. 14 , 15 , 16. 21 , 22. 1 Cor. 8. 9. Rom. 14. 14. 1 Tim. 4. 4 , 5. 1 Cor. 10. 25. to 31. f Acts 10. 19 , 20 , 34 , 35 , 45 , 46 , 47. c. 11. 2 , to 19. Ephes . 2. 13 , to 18. g See Marsilius Patavinus Defens . Pacis , l. 2. c. 3. * Though he rode as a King into Jerusalem . * Sacrar . Ceremon . l. 1. c. 8. 10. Bp. Jewels Def. of the Apology , p. 463. * Psal . 32. 3. Prov. 26. 3. * Ecclesiastic . Praefat. ad Imp. Summa . c. 147. p. 534 , 535 , 537 , 538. Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy p. 26 , 27. Nota. a See Marsilius Patavinus , Defens . pacis , p. 2. c. 3. Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . l. 2. Artic. 37. 51. 53. Bellarmine De Romano Pontifice Alexander Carerius de Potestate Papae . Augustinus Triumphus , Hart , Harding , The Rhemists , Bozius , Johannes Parisiensis , and others . b Lu. 5. 4 , 5 , 6. John 21. 11. c Luke 22. 32. f Doctrinalis Fidei , Tom. 1. lib. 2. Artic. 3. cap. 29. p. 229. See Alvarus Pelagius De Planctu Ecclesiae , lib. 1. Article 51 , 53. d Innocentii Opera Tom. 1. p. 321. e Doctrinale Fidei Tom. 1. Artic. 2. c. 5. to 8. * Inter seculares , nugae nugae sunt , in ore sacerdotis blasphemiae . Bern : de Consid . l. 2. † Mat. 10. 9 , 10. a Bernard . de Consid . ad Eugenium , l. 4. Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . l. 1. Art. 12. & 54. l. 2. Artic. 57. Gratian Distinct . 21. caus . 23. qu. 1. Glossa . Abbas Vspergensis p. 343. Here , p. 36. Johannis Par●siensis de Potestate Regali & Papali . a Mat. 26. 50 , 51. John. 21. 10 11. b Mat. 26. 51 , 52 , 53. John 28. 11. c Mat. 16. 23. Mar. 8. 33. d Mat : 26. 53 , 54. e Mat. 26. 52 , 53. See Gratian Distinct . 10. f Ephes . 6. 17. g Hebr. 4. 12. Rev. 1. 16. c. 2. 12. c. 19 , 14 , 15. h Rom. 13. 4. * 1 Cor : 5. 5. 15. John 9. 22. 34 , 35. Mat 18 17. * 1 Tim. 3. 3. Tit. 1. a De Consideratione ad Eugenium , l. 4. b Johan . 18. c 2 Tim. 4. 1. d Isay 58. e Lu. 1. f Mart. 25. g Ezech. 3. h Gen. 11. 3● * Isay 5. 4 , i Lu. 4. a De Planctu Eccles . l 1. Artic . 52. * Ibid. Ar●i● . 51 , 52 , 53 , 56 , 57. * Here p. 37 , 38 , 39. a See here , p. 30 37. 38. 39. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , p. 59 , 121 , 125 , 449 552 , 582 , 584. b De Consideratione , lib. ● a Innocentii 3● Opera , Tom. 1. p. 223. Gratian Dist . 50. Caus : 24. qu. 1. Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccl ● . lib. 1. Artic. 55. Tho. Walde●●● Doctrinale Fidei , Tom. 1. l. 2. Artic ● . c. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Bellarmine de Pontifice Romano , l. 1. & 2. & 3 , & 4 , & 5. 〈◊〉 . Augustinus Triumphus , the Rhemists , Hart & all Papists that write of the Popes Supremacy . b Eph. 5. 2● . Col. 1. 10. c Mat. 16. 1● . John 21. 15 , 16 , 17. Mat. 17 25. Mar. 1. 30 , 36. c. 14. 37. Luke 3. 4 , 5. 10. c. 7. 40 , 43 44. c. 22. 31. c. 24. 34. John 1. 42. Acts 15. 14. d John 6. 8. 68. c. 13. 6. 9. 24. 36. c. 18. 10. 25. c. 20. 2. 6 c. 21. 2. 3. 7. 11. 15. Acts 1. 15. c. 2. 14. 38. c. 3. 1. 6. 12. c. 4. 8. 13. c. 5. 3 , 8 , 29. c. 11. 5. 17 , 18. 32. e Platina , Onuphrius , Baronius , Dr. Barns , Lydius , Opmerus , Laertius Cherubinus , and others who wrote the Popes Lives , & Pontificale Romanum . f Hardings Confutation f. 210. Bp. Jewels Defence p. 125. 127. Leo 1. Serm. 1. & 2. de Petro & Paulo , Greg. Epist . l. 8. Epist . 45. 13. c. 8. ep . 45. Laertius Cherubinus , Bulla●ium Romanum Pontificale Romanum , Aventinus Annal : Boiarum , l. 6. The Excommunications of Henry the Emperor , Frederick & King John. g 1 Pet. 2. 3. to 10. * Ephes . 2. 21 , 23. h Tract . 1. in Mat. i Adversus Januarium l. 1. k Defence of the Apol. p. 125 l Doctrinale Fidei , Tom. 1. l. 2. Artic. 1. c. 6. m De Planctu Ecclesiae , l. 1. Artic. 55. n 1 Cor. 10. 4. o Psal . 40. 2. p 1 Cor. 10. 4. a Mysterium Missae , l. 1. c. ● . Operum Tom. 1. p. 321. b De Planctu Eccles . l. 1. artic . 37. p. 39. ● . c Gratian Dist , 19. 21. Caus 3 qu. 6. & 16. qu. 6. Tho. Waldensis Doctr. Fidei , l , 2. Tit. 2. 4. d Epist . 89. See Bp. Jewel His Def. of the Apology , p. 2. p. 125. e Christus cum resurrexit à mortuis prius se Petro , quam caeteris ostendit Apostolis , quia secundum Apostolum visus est Cepha , post hoc undecim . Innocentius l. 3. Mysterium Missae pars 1. n. 8. Tom. 1. p. 321. f Sancta Bethlehem caput est orbis , Prudentius in Enchirid. a In 1 Regum . l. 4. c. 4. b In Act. Apost . Hom. 3. d Extravag . de elect . & elect . potest . Jewels Defence , p. 117 125. &c. * Here , p. 38 , 39. e 1 Cor. 12. 28. f Ephes . 4. 11. g In their Commentaries on the Acts , and Pauls and Peters Epistles . h See Scapula his Lexicon , Calepine , Holioke , Calvin , & Riders Dictiories . i Mal. 3. 1. c. 2. 7 * John 1. 37 , to 40. k Doctrinale Fidei , Tom. 1. l. 2. cap. 1. p. 138. 139. l Mat. 16. 21 , 22 23. Mar. 8. 31. 32 , 33. Lu. 4. 7. 8. m Mat. 26. 31 , 32 , 33 , 75. Mar. 14. 29 , 30 , 31. Lu. 22. 33 , 34. n Mat. 26. 51. to 55. John 18. 10 , 11. o Mat. 14. 38. to 22. a Acts 10. 13 , 14 , 15. b Mat. 26. 60. to the end Mar. 14. 66. to the end , Lu. 22. 〈◊〉 to 63. John 28 , 25 , 26 , 27. c John 21. 19 , 26 , 17. John 23. 6 , 7 , 8. d Cal. 2. 11 , to 17. e Acts 8. 14 , 15. f Gratian Dist . 21. & 40. caus 9. qu. 3. caus . 12 qu. 2. and the Glosses thereon . Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . l. 1 : Artic. 4 , 5. 6. g De Romano Pontif. l. 5. h Acts. 10 & 1● & 8. i Rom. 15. 18 , to 26. c. 16. 26. Ephes . 3. 3 , to 12. Col. 1. 8. 27 , 28 , 29. Rom. 10. 18. k Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu . Eccles . l. 1. Artic. 55. f. 38 , 39. a Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . l. 1. Art. 62. * Euseb . de Vita Constantini . † Beda , Mat. Westm . Holinshed in his Life . * Alvarus Pelagius de Planctn Eccles . l. 1. Art. 62. See here chapter 5. b Acts 8. 1 , 2 , 3 4 , 5. to 26. Zanct. in Act. 8. * Eusebius Ecclesiast . Hist . ●l . 6. c. 20. Nicephorus Calixtus Eccl. Hist . l. 5. c. 14. a Theodoret Eccles . l. 3. c. 23. Sozomen . l. 3. c. 24. Ruffinus , l. 1 c 9. Cent. Mag. 4. col . 25 , 26. b Distinct . 96. c. bene . v. Laicus . Distinctio 23. Mulie● caus . 16. qu. 1. Adjicimus . c Distin . c. Decernimus . c Distin . c. Decernimus . d Summa Angelica , Tit. Laicus , sect . 4. e Laertius Cherubinus Bullariam Romanum , Romae 1638. Tom. 4. p. 115 , 116. * Laert. Cheuub . Bullarium Tom. 2. p. 361 , 362. * Hospinian & Ludovicus Lucius Historiae Jesuitica , l. 1. c. 1 p. 8. Speculum Jesuiticum , p. 1 H●●ssermullerus & Maffaeus in Vita Ignatii , & Historia Jesuitica . Ribadeniera in Vita Ignatii : Laertiu● Cherubinus Bullarium Romanum , Tom 2. p. 538 , 57● b Ludovic : Lucius Hist Jesuitica l. 1. c. 7. p. 156. * Speculum Jesuitica . p. 209 , 210 , 211. * Nota. * Speculum Jesuiticum , p. 210. Ludovicus Lucius Hist . Jesuit . l. 1. c. 7. c In Vita Ignatiii Loyolae . Lud Lucius , Hist . Jesuit . p. 157. d Lud. Lucius , hist . Jesuit . l. 1. c. 1. Hospinian hist . Jesuit . c. 1. Speculum Jesuit . p. 61. e Hospinian Hist : Jesuit . l. 3. f. 214. l. 4. f. 244 Lud. Lucius Hist . Jesuit . l. 2. c. 2. p. 187. f Thuanus Hist . l. 74. Speed , Cambden , & others in the life of Qu. Eliz : Anno 1581. g Page 320 , 334 , &c. h See my Speech in Parl. & my Epistle to A Seasonable Vindicat. &c. i Ludovic . Lucius & Hospinian Hist . Jesuit . & Speculum Jesuiticum . 1 See Camden , Speed in her life . 2 Jac. 3. c. 1 , 2 , 4 , 6. Speeds history , p. 1240. to 1244. 1250. to 1256. a In Mat. Hom. 13. & in Esaiam Hom. 10. b De Dignitate Sacerdotis , l. 4. c Ad Nepotian . Epist . 2. c. 19. d Epist . 3. ad He●●odo● . c 7. e Com in Sophoniam , c. 2. Com. in Epist 1. ad Timotheum . c. 3. f Ep. 13. ad Rustic . Dia● . a Comment . l. 2. in Epist . ad Galatas c. 4. b Comment . l. 2 in Epist . ad Ephes . c Ad Evagriam Epistola . d De Civitate De● . l. 19. e Comment . in Psal . 126 f See the Vnb●shoping of Timothy and Titus , p 9● , to 100. g Sect. 11. 30. c 14. 23. c. 13 , 14 15. c. 2 , 3 , c 16 4. c. 20. 17 , 28. c. 21. 18. c. 22. 5 Phil. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Tit. 1. 5 , 7 Jam. 5. 14. Heb. 13. 17. 1 Pet 5. 1 , 2. 3. 1 Cor. 14 , 20 , 30 , 31 , 32 c. 1 Thes . 5. 10. 15. Rom. 16. 3. 9 , 12. Euseb . Eccl. Hist . l. 2. c. 31. l. 6. c , 8. 10. Socrates Scholast . Eccles . Hist l. 5. c. 5 l. 7. 3. Possid . in vita Augustin . c. Cent. Magd. 8. col . 679 , 680. The Unbishoping of Timothy & Titus , p. 15 , 16 , 17 , 34 , 35. a Epist . l. 4. Epist . 1. 9. b Epist . l. 3. Epist . 13. c Com. in Epist ad Tit. c. 1. in Evagrium Epistola . d Defence of the Apology , pars 2. c. 3. div . 5. c. 7. divis . 1. p. 128. 129 , 248. e Letter to Sir Fran. Knols , & conference with Hart. f Contra Duraeum l. 7. sect . 55. Controv. 2. qu. 2. c. 5. g Of the Church , Book 5. c. 27. h Synopsis Papismi , qu. 1. part 2. i Dr. Ames Bellarminus Enervatus Tom. 2. lib. 3. cap. 1 , 2. k De Gubernatione Eccles . lib. l Apologia pro sententia Hieronymi , a most learned Treatise ; Smectymnuus . * 2 Cor. 5. 29 , 20 , 21. n Rom. 1. 1. c. 16 2 Cor. 9. 17. Col. 4. 12. Tit. 1. 1. Lu. 16. 1 , 2 , &c. a Alva●us Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . l. 2. Artic. 13. b Caus . 1. qu. 3. & Distinct . 73. c De Consid . ● . 2. d Gloss . in Gratian caus . 1. qu. 7. Alvarus Pelagius , l. 2. A●t . 13. e 1 Cor. 5. 1 , 2. 1 Pet. 2. 10. Lu. 12. 42 , 43. Tit. 1. 7. Lu. 16 1 , 2 , &c. f Hebr. 5. 1. c. 8. 3. c. 9. 9. c. 10. 38. g Rom. 12. 1. Eph. 5. 2. Phil. ● . 18. c. 2. 17. g In Exhortat : ad Castitatum . h In Luc. 1. i In Malach. c. 1. k In 2 Cor. Hom. 3. l In Evang. ● . 1. c. 10. De Civit : Dei , l. 20. c. 10. * Reges sunt & Sacerdotes omnes electi . Sententiae , f. 113. m Marlorat , Calvin , Fox , Beza , &c. Bp : Jewels Defence of the Apology , part : 1. c. 11. divis . 4. 5. p. 113 114. n Here , Fol. 40. Bishop Jewel , ib. p. 711 712 , 713 , 714. a De Potest . Regali , & Papali , c. 18. b Distinctio 10. * Gratian Dist . 65. c Caeremoniale Romanum . l. 3. c. 2. d Sacrarum Caeremoniar : l. 1. sect . 5. c. 3. 6. Bp. Jewels Defence . p. 461. e Sacrarum Caeremon . l. 1. Sect. 1. p. 61. Sect. 2. p. 38 , 43 , 45. & Tit. 2 28 , 29. Marta l. 18. n. 14. Steuchus p. 13● Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p. 23 24. Bp. Jewels Defence of the Apology , 4 part c. 7. divis . 3. p. 463 , 464 , to 473. s Lambert . Scafnaberg . p. 249. Abbas Usperg . p. 235. Sabellicus Aeneid . lib. 9. lib. 3. Hermanus Schedel : Chron. g Mat. Paris , Hist . Angl. p. 125. h Nauclerus ad Anno 1177. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 7. col . 1070 , 1071 , 1072. i Polychron , l. 7. c. 26. Centur. Magd. 12. col : 1071. k Summa , pars 3. Tit. 21. c. 5. Sect. 4. l Mat : 4. 8 , 9. a Greg. Magnus l. 4. Epist . 38. b De Consid . l. 2. c Doctrinale Fidei , Hom. 1. lib. 2. Art. 1. c. 3. sect . 8. d De Consid . lib. 2 ▪ e Job . 1. f Job . 5. g Psal . 230. a Gregorius 2 Epist . 7. Stephani 7 Epist . Tom. 3. p. 899 Gratian Distin . 10. 22. & Hardings Reply to Jewel , See his Defence of the Apology , p. 689 , to 750. b Gratian Caus . 7. qu. 1. Dist . 63. & Glossa . Hic dicitur Ecclesia Episcopus , aliquando Ecclesiastici viri . c Mr. Tyndal , What the Church is . Harmony of Confessions , sect . 10 Articles of Relig . Art. 19 , 20 , d See here , p. 54 , 55. e See Summa Angelica , Rosella . Tit. Clericus & Laicus , &c. Bellarmin de Clericis . f Acts 20. 28. and the Texts forecited . Here p. 54 , 54. g Ephes . 5. 24 , 25. 1 Cor. 12. 12 , 13 , 14. a Acts 9. 13 , 40 51. 1 Cor. 1. 2 2 Cor. 1. 1. c. 13 13. Eph. 1. 1. Phil. 1. 1. Col. 1. 2. 4 12. b Acts 20. 32. 1 Pet. 2. 9 : 1 Cor. 6. 11. Rom. 15. 16. Heb. 10. 10. 14 , 15. c. 13. 11. 1 Thess . 5. 23. 1 Cor. 3. 17. c. 7. 14. 34. Col. 3. 12. 1 Thess . 5. 27. Heb. 3. 1. 1 Pet 1. 15 , 16. c 1 Pet. 2. 9. 5. 3. 10. Jer. 12. 2. 8. Joel 2. 17. Deut. 32. 9. d Gratian Dist . 10. Alvarus Pelagius , De Planctu Eccles . lib. 1. Artic. 13 59. l. 2. Art. 37 See here , p : 63 , 64 , 65. e See here , p. 35 to 40. Alvarus Pelagius l 1. Artic. 13. & 27. to 67. l. 2. Art : 57. f Gratian Distinctio 10. Here , p. 35 , to 40. Alvarus Pelagius l. 1. Artic. 13 , 37 , 22 g Gratian Distinct : 10. caus . 1. qu. 3. caus . 23. qu : 4 : Alvarus Pelagius lib : 1 : c. 13 , 21 , 37 , 64 , 74. Summa Angelica & Rosella , & Hostiensis , Tit. Clericus , Bellarmin de Clericis . h Alvarus Pelagius l. 1. Art. 22. Bellarminus de Conciliis , Gratian Dist . 36. i Johannes Paris . de Potestate Regali & Papali , c. 25. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , 6 part . ch . 25. divis . 1. p. 557. Petrus de Palude , de Potestate Curat . Artic. 6. k Stanislaus Orichonins in Chymera , p. 97 , 98. l Gratian Dist . 11. 40. caus . 12. qu. 2. Alvarus Pelagius , l. 1. Artic. 4. 5 , 6 , 34. m Alvarus Pelagius l. 1. Artic. 37 , 38. Gratian Distinct . 22. caus . 4. qu. 6. Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . lib. 1. Artic. 37 , 38. n Alvarus Pelagius , l. 1. Artic. 40. * De 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae , l. ●● . c. 62. Nota. * Deutr. 6. 7. c. 11. 19 , 20 , 21. c. 32 , 46. a Psal . 101. 3. to the end . b Here , p. 3 , 4. b Here , p. 3 , 4. c De Planctu Eccles . lib. 1. Artic. 13. 62. 66 d His ●urisdiction Regal , Episcopal , Papal , ch . 2. e Here , p. 8. to 18. f Psal . 2. Isay . g Here , p. 30. a Isay 9 2. 6 , 7. c. 32. 1. to 6. Psal . 2. & 110. Mat. 25. 34. Col. 1. 13. 1 Tim. 4. 18. Hebr. 11. 28. 1. Rev. 12. 10 Jam. 2. 5. Eph 2 , 1 , to 22 c. 4. 10 to 19. * 1 John 2. 6. 2 b Gen. 23. 6. a Isay 43. 41. Ps . 95 , & 100. Rev. 1. 5 , 6. c. 4. 10 , 11. c. 5. 9 , to 14. 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. b Deut. 17. 18 , 19 , 20. c. 30 10. Josh . 1. 7 , 8 , 9. c. 23. 2. 6. c. 24 22. to 29 Neh. 8. 1 , to 18. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , 6 part ch . 11. divis . 3. p. 709 , 710 , 757. * 2 Sam. 23. 1 , 2 , 3. d Politic. l. 3. cap. 10. & 11. a See here p. 4. b Genialium Dierum , l. 3. c. 27. * See Cicero , Oratio pro Domo sua ad Pontifices . a Baronius Annal . Anno 553. num . 237. Anno 528. n. 2. Clemens Romanus Constit . Apostol . l. 2. c. 38. * See Centur. Magd. 6. c. 7. col . 440. to 452 Cent. 7. c. 7. col . 236 , 237 , &c. a Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 1. Colon. 1618 p : 8 , 9 , 10 Anno 10. Epistola 10. ad Smyrnenses , Bibl. Patrum , Colon. Agrip. 1618. Tom. 1. p. 88. Anno Christi , 100. b Bibl. Patrum Tom. 1. p. 96 g. Anno 120. d Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 2. p. 43. G. H. Anno 150. Mat. 22. d Ad Autolicum , l. 1. Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 2 p : 158. D. Anno 180. * Prov. 24. 21 , 22. a Adversus Haereses l. 5. p. 599 , 600 , 601. Anno 180. b Jacobus Langus Notae ad Justin Martyris Oratio ad Anton : p. 117. c Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 2. p. 129 , 139 , 〈◊〉 . Anno 190. a Ad Scapulum l. 1 p. 162 , 163. Anno 200. * Cap. 30 , 31. * He answers this cavil . * Matth. 5. 44 , 45. Lu. 6. 27 , 28. † 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2 Stromatum , l. 1. Opera Graeco-Latina , Lutetiae Paris . 1641. p. 346. 347. Phil. 2. Anno Christis , 180. a Contra Celsum l. 8. Operum , Basileae , 1571. Tom : 2. p. 809. Anno 290. a Ad Demetrianum Proconsulem p 161. b Euseb . Eccles . Hist : l. 7. c. 10. c Adversus Gentes l. 4. Anno 300. d De Vero cultu , l. 7. c. 5 , 6. † Rev. 10. 55. Anno 340. e Apologia ad Constantium Imperatorem . * Socrates Sco●●st : Ecclesiast : Hist : l. 2. c : 36 in the Greek , but 22 in Meredith Ha●me● his English Translation f Ad Constantium . lib. 2. Anno 356. Anno 359. g Socrates Scholast . Eccles . hist . l 2. c , 37. Cassiodorus Tripart , hist . l. 5. c. 22. Sozomen Eccl. hist . l. 2. c. 18. Niceph : Eccles . hist . l. 9. c. 45. Theodoret Eccles . Hist . l. ● . c. 20. Anno 370. Prov. 21. 1. Anno 370. Operum Graeco ●at . Paris●iis , 1638. Tom. 1. p. 180 , 181. Anno 370. Lib. 3. contra Parmenianum . * Anno 370. Apologia Davidis , l. 1. c. 4. 10. Zech. 14. Psal . 115. 4. * De Vocatione Gentium l. 1. & in 1 Tim : 2. * Epistolar . l. 4. Epist . 32. Gratian caus . 23. qu. 8. † He produceth not , nor can produce any one president for this pretended usage . * See the contrary in the following Councils , p. 98. to 116. * Act. 4 , 19 , 20 : c. 5. 28 , 29. Exod . 1. 17 , 18. Dan. 2. 5. to 17 c. 6. to 26. c. 3. 5. to 30. 1 Sam 22. 17 , 18. * See Bp. Jewels Defence of the Apology , part 6. c. 14. divis . 1. p. 750. † Gratian , dist . 96. & caus . 23. qu. 8. & the Glosse . d Lib. 5. Epist . 3. e Here , p. 98. Anno 380 Preysteph : Hymno 2 a Sozomen . Eccl. Hist . l. 4. c. 13. Surius Concil . Tom. 1. p. 617. Cent. Magd. ● Col. 851. Anno 381 a Cent. Magd. 4. Col. 864. Surius Concil . Tom. 7 472 , 473. Theodoret Hist . l. 5. cap. 9. Anno 383 Anno 400 a Hom. 8. ad Popul . Antioch . b Hom. 6. in 1 Tim 2. & Hom. 33. in 1 Epist . ad Co●int . c. 13 c Tom. 5. col . 1145 , 1157 , 1140. Anno 410 De Regno ad Arcadium , Imperatorem , p. 8 , 9 , 19 , 20. Anno 420. a Contra Epistolam P●rmeniani l. 1. c. 7. & Epistola 16● Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology against Harding , part 6. ch . 9. divis . 1 , 2. p. 695 , 696 , 697. b 〈…〉 c Contra Petillianum Don. l. 1. c. 83 , 84. Gratian caus . 23. qu. 4. Contra Donatistas & Celsionem , c. 17. Contra Cresconium Grammaticum , l. 3. c. 42 , 43 , 44 Epist . 48. & 50 Retractionum , l. 7. c. 2 a Tom : 8. pars 2. p. 819. 637 , 638 , 852. b Contra Cresconium , lib. 3. c. 9. c Ad Bonifacium Tom : 2. 50 Epist : Gratian Distinctio , 9. d In Theatro Militantis Ecclesiae cap. 33. Thomas Waldensis Doctrinale fidei , Tom 1. lib. 2. Artic. 3. c. 75. a Mat. 6. 25 , to 34 , Psal . 78. 70 , 71 , 72. b Ps . 78. 70 , 71 , 72. 2 Sam. 5. 2. 1 Chron. 11. 2. & cap. 29. John 21. 15 , 16 17. Acts 20. 28 * Here , p. 12 , 13. Anno 418. a Surius Concil . Tom. 1. p. 577 , 578 , 579 , 581 , 582. Crab & Binius . * Lib. 1. Cod. Tit. 4. &c. † Lib. 16. Cod Tit. 1 , to 8. Anno 430. In Danielem Oratio 2. Ope-Tom . 1. p. 394. Luc. 2. Tom. 2. p. 27. Anno 430. Operum Tom : 2. Parisiis 1608 p. 673. Prov 8. Anno 431. Cyrilli Opera Tom. 2. p. 22. epistola . 17. Nota. Anno 432 a Surius Concil . Tom : 1. p. 655 to 694 , & 660 , 601 , 602 , &c. b Surius , ibid. p. 685. * Surius Ibid. p. 688. * Ibid. p. 689. * Ibid. p. 689 , 690. * Ibid. p. 691. * Ibid. p. 6●3 . * Ibid. p. 663 * Ibid. 690. * Surius Ibid. p 687 , 694. * Nota. * Ibid. p. 691 , 692. * Judiciis . * See Dr. James Bastardy of the Fathers , part 2 p. 90 , 91. * Surius Ibidem p. 618 , 619. * Nota. * Surius Concil . Tom 1. p. 692. a Platina , Onuphrius , Luitprandius , Lydius in 〈◊〉 3 Baronius Anno 433. Sab●●licus Centur. Magd. 5. col . col . 905. Surius Concil . Tom. 1. p. 698 , 701 , 702 , 703 , 704. Anno 433 b Concil . Tom. 1. p. 703. c Causa 2. qu. 4. d Gratian Distinct . 62. cap. Apostolicum . e Theodoret Eccles . Hist . l. 2. c. 16 , 17. Nicephorus Eccl. Hist . l. 9. c. 35 , 37. Tripartita Hist . l. 5. c. 16 , 17. Cent. Mag. 4. col , 107 , 574 1283 , 1284. Anno 355. a Eccles hist . l. 9 c. 3● . Cent●a . Magd. 4. col . 493 , 553. Sozomen . l 4. c. 35 b Platina , Onuphrius , Luitprand●●s , Lydius , Barnes , in Vita Liberii . Sozomen . l. 4. c. 11. Athana●ii Epist . ad Solitariam Vitam agentes . Cent. Magd. 4. col . 325. 1283 , 1284. c Surius Conc●l . Tom. 2. p. 337. &c. Bp. Jewels Defence of the Apology , p. 69● . Anno 440. d De Vocatione Gentium , l. 2. c. 16. e Epigram 34. e Ecclesiast . Hist . l. 5 Pro●mio . Anno 440. Nota. Anno 450. Epist . 9. 13 , 14 & 50 , 〈◊〉 Epistola 7 , 9 , 12 , 13 , 16 , 17 , 23 , 24 , 29 , 31 , 33 , 36 , 37 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , to 54 , 62 , 67 , 68 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 9● . Anno 450 Anno 450 Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 8 , 10 , 11 , 21 , 16 , 31 , 102 , 103 , 106 , 129 , 142 , 157 , 158 , 162. * Surius Tom. 2. p. 164 , 165 , 186 , 188. * Surius Tom. 2. p. 137 , 138 , * Surius , p. 142 , 145 , 161 , 197 , 198. * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 25. 38. 55. 58. 66 , 67. 95 109. b Surius , Tom. ● . p. 11 , 20 , 21 , 27 , 132 , 133 , 102 , 103 , 106 , 120. c Surius , Tom. 2. p. 133 , 134 &c. d Codicis , lib. 1. Tit. 4. Lex 3 , 4. e Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 17. a Ibid. p. 101 , 103 ; 106. b Ibidem , p. 102. 103. 106. Cent. Magd. 5. col . 934 , 935. c Nicephorus . Eccles . Hist . l. 45. c. 4. 8 Cent. Magd. 5. col . 55. d Surius , Ibid. p. 55. Anno 451 * Justin . Cod : lib. 1. Tit. 4. Lex . 2 , 3. Anno 451 * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 180 , 181 , to 18● b Surius . Tom. 2 p. 186 * Surius , ibid. 188 , 189. Psal . 8● . * Ecclesiast . Hist . l. 2. c. ●8 . Anno 458 Evagrius Eccles . Hist . l. 2. c. 8 , 9 : Nicephorus Eccles . l. 15. c. 18 , &c ▪ Surius Council . Tom. 2. p. 224 , 225 , &c. Su●●us Concil . Tom. 2. p. 224. Nicephorus , l. 15. c. 18 , &c. * Tom. 2 p. 224. to 277. Nota. * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 245. Nota. * Surius , p. 2●5 . * Nota. * 〈…〉 Anno 484. Niceph Eccles . Hist . l. 16. c. 12. * Niceph. Eccl. Hist . l. 16. c. 12. * Niceph. Calistus , Eccles : Hist . l. 16. c. 1● , 16 , 17. Platina , Onup●rius & Lydius 〈◊〉 Felice 3 Ann● 538 * See Cookes Censura Patiū , & Dr. James Bastardy of the Fathers * Surius Concil : Tom. 2. p. 300. to 310. * Gen. 14. Heb. 7. * Here , p. 34 , to 40. 79 , 80. * 1 Pet. 2. 2 Tim. 2. a Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 301 , 302. * Ibid. p. 303 , 304. * Gratian Distinctio 96. Mat. 16. * Hist . l. 16. c. 19. 2● . Anno 490 * Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. ● . pars 3. p. 579 , ●80 . Anno 494 Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 5. pars 3. p. 851 , 852. Mal. 22. Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 5. par● 3. p. 936. a Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 334. Hermanni Contracti , Chron. con Anno 503 , 504. Platina , Lydius , Anastatius , Sabellicus , in Symmacho . Anno 503 , 504. a Platina , Anastatius , Luitp●an●●● , Lydius , Sabellicus , in Symmacho 1. * John ●4 . Mat. 10. * Her● , p. 36 , to 40. a Apologia pro Symmacho , p. 293. Baronius , Anno 502 , n. 32 , &c. b De Consideratio , c. 2. c Tom. 3. Bibl. Patrum . d Fridericus Lindebrogus Code● Legum Antiq. p. 246 , &c. Anno 508 Anno 510. e Varbrum , l , 10. p. 626. f Coccii Sabellici Aeneid . 8. l. 2. p. 341 , 342. Platina , Lydius , & others in Vita Hormisdae 2. Henricus Erfordiensis in Anastatio . Simoneta l. 4. c. 19. Cent. Magd. 6. c. 6. col . 441 , 443. 303 , Blondus , Decad. 1. l. 3. Nauclerus Vol. 3. Generat . 8. 1. Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 3●9 . Anno 516 Anno 518. a Sutius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 360 , 362 , Hermanni Contracti Chronicon , An. 519 , 521. Anastatius in V●ta Hormisdae & Johan . * Surius Tom. 2. p. 366 , 369 370. Anno Dom. 520 a Ad Thrasimundum l. 1. b Cent. Magd. 6. col . 649 , 650 Isiodorus in vita Anastatii . c De Veritate , Praedestinat . & Gratiae , citatur in Concil . Parisiensi , l. 2. c. 1. Surius , Concil . Tom. 3. p. 390. a Anastat us , Luitprandus , & others in v●ta Agapeti 1. Baronius , Anno 536. Anno 536. b In Brevlario cap. 21. Anno 540. a Platina , Lui●prandus , Al●● Floriacensis , Onuphrius , Lydius , Barns , Opmerus in Vitis S●lverii & Vigilii . Sabellicus Ae●ead . 3. l. 3. Niceph. Cal. l. 17. c. 13 27. Blondus , l. 7. Decad. 1. Cent. Magd. 6. col . 55. Hermanni Contr●cti Chron. Otho Frisingensis Chron. l. 5. c. 4. b Codicis lib. 1. Tit. 4. to 16. Autenticor . collat . l. 1. Tit. 5. De Monarchis Tit. 6. Quomodo oporteat Episcopos & Clericos ad Ordinationes perduci , & de expensis Ecclesiarum , Collat . 2. Tit. 1. De non alienandis & per , mutandis Rebus Eccles . l. 2. Tit. 4. De Romana Eccles . Tit. 3 , 4. col . 4. tit . 1. col . 9. Tit. 15. De sanctiss . Episcopis . c Auctor . Collatio , l. 1. Tit. 6. Nouvel . 131 , 133. Autentic . Col. l. 1. Tit. 6. lib. 9. Tit. 15. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , p. 752 , 753 , 754 , 755. * Lib. 1. Autentic . Coll. Tit. 6. f. 10. b. c Autentic . Collation l. 2. Tit. 4 * See here , p. 4. 87 , 88 , 89. * Autentico : Col : l. 2. Tit. 6. f. 22. Col. 4. l. 6. T it 3. l. 1. Tit : 6. Novel : 131 , 137. Anno 550. a Ecclesiasticae , Hist . l. 17. c. 27 b Concil . Tom. 2. p. 494 , 495 496. Nota. Nota. * Gal : 1. 8 , 9. * 1 Pet. 3. 15 a Surius , Tom : 2. p. 501 , 502. b Surius , Tom : 2. p. 496 , 498 , 349 , 501 , 502 , &c. Dr. Crakenthorps Vigilius Dormitans , cap. 2 , 3. c De Conciliis , l. 1. c. 4. 36. Annal. Eccles . Ann. 553. nu . 29 , 31. a De Pontif : Rom. l. 4. c. 10. Dr Crakenthorps Vigilius Dormitans , c. 2. 3 , 4. b Surius , Tom : 2. p. 579. c Ibidem . p. ] 588. d Surius Concil : Tom. 2. p. 387 , to 400 e Surius Tom. 2 p. 399. f Annal. Eccl. An : 553. n. 237 546. n. 24. * See Platina in vita Bonifacii 2 Tritemius de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis . g Anno 528. n. 2. 546. 551. n. 2. 551. n. 4. h An : 551. n. 2. 4. 528. n. 2. 553. n. 32. 541. n. 16. 550. n. 14 Dr : Crakenthorps Vigilius Dormitans , cap 20. i Anno 563. n : 16. 6 , 7 , ● . * Her● , p. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. a Actio 4. Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 918. Nota. Here , p. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. b Actio 4. Surius Tom. 2. p. 925. c Actio 10. Surius Concil . p. 958. d Surius , Tom. 2. p. 1001 , 1003 , 1005. e Ibid. Actio 8. 10. 17 , 18 , p. 1023. * Surius , p. 1040. f Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 896 , 897. * Epist : l. 2. Ind 11 Ep : 10 : & l. 3. Epist . 4. a De Gestis Franc. l. 3. c. 8. b Chron. Lib : 5. c. 4. c Chronicon , part 16 in J●●stiniano . d Fasciculus Temp. Anno 504. e De Scriptoribus Ecclesiast . f Apparatus sacr . in verbo Justinianus * In Breviario c. 24. Centur. Magd. 6. col . 51 , 52 , 502 , 503. g In Justiniano . h De Gestis Longobard , l. 1. c. 17. et in vita ejus . i Cosmogr . lib. 4. c. 59. in vita Justiniani . k In vita Johan . 3. l De Aedif. Justin . l. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. m Eccles : Hist : l. 4. c. 18. Zonarus Tom : 3. n Niceph. Eccles . Hist . l. 17. c. 31. Centur. Magd. 6. c. 6. col . 343 , 344 , Otto Frising : Chron. l. 5. c. 4. P●ulus Diaconus , De Gest . Long. l. 1. c. 17. o Concil . Gen. 6. Act. 4. q Eccles : Hist : l : 7. c. 31. r Vigilius Dormitans ch . 20. p. 355. Anno 550. Ad Justinianum Imp. jam Coronatum Paraenetica Oratio , Bibl. Patrum , Tom : 6. pars 1. p. 565 , 566. Anno 5●● . a Dr. 〈◊〉 of the Popes Temp. Monarchy , c. 5. p. 71. Anno 580 b Greg. Turonensis Hist . l 3. c. 18. Centur. Magd. 6. col . 71 , 72 , 73 , 74. Morne Mysterium Iniquitat . p. 10● . Anno ●●● . A●monius Hist : l. 3. c. 26 , 27 , 28. Greg. Tutonensis , l. 5. c. 20. Cent. Magd. 6. col . 335 , 627 , 628. Philip de Morney , Mysterium Iniquitatis , p. 165. ●●ronius , Anno 570. n. 23 , 23. Anno 589. d Surius Concil . Tom 2. p. 68● . Morney Mystesterium in qu. p. 104. Anno 590 e Surius Concil Tom 2. p. 680 , 687. Centur. Mag 6. col . 619. 620. Mark ●● . Anno 580. a Bibl. Patrum Tom. 6. pars 1. 5p . 514. c. Anno 589 b Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 668 Cent. Magd. 6. cap. 9. col . 589. to 600. Crab , Binius & Carranza in their Councils . Psal : 16. * Perficiae . a Esa . 56. Ma● , 21. Mark 11. Luc. 19. * Nota b Mat : 18 Psalm . 39. 1 Tim. 6. Mat. 10. Mark. 8. Luc. 9. Rom. 10. * Surius Concil : Tom : 2. p. 672 * Nota. * 〈◊〉 Concil : Tom : 2. p. 671 , 672. a Gratian Dist . 96. Ubi●am . See Onuphrius , Luitprandus , & Lydius in Nicholao 1. * Surius , p. 672. 673. Luc. 10. * Surius , Tom , 2. p. 676. * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 671. 1 Cor. 16. * Here , p. 133 , &c. a Gratian , dist : 96. & Glossa . b Hardings answer to Bishop Jewels Apology : See his defence of it , p. 749. c Autenticorum Collatio , l 1. Tit : 6. Gloss● . Sancimus , f. 1● . a Epist . l. 4. Epist . 34 , 82. Anno 5●● b Epist : l. 2. Epist : 62 l. 3. Epist : 61● c Epist : l. 5 , Epist 63. d Epist . l. 6. Epist : 6. e Epist . l. ●6 . Ep 31. & 6. Epist . 2. f Epist : l. 1● , Epist : ●6 . g Epist . l. 4. 〈◊〉 34 l. 5. Ep. 3●● h Epist : l. 4. Epistt 3● 36 , 38. l. 7. Ep. 3● & 39. & l. 6● . Ep. 2● . & 28. i Here , p. 25 , ●0 . to 52 , 60 , ●2 , 69. i S●ntentiarum , ● . 3. c 51. Anno 6●● * Sententiarum l. 3. c. 48 , 49 , 50 , 52. Anno 633 Surius Concil . Tom : 2. p. 727 , 728. Centur. Magd : 7. c. 9. * ● cap. 3. Surius , p. 728. * Ibid. p. 738. Anno 636 Surius Concil : Tom. 2. p. 539 , 740. Centur. Magd. 7. c. 9. Anno 638 Surius Concil : Tom : 2. p. 742 , 744 , 745. b Platina , Albo Floriacensis , Anastatius , & Balaeus in Vita Severini , Blondus in Decad . 1. l. 9. p. 124 Centur. Magd. 7. c. 7. col . 235. c. 10. col . 493. Anno 638 Surius Concil : Tom. 2. p. 746 , 749 , 759 , 760 , 762 , Anno 646 Anno 650 b Anastatius , Luitprandus , Albo Floriacensis , Platina Barns , Balaeus , in vita Martini , Baronius , Anno 650. Paulus Diaconus Rerum Roman . lib. 18. p. 254. Sabellicus Aeneadis 8. l. 6. Sigebertus , Anno 657. Centur. Magd. 7. c. 10. col . 885 , 886. Anno 653 * Surius Concil : Tom : 2. p. 854 , 855 , &c. Cent. Magd. 7. c. 9. * Here , p. 146 , 147 , 148. Anno 665 Surius Concil ▪ Tom : 2. p. 86● 869 , 870. * Surius Concil : Tom. 2. p. 874. * Surius Concil : Tom : 2. p. 372. Bochellus Decreta Eccles : Gall. l. 5. Tit : 20. c. 17. p. 901. Anno 500. Anno 675 * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 880 , 887. Anno ibid. * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 891. Anno 676 a Surius Concil . Tom : 2. p. 899 , to 906. Cent. Magd. 7. ● . 9. * Surius , p. 902. b Surius Concil : Tom. 2. p. 902 , 904 , 908 , 928 , 930 , 944 , 945 , 947 , 966 , 967 , 980 , to 988 , 990 , to 994 , 998 , to 1013. 1016 , to 1030. c Surius Tom. 2. p. 908 , to 928. Prov. 8 1 Tim. 6 a Surius , p. 920 921 Psal . 68. Act. 13. Psal . 88. Mat. 6. a Surius , Tom : 2. p. 922. b Ibid. p. 924. * See here , p. 25. a Surius , Tom. 2. p. 1001 , 1002 , 1003 , 1005 , 1023. b Ibidem , p. 1006. a Ibid. p. 1010 , 1116 , 1118. b Ibidem , p. 1021. c Surius , ibid. 1023. d Ibid. p. 1024 , 1025. Luc. 2. e S●rius Tom. 2 p. 1025 , &c. * Surius , p. 1031 , 1034. Isa . 49 Psalm 98. Ibid. p. 103● . Matth. 28. * Surius Concil . Tom. 2. p. 896 , 897. Anno 679. Surius Tom. 2. 1034. * Copiosa . * Nota. * Surius , Tom. 2. p. 1038 , 1039. * Nota a Distinctio 69 Agatho . See Blondus l. 4. Decad. 1. Cen● . Magd. c. 7. 〈◊〉 23● . Anno 680 * Centur. Mag. 7. c ● . col . 235. c. 10. col . 487 * Ejus Imperatoris . * This ( a ) is ●oisted in by Gratian , and should be omitted , as the sense and context evidence . * Here p. 35 , to 40. Anno 681 Surius Concil . Tom : 3. p. 1 , 3 , 8 , 9. Cent. Magd. 7. c. 9. Anno 682 b Surius Concil . Tom : 3. p. 9 , 10 , 11. 1 Tim. 4. c Anastatius in vita Benedict . 2 Luitprandus , Albo Floriacensis , Platina , Lydius , Barns , Balaeus . Anno 685 Anno 685 d Anastatius , Luitprandus , Albo Floriacen , Barns , Balaeus , Platina & Lydius in Joan. 5. f Anastatius , Luitprandus , Barns , Balaeus , Platina , Lydius , Onuphrius , in vita Conanis . Anno 686 g Anastatius , Barns , Balaeus , Albo Floriacensis , Luitprandus , Lydius , Onuphrius , Platina in Sergio . Sabellicus Aeneid . 8. lib. 6. Cent. 7. c. 10 , col . 490 491. Anno 687 h Anastatius , Luitprandus , Albo Floriacensis , Lydius , Platina , Barns , Balaeus , in vita Constantini . Paulus Diaconus De Gestis Longobardorum , l. 6. c. 10. Cent. Magd. 8 c. 10. col . 680. 681. Anno 710 i Paulus Diaconus Hist . Rom : l. 21 , 22. p. 292 , 293 , 295 , 296. Anastatius , Luitprandus , Albo Floriacensis , Barns , Balaeus , Platina , Lydius , & others in Gregorio 2. Cent. Magd. 8. c. 8. col . 531. 684. Anno 718 * Zonaras Tom. 3. in Leone . Cent. Magd. 8. c. ●6 . col : 357. 531 , 684. a Oratio 2. De Imaginibus , p. 736. Anno 733 b Anastatius , Luitprandus , Albo Floriacensis & Platina in Gregorio 3. Centur. Magd. 8 c. 8. col . 531 , c Paulus Diaconus hist . Rom l. 22. p. 307. Cent. Magd. 8. c. 9. Anno 747 * Operum Tom : 8. p. 561 In Ezra Exposit . Alegorica , l. 2 : Tom : 4. p. 348 Anno 720 * Surius , Tom. 3. p. 40 , 41 Anno 744 d Anastatius , Luitprandus , Platina , Albo Floriacensis , Lydius , and others in Zach. & Stephano 3. Centur. 8 c. 10. col . 707 , to 723. Abbas Vspergensis Chronicon . An. 746 , 752 , 753 e Stephani 3. Epist : 3 & 4. Gent. Magd. 8 : c. 10. col . 707 , to 740. Anno 759 * Surius , Tom. 3. p. 41 , 42. Anno 757 d Anastat●● , Luitprandus , Ba●nes , Balaeus , in vita Pauli : Pa●l●s Diaconus Rerum Roman . lib. 22. & 23. Centur. Magd. 8. c. 10. f Anastatius , Luitprandus , Barnes , Balaeus , Lydius , P●atina , Onupbrius in Stephano 4. Cent. Magd. 8 c. 10. 16. Anno 768 a Anastatius in Adriano 1. Cent. Magd. 8. c. 10. col . 742. to 747. 928 , 929. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 2. Regno l. 2. Anno 772 Anno 772. c Gratian Distinctio 67. Cent. Magd. 8. c. 7. col : 1511. c. 10. col . 748. Sigebertus , An. 773. Centur. Magd. 8. col . 928. a See Mat Westm : Anno 773. Polychronicon , l. 5. c. 26 Cent. Magd : 8. c. 7. col . 511. c. 9. 572. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 4. Antoninus , Tit , 14. c. 1 sect : 6 , Mutius , German , Chron. l. 7 Blondus Decad , 2. l. 1. Sigebete● Chron. Anno 773 Dr. Barns & Balae●● in Hadriano . a Anno 774 , nu . 10 , &c. b Apologia pro Baronio c. 1. l. 2. Contr. Replic . c. 1. c Hist : Angliae . l. 2. d De Juribus Imperat : l. e In vita Paschalis 1. f German . Prinl . c. pum , l. 8. g De Privilegiis et Juribus imperii ff . post . h De Translatione Imperii , c. 10. i De Translatione Imperii , Sect : Hoc itaque . k Part 3. Tract . 2. l. 3. c. 3. l In Distinctio . 63. m Part 2. Monarchiae , c. 8. n In Distinct : 63. o De Schismate lib. sect . Quis. p Lib. 3. Concordiae Cathol . c. 3. q De Ecclesiae Authoritate , part 1. cap. 1. Sect. Ex eadem . r Ad Annum 772. ſ Ad Ann. 788. t Ad Ann. 784. u Chron : ad Ann. 774. x Anno 1112. y Anno 773. z Lib. 4. in Carolo Magno . a De Regal . nu . 16 , 17. b In vita Gregorii 7. c Di. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , c. 5. p. 75 , to 80. Aventinus Annal. c. 4. Polycht . l. 5. c. 16. a Surius Conci● . Tom : 3. p. 48 , 50 , 51 , 78. 127 , 138 , 178 182 , 187 , 190. Cent. Magd 8. cap. 9. col . 588 , &c. Paulus Diacon . Hist . Rom l. 23. Anno 787 a Surius , p. 65. b Ibid. 72 , 78 , 91 , 127. c Surius , p. 64 , 65 , 69. * Ibid. p. 69. d Surius , Ibid. p. 83 , 90. 138 , 197. e Ibid. p. 187 , 188. f Psalm 125 Anno 794 g Surius Concil Tom. 3. p. 226 , 23● , to 252. Regino lib. 2. Cent. Magd. 8. cap : 9. col . 626 , 627. * Alchuini Opera , col . 901 to 1007. h Surius , Ibid. p. 237 , 247 , 248 , &c. i Regino . Abbas Vspergensis Chron : p. 270. Surius Concil . Tom : 3. p 220. Cent : Magd. 8 c. 9. col : 640 , to 651 Anno 796 a Epistola 29 col . 1539 , 1540 b Col. 1462. 1502 , 1503. c Col. 1506 , 1611 , 1612 , 1613 , 1649. * Many Pagan Kings & Nations were converted to Christianity by his means , recorded at large Cent. Magd. 8 , & 9 , cap. 2. d Col. 1649 e Col. 1730 , 1748. f Col , 1744. g Epist : 105. Col. 1648 , 1669. Willielmus Malmsb● De Gest●s Regum Angl. l. 1. c. 11. Cent. Magd. 8. & 9. cap. 2. Anno 800 h Fredericus Lindebrogus , Codex Legum Antiquarum , p. 829. 830. Cent : Magd : 8. cap. 7 col . 517 , 518 , 519. a Cap●tulariae Karol . & Ludovici Imperatoris . libri 7. b Fredericus Lindebrogus , Codex Leg●● . Antiquarum , p. 825. c Abbas Vspegemis Chron. p. 177 , 178. Anastatius , Luitprandus , Platina , Barns . Balaeus , Onuphrius , Lydius , in Leone 3. Cent. Magd. 8. col . 513. 940. Baron●●s , An● , 799. Anno 800. a Fastorum , l , 4. b See here , c. 4. p. 35. to 40. Dr. 〈◊〉 of the Pope , Temporal Monarchy , cap. 1 , 2. & The Defence 〈◊〉 , c. 14 c De 〈◊〉 Ponti● . 〈◊〉 p 10● Marsilius Patavinus Defen●●●● Pacis , pars 2. cap. 26. d Chron●con . Lib. 5. c. 31 , 32. * Cited by Dr. 〈◊〉 Defence of Constantine , c. 14. p. 322. to 344. e See Ma●silius , Patavinus , Defensoris Pacis , pars . 2. c. 17. 24 , 25. * Sigonius de Regno Ital. l. 4 Anastatius in Leone 3. Dr. 〈◊〉 Defence of C●●stantine , c. 14. p. 327 , 328 , 333. to 340. f See here , p 22. 23. g 〈…〉 * Unctio et Coronatio nihil praestant Imperiali potestati , sed sunt tantummodo solennitas & siunt honoris & officii causa , non necessitatis ; nec quicquam hac actione Caesaribus accedat : as Jacobus Almain , De Potestat . Eccles . & Laic , qu. 2. c. 10. Cusa●us l. 3. c. 4. Hieronimus Balbus de Corona , p. 68. Lupoldus de J●re Reg. & Imperat. cap. 4 & 11. Dr. C●akenthorps defence of Co●stantine , c. 14. p. 341 , 34● . resolve . * See Dr. Crakenthorps Defence of Constantine , p. 323 , to 341. where it is largely evidenced . a Defensori● . Pacis , pars 2. c. 30. * Dr. Crakenthorp his Defence of Constantine , cap. 14. * Acta Pontif. Romanorum in Leone 3. b Surius Concil . Tom : 3. p. 270. Centur. Magd. 9. c. 9. De Synodis . Anno 806 Anno 812. a Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 270 , 271 , 273. Laurentius Bochellus . Decreta Eccles . Gal. 5. Tit. 19. cap. 20. Centur . Mag. 9 c. 9. de Synodis . b Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 274 , 278. Centur . Mag. 9. c. 9● de Synod . Anno 813. Anno 813. c Surius Tom. 3. 11. 278. Centur. Mag 9. c. 9. de Synod . Mat. 5. d Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 285. Centur. Mag. 9. c. 9. de Synod . Anno 813. a Surius . Ibidem p. 286. Anno 813. b Surius Concil . Tom. 3. 9. 291 , 293. e Eccles . Gallicanae decretorum Additamenta ad tit . 20. l. 51. p. 1371. f Otto Frisingensis Chron. l. 5. c. 33. Abbas Uspergensis Chron. p. 180 , 181. Anno. 815. a Pontificum Romanorum vitae , p. 91 , 92. b Distinctio 63 cap. Vota . c Dr. Barns de Vitis Pontificum in Stephano 4. p. 96. Otto Frisingens . Chron. l. 5. c. 33. Abbas Vspergensis , Chron. p. 181. Aimonius l. 4. p. 104. Theganus de Gestis Ludovici , c. 16 , 17 , 18. Philippus de Morney Mysterium Iniquitatis , p. 151 , 152. Anno 816 d Distinctio 63 cap. Quia . Anno 817 * Distinctio 63. c. L●ctis , Platina , Stella . 〈…〉 Stephano 4. * Platina , 〈◊〉 , Barns , Balaeus in Stephano 4. Cent. Magd. 9. col . 49. b Gratian , Distinctio 63 : Anastatius , Platina , Balaeus , Barns , & others in Paschali 1. vita . Naucicrus et Sabellicus . Anno 817 a Abbas V●pe●gensis Chron : An. 817 cap. 110 〈◊〉 : l. 4. c. 110. Phil : 〈◊〉 , Historia 〈◊〉 , p. 152. Platina , Dr. Barns & Balaeus in Pischalis 1. vita 〈…〉 vici , Cent. Magd 9. col . 322 , 33● 341. 404. * Printed in Prede●icus Lindebrogus , Codex Legum Antiquarum , p. 1205 , &c. 1213 , 1214. & Bibliotheca Patrum , Coloniae Agrip. Tom 7. p. 564 , 56● , 566. Anno 81● * See Perre de Pithon , Preuves des Libertez de Leglise Gallicane , c. 15 , 16. * ●qualiter . b Chronicon , p. 181. Surius Concil . Tom : 3 p. 293 , 294. Cent. Magd. 9. cap : 9. col . 403 , 404. Anno 819 c Abhas Vspergensis , Chron. p. 181. d Fredericus Lindebrogus Codex Legum Antiquarum , p. 127. &c. a Additio . 2. cap. 23. Fridericus Lindebrogus , p. 1149. * Capitula●ia Caroli & Ludovici , lib. 1. Tit. 20. & lib. ● . Tit. 227. * Annalium Boiorum . lib. 4. 283 , 284. a Capitula●ia Karol . & Ludovici Imperatoris , l. 2. c. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. Fredericus Lindebrogus , p. 858. * See Fride●ici Lindebrogi Glossarium , ti● . Vassus . a Fridericus Lindebrogus Codex Legum Antiquarum , p. 825 , 826 , &c. * Francofurt : 1613. Anno 824. a Platina , Ba●nes , & Balaeus , in vita Eugenii 2. Aimonius l. 4. c. 110. Mornay Hist . Papatus , p. 154. Author vitae Ludovici . Anno 827. b Abbas Uspergensis Chron. p. 183. Anastatius , Platina , Balaeus , Barnes , in vita Gregorii 4. c Aimonius l. 4. c. 14. l. 5. c. 14 , 16. Flodoardus Hist . Remens . l. 2. cap. 20. Theganus de Gestis Ludovici , Mornay Hist . Papatus , p. 155 , 156. Centur. Magd. 9. c. 9. 〈◊〉 w. 405. Regino & Sigeber●ns . An. 835. d Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 421 , 422. Centur. Magd. 9. c. 9. col . 404. Anno 829. e Esdr . 7. f Ibid. c. 31. p. 428. g Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 358 , 359 , 360 , 361. Cent. Magd. 9. c. 9. Preuves des Libertez . de Leglise Gallicane , c. 11. p. 450. 1254. Anno 829. a Surius Concil . Tom. 3 p 389 , to 393. Centur , Magd. 9. c. 9. Deut. 17. Eccles . 32. Prov. 29. Prov. 20. Eccles . 10. ● Reg. 12. * Here , p. 126 , 127. * Lib. ● . Sententiarum cap. 49. 2 Reg. 6. Ibidem . c. 48. Job 34 2 Par. 19 Job 29. Prov. 20. Eccl. 10. Prov : 29. Sap. ● . * See here , p 152. * Humilitas . a Surius , Tom. 3. p. 402 , 415. c Ibidem , pag. 405 , 406 , 407 , 408. * Ibid. Page 385. * Ibid. p. 409 , 420. a Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 9. pa●s 1. p. 553. Anno 830. b Ibid : p. 562 , 563 , 564. c Ibid. p. 571. 572. 604. * Aimonius l. 5. c. 14 , 16. Th●ganus 〈◊〉 Ludovici . Mo●ney Hist . Papatus , p. 155 , 156. Anno 833 c Bibl. Patr. Tom 9. pars 1 p. 512. d Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 9. p. 616. a Surius , Tom. 3. p. 409 , 410 , 415 , 417 , 419 , 420 , 421. Centur . Magd. 9 c. 9. Anno 833 a Joannes Tritem●u● ▪ De Ecclesiasticis Scriptoribus . Sigebe●ti chronicon , Anno ●43 . Bibl. Pat●um , Tom. 9. pars 1. p. ●13 . Centur. Magd. 9. col . 525. A●monius , l. 5. c. 20. Crantzius Metrapo●●an . ● . ● . c. 27. 〈◊〉 * Bibl. ●atrum , Tom. 9. pars 1 : p. 641 , 641 * Nota. a Bibl. Patrum Tom : 9. pa●● 1 p. 642. Anno 845 b De Cultu l. maginum , l. 1. Bibl. Patrum . Tom : 9. pars 1. p. 98. b. Anno 8●6 c Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 9. pars 1. p. 90 , 91. a 〈◊〉 Patrum . Tom : ● . pars 1. p. 846 Anno 648 Anno 850 b Anastatius , Platina , Barns . 〈◊〉 in Le●ne 4. Cent. Magd. 9. col . 499 , 500. Naucletus & Sabellicus . * Distinct : 63 c Surius Conc●● . Tom : 3. p. 469 , 470. 474. Centur . Magd. 9. c. 9. Flod●atdus . Hist . Ren● Eccl. l. 3. c. ● . Anno 853 d Cent. Magd. 9. c. 7. col . 344. c. 8. col . 272 , c. 9. col . 418. Aimonius , l. 4. c. 105. Flodea●dus Hist . Eccl Rem . l. 3. c. 8 , 9. a Surius Concil Tom. 3. p. 475 , 480. Centur . Magd. 9. c. 9. Anno 855 b Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 480 , 481 , 483 , Centur. Magd. 9. c. 9. Anno 855 c In vita Nich. 1. See here , p. 79. See Platina , Onuphrius , in his Life , Baronius in hi● Annals , Simoneta , l. 5. c. 11 Centur. Magd. 9. cap. 7. col . 336 ● . Anno 858 a See here , p. 74 b Gratian Distinct . 10 , 96 Surius Conc. l. Tom. 3. p. 513 , 516. Anastatius , Platina , Balaeus , Barnes , Luitprandus , Stella . Onuphrius , in Nicholao 1. Centur. Magd. 9. c. 10. col . 504 , 505. Alvaras Pelagius lib. 1. De Planct . Eccles . Artic. 4 , 6. See Here , p. 37 , 38 , 39 , 80. c 2 Chron : 9. 8. 2 Chron : 19 6 , 7. Prov : 8 15. Psal : 88. 1. d John Squire , Exposit . on 2 Thess . 2. v. 3 , 4. Sermon 8. e See Centur. Magd. 5. to 13 cap. 7 , 9 , 10. p. 329 , 330. f John Squire on 2 Thess . 2. v. 3 , 4. Sermon 8 , 9 , 10. Dr. Downham ham de Antichristo l. 4. c. 10. Anno 865. g Aventinu● Annalium Boiorum l : 4 p. 329 , 330. Cent. Magd. 9. col . 338 , 339 , 552 , 552. Regin . & others . a Distinctio 63 * Fort● fecit eos jurare e● fidelitatem , quod Clerici non debent facere La●co , Can : 22 qu : 5 Glossa b Preuves des Libertez de Leglise Gallicane , a Paris , 1651. c. 15. p. 550. sect . 8 Ano 863 c Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 486 , 489 , 491. Centur. Magd. 9. c. 9. d Surius Concil Tom. 3. p. 520. Anno 866 Aano 867 e Annastatius , Platina , Onuphrius , Fasciculus Temporum , Barnes , Balaeus , Cent : Magd : 9. c. 10 in Hadriano 2. p. 330. * Flodoardus Histor : Remens : Ecclesiae l. 3. c. 17. Adrianus Papa consensu Ludovici Imperatoris , in Pontificatu success● . Anno 870. a Flodoardus Hist . Eccles . Remens . l. 2. c. 19 , ●0 . l. 3. c. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. where it is at large recorded . Pierre Pythou Prevues des Li●ertez de Leglise Gallicane , c. 15 , 17. b Pierre Pythou Ibid. p. 68 , 69 , &c. 262 , 265 , 302 , to 310 , 319 , 329 , 330 , 331 , 346 , 347 , 348 , 349 , 792 , 1296 , 1297. c Bibl. Patrum Tom. 9. pars 2. p. 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , &c. d 2 Par. 23. * Here p. 191 , 192 , 193. e Epistola ad Hadrianum 2. Papam . Bibl. Patrum Tom ▪ 9. pars 2. p. 226 , to 230. Cen : Magd 9. c. 8. col 356 , 357. Phil p. de Morn●y Hist . Papatus , p 16● , 176 Flodoardus Hist . Eccl. Remens . l. 3. c. 12 , 21 , 22 , 23. Prov. 8. 15. Dan. 2. 2● . c. 4. 17 , 25. c. 5. 18 , 19. Rom. 13. 1 Pet. 2. f Extant in Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 9. pars 2. p. 217 , 218. Anno 870. g Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. 9. pars 2. p. 220 , 22● , &c. Cent. Magd. 9. c. 8. col . 356 , 357 , 358 , 359. Ephes . 4 : 1 Cor. 10. Gal. ● . Joan. 18. Genes . 18 Matth. 5 Jac. 4. Rom. 12. Act : 23. 1 Reg. 24. 26. Prov. 24. 3 Reg. 21 Esa . 5. Joan. 8 ▪ Con. Val. can . 4 Eccles . 12. Eccles . 1● 3 Reg. 12. 2 Reg. 7. Ezech. 34. 2 Tim. 4. De Poenit. Medit . c. 3. 1 Cor. 6. 1 Cor. 13. 2 Cor. 1● . Gal. 2. 2 Pet. 3. Acts 11. * Note the Insolent stile of this Pope to this King. Conc. 〈◊〉 . Can. 1. Mat. 22 ▪ Mat. 1● . 1 Pet. 2 ▪ Rom. 13. Galat. 1. 2 Pet. 3. Ad Decentium Episcopum Eugub . Epist . 2. 2 Paral. 19. Matth. 18. Deut. 17. Gal. 3. Rom. 23. 3 Reg. 2. Prov. ● . Can. 29 : Epi●● . 10 de Anath . vinc . 2 Tim. 2. Heb. 5. Epist . 10. Prov. 8. Esa . 1● Serm. 3. ●n ann●v . Ep. ad Darda● . Epist . 6. Epist . 10. Malach. ● . Ezech. ● . Joan. 7. Serm. 3. in ann●v . Matth. 1● . 2 Cor. 6. Ephes . 6. Psal . 44. Ezech. 3. Num. 22. Anno 846. * Codex Legur● Antiquarum , p. 1196 , 1197 , &c. * See Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 454 , &c. Anno 876 a Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 530 , 531 , 539. Cent. Magd. 9. c. 9. col . 426 , 427 , 559 , 560. Money Mysterium Iniquitatis , p. 180 , 181 , 152. * Surius , Tom. 3. p. 531 , 539 , 540 , 54● , 542 Cent. Magd. 9. col . 353 , 354 , 487 , 488. Zonara● Annal. Tom. 3. * Surius Tom. 3. p. 538 , to ●44 . * Anastatius in Hadriano 2. p. 139 , 140. Cent. Magd. 9. c. 9. col . 439 , 440. Zonaras Annal . Tom. 3. * Surius , Tom. 3. p. 543 , 544. See Su●ius , p. 531. * Cent. Magd. 9. col : 440 , 441 , 442. Philip Morney Historia Papatus , p. 182. Anastatius in Hadriano 2. p. 340 , 341. a Zonaras Tom : 3. Cent. Magd. 9. col . 13 , 14. * Cent. Magd : col . 442 , 443. * Tom. 3. Concil . p. 530. a 〈…〉 Conci● . 〈◊〉 . * 〈…〉 Magd. 9. c. 〈…〉 26. * Rescripta Nicholai Papae 1. ex Gratiani volumine in unum collecta per Joan : Cochlae●m . Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 512 , 513 514 , 531 , 533 , 537. a Martinus Polonus , Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Balaeus , Barnes in Johanne 9. Nauclerus , & Cent. Magd. 9. col . 510. A●no 878 b Martinus Polonus , Platino , Balaeus , Barnes in Martino 2. Cent. Magd. 9. col . 510. Simonet . l. 5. c. 14 ▪ Anno 882 c Martinus Polonus , Platina , Onuphyrus , Stella , Barnes , and Balaeus in Hadriano 3. Cent. Magd. 9. col 511. Simoneta l. 5. c. 17. Anno 884 * Gratian Distinctio 6● . d Bibl●o●●eca Patrum , Tom. 9 pars 2. p. 717. F. Anno 886 e Surius Concil . Tom. 3. 547. Anno 888 * Here p 191 , 192. f Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 551. Centur. Magd. 9. c. 9. Anno 890 g 〈…〉 Tom. 3 〈…〉 Cent. Magd. 9. col . 490. Anno 〈◊〉 . * 〈…〉 Tom. 3. 〈◊〉 . Magd. 9. c. 1● 〈…〉 Tom. 5. * See here , p. 213 , 214. h Surius Concil Tom. 3. p. 555 , 556 , 557 , 564 , 568 , 569. Cent. Magd. 3. cap. 9. Anno ●●5 Anno 892 , to 900. i Onuphrius , Platina , Stella , Martinus Polonus , Fasciculus Temporum , Balaeus , Barnes , Vicelius , Cent. Magd. 9. c. 10. col . 512 , 513. Sigeberrus and others , in Fo●molo 1. Stephano 6. Romano 1. Theodoro 〈◊〉 . & Johanne 10. Anno 900 , to 920. k Platina , Onuphrius , Martinus Polonus , Stella , Marianu● Scotus , Barnes , Balaeus , Vicelius , Fasciculus Temporum , Cent. Magd. 10 , c. 10. in vitis Leonis 5. Christophori 1. Sergii 3. & Laudi 1. Petrus Praemonstratensis , Sigebertus , Nauclerus , Polychronichon , l. 6. c. 4. Anno 921 , to 944 l Luitprandus de Imperat gestis , l. 4. c. 12. l. 5. c. 13. Onuphrius , Vi●●●us , Platina , Stella , Martinus Polonus , Marianus Scotus , Barnes , Balaeus , Cent. Magd. 10. c. 10. Fasciculus Temporum , Sigebertas , Nauclerus , in Johanne 11 , 12. & Leone 6. * Baronius Annal . Tom. 100. Anno 900. sect . 1. Anno 912. sect 8. Jacobus Usser●●s de Christ . Eccles . Successione & statu , cap. 2 , 3 , 4. m Syrmond . Tom. 3. Concil . Galliae , p. 521 , 522. Pierte Pythoa Preuv●s des Libert● de Leglise Gassicane , a Paris , 1651. c. 15. p. 551 , 552 , 553 , 554. Anno 920 Anno 938 , &c. Flodoardus hist . Eccles . Rhemensis , l. 4. c. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 27 , 29 , 31. Continuator Reginoni ; Centur. Magd : 10. c. 10. col . 374 , 433. Otto Frisingensis , Hermannus Contractus , Schafnabutgensis . Anno 547 Anno 94● Agapit . 2● * Hermannus Contractus , An. 948. Otto Frisingensis , l. 6. c. 19. Anno 1248. * Pierre Pythou Preuves des Libertez de Leglise Gallicane , c. 11. p. 444. * Reliquis fratribus & comprovincialibus vestris . 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Anno 963 Fasciculus Temporum , Platina , Steila , Onuphrius , Balaeus , Barnes , Cent. Magd. 10. c. 9 , 10. Martinus Polonus , Hermannus Schedel . in Benedict● 5. Hermanni Contracti Chron. a Gratian Distinctio 63 Centur. Magd. 10. cap 9. col . 447 , 448 , 449. Marsilius Patavinus Desens . pacis , pars 2. cap. 25. & De Translat : Imperii , cap. 〈…〉 Platina , Stella , Fasciculus Temporum , Barnes , Martinus Folonus , Balaeus in Leone 8. Hermannus Schedel . 〈…〉 , f. 200. in Leone 8. Krantzius , l. 4. cap. 10. Saxoniae . Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l. 7. Theodoricus de 〈…〉 vilegiis et Juribus Imperii , sect . Post . Lupoldus de zelo Germanorum Principum , c. 8. Petrus de Alliac● , 〈…〉 De Ecclesiae Anthoritate , pars 1. c. 1. sect : Ex eadem . Waltramus Naumbergensis de 〈◊〉 lib. 16. sect . Pars 〈◊〉 Cusanus Cardinalis , Concord . Cathol : l. 3. Nauclerus Anno 963. Radulphus de Columna , lib. de Translatione 〈◊〉 sect . Quouiam . Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , ch . 5. p. 84 to 94. Baronius Annal. Anno 996. num . 40. Regino Chron. Anno 963. 964. Chron. Magnum Belgiae , Anno 962. Eutropius de Juribus et Priv. Imperii . b Cent. Magd. 10. 5. 9. col . 448 , 449. Gratian Distinctio 63. a Distinct . 63. Item Leo Papa . b Defensoris Pacis , l. 2● 25. c Distinctio●… Sect. Apost●●●cam , et A 〈…〉 . d De Privi . Jurisd . Imperatoris sect . comment . e Lib. 4. Saxoniae , c. 10. f Centur. Mag. 10. c. 9. col . 449 , to 453. g Dr. Cra●●●thorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchs ch . 5. p. 87. Supplementum Reginonis . An 967 Sigonius de Regno Ital. Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 212 , 213 , 214. h Annales , An. 964. nu . 21 , 22. i Apolegia p●● Baronio , c. 18. k Anno 996. n. 41. Se● Morney Historia Papatus , p. 214. Dr. Crakenth . of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , p. 8● , 86 , 87. Anno 970 a Aventinus Annal. l. 4. Continuat● Reginons Cent. Magd. 10. cap. col . 539. b Onuphrius , 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Polonus , 〈…〉 73. 14. 〈…〉 10. ca : 10. 〈◊〉 . 539 , 540. Hermannus Schedel . fol. 200. c Martinus Polonus , ●latina , Onap●rius , Stella , Barnes , Fasciculus Temporum , Bala●●s , in Benedicto 6. Cent. Magd. 10 c. 〈◊〉 . c. 10. Sa●●●●cus , Hermannus Schedel . aetas 6. f. 200. Anno 974 d Martinus Polonas , Sabelli●us , Hermannus Schedel , Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Fasciulus Temporum , Ba●●s & Balaeus it 〈…〉 et Joanne 15. Antoninus hist . l. 16. c. 1. Joan. de Columna ; et Cent. Magd. 10. c. 10. col 541 , 542. Blondus , Dec. 2. Anno 976 e Martinus Polonus , Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Fascie . Temporum , Barnes , Balaeas , Cent. Magd. 10. c. 10. col . 543. Nauclerus Sabellicus , Bergomensis , Anto. 〈◊〉 Hermannus Schedel . Opmerus , and others in vita ejus . Anno 985 f Centur. Mag : 10. c. 9. col . 457. to 518. Ph. de Mornay Hist . Papatus , p. 216 , to 225. An. 990 , 992. g Cap. 6. Cen : Magd. 10. col . 463 , 464. * assistentis a Cap. 25. Cent. Magd. 10. col . 484. b Cap. 26. Cent. Magd. 10 col . 485. * Cap. 28 Cent. Magd. 10. col 486 , 487. * eo . Nota. * Cap. 53 , 54. Cent. Magd. 10. col . 513 , 514 , 515. * Cent. Magd. 10 col . 515 , 516 Ammonius lib. 5. c. 46. Aemilius , Gaguinus , Tilius . * Platina , Stella , Fasciculus Temporum , & Balaeus , in Benedicto 7. Centur. Magd. 10. col . 516 , to 521. Ammonius , Martinus , Tilius , Sigebertus , Gaguinus , Paulus Aemilius Anno 996. * Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 10. p. 615 , 619 , 634. Anno 998. * Philip. Morney , Historia Papatus , p. 22● , 223. Rom. 13. Mat. 18. * Platina , Stella , Onuphrius , Martinus Polenus , Fasciculus Temporum , Hermannus Schedel . Barnes , Balaeus , Benno Cardinalis , & Centur. Magd. 10. c. 10 , in Gregorio 5. & Johanne 18. Nauclerus , Antoninus , Crantzius in Saxon. Vicelius , Damianus , Aventinus Annal. Boyo●ū l. 5. Cuspinianus in Othone 3. Nauclerus in Gen. 34 Bonsinius l. 10. Decadis 1. Rerum Ungaricaurm , Scafnaburgensis , Blondus , Sabellicus , Enead . 9. l. 2. Carion , Radulphus de Diceto Abbrev. Chron. col . 471. Henr. de Knyghton , de Event . Angl. l. 1. c. 6 , 7. Anno 996. * Calamitatum lib. 3. a Platina , Martinus Polonus , Onuphrius , Fascic : Temp : Stella , Barnes , Balaeus , Cent : Magd : 10. c. 10. col . 547 , 548. Nauclerus , Antoninus Martinus , Hermannus Schedel , Gaguinus , Ammonius , Polychronicon , l. 6. c. 14. Benno Cardinalis in Greg. 7. Mat. Westm : Anno 998. Usserius De Statu & successione Ecclesiae , cap. 3. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 226 &c. Anno 997 b Annalium Eccl. Tom. 1● . Anno 912. Artic. 8. Phil : Morney Hist Papatus , p. 123. c Rodolphus Gualtherus Hom. l. 3. de Antichristo , Balaeus in Viti● Pontif. l. 4. p. 174. c Enead . 9. l. 1. & 2. d Chronograph . l. 4. in principio , 10. seculi . e Benno Cardinalis in vita Greg. 7. Joan. Baconthorpius , in Prologo 4. Sentent . qu. 20. Onuphrius , Platina , Stella , Vicelius , Hermann●s Schedei Ba●● , Balaeus , Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 10. in Jo●nne 19. Sigebertus , Anno 1003. Simoneta l. 5. c. 52. Anno 1003. Anno 1007 f Fulberti Episc . Carnotensis , Epist : 22. Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 11. p. 11. Epist . 60. a Epist . 3. Domino suo Regi R. Sereni●●●o Ibid. p. 6 , 7. Epist . 105. b Epist . 68 , 89 , 131 , 132. c Cent : Magd. 11. cap. 9. de Synodis . Acta Metensium Episc . Crantzius in Saxon. l. 4. c. 35. Metropol : l. 4. c. 4. Anno 1007. Anno 1016. Anno 1017 Anno 2023 * Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 572. Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 9. col . 447 , 448. Anno 1012. d Platina , Onuphrius , Balaeus , Barns , Stella , Vicelius , Fasciculus Temporum Centur. Magd. 10 c. 10. in Bened●ct 8. Crantzius M●trop . l. 4. c. 4. Anno 1024. e Benno Cardinalis in Greg. 7. Platina , Stella , Balae●s , Barnes , Cent. Magd. 11. in Johanne 21. Anno 1034 f Benno Cardinal●s in Greg. 7 Fascicul . Temporum , Stella , Platina , Wernerus , Crispinus , Onuphrius , Barns , Balaeus , Cent. Magd. 10. c. 10. in Benedicto 9 a Maffaeus , lib. 16. Balaeus in Sylvester 3. Cent. Magd. 1● c. 8. 10. * Balaeus & others in his life , Mat. Michoviensis Chron : Poloniae , l. 2. c. 13. Chromerus de Rebus Poloniae , l. 4. Baronius , Ann. 1041 1045. sect . 1 , 2. * Bibilotheca Patrum , Tom. 11. p. 131. Anno 1040. * Here , p. 125 , 168. b Platina , Stella Onuphrius , Vicelius , Barns , Balaeus , Cent. Magd. 11. c. 10. in Sylvestro 3. Anno 1045. a Martinus Polonus , Plati-Onuphrius , Fascic . Temporum , Balaeus , Barnes , Cent. Magd. 11. c. 10. in Gregorio 6. Anno 1046 , 1047 , b Historiae l. 5. c. 5 , 6. c Glabot . l. 4. c. 7. * Belli Sacri , l. 1. c. 8. d Hos . 4. 9. e Sermo 1. ●● Conversione Pauli . f Mat. 24. 7. g Jerem. 5. 3. h Chron. lib. 6. c. 32. i Chron. pars 17. k Balaeus , & Centur. Magd. 11. c. 8. & 10. Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 228 , 229. Usierius de Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , cap. 4. Leo Ostiensis , Chronicon . c. 8. Matthias Michoviensis , lib. 2. Chron Poloniae , c. 22. Johannis Longini , Chron. Baronius Tom. 1● . Anno 1041. sect . 11. & Anno 1045. sect . 1 , 2. l Gregorius Heym●u●gensis 〈◊〉 Confutar . Prioratus Papae , part 2 Jac. Usserius de Christ . Eccles . successione & statu , c. 4. p. 94. m Waltramus delnvestit . Episcoporum , &c. Basiliae 1566. p. 716 , 717. Sigeberti Chron. Anno 1046. & 1047 Fasciculus Temporum , Stella , Onuphrius , Balaeus , in Gregorio 6. Magn. Chron. Germaniae , Abbas Uspergensis Chron. n De Regno Italiae , l. 8. o Chron. c. 80. Herman . Contracti Chron. An. 1050. Otto Frisingensis Chron. l. 6. c. 32 , 33. Crantzius Metrop . l. 4. c. 15. l. 5. c. 1. Saxon. l. 4. c. 41. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 400. Magn. Chron. Belg. p. 113 , 114. Anno 1048. p Fasciculus Temporum , Platina , Stella , Barnes , Balaeus , Onuphrius , Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10. in Clementi 〈◊〉 . & Damaso 2. Anno 1049. q Benno Cardinalis in Greg. 7. Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Nauclerus , Cent. Magd 11. c. 8 , 10. Barnes , Balaeus , in Damaso 2. & Leone 9. Surius Concil . To● . 3. p. 577. Crantzius Metrop . Otto Frisingensis , l. 6. c. 32 , 33 , 34. Sigonius de Regno Italiae l. 8. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 233 , 234 , 235. a Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 577 , to 597. b In his Defence of Constantine , and Treatise of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , ( the learnedest of this kin● & subject ) London 162● . c Surius Concil . Tom 3 p. 596 , 597 d 1 Cor. 4. e Eph. 1. f 2 Cor. 5. g Eph. 2. h Prov. 8. i 1 Cor 9. Mat. 24. Alludit ad cognomen Monomachus . * 2 Cor. 1. * Leonis Epist . 1. c. 9. Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 590. a Chronicon . Marsburgense , l. 1. cap. 11. Centu● . Magd. 11. cap. 9. col . 454. Anno 1048. a Crantzius in Saxon. l. 4. c. 43. Otto prisingensis , Abbat Uspergensis , Trithemius in Chron. Anno 1049 , 1050. Cent. Magd. 11 c. 9. Anno 1050. b Hermanni Contracti Chr Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 9. col . 454. c Platina , Stella , Benno , Onuphrius , Balaeus , Barns , Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 10. and others . d Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Sabellicus , Fasciculus Temporum , Martinu . Polonus , Balaeus , Barnes , Vicelius , Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10. in Victore 2. Benno Cardinalis , in Greg. 7. Hermanni Contracti Chr. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 9. de Synodis . col . 456 , 457. Anno 1054. Anno 1057 , 1058. e Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Sabellicus , Hermanus Schedel . Martinus Polonus , Fasciculus Temporum , Volaterranus , Vicelius , Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10. in Stephano 9. ● Benedicto 10. & Nicholao 2. Otto Frisingensis , l. 6. c. 33. Anno 1059 , 1060. f Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 599 , 600. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 9. a Caxtons Chr pars . 5. Martinus Polonus , Marianus Scotus , Platina , Stella , Vicclius , Balaeus , Barnes , Cent. Magd. 9. c. 10. Mar in●i Minoritae Chronicon . Franciscus Petrarcha Chron. Bocacius de claris mulieribus , c. 99. Antoninus Arch. Tit. 16. c. 1. pars 7. Otto Frisingensis , l. 7. Volaterranus , l. 22. Sabellicus Enead . 9. l. 1. p. 469. Herman . Schedel . aetas 6. f. 192. Trithemius in Chron. Hirsaug . Sigebertus , Anno 854. Ranulphus Cestrensis , Polychron . l. 5. c. 32. Nauclerus , Albertus Crantzius , Fasciculus Temporum , Caelius Rhodiginus Antiqu. Lect. l. 4. Continuator . Johan . Lucid. in Chronicon . Cyprian Valerian , de Sacerdotum Barbis , Baptista Mantuanus , lib. 3. Laonicus Chalcocondilas , Hist . Barlaam , in Dialogo de Principatu Papae , Philip. Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 164 , to 168. Alexander Cook his Pope Jone , a learned unanswerable Piece . b Concil . Tom. 3. p. 600. a Wickliff Artic . 40. in Concil . Constantiens . S●ss . 8. b Wickliff in speculo militantis Ecclesiae , c. 10. Ms. in Bibliotheca Regia Westmonaster . Otthuin . Grat. Fascic . rer . expetend . & fugiend . fol. 137. c Nichol. Clemang . in lib. de Corrupto statu Ecclesiae , c. 10 , 11. 12. vide ejusd . librum contra Annatas Otthuin . Gratii Fascicul . f. 192. * Isiodor Mascon . de Majestate Militantis Ecclesiae , l. 1. pars 1. c. 5. p. 113. Anastatius Germonius , de Sacrorum Immunitatibus , l. 8. c. 6. sect . 70. Bartholomaeus Cassanaeus Catalog , gloriae mundi , pars 4. sect 7 , 8 10 , 11 , 12. Mauricius de Alzedo , de Praecellentia Episc●palis Dignitatis , pars 1. cap. 1 , 4 , 5 , 8 , 10 , 11. & pars 2. cap. 3. with sundry other Authors there quoted by him . d In Gregor . 7. e In Nichol. 2. p. 208 , 209. Platina , Stella , Fasciculus , Temporū , Hermannus Schedel . Martinus Polonus , Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10. Barnes , Balaeus , Sabellicus , Volaterranus , in Alexandro 2. & Gregorio 7. Jo. Aventinus Annal. Boiotum l. 5. * De Romanorum Pontificum Actis , l. 5. p. 211. * In Gregorio 7. Stel●a , in Alexandro 2. Anno 1074. a In Gregor . 7. b Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 602. * Fuit is Henricus 4. c Aventinu Annalium Boiorum , l. 7. d Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. p. 457 , 458. * coepit e Onuphrius in vita Gregorii 7. col . 271 , 272. Jacobus Usserius de Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , c. ● . p. 12● . * See Jo. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l. 5. Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 8● * Onuphrius in Gregorio 7. col . 248. Gregorius 7. in Registro l. 2. p. 5. Epist . 55. Binius Concil . Tom. 3. pars 2. p. 1196. Jacobus Usserius De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , cap. 5. Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 241. a Onuphrius in Gregorio 7. col . 250. b Balaeus de Roman . Ponti●actis , l. ● . p. 216. Platina Benno in Gregorio VII . Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 60● . Anno 1075. c Historia de vita Hiltebrandi Pontificis Romani , p. 45. Edit . Francofurti 1581. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 480. 1 Thess . 4. 6. d Anonimus Historia de vita Henrici 4. Caesaris , Francofurti 1581. per Reiner Reineccium Steinhemium Edit . p. 12. & in Germanicorurum Historicorum , Tom. unus , Francofurti 1585. p. 38● Nota. a Chronicon . Sclavorum , Francofurti 1581. l. 1. c. 28. p. 24 , 25 Ottonis Frisingensis Chron. l. 6. c. 34. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 419 , 420 , 421. b Annalium Bo●orum , l. 5. p. 451. * Aventinus 〈◊〉 . Centur. Magd 11. c. 8. col . 420. * Platina . Onuphrius , Stella , Balaeus , in Gregorio 7 Su●ius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 602 , &c. Anno 1076. * Lamb. Scha●na burgen●is Hist . Anno 1076 & other forecited . * 〈◊〉 Magd 11. c. ● . col . 419. * Aventinus Annal . Boiorum , l 5. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 419 , 420. * Henrici 4. Imperatoris vita , & ad diversos Epistola , ●●ancofurti 15●1 . p. 29 , 30. & in German . Historicorum , Tom. unus , Francofurti 2585. p. 393 , 394. Centu●iae Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 42● . 422. * Luke 22. 38. See here p. 63 , 64 , 65 , 66. Nota. b Jo. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 452 , 453. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 421 , 423 , 424 , 488 , 489. Barnes , Ba●ae ●s , Benno Cardinalis , Abbas Uspergensis , Platina , Stella , Onuphrius , Fasciculus Tempo●um . Hermannus Schedel , 〈…〉 1 Tim. 2. 2 , 3. * specialiter . Nota. Nota. * See Jac. 〈…〉 * 〈…〉 * Enead . 9. l. 3. p. 504 , 505. * Na●mburgensis . * Henrici Imperatoris 4. Caesa●●s Vita & ●pistolae , Franc●● 〈◊〉 1581. p. 31 , 32. Ge●●an . Hist . Tom. unus , p. 〈…〉 11. c. 3. col . 424 , 49● . * 1 Pet : ● . 17. * Gal : 1. 8 , a Aventinu . Anna. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 452 , 453. Onuphrius in Grego●●o 7. Paul●s Berniedensis in 〈◊〉 Gregorii 7. p. 83. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8 , 9. Jacobus Usserius de Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , c. 5 p. 126 a Lib : 3. Ae●as 6. Anno 107● . p. 436. b Supp●tationes in Henri● p : 184 * cassari . c Chronicon absolutissimum An. 1076. p. 221 Albert. Stadius , Anno 1076. d Ad Herman . Appendix , An. 1176. p. 346. * Hist . Angl : Anno 1977. p. 10. & Schaffnaberg . Anno 1076. b Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l. 5. p. 45● . Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 424 , 425. * See here p. 178 , 180. * See Paulus Bernreidensis , vita Gregorii 7. p. 83. Nota c Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 453 , 454. Ma● 16. 18. 〈◊〉 ▪ 2 Thess . 2 a Rom. 13. 〈…〉 b Joan. 6. 15 c Lu. 12. 13. d Mat. 22. 21. e Mat. 17. 27 f 1 Pet. 2. 17. g Rom. 13. h Gal. 1. i Mat 16. 23 k Mat. 26. 52. * Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 456 , 457. Pontificis Epistola ad adversarios . a Benno , Platina , Onuphrius , Balaeus , Barns , Stella , Martinus Polonus , in Greg. 7. Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 603 Aventinus Annal . Boiorum , l. 5. p. 457 , 458. Abbas Uspergensis , Chron : Anonymus , Cuspinian , Grimston , Sabellicus , Hermann : Schedel : and others in Henrico 4. Cent. Magd. 11 c. 8 , 9 , 10. Sigeberti Chronicon An. 1077 Lambertus Schatnabergensis Hist : Anno 1077 Morney Hist : Papatus , p. 247 , &c. Jac. Vslerius De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione et statu , c : 5. Binius Concil : Tom : 3 : pars 2 p : 1286 , 1287 , 1288 * Ante dies septem , quam finem Janus haberet , ante suam faciem concessit Papa venire Regem cum plantis nudis , a frigore captis ; In cruce se jactans Papae , saepissime clamans , Parce beate Pater , pie parce mihi peto plane . Papa videns stentem miseratus ei , Satis est , est . Nam benedixit eum , Missam cantavit , corpus dedit et Deitatis . Domuizo Presbyter , l. 2. 〈◊〉 Vita Mathildis Comitissae , c. 1. Ingolstad : 1612. p. 186. a Lambertu● Scha●nabergensis Hist . Anno 1077. Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 8. col . 431 , 432. Nota. b Cent. Magd. 11. c. 9. col . 431 c Epistola Dedicatoria Centur . 11. praefixa , p. 12. * Cent. Magd. 11. col . 432. ● Platina in Gregorio 7. a Gregorii 7. Regist . l. 4. Epist . 12. Edit . Binii Concil . Tom. 3. pars 2. p. 1216. b Binius Concil . Tom. 3. pars 2. p. 1288. c Tom. 1. Scriptor : German : M. Frehers , p. 162. Lamb. Schafnaburgens . An. 1077. * Sub falsa pace . Sigebertus , Mat. Paris An. 1077. Vincentius Belluac . Speculum Histor . l. 25. c. 55. e Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p : 457 , 458 f Historia Ann : 1077 See Centur : Magd : 11. c : 9. col . 431 Usserius De Christianarum Ecclesiasram succestione & statu , c. 5. p. 133 , 134. a Chron. Sclavo●um , l. 1. c. 28. * Aventinus Annal . l. 5. p. 458. Chron. Antonin . Tit. 16. c. 1. sect . 21. Mat. Paris Hist . Ang. Anno 1077. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 439. Sigeberti Chron. Anno 1077. Gotfrid : Viterbiensis chron . part 17. Vincent . Spec. hist . l. 25. c. 5● . & others out of them . Anno 1077. b Abbas Vspergensis Chron : p. 222. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 458. a Chronicon Slavorum , l. 1. c. 28 , 29. Aventinus , Annal. Boiorum , l. 5 p. 458 , 459. b Abbas Usperg●nsis , Chron : p. 223. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l 5 , ● 459. Anoni●●● , Cuspinian 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 4. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8. c Platina , & Paulus Bernre●densis , in vita Gregorii 7. Surius Concil : Tom. 3 Binius Concil . Tom. 3. pars 2. p. 1228 , 1229 , Cent. Magd 11. c. 8. Jaco●us Usserius de Eccles Christ . successione & statu , c. 5. p. 138. Morney Hist . Papa●●s , p. 602. Aventanus Annal. Boiorum l. 5. p. 454 , 460. See here p. 39. * A most Antichristian ●alshoud , most Authors asserting the contrary . * Matt. 16. 18. * Mat : 22. 21. John 18. 36. Rom : 13. 1 , 2 , 3 &c : 1 Tim : 2● 2. 3. Tit : 3. 1. 2 Pet : 2. 12 , 13. 17. Mat. 10. 18 , 19. Act. 25. 11 , 12. c. 26. 2 , &c. 2 Tim. 3. 16. * See here , p. 52 , to 58. * Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8. col . 435. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l. 5. Onuphrius , Balaeus and others in Greg. 7. a Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 460 , 461 : Abbas Uspergensis , Chron : Cent. Magd. 11. c. 8 , et 10. col . 492 , 493. Sigeberti Chron. and others . b Chron. p. 224 Cent. Magd. 11. c. 10. col . 497. * Rudolphus . * Historia de v●ta Hiltebrandi Pontificis Romani . Set forth by Rein●rus Reineccius Steinhemius , printed Franco●●●●● , 1581. * See Abbas Vspergensis Chron. p. 223 , 224. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 8. Barnes and Balaeus in Greg. 7. Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l 9. * Balaeus de Rom. Pontif. Actis , l. 5. p. 218. in Greg. 7. Ortuin . Grat. Fasciculus , fol. 39 , 40. Usserius de Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , c. 5. p. 130. Mo●ney Hist . Papatus , p. 256. record it likewise . * The same is recorded by Abbas V●pergensis , p. 223. Aventinus Annal Boiorum , l. 6. Barnes , Balaeus , Centur● Magd 11. c. 8. Schafnab● ensis , and 〈◊〉 others . * See Mathae●● Parisiensis , An. 1080. Abbas V●pergensis , Johan . Aventinus Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. Centur. Magd. 11 c. 8. Balaeus , Barnes , Morney , and others forecited . * See 〈…〉 Greg. 7. Cent. Magd. 〈◊〉 . c. 8. Sabellicus . Vo●ater●anus , Aventinus Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. Schafnaburgensis , Magn. Chron. Belg. p. 124. Martinus and others . Nota. * Cardinal Otho , afterwards Pope . Turbanus Hiltebrandi pedissequus . * Ergo Popes & Cardinals may erre . * Benno his censure of Pope Hildebrands & his Successors Roman Religion . a Anonymus Hist . de vita Henrici 4. Caesaris , p. 13 , 14. Jo. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 461. Centur. Magd. 11. cap. 8. Abbas Usperg . Chron. p. 223. b Aventinus Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. p 460 Abbas Uspergensis , Chron : Anno 1080. p. 224. Centur , Magd. 11. c. 8. & cap : 9. col : 498. Platina , Stella , Onuphrius , Hermannus Schodel : Marianus Scotus , Benno , Sabellicus , Chronicon Magnum Belgicum , Fasciculus Temporum , in Greg. 7. et Henr : ● Grimstons Imperial Hist : H. ● Ottonis Frisingensis Episcopi Chron. a Chron : con . Sclavorum , ● 1 c 29 b 〈◊〉 Anno 1080. p. 224. * 〈…〉 Grimstons 〈◊〉 Hist : in 〈◊〉 . 4 Dr. Bea●●● Theatre of Gods J●dgements , l. ● c. 28 p. 174 : Morney 〈…〉 257. 〈◊〉 De Christianarum Ecclesiarum 〈…〉 c : 5. p. 140 c Anonim : hist . de vita Henr●●i 4. Caes : p. 14. & 12 , 13. d Aventinus Annal : Boiorum l. 5. p. 469 , 470 Cent. Magd : 11. c. 13. col . 686. Paulus Bernreidensis in vita Gregorii 7 e Bertoldi Constantienfis ad Hermannum Appendix , Ann : 1076 a Ad Herman●● Contracti , Chron : Appendix , p : 34● b Anno 1085 artic . 14. c Contra Guibertum Papam . * Acts 19 : 11 , 12. * 2 Thess . ● . 9 , 10 d Historia Papatus , p. 260 e Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. p. 470. f 2 Thess : 2. 4 g Chronicon , An. 1077 , &c. h Ezech : 17 , 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 6. 1 , 9 , 10. 1 Tim : 6 a Mal. 24. 6 , 7. Lu. 21. 10 , 11. * Aventinus Annal . Boiorum , l. 5 p. 470. b Apologet. de Vnitate Eccles . p. 286. Edit . M. Frcheri : See , Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 455. c Aveutinus . Annal : Boiorum , l. 5. Centur : Magd : 11. c : 9. col . 491 d Lambertus Schafnabergensis Hist . Cent. Magd : 11. c. 9. col . 491 , 492 , &c. e Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l : 5 : Cent. Mag. 11. c. 9. col . 499 500. Abbas Uspergensis , Ch : An. 1085 Crantzius Sa●oniae , l. 5. c. 11. a Annal Boiorum , l 5 p. 448 , 449. e Chronic●n . H●saug : anno 1106. f Chronicorum lib. 6. cap. 35. lib. 7. in Prologo , p. 139 a Otto ●risingensis Chron. l. 6. c. 35 , 36 b Dan. 2. 40 , 41 , 42. Anno 1081 , 1082 , 1083. ●o . Aventinus , Annal. lib 5. p. 461. Anonimus , & Cuspinianus in Hen : 4. Radulphus de Diceto Abbreviationes Chron col . 487. Sim : Dunelm . Hist . col . 212 Herman . Schedel . chron . Aetas 6. mundi , f. 214 Marianus Scotus , l. 3. Anno 1081. col . 438. Grimstons imperial History in the life of ●● 4. Helmoldus Chron : Sclavorum , l. 1. c. 29 , 30. * 〈…〉 , Anno 1081. a Bertoldus Constantiensis , Presbyter ; ad Hermannum Appendix , p. 350 Anno 1081 b Ibid. p. 3●0 . c Ibidem p. 350 Anno 1082 d Ibid. p : 351 , 352. Anno 1083. a Ibidem , p. 357 354. * p●r . * Chronicon Anno 1084. p. 225. * Ibidem * Bertoldi Constantiens . ad Herman : Appendix , p. 355 Anno 1085 * Bertoldi Constantiensis ad Hermannum , Appendix , p. 355. See Abbas Vspergensis Chronicon , Aventinus Annal . Boiorum , l. l. 5 , Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10 * See Gratian , Distinct . 22 , 23 40. * Joan. 13. 16. c. 15. 20. * See Avent . Annal . Boiorum , l. 5 Abbas Uspergensis , anno 1085. p. 225. Centur. Magd. ●1 . cap. 10. c Abbas Vspergensis , Chronicon , p. 225. Cent. Magd. 11 c. 10. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. c Ad Hermannum , Appendix p. 357. Anno 207● e Oecumenius , Enarrat . in Epist . ad Rom. c. 13. Parisiis 1547. f. 369 , 370. f Theophylacti Opera Basileae , 1570 , p. 37● , 375. * Rom. 1. 6 , 7 , c. 16 3 , 4 , 5 , 7 , 12 , 15 , 17 , 18. a Ale●iados , lib. 1. Edit . August . 1610. p. 31 , 32. * See Pietre de Pythou Pruvez . des Libertez de Leglise Gallicane . b Cromerus de Rebus Poloniae , l 4. Crantzius , l. 3. c. 13 , 14. Vandaliae . Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10. col . 606. c Alex. Guag . Rerum , Pol●n . Tom. 1. p. 76 , 78. d Ad Hermannum Appendix , p. 3●7 . * The Popes triple Crown & Miter . c Hist . Papatus p. 248 , &c. d Of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , ch 6. e De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , c. 5. f In their Books De Antichristo . g Jac 〈◊〉 De Christianarum Eccles : secessione & statu , c 5. 6 Aventinus Annal . Bolorum l. 5. Onuphrius in vita Greg. 7 h Platina , Onuphrius , Martinus Polonus , Barnes , Balaeus , in Gregor . 7. Sigebertus , & & Schaffnabergensis , Anno 1074. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 10. col . 485 , 486. Mat Paris , Hist . Angl. Ann. 1074 , 1077 , 1084. * Here , p. 216 , 217 , 219 , 241 , 243 , 244 , 245 , 246. * Chron. Antonini Tit. 16 c. 1. Sect. 21 b De Gestis Regum , l. 3. p. 107 , 108. * Hist . Papatus p. 247. * Printed in Mat : Flacii Illyrici Catalog . Testium Veritatis , Appendix p. 54 c Annal. Boiorum , l. ● . p. 241 * Here , p. 171 , 225 , 226. d Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 446. d Aventinus Annal Bo●orum l. 5. p. 448 , 449. * See Ant de Rosellis Monarchia , pars 2. c. 15. * Chron. Antonini Tit. 1. c. 3. sect . 21. f. 123. Tit. 17. c. 1. f. 177 * See Bodechini Abbatis appendix ad Chronica Ma●●ani Scot● , an . 1110. p. 465 Walthramus Naumburgens . Episc . de Investituris . lib. Illyricus Catal. Test . Veritatis Appendix , p. 54 55. * Chronicon a Antonin . tit . 16. c. 1. sect . 21 tit 17. c. 1. Cent. Magd. 11 c. 7. col . 374 , 485. Gratian Caus 16. qu. 7. & Distinct . 33. ●ox Acts and Monuments , Vol. 1. with sundry others . a De Gestia Regum , l. 2. c. 3. p. 84 * Doth not the same reason still remain ? b De Planctu Ecclesia lib. 2. artic . 15. f. 118. L. et artic . 2. f. 104. b De Planctu Ecclesia lib. 2. artic . 15. f. 118. L. et artic . 2. f. 104. c Ibid. l. 2. artic . 10. d Ibid. l. 2. artic . 20. e Ibid. l. 2. art . 10. Gratian Caus . 1. qu. 1. * Art : 7. f. 102. Gratian Dist : 96 Caus : 1. q : 1 f Ibidem l. 2● Isay 53. * Opera Lugduni Bat. 1613 a Printed Coloniae 1531. * Episcopus Chiemnensis , as some conjecture b Mat. 11. c cap. 13. sect : 28. d Cap. 15. sect . 32. a Claudium E●pencaeum in Epistolam Pauli ad Titum , Parisiis , 1568. p. 71 , 72. * See Antonii de Rosellis Monarchia pars 2. cap. 15. * Simoniam in Pontif. Romanum non cadere , fons abusuum . b Ibid. pag. 66. 67 , 68 , 74 , 75. Vide p. 132 , 133. * Mantuani Eclog. 5. & 9. a Willielmus Malmsburiensis Hist . Angl. l. 3. p. 108. Chronicon Antonini Tit 16. cap. 1. Sect. 21. Paulus Bernreidensis in Vita Gregorii 7. Cent. Magd. 11. cap. 9. col . 484 , 485. Chronicon Joannis Bromton , col . 973. Henricus de Knyghton , de Event . Angl. l. 2. c. 3. col . 2350. * Si omnes pro Simoniacis & haereticis fuissent damnandi & ex Ecclesia excommunicandi , qui gradus , aut functiones ecclesiasticos pecunia emebant , vel vendebant , nulli pene hujus aetatis Pontifices aut Episcopi Romani pro membris Ecclesiae habuissent . Centur : Magd. 11. c. 5. col . 146. Plerunque Pontifices Romani suam sellam conscendun● corruptelis Simoniacis , Ibid. c. 7 col . 382. a Gratian 22. Dist . c. Omni. Distinct . 7● & 40. Antonii de Rosellis Monarch . pars 2. cap. 15. Goldasti Monarchia Hanc - . viae , 1612. p. 346 , 347. Alvarus Pelag. Lib. 1. l. 2. Artic. 16. & l. 1. Art. 34. b Distinct . 23. S●ct in 〈◊〉 Antonii de , Rosellis Monarch . pars● cap. 61. c See here , p. 239 , 240. * Bp. Jewels defence of the Church of England , pars 1. c. 1. 〈◊〉 . 1. d Constitutiones Legit. Eccl. totiusque Regionis Angl. Paris . 1504. De Concu● . ●emovendis , f 36. b. Gratian caus . 32. qu●● . e Concil . Delect Card. Concil . Tom. 3. p. 823. Bishop Jewels defence of the Apology , 4 part . ch . 1. divis . 1. p. 426. f In lib. Judicum , c. 16. g Gratian caus . 2. qu. 7 , 8. Summa Ang● . Test . sect . 18. 〈◊〉 d Histor . Anno 1077. Aventinus Annal l. 5. p. 457. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 7. col . 282. Jacob Usserius De Christ . Eccle● successione & statu , c. 5. p. 135 , 136 , 137 g De Vita Mathildae , Ingolstad . 1212. l. 2 c. p. 188. h Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 2●5 , 326. Herman . Sehedel . Cent. Magd : 11 c. 10. col : 544. i Art. 10 , 11 , &c. * Anno 1049. i Burt. Melancholly , p. 408 and sundry others . k See Serm. 66 , & 78 in Cant : Serm. ad Pastores in Concil . Rhemensi , f. 370. Luc. 1● . * Ephes . 5. 12. l Rom 1. 27. m Histor . Angl. p. 819. Editione Lond. * Chronicon An. 1074 , 1377 g Histor . Angl. An. 1074 : h Chronicon , An. 1106. i Chron. col . 973. k Abbreviationes Chronicorum , Anno 1074. col . 486. l Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. p. 448. m Centur. Magd 11. c. 7. col , 382. &c. 8 , 10. Gratian Distinct . 32. * Gratian Caus . 1. qu. 1. * Contrary to Concil . Gangr . c. 4. & Constant . Grat. dist . 31. Quoniam . n De Planctu Ecclesiae , l. 2. Artic. 7 : 27 , 28. * De Plancta Ecclesiae , l , 2. Artic. 2. ● . 83. Artic. 7. f. 104. p Onuphrius Pavinius in vita Greg. 7. col . 234. Gobebinus in Cosmod . aetas 6. cap : 54. Aencas Sylvius ( afterwards Pope ) Histor . De Act● & Gest●s in Concili Basiliae , l. 2. a Oratio De Moribus Re●ormand . ad Leonem , p 204. Dr. John White his Defence of the way to the true Church , chap. 5. sect . 3. * In lib. sapientiae , Lect. 182. fol. 167. Basil . ●506 . * See Gratian Distinct . 34. & ●●●ssa . * Rev. 17. 1 , 2 , 5. * Caus . ●6 . qu. 2. a Gen : 1. 27 , 28 c. 2. 19 , to 29. b Gen : 1. 27. c. 9. 1. c Gen. 11. 30 , &c. c. 15. 2. c. 25. 21. c. 29. 3. c. 30. 3. 1 Sam. 6. 23. Jer. 22. 30. d Gen. 17. 5 , 6. c. 23. 5. Ps . 113. 9. Psal . 127. 3. Psal . 128. 3 , 4 , 6. e See here , p. 2 , 3 , 4. Gen. c. 5 , & 10. throughout . f 1 Chron. c. 1 , & 1 , & 2 , &c. Mat. 1. g Exod. 6. 23 , 25. c. 27. 2. c. 28. c. 29. 4 , 9 , &c. c. 30. 30. Levit. c. 1 , & 2 , & 3 , &c. Num. c , 3 , & 4. 1 Chron. c. 6 , & 23. h 2 Chron. 6. 4 , 5. c. 9. 20. c. 2. 3 , to 8 , 28. 1. 1 Sam. 2. 12 , 34 , 35. c. 8. 1 , 3. 1 Chron. 13. 28. Ez. c. 7. 5. Hag. 1 : 12 , 14. c. 2. 2 , 4. Lu : 1 : 5 , 24. i Hebr. 9. 6 , 7 , &c. k Levit. c. 1 , & 2 , & 3. 1 Chron : c. 6 , & 23 , & 24. throughout . l Levit. 21. 1 , 7 , 9 , to 16 , 24. m 2 K●ngs 9. 1. Amos 7. 14. Ezech. 24. 8. n John 22 1 , to 12. o Mat. 19. 1 , to 10. Mat. 10. 2 , to 13. * See Gratian Distinct . 37. p 1 Cor. 9. 5. Mat. 8. 14. Mar. 1. 30. Lu. 38. Mar. 10. 18 , 19. Lu : 18. 28 , 29. Psal : 3 , 4. Acts 21. 8 , 9. q Ignatii Epist : ad Philadelph . Clem. Alexand. Strom : l. 4. Origen in Epist : ad Romanos , c. 1. l. 1. Eusebius Eccles : Hist : l. 3. c. 30. Omnes Apostoli excepto Johanne , Uxores habuerunt , Ambrose in 2 Cor. 11. r See Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apology , 2 part , cap : 6. p. 207 , 208 , &c. Bishop Halls honour of the married Clergy . * Hebr. 13. 4. * See John Bales Acts of English Vota●ies . The Anatomy of the English Nunnery at Lisbon . ſ 1 Cor. 7. 2 , 9. t Ephes . 5. 22 , to 33. u Cant : 1. 8 , to 13. c. 5. 1. x Rev : 21. 9. y Mat. 22. 2 , 4. c 25. 10. Jer. 3. 14. Rev : 19. 7 , 9. Jer. 31. 32. c. 54. 5. z 1 Tim. 3. 2 , 4 , 10 , 11 , 12. a Titus 1. 6. c. 2. 4 , 5. b See my Unbishoping of Timothy and Titus . c Gratian Distinct . 26 , to 33. Decrcta Eugenii Papae , l. 3. c. 2. 4. Bochellus Decrct . Eccles . Gal. l. 2. Tit. 1. l. 3. tit . 5 , to 11. Surius Concil . Tom 4. p. 494. 919. Hostiensis , Summa Angelica , Summa Rosella , Tit. Ordo , Clerici , Uxor , &c. Evasion 1. d See Gratian Distinct . 26 , 27 &c. the Statute of Bygamy , 4 E. 1. c. 5. Cook. 2. Instit p. 273. Papae Greg. 9 Decr. l. 6. Decr. 2. 1● Answer . * Leo 1. Epist . 87 Ambrose , Primasius , Chrysost . Sedul , Theod. Theoph . Oecum . on 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. e Gratian Distinct . 91 , 92. Summa Rosella , Angelica , Hostiensis , and others , Tit. Clericus , Ordo Sacerdos , Episcopus , Praedicatio , Sacramentum . * Tim. ● . 8 * See Concil . Crangr . c. 4. 〈◊〉 ▪ Constantinop . Gratian Dist : 31 , 37. Jerom . in Jovinianum , l. 1. a 〈…〉 b 〈…〉 c 〈…〉 〈…〉 d 〈…〉 A●●wer . e 〈…〉 a Concil . Agathense , Can. 57. Calc●donense , Can. 10. Epaunense Can. 19. apud Palatium Vernis , Can. 6. Nicaenum 2. Can. 15. Aquisgranense 1. Can. 50. 2. Can. 16. Wormatense Can 51. Metense Can. 2. Mannetense Can. 8. Parisiense , l. 1. cap. 4. Romanum sub Nicholao 1. apud Claremont , Anno 1045. Lateranense sub Alexandro 3. Anno 1180. pars 1. c. 13 , 14 pars 30. c. 1 , to 10. Basiliense Sess : 31. Reformatio Cleri Leodiensis , Concil . Lateran . sub Leone 10. Sess : 9. Coloniense pars 1. c. 30 , 33. Augustense , c. 11. Coloniense & Mogunt . 1549 c. 64. Tridentinum Sess : 7. de Reformatione , Can. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Sess : 21. c. 17. Concil . Tholousanum , Anno 1590 Surius Concil . Tom. 1. p. 714. T●m . 2. p. 201 , 322. Tom : 3. p. 142 , 194 , 3●5 , 384 , 415 , 527 , 552 , 570 , 630 , 680 , 693 , 694. Tom. 4. p. 94 , 95 , 501 , 632 , 635 , 756 , 803 , 814 , 820 843 , 854. 920 , 985. Laurentius Bochellus Decret . Eccles . Gal. lib. 7. Tit. 8. Gratian Distinct . 21. quaest , 1 , 2. Summa Angelica , Beneficium , sect : 34 , to 38. Summa Rosella , Beneficium 17. 20. b Otthonis Constitutiones , fol. 20 , 21 , 22 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 74 , 88 , 89 , 99 , to 105. Johan : Pecham . Constitut . f. 130. Constitut . Concil●i de Redyng , f. 130 131. Reformatio Legum Ecclesiast . cap 6. f. 29 , 13 , 14. Mat Paris Hist . Angl. p. 12 , 122 , 357 , 431 , to 435 , 698. Mat. Parker Antiqu. Eccles . Brit. p. 202 , 203 , 204 , 205. c Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccles . lib. 2. artic . 8. 15 , 19 , 20. Petrus Blesensis Compendium in Job . c. 1. Bibliothec Patrum Tom. 12. pars 2. f. 919 , Petrus Bensfeldius De Justitia & Injustic . Clericorum in Ordine ad Beneficia , c. 3. p. 489 , to 406. Mr. Tyndals Works , p. 20 , 102 , 135 , 267 , 289 , 360 , 373. The Ship of Fools , p. 58 , 59 , 60 Haddon . contra Osorium , l. 3. f. 297. Gulielmus Peraldus , Summa virtutum ac vitiorum , c. 2. Tit. Avaritia , f. 58 , to 63. Bishop Hooper on the 8th . Commandement , f. 67. Dr. Taylor on Titus , p. 723. Roderick Morse his Complaint to the Parliament , cap. 9. Bishop Pilkington on Nehemiah , Onus Ecclesiae , c. 19 , 20 , 21. 23. Nicholaus de Clemangiis , de Corrupto Eccles . statu , c. 11. d Rot. Parl Anno 25 E. 3. pars 1. nu . 46 , to 56 Rot. Parl. 47 E. 3. n 90 , 94 , 95 , to 102. Rot. Parl. 51 E. 3. n. 36. 62 , 78 , 79. e Flacius Illyricus Catal. Testium Veritatis , p. 533 f De Vanitate Scientiarum , cap. 63 , 64. See Claudius Espencaeus de Continentia , & in Titum Comment . Bishop Mortons Protestants Appeal , lib. 1. cap. 2. sect . 36. Burtens Melancholy , p. 408 , 409. Bishop Jewels Defence of the Apol. part 4. cap. 1. divis . 1. g Gratian Caus . 10. quaest . 7. Summa Angelic● & Rosella : Rebuffus , & Duarenus , De Beneficiis . h 1 Tim. 4. ● ▪ 2 , 2. * Here , p. 28● . a Gratian caus . 27 , to 33. & Glossa ibid. Bochellus Decreta Eccles . Gal. l. 2. Tit. 1. lib. 3. Tit. 5 , to 11. Concil : Trident Sess 7. de Sacrament●s Ecclesiae . Surius Concil . Tom. 4. p. 494 , 414. Hostiensis Summa Angelica , Summa Resella , Lyn●wode &c. Tit. Matrimonium Sacramentum , Ordo . b Fornicatio simplex non est d●gna depositione , quia pa●ci sine ●lio vitio inveniuntur . Gratian Caus . 2. qu. 7. Dist : 81. in Glossa . Bp. Jewels Defence , part 4. Artic. 1. c Matrimonium tempore antiquius est , et communius Sacramentum . Antiquius , qui ante peccatum institutum est ; communius , quia cum Sacramenta omnia sint in Ecclesia Dei , haec tamen apud Gentes omnes est ; sanctitas autem ejus , non est nisi in sancto monte ejus , id est , ubi Ecclesia aedificata est , Bart : Buxiensis & Thierry Glossa in Gratianum , Caus . 27. qu. 1. Caus . 28. qu. 1. c 1 Cor. 7. 12 , to 17. d Gen. 6. 20. c. 7 , 8 , 9. e Gen. 1. 22 , 28. a Mat. Flacius Illyricus Catalogus Testium Veritatis , Argentorati , 1562 p. 212 , &c. Mat. Freherus , Germaniae Scriptores Francofurti , 1600. p. 228 , &c. z Jac. 3. 1. a Mat. 23. 8. b Mat. 23. 11. Luke 22. 26. c Luke 14. 11. c. 18. 54. d Dan. 2. 21. e Prov. 21. 1 f Psal . 75. 7. g Mat. 22. 21. h Mat. 17. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. i Mat. 11. 29. k Joan. 6. 15. l Phil. 2. 6 , 7. 8 m Mat. 20. 28. n 1 Cor. 9. 18. * See here , p. 272. o Ose 4. 1 , 2. p Phil 2. 14 : q 1 Cor 3. ● . r Phil. 3. 20. ſ Mat : Flacii Illyrici Catalog . Testium Veritatis , p. 225. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 10. col . 548. Trithemimius , de Scriptoribus E●●●esiasticis . Melchior Go dasti Collect Script . Apol. pro H. 4. t Matthei Flacii Illyrici , Catalog . Testium Veritatis , Argentinae , 1 62. p. 234. Melchior Goldastus Collectio Scriptorum Apologet. pro Henrico quarto , Franco , adversus Criminationes Gregorii 7. Papae , Hanoviae 1611. p. p. 46 , 47. Dr. Crakenthorp of the Popes Temporal Monarchy , ch . 8. p. 100. u Mat. Flaccius Illyricus , Catalogus Testium Veritatis , p. 234. Melchio● Goldastus , Collectio Scriptor . Apologet. pro Henrico 4. adversus crimin : Gregorii 7. Papae , p. 46 , 47. * Diabolus . Joan. 8. 44. * 2 Chr. 24. 22. * See here , p. 252 , 253 , 254 , 255 , 265 , 266. a Chronicon , l. 17. * Chron. l. c. 35. b Ecclesiast . Hist . lib. 6. c. 27. Centur. Magd. 11. col . 8. 144 , 151. Ruffinus c. 25. c See Grimstons Imperial History in the Life of Philip. d Ecclesiast . Histor . l. 5. c. 25 e Rerum Romanorum , l. 10 p. 126. Julius Philippus . * See Grimston in the Life of Philip. a Anno 1073. sect . 16 b In vita Greg. 7. fol. 234. Gobelinus in Cosmedron , aetas 6. c. 54. c Hist . Papatus p. 259. d De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & stat● , c. 5. p. 120. e Psal . 72. 8 f De Planctu Ecclesiae , l. 1. Artic. 13. G. g Chronicon Slavo●um , l. 1. c. 30. Joan. Marii de Schis . & Concil . c. 7 , 8 , 9 : Anno 1056. h Balaeus , Martinus Polonus , Platina , Volaterranus , Stella , Onuphrius , Petrus Praemonstratensis , Hermannus Schedel , Fascicul . Temporum , Vincentius , Vicel . Barnes , Cent. Magd. 11. c. 10 in Victore 3. Ch●on . Anton. Titulus 17. cap. 1. sect . 1. Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae , l. 2. c. 3. col . 2352. Chronicon Joannis Bromcon , col . 928. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l. 5. p. 461. a Chronicon Cassinense , l. 3. c. 67 , & 71. Cent. Magd. 11 c. 10. col . 54● . cap. 9. de Synodis , col . 506 , 501 , 502. Gratian , caus . 16. qu. 7. * 2 Cor. 6. 14 15. Anno 2088 d Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 463 , 464. Centur . Magd. 11. c. 10. col . 503 , 504. Flacius Illyricus Catalogus Testium Veritatis , p. 231 232. d Josh . 9. e Jer. 27. f Ezech. 16. 59 c. 17 , 9. to 22. g Mat. 〈…〉 h 1 Pet. 2 i Rom : 13. 1 , to 8. k 1 Tim 2. 1 , 1. l Rom. 13. 1 , 2. m Mat. 16. 19. n Joan. 20. 21 , 22 , 23. o John 21. 15 , 16. p Mat : 28. 19 , 20. Mar. 16. 15. q Lu. 24. 27 , 42 , 43. Nota. * Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 464 , Cent. Magd. 11 c. 9. cos . 505. * Benno Cardinalis in Greg , 7. Platina , Stella , Onuphrius , Hermannus Schedel . Volaterranus , Ba●ns , Balaeus , Centnr . Magd. 10. c. 10. Abbas Uspergensis , Antoninus , Sabellicus , Mart. Polonus , Mariani Scoti Contin . in Vrbano 2. b Chronicon , Anno 1088. Magnum Chronicon Belgicum p. 126. Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 266. Aventinus Annal . Boiorum , l. 5. Schafnab . Hist . Chronicon Antonin . Tit. 17. c. 1. Cent. Magd. 10. c. 10. Balaeus , Barns , Catalogus Testium Veritatis . c Vincentius Specul . hist . Balaeus in Vrbano 2. lib. 5. p. 226 , 227. Vicelius , Stella , Easciculus Temporum , Vincentius , Barnes , Magnum Chron. Belgium , p. 129 , 130. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 5. p. 464 , 465 , 466. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 9. De Synodus . ſ Aventinus Annal . Boiorum . lib. 5. p. 466 t Appendix Dodechini Abbates sancti Dysibodi ad Mariani Scoti , Chronica , p. 443 , 444. Anno 1090. Anno 1095. a Bertoldi Constant . ad Herm. Chron. Append. p. 364 , 365. Anno 1093. b Bertold . Ibid. p. 368. Anno 1092 , & 1093. c Idem . p. 366 , 368 , 369. Bertold . Ibid. Anno 1094. Bertold . Ibid. p. 369. p. 370 , 371. * Append. ad Herm. Chron. An. 1394. p. 370. * In Vita Gregorii 7. Anno 1095. Bertoldi Constant . Append. p. 372 , 375. Anno 1095. Bertold . Constant . ad Herm. Append. p. 374 , 375. Anno 1096. Bertold . Ibid. P. 376 , 377. * Bertoldus , p. 374. See Abba : Uspergensis , Mat Paris , Sabellicus , Simeon Dunelmensis , Radul . de Diceto , Otto Frssingensis , Antoninus , Hermannus Schedel . and others . * Annalium Boiorum , l. 5. p. 469. * Ibidem , p : 471 , 472 * Countesse Machtylda . * Auno 1097 a Bertoldus Constantiensis , ibid. p. 375 , 376. Anno 1098 , 1099. c In vita Anselm . & Hist . Novorum , l. 2. d Abbrev. Chronic . col . 495. e Centur. Magd. 11. c. 9. col . 513. f De Gestis Reg. Angl. An. 1099. col . 224. g In Willielm 2. col . 994. a Platina Onuphrius , Hermannus , Schedel . ●arnes Balaeis , Centur. Magd. 11. in Clement . 2. Hern●annus Contractus . b Chron. An. 1047 , to 1086. Centur. Magd. 11. c. 10. Bertold . Constant . ad Hermannum Appendix , An. 1063. &c. Bruschius de Episc . German . Crantzius Metropol . l. 4. c. 2. 36 , 37. l. 5. c. 7 , &c. c 〈…〉 col . 5●● d Hermanani Cont●acti Chro●●●●n . Crantz as Metrop . l. 4 & ● . Centur. Magd. 11 c. 10. B●u●chus de Episc . Ge●m . * Here , p. 279 , 3●6 . m Histo : de v●ta Hiltebrandi , Pont. Rom. pag 54 , 55. n Centur. Magd 11. c 9. De Synadis , col . 511. Anno 10● , 1100. e Ad Herm. Append p. 376 ; P●at . Mart. Polonus , Stellas , Volate● . Herm Sched . Onuph . Sabel . Anton ●n Balaeus , Fasc . Temporum , Magn. Chron Germ. Avent . Centur Magd. 11 , & 12 c. 11 Sar : Dun●●m . Radulph . de Piceto , Abbas Uspergensis , Opmer : Geneb . in ●asch . 2. Et An. 1099. 1100 &c. * Ad Herman . Appendix . * Surius Concil Tom. ● . p. 605 , 606 , &c. Anno 1101. Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Barns , Balaeus , in Paschali 2. Antonini Chron. Tit. 16. cap. 1. Sabellicus Aeneid . 9. Centur. Magd. 12. c. 9. col . 1235 , 1236. Surius Concil . Tom. 3. p. 606 Krantzii Metrop . l. 3. c. 33 , 36. Anno : 102 , to 107. Abbas Uspergensis , Chron. Anno 1102. p. 237. Gotfridus Viterbiensis , Chron. pars 17 Sabellicus Aenead . 9. lib. 4. Hermoldus Chron. Slavorum , l. 1. c 32 , 33. Anonim● Historia & Cuspinian De Vita H. 4. Imp. Hermannus Schedel . Antonini Chronicon Grimstons Imperial History , in H●n . 4. & 5 Cent. Magd. 12 c. 10. Barns , Balaeus in Paschal . 2. Sigonius l. 9. de Regno Italiae , Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 272 , 273 , &c. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 6. Krantzii Metrop . l. 5 , & 6. Saxoniae , l. 5. * See Krantzii Metrop . l. 5. c. 22 , 28. 29. Saxoniae , l. 5. c. 6 ; 15 , 18 , 19 , 20. a Platina in Gregorio 7. Sabellicus Aenead . 9. l. 4 : 4. Morney hist . Papatus , p. 275. In 2. V 〈…〉 1 Reg. 3 ●sa●a . 21. 2 Sam. 24 〈◊〉 . 21 Tit. 2. 1. Isay 10. 1. 2 Tim. 4 Matth. 18 1 Cor. 1. 12. Mat. 15. 2 , 3. Mat. 22. 21 1 Pet. 2 17 , 18 Johann . 7. Genes . 18 Apocal. 20 1 Pet. 5. Gal. 4. 19 : Psal . 119. 21. Nota , Gal. 2. 11. Apocal. 22. v. 1. & 12. Isa . 52. 7. Mat. 26. 51 , 52 : Exod. c. 6 , &c. * Greg. l. 7. Regist . c. 1. Mich : 3. 2. 7. * Otto Frisurg . Chron. l. 7. c. ● Abbas Usperg . Chron. Anno 1005. p. 243. Krantzii Sax. l. 5. c. 17 , &c. Metrop . l. 5. c. 31. Barns , Balaeus Platina , Stella . in Pasc . 2. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum l. 6. Erfordensi● c. 86. Hermold . C●hron . Slav. l. 1. c. 32. * Hist . & Epist . Hen. 4. p. 33. Henrici . 4. de injuriis sibi illatis quaerela . Petitio ad ordines Saxon. Henr. Cluniae . Appellatio . Epist . Henr. 4. p. 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37. Sedes Romana lerna malorum . Caefaris aequiss . postulatio . Henr. V. alter Absolon . Confluentia . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Paterna . Subdolum institutum . Binga . Osceleratam in silio perfidi●m . Henrici 4. captivitas . Contameliae & & injuria illata Vipertus Grolcensis . Ingelheim . Henric. 4. cogitur se abdicare imperio . Exagitatur a legato Papa . * See here , p. 311 , 312 , 313 , &c. * Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 6. p. 485. * Chron Slavorum , Lib. 1. cap. 32 , 33. p. 27 , 28 , 29. Alberti Krantzii , Saxoniae , l. 5. c. 17 , 18 19 , 20 , 21 , &c. Annales Arnoldi Abbatis Lubecensis . Paschalis Papa renovat Anathemata in Caesarem . Caesar exauctoratur . Postulantur insignia Imperii , Crimina Objecta . Purgatio , cum justissima petitione . * Pisi . * vitae Indigna Episcoporum pervicacia . * Pathetica Caesaris Oratio Nota : Tragicus , conatus . * The Emperor must not grant Investitures of B●shopricks ; yet these Bishops mt●s divest him of his Imp●rial Invest●tures , and Robes . Caesaris exauctorati in adversarios dira . Benevolentia in hoste . * In imitation of King David , 2 Sam. 16 , 5. to 14. * In Job 19. 21 , 22. * Saxoniae , l. 5. c. 24. * 1 Cor. 11. 32. Nota. * Anonymus Historia de vita Hen. 4. Caesaris : where his Virtues are at large set forth and vindicated against all his Enemies calumnies . * Anonymus Historia de vita Hen. 4. Caesaris : where his Virtues are at large set forth and vindicated against all his Enemies calumnies . * Platina , St●lla , Balaeus . Barnes in Paschale 2. a Hermoldus Chron. Slavorum . l. 1. c 60. b Krantzii Saxoniae , l. 5. c. 30 , 31 , 32 , 33. c Abbas Uspergens . Chron. 1011 , 1119. * Cent. Magd. 12. c. 9. De Synodis , Ba●ns in Paschali 2. Morney Hist . Pap●●●s p. 〈◊〉 . &c. d Simeon Dunelmensis de Gestis Regum Anglorum , p. 232 , 233 , 234 , 235 , 236. Radulphus de Diceto , Abbrev. Chronicor . col . 502. Henricus de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae , l. 2. c. 7. col . 2372. Abbas Vspergensis , Chron. Anno 1111 , 1112. Otto Frisingensis Chron. l. 7. c. 14. Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l. 10. Petrus Diaconus Chron. Cassinense , l. 4. 37 , to 45. Aventinus Annal. Boiorum , l. 6. Will. Malmesbur . Hist . Angl. lib. 3. c. 40. Sigeberti Chron. Anno 1110 , 1111. Chronicon Magnum Belgicum . Dr. Barnes in Paschale 2. Centur. Magd. 12. c. 9. * Hermoldus Chron. Sclavorum , l. 1. c. 40. Nota. * Simeon Dunelmensis . Ab-Uspergensis , & others , here cited , p. 321. * The former part of this Confession was but to colour and usher in this later , repugnant to it . * I much doubt it . * Flacii Illyrici Catalog . Testium Veritatis , Appendix . p. 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58. * Not Pope Leo. * 1 Cor. 15 , ●6 . * Gregoria . * 2 Tim. 4. ● . Nota. * John 28. 29. * Mat. 22. 2● . Nota * Mat. 23. 2. * Mat. 23. 15. * Signa . * In 1 Cor. 9. 11. * In 1 Cor. 9. 11. * Rom. 14. 5. a Mat. 6. 22 , 2● . b Johan . 18. 23. c Mat. 13. 27. Mat. 17. 24 , 25. 26. c. 22. 17 , 18 d Rom. 13. 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14. e Mat. 5. 9. f 1 Tim. 2. 2 , 3. * Catalog . Testium Veritatis , Appendix p. 53. a Cent. Magd. 12. c. 9. de Synodis , col . 1235 1237 , 1240 , 1245 , 1246 , 1250 , &c. 1255 1256. Krantzii Metropol . l. 5. c. 33 , &c. Saxoniae , l. 5. c. 30. Chronicon Cassinense , l. 4. c. 35. 47. Otto Frisingensis , l. 7. c. 14. Abbas Vspergens . Chronicon , Dr Barns & Balaeus in Paschali ● . * Sigeberti Chronicon An. 1112. f. 133 , 134. Aventinus , l. 6. p. 487. Sigonius De Regno Italiae , l. 10. p. 248. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 281. * Here p. 331 , 332. b Cent. Magd. 12. c. 9. col . 1255 , 1256. Abbas Uspergensis Chron. Anno 1115 , 1116. Hermoldus Chron. Slavorum , l. 1. c. 41. c Uspergensis Chronicon , An. 1116. Tritenhemius in Chr. Hirsaugiensi . Cent. Magd. 12 c. 9. col . 1256 , 1257. Blondus Decad. ● . l. 4. Krantzii Saxonia l. 6. c. 37 , 38 : Dr. Barnes in Paschali 2. Sigonius De Regno Italiae , l. 10. p. 250 , 251 , 252. * 1 Joh. 3. 16. a Chronicon . Anno 1116 , 1117 , Chronicon Bambergense , Centur. Magd. 12. col . 1260. Dr. Barnes in Paschali 2. * Aventinus , Balaeus , and others forecited . a Yvo Carnotensis Epistola 196 , 238 , 239. Morney Historia Papatus , p. 286 , 287. Richardus de Vassemburg in Chronico . * Yvo Carnotensis Epist . 238 , 239 * Epistola 238. b Epist . 62. & 171. Decretalium , pars 16. c. 344. c Capitularia Ca●oli Magni & Ludovici , c. 383. Concili 〈◊〉 T●l●tan . 12. c. 3. P●thou Preuves de● Libertez de L'egl●●e Gallicane , c. 5 , 6. p. 31 , 32 , 33 , &c. * ideo . a Cent : Magd. 12. c. 8. col . 1133. b Chronicon Editione Francofurti 1566. f. 133 , 134. * misprinted nolens . c Here , p. 330. d Annalium Boiorum , l. 6. p. 480 , 485 , 486 , 490. * See here , p. 325. * Mat. 26. 14 , 15 , 47 , 57 , 59 , to 69. c. 27. 1 , ●0 . c. 41. John c. 18 , & 19. Nota. d Aventinus l. 6. p. 489 , 490. * See Carolus Sigon●●s de Regno Italiae , l. 2. p. 252. * juramenti . a Ibidem p. 484. b Annal. Boiorum l. 6. p. 491 c Sigebertus , Stella , Volatteranus , Platina , Barns , Balaeus , Krantzius , Hermannus Schedel , Martinus Polonus , Antoninus , Onuphrius , Centur . Magd. 12. 1133 , 1134 , 1196. in Gelasio 2. Simoneta , l. 7. c. 71. Bonfinius , lib. 6 Decad. 2. Rerum Ungar . Ann. 1119. Fascic . Temp. a Chron. Ann. 1118. p. 262. b Chronicon , Anno 1119. Cent. Magd. 12 p. 1269. c Annalium , l. 6. p. 491. Anno 1119. d Abbas Uspergensis , Sigebertus , Platina , Martinus Polonus , Stella , Hermannus Schedel , Barns , Balaeus , Onuphrius , & Centur . Magd. 12. in Calixto 2. Krantzius Saxoniae . l. 5. c. 40 , 41 , 42 , 43. d Aventinus Annal. Bo●orum , l. 6. Here p. 341 , 342. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 283 , 284. a Abbas Uspergenfis Chron. Anno 1122. p. 267. Otto Frisingensis l. 2. c. 16. Alberti Krantzii Saxonia , l. 5. c. 41 , 42. Barnes & Balaeus in Calixto 2. Sigeberti Chronic. Anno 1123. Centur. Magd. 12. c. 9. col . 1004 , 1008. Polychronicon , l. 7. c. 19. Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angl. l. 2. c. 8. col . 2377. Simeon Dunelm . Hist . An. 1222. col . 244 , 245. b 2 Pet. 2. 10. Nota. * Which he ever did , and might do , without this Papal grant . d Otto Frisingensis , l. 7. c. 16 Platina , Onuphrius , Stella , Barnes , Balaeus in Calixto 2. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 8. col . 1134 , c. 10. col . 1400. Antoninus , tit . 17. c. 1. Chron. Johan . Bromton , col . 1008. Polychron . l. 7. c. 16. Tyrius l. 12. c. 8. Vincentius , Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 288 , 289. Hen●y de Knyghton de Eventib. Angl. lib. 2. c. 9. col . 2382. e Otto Frising . l. 7. c. 16. Onuphrius in vita Calixtil 2. Cent. Magd. 12. col 1400. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 289 f Simeon Dunelmensis Hist . Anno 1123. col . 248 , 249. Gratian Dist . 12. cap. Non decet . Centur , Magd. 12. c. 9. col . 1269. Dr. Barnes & Balaeus in Calixto 2. Morney Histor . Papatus , p. 290. g See Mr. Tyndals Practice of Popish Prelats , and Obedience of a Christian man , p. 114 , 115 , 137 , to 155. 180 , to 184. Anno 1120. a Rupertus in Matth. l. 8. b Idem l. 11. c. 13. in Johan . c Idem l. 2. c. 2. in Johan . d Platina , Ste●la , Onuphrius , Barnes , Balaeus , Byerlinke , C●antzius in Honorio 2. Uspergens . Chron. Cassinense , l. 8. c. 85. Centur. Magd. 12. col . 1400. e Hildeberti Caenoman . Episcopi Epistolae Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 12. pars 1. p. 316. B. * Being summoned to answer in England . f Ibidem , p. 339. F , G. i Act. 5. i Act. 5. k Mat. 20. l Ibid. p. 343 : E. m Cent. Magd. 12. col . 42 , 43. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 291. n Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 12. pars 1. p. 346 , 347. * Appeales to Rome from this side the Alpes , a Novelty then first introduced , and thus oppugned . * Luke 14. * Job 39. * Gratian , Caus . 2. qu. 6. a Epistola 40. Bibliotheca Patrum , Tom. 12. pars 1. p. 325. Gladius duplex , Curiae , & Ecclesiae . b Luc. 22. 38. c Rom. 13. 4. d Ps . 64. 9. John 2. 17. e Deut. 32. 41 , 42. f Psal . 118. 9. g Mal. 2. 7. h Rev. 19. 15 , 21. i 1 Tim. 1. 20. k Gen. 3. 24. l Ezech. 18. 3. m Psal 50. 21. n See Baronius Annal. Ann. 1053. Sect. 10. Bellarmin de Romano Pont. l. 5. c. 5. * Here , p. 63 , to 67. o In Luc l. 5. See Hil in Mat. Can. 32. In Luc. l. 10. Augustin , Cassiodorus , Bruno in Psal . 44. & 49. Dr. Beard Antichrist the Pope of Rome , p. 197 , 198. Marlorat , in Luc. 22. p Lu. 22. 36 , 38 q In Lucae Evangel . l. 10. r Hom. 85. in Mat. Tom. 2. Opera . ſ Mat. 5. 39. c. 10 , 17 , to 32. Rom. 13. 1 , to 7. 1 Pet. 2. 12. to 22. t Theophylacti in Lucam Enarratio , c. 22. p. 203 , 204. Tho. Aquinas Catena in Locum u Compared with Mat. 26. 48 , to 59. Isay 53. 7. Acts 8. 32. x In Evang. Lucae , l. 6. c. 22. Tom. 5. p. 428. Chrysostom , Hom. 85. in Mat. y Hom. 7. in Mat. Lyra in Lucam l. 10. z Aquinatis Catena in Locum . * Sixtus Senensis Bibl. l. 6. Annot. 156 , to 158. * Luke 9. 2. Mat. 10. 10. 1 In Lu. 22. v. 38. 2 De Romano Pontifice l. 5. c. 5. 3 In Luc. 22. & Marlorat ibidem . a Here p. 63. m Petrus Blesensis Tract . de Hierosolymitana Peregtinatione acceleranda , Bibl. Patrum , Tom. 12. pars 2. p. ●31 . D. b Idem , Epistola 146. Coelestino Papae . Ibid. p. 823. a. in the behalf of Queen Alianor Dutchesse of Normandy . Trithemius in Chronico Hirsaug . Cent. Magd. 12. c. 3. col . 46. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 293. Platina , Onuphrius , Balaeus , in Honorio 2. Martinus Polonus in Chronico . Sabellicus Aenead . 8 : l. 3. p. 528. d. Simoneta , l. 5. c. 7. Nota. Anno 1130. * De Conversione Pauli , Sermo 1. 1. 20. Mat. 24. * This is the 〈◊〉 Sacrilege , which the Popes , Bishops , Priests were most guilty of ; a Epistola 46. b Epistola 47. c Epistola 48. 51. Esa . 5 2 Tim. 3. Psal . 38. Isay 26. * Here p. 50 , 51 , 52 , 290 , 296. * Sermo 10. & 77. super Can●ic● & in Concilio Rh●●ensi 1 Psal . ●1 . Serm. 6 , & 7. Quatuor his qu● praesunt necessaria . Joh. 6. Psal . 100. Matth. 18 Luc. 4. Eccl. 15. Luc. 24. Esa . 14. Mat. 23. Luc. 2● . Phil. 2. 21. Psal . 143. Esa 21. Esa . 21. Psal . 39. Isa . 1● Job 40. 2 Thess . 2. Phil. 2. Psalm 5● . Psalm 78. Ose 4. * Here , p. 290 , 291 , 292 , 293. * Epistola . 42. Ecci . 10. * Is not this their Genius , Practise ever since , & now ? Esai . 5. Eph. 2. Joann . 10. 16 a In Psal . 91. Sermo 6. b 2 Thess . 2. c Epistola 42. ad Henricum Senonensem Archiepiscopum ● Tim. 2. d Mat. 6. 24. e Jacob. 4. f Psal . 52. g Gal. 1. h Johan . 10. i Col. 3. 1. * And hath not this been their language ever since ? k 1 Pet. 2. l Psal . ● . m Acts 30. n Psal . 82. o Mat. 25. * He means Holy Orders . * Psal . 72. Exod. 32. * See Epist . 158 , 164 , 165 , 166 , 167 , 168. a Epist . 13 , 14 , 46 , 47 , 49 , 50. b Sigeberti Continuator Otto Frisingensis , l. 7. c. 27 28. Chronicon Bambergense Simoneta l. 5. c. 74. Platina , Stella , Crantzius , Barnes , Balaeus , Volaterranus , Opmeerus , Fasciculus Temporum in Innocentio ● . Centur. Magd. 12. c. 9. 10. Sigonius de Regno Ital. l. 11. Morney Hist . Papatus , p. 394 , &c. * Bernardi Epist . 124 , to 133 , 139 , 140 , 150 , ●76 . Bernardi Vita l. 2. c. 1 , 2. * Cent. Magd. 12. col . 1032. Psal . 118. * Antichrist may possesse S. Peters chair . Psal . 2. Epist . 124. Lu. 2. * See Epist . 176 Amos. 3. Matth. 10. * See Bernardi Vita , l. 2. c. 1● * Epistola 239. Carolus Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l. 11. p. 261 , 262 , 263. See Bernardi vita , l. 2. c. 1 , 2● Nota * See Chronicon Cassinensi , l. 4. c. 105 , 106. Centur. Magd. 12. c. 8. col . 1149 , to 1166. Anno 1131. * See Vita Bernardi , l. 2● c. 1 , 2. Anno 2132 , * Was not this true of the Popes Predecessors , who had wrested it from the Emperors by force ? * Vita Bernardi , l. 2. c. 2. * Bernardi Epistola 130. * Therefore the Popes Claim to Saint Peters Chair at Rome was totally annihilated by divine providence , and translated to Pisa . * Mundi . * Epistola 131. * And cannot the Emperor and every King do as much without the Pope ? but the Pope could not justly do this without their assent . Anno 1136. Anno 1537. Sigonius , l. 2. * Sigonius , ● . 11. p. 267 , &c. See Chronicon Casinense . l. 4 , c. 104 , 105 , &c. Centur. Magd. 12. col . 1119 , to 1166. where this is more largely relat●● * An Appeal from the Pope to the Emperor himself . Chronicon Casinense , l. 4. c. 105 , to 116. Centur. Magd. 12. c. 8. col . 1150 , to 1166. * Misprinted Robertus . * The Emperor rules and moderates in this Council . * See here , Book 4. ch . ● . p. 706 , 707 , 708. * Regum Preces sun● Imperiae . Note his Papal Pride , Obstinacy , malice . * See here Book 4. c. 2. p. 706 , 707. Joan. 10. 1 Cor. 12. * Chronicon Casinense , l. 4. c. 118. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 8. col , 1166. * Crantz . Metrop . ● . 6. c. 12. Cent. Magd. 12 c. 8. col . 1167 † Sigeberti Chronicon , An. 1134. p. 13● . Cent. Magd. 12 col . 1162. * Bernardi Epist . 158 , 159. ad Dominum Papam Innocentium . Esay 28 * Epist . 168. Ps . 114. Ps . 49. 6. Ps . 35 : 10. Job 6. Psal . 37. Mat. 19. Psal . 37 , Joan. 3. 20. * See here , p. 28. * Epistola 218. * Epistola 182. * In caena Domini , De Baptismo , &c. Serm. 2. f. 31. L. M. b Epist . 170. c Rom. 19. * Epistola 282. Anno 1241. f. 139. b. & An. 1243. f. 140. Centur. Magd. 12. c. 10. col . 1248. * See Bernardi Epist . 216 , 217. 219 , 220 , 221 , & here , p. 378. † Hist . Angl. Ann. 1146. p. 77. Philip de Mornay , Hist . Papatus , p. 300 * Rex Francorum Lodowicus à Papa Eugenio excommunicatus . Epist . Bernardi 219. fol. 220. Num. 16. Mat. 18. 7. Psal . 74. Luke 17. Isay 42. Ephes . 6. * Bernardi Ep. 42. ad Henric● Senonensem Archiepiscopū . Marc. 22. Mat. 17. 25 , 28. Rom. 13. ●ohn 13. 〈◊〉 . 7. 8. Anno 1143. Carolus Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l. 11. p. 275. * See p. 35● . * Sigonius l. 11. p. 276. Robertus de Monte , Volatteranus , Platina Fasciculus Temporum , Cent. Magd. 12 c. 10. Balaeus , Onuphrius , Stella , Vicelius , in Caelestino 2. Mat. Paris , Mat. Westm . Johannis Prio● Hagust●ldensis Continuatio . Simeon Dunelmensis Hist . col . 273. Chronicon Johannis Biomton , col . 1032. Polychronicon , l. 7. c. 19. Henry de Knyghton , de Eventibus Angliae , l. 2. c. 5. Anno 1143. * Bernardi Epist . 234. See Godwins Catalogue of Bishops , p. 456. Henry Murdac : † 2 Reg. 1. Psal . 124. Bernardi Epist . 235. fol. 222. Bernardi Epist , 238. Sap. 1. * Thom●s Stubbs , Acta Pontificum ●horacensium , col . 1721 , 1722 Godwins Catalogue of Bishops * Otto Frisingensis l. 7. c. 3● Nauc●erus , Martinus Polonus , Platina , Onuphrius , 〈◊〉 Vol●tetanus , Fasciculus Temporu●e Barnes , Balaeus , Crantzius Sabellicus , Opmerus , Cent. Magd. 12. in Lucio 2. Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l. 11. p. 176. Johannes Marius , Robertus de Monte , Anno 1145. Mat. Paris , Anno 1142. Chronicon Johannis Bromton , col . 1142. Henry de Knyghton , de Eventibus Angliae , l. 2. col . 2387. Cicest : ensis l. 7. cap. 19. * Ann. 1142 p , 180. Mat. West p. 38. Simeon Dunelmensis Hist . col . 273. Radulfus de Diceto , Abbreviationes Chronicorum , col . 508. Chronic● Willielmi Thorne , col . 1804 , to 1806. 2117 , 2257. Anno 1144. * Sigonius de Regno Italiae , l. 11 , p. 276 , 277. Fasciculus Temporum , Crispinus , Platina , Stella , Onuphrius , Barns , Balaeus , Cent. Magd. 12 c. 10. Opmerus in Eugenio 3. Robertus de Monte , Mat. Westm . Mat. Paris , Simeon Dunelmensis , Otto F●isingensis , l. 7. c. 31 , 34. & De Gestis Fre●erici , l. 1. & 2. Sancti Bernardi Vita l. 2. Psal . 149 Psal . 118 Phil. 4. 8. Epistola 237. 1 Cor. 4. 14. Psal . 76. Gen. 17. Mar. 3. Acts 13. 1 Reg. 2. Psal . 110. 2 Cor. 2. Mat. 20. Joan. 10. 2 Cor. 1. 24. 1 Pet. 5. 3. Psal . 2. Psal . 48. Lu. 14. Rom. 11. Psal . 101. Exod. 3. Acts 3. 6. Gal. 2. Joan. 10. Ezech. 18. Acts 8. Jer. 1. 10. Mat. 3. 10. * Three of them dying within the space of one year . 〈…〉 Sigonius l. 11. See Abbas Uspergensis , & Cent. Magd. 12 c. 9. col . 1174 , 1175. * Bernardi Epist . 242 f. 224 Ad Romanos quande discesse●unt à Domino Papa Eugenio . Psal . 1● . Osee 7. Mich. 7. Mat. 10. 36 , 37. 2 Cor. 5. 1● . Sap. 1. * Sigonius , l. 11 p. 279. * Bernardus de Consideratione lib. 4. f. 242 , 243. * Bernardi Epistola , 243. f. 225. 1 Pet. 2. Apoc. 1. Matth. 1● Eccles . 4. 9. 11 Gal. ● . 25. Psal . 128. Psal . 124. Esa . 59. Acts 20. Nota. Ad Con●adum Regem Romanorum , Epist . 183. Rom. 13. Bernardi Epist . 255. f. 225. Ad Ludovicum Regem Francorum . Jacob. 1. Amos 6. Carolus Sigonius Hist . de Regno Italiae , lib. 11. p. 277. * Bernardus de Consideratione ad Eugeninium , l. 4. f. f. 242. 2 〈◊〉 . 12. Mat. 20. 1 Cor. 9. Luke 1. 2 Cor. 11. * Bernardus de Consideratione l. 3. f. 240 , 241. Luc. 4. Nota. Sap. 1. Mich. 6. 8. * cervo● . Nota. De 〈…〉 l. 3. p. 241. 〈◊〉 . 22. 2 Cor. 12. 14 〈◊〉 4. De Consid . l. 4. f. 241. A. Rom. 13. 1 Cor. 3. Joan. 6. Psalm 49. 20. 2 Reg. 12. 3 Reg. 21. Ezeck . 3. 3 Reg. 2 Cor. 10. Rom. 13. Matth. ●9 . 1 Cor. 1● . 〈◊〉 . 4. John 5. Apoc. 21. 1 Cor. 4. 2. * De Consid . ad Engenium , ● . 4. 〈◊〉 . l. 3 * Bernardus de 〈…〉