note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) - or fight by emerson hough author of _the mississippi bubble_, _the way of the man_, etc. with four illustrations by arthur i. keller a. l. burt company publishers new york [illustration: "madam," said i, "let me, at least, alone." page ] to theodore roosevelt president of the united states and firm believer in the rule of the people this book is dedicated with the loyalty and admiration of the author contents chapter i the makers of maps ii by special despatch iii in argument iv the baroness helena v one of the women in the case vi the boudoir of the baroness vii regarding elisabeth viii mr. calhoun accepts ix a kettle of fish x mixed duties xi who giveth this woman xii the marathon xiii on secret service xiv the other woman xv with madam the baroness xvi dÉjeÛner a la fourchette xvii a hunter of butterflies xviii the missing slipper xix the gentleman from tennessee xx the lady from mexico xxi politics under cover xxii but yet a woman xxiii success in silk xxiv the whoa-haw trail xxv oregon xxvi the debated country xxvii in the cabin of madam xxviii when a woman would xxix in exchange xxx counter currents xxxi the payment xxxii pakenham's price xxxiii the story of helena von ritz xxxiv the victory xxxv the proxy of pakenham xxxvi the palo alto ball epilogue chapter i the makers of maps there is scarcely a single cause in which a woman is not engaged in some way fomenting the suit.--_juvenal_. "then you offer me no hope, doctor?" the gray mane of doctor samuel ward waved like a fighting crest as he made answer: "not the sort of hope you ask." a moment later he added: "john, i am ashamed of you." the cynical smile of the man i called my chief still remained upon his lips, the same drawn look of suffering still remained upon his gaunt features; but in his blue eye i saw a glint which proved that the answer of his old friend had struck out some unused spark of vitality from the deep, cold flint of his heart. "i never knew you for a coward, calhoun," went on doctor ward, "nor any of your family i give you now the benefit of my personal acquaintance with this generation of the calhouns. i ask something more of you than faint-heartedness." the keen eyes turned upon him again with the old flame of flint which a generation had known--a generation, for the most part, of enemies. on my chief's face i saw appear again the fighting flush, proof of his hard-fibered nature, ever ready to rejoin with challenge when challenge came. "did not saul fall upon his own sword?" asked john calhoun. "have not devoted leaders from the start of the world till now sometimes rid the scene of the responsible figures in lost fights, the men on whom blame rested for failures?" "cowards!" rejoined doctor ward. "cowards, every one of them! were there not other swords upon which they might have fallen--those of their enemies?" "it is not my own hand--my own sword, sam," said calhoun. "not that. you know as well as i that i am already marked and doomed, even as i sit at my table to-night. a walk of a wet night here in washington--a turn along the heights out there when the winter wind is keen--yes, sam, i see my grave before me, close enough; but how can i rest easy in that grave? man, we have not yet dreamed how great a country this may be. we _must_ have texas. we _must_ have also oregon. we must have--" "free?" the old doctor shrugged his shoulders and smiled at the arch pro-slavery exponent. "then, since you mention it, yes!" retorted calhoun fretfully. "but i shall not go into the old argument of those who say that black is white, that south is north. it is only for my own race that i plan a wider america. but then--" calhoun raised a long, thin hand. "why," he went on slowly, "i have just told you that i have failed. and yet you, my old friend, whom i ought to trust, condemn me to live on!" doctor samuel ward took snuff again, but all the answer he made was to waggle his gray mane and stare hard at the face of the other. "yes," said he, at length, "i condemn you to fight on, john;" and he smiled grimly. "why, look at you, man!" he broke out fiercely, after a moment. "the type and picture of combat! good bone, fine bone and hard; a hard head and bony; little eye, set deep; strong, wiry muscles, not too big--fighting muscles, not dough; clean limbs; strong fingers; good arms, legs, neck; wide chest--" "then you give me hope?" calhoun flashed a smile at him. "no, sir! if you do your duty, there is no hope for you to live. if you do not do your duty, there is no hope for you to die, john calhoun, for more than two years to come--perhaps five years--six. keep up this work--as you must, my friend--and you die as surely as though i shot you through as you sit there. now, is this any comfort to you?" a gray pallor overspread my master's face. that truth is welcome to no man, morbid or sane, sound or ill; but brave men meet it as this one did. "time to do much!" he murmured to himself. "time to mend many broken vessels, in those two years. one more fight--yes, let us have it!" but calhoun the man was lost once more in calhoun the visionary, the fanatic statesman. he summed up, as though to himself, something of the situation which then existed at washington. "yes, the coast is clearer, now that webster is out of the cabinet, but mr. upshur's death last month brings in new complications. had he remained our secretary of state, much might have been done. it was only last october he proposed to texas a treaty of annexation." "yes, and found texas none so eager," frowned doctor ward. "no; and why not? you and i know well enough. sir richard pakenham, the english plenipotentiary here, could tell if he liked. _england_ is busy with texas. texas owes large funds to _england. england_ wants texas as a colony. there is fire under this smoky talk of texas dividing into two governments, one, at least, under england's gentle and unselfish care! "and now, look you," calhoun continued, rising, and pacing up and down, "look what is the evidence. van zandt, _chargé d'affaires_ in washington for the republic of texas, wrote secretary upshur only a month before upshur's death, and told him to go carefully or he would drive mexico to resume the war, _and so cost texas the friendship of england!_ excellent mr. van zandt! i at least know what the friendship of england means. so, he asks us if we will protect texas with troops and ships in case she _does_ sign that agreement of annexation. cunning mr. van zandt! he knows what that answer must be to-day, with england ready to fight us for texas and oregon both, and we wholly unready for war. cunning mr. van zandt, covert friend of england! and lucky mr. upshur, who was killed, and so never had to make that answer!" "but, john, another will have to make it, the one way or the other," said his friend. "yes!" the long hand smote on the table. "president tyler has offered you mr. upshur's portfolio as secretary of state?" "yes!" the long hand smote again. doctor ward made no comment beyond a long whistle, as he recrossed his legs. his eyes were fixed on calhoun's frowning face. "there will be events!" said he at length, grinning. "i have not yet accepted," said calhoun. "if i do, it will be to bring texas and oregon into this union, one slave, the other free, but both vast and of a mighty future for us. that done, i resign at once." "will you accept?" calhoun's answer was first to pick up a paper from his desk. "see, here is the despatch mr. pakenham brought from lord aberdeen of the british ministry to mr. upshur just two days before his death. judge whether aberdeen wants liberty--or territory! in effect he reasserts england's right to interfere in our affairs. we fought one war to disprove that. england has said enough on this continent. and england has meddled enough." calhoun and ward looked at each other, sober in their realization of the grave problems which then beset american statesmanship and american thought. the old doctor was first to break the silence. "then do you accept? will you serve again, john?" "listen to me. if i do accept, i shall take mr. upshur's and mr. nelson's place only on one condition--yes, if i do, here is what _i_ shall say to england regarding texas. i shall show her what a monroe doctrine is; shall show her that while texas is small and weak, texas _and_ this republic are not. this is what i have drafted as a possible reply. i shall tell mr. pakenham that his chief's avowal of intentions has made it our _imperious duty_, in self-defense, to hasten the annexation of texas, cost what it may, mean what it may! john calhoun does not shilly-shally. "_that_ will be my answer," repeated my chief at last. again they looked gravely, each into the other's eye, each knowing what all this might mean. "yes, i shall have texas, as i shall have oregon, settled before i lay down my arms, sam ward. no, i am _not_ yet ready to die!" calhoun's old fire now flamed in all his mien. "the situation is extremely difficult," said his friend slowly. "it must be done; but how? we are as a nation not ready for war. you as a statesman are not adequate to the politics of all this. where is your political party, john? you have none. you have outrun all parties. it will be your ruin, that you have been honest!" calhoun turned on him swiftly. "you know as well as i that mere politics will not serve. it will take some extraordinary measure--you know men--and, perhaps, _women_." "yes," said doctor ward, "and a precious silly lot: they are; the two running after each other and forgetting each other; using and wasting each other; ruining and despoiling each other, all the years, from troy to rome! but yes! for a man, set a woman for a trap. _vice versa_, i suppose?" calhoun nodded, with a thin smile. "as it chances, i need a man. ergo, and very plainly, i must use a woman!" they looked at each other for a moment. that calhoun planned some deep-laid stratagem was plain, but his speech for the time remained enigmatic, even to his most intimate companion. "there are two women in our world to-day," said calhoun. "as to jackson, the old fool was a monogamist, and still is. not so much so jim polk of tennessee. never does he appear in public with eyes other than for the doña lucrezia of the mexican legation! now, one against the other--mexico against austria--" doctor ward raised his eyebrows in perplexity. "that is to say, england, and _not_ austria," went on calhoun coldly. "the ambassadress of england to america was born in budapest! so i say, austria; or perhaps hungary, or some other country, which raised this strange representative who has made some stir in washington here these last few weeks." "ah, _you mean the baroness!_" exclaimed doctor ward. "tut! tut!" calhoun nodded, with the same cold, thin smile. "yes," he said, "i mean mr. pakenham's reputed mistress, his assured secret agent and spy, the beautiful baroness von ritz!" he mentioned a name then well known in diplomatic and social life, when intrigue in washington, if not open, was none too well hidden. "gay sir richard!" he resumed. "you know, his ancestor was a brother-in-law of the duke of wellington. he himself seems to have absorbed some of the great duke's fondness for the fair. before he came to us he was with england's legation in mexico. 'twas there he first met the doña lucrezia. 'tis said he would have remained in mexico had it not been arranged that she and her husband, señor yturrio, should accompany general almonte in the mexican ministry here. on _these_ conditions, sir richard agreed to accept promotion as minister plenipotentiary to washington!" "that was nine years ago," commented doctor ward. "yes; and it was only last fall that he was made envoy extraordinary. he is at least an extraordinary envoy! near fifty years of age, he seems to forget public decency; he forgets even the doña lucrezia, leaving her to the admiration of mr. polk and mr. van zandt, and follows off after the sprightly baroness von ritz. meantime, señor yturrio _also_ forgets the doña lucrezia, and proceeds _also_ to follow after the baroness--although with less hope than sir richard, as they say! at least pakenham has taste! the baroness von ritz has brains and beauty both. it is _she_ who is england's real envoy. now, i believe she knows england's real intentions as to texas." doctor ward screwed his lips for a long whistle, as he contemplated john calhoun's thin, determined face. "i do not care at present to say more," went on my chief; "but do you not see, granted certain motives, polk might come into power pledged to the extension of our southwest borders--" "calhoun, are you mad?" cried his friend. "would you plunge this country into war? would you pit two peoples, like cocks on a floor? and would you use women in our diplomacy?" calhoun now was no longer the friend, the humanitarian. he was the relentless machine; the idea; the single purpose, which to the world at large he had been all his life in congress, in cabinets, on this or the other side of the throne of american power. he spoke coldly as he went on: "in these matters it is not a question of means, but of results. if war comes, let it come; although i hope it will not come. as to the use of women--tell me, _why not women?_ why anything _else_ but women? it is only playing life against life; one variant against another. that is politics, my friend. i _want_ pakenham. so, i must learn what _pakenham_ wants! does he want texas for england, or the baroness von ritz _for himself?_" ward still sat and looked at him. "my god!" said he at last, softly; but calhoun went on: "why, who has made the maps of the world, and who has written pages in its history? who makes and unmakes cities and empires and republics to-day? _woman_, and not man! are you so ignorant--and you a physician, who know them both? gad, man, you do not understand your own profession, and yet you seek to counsel me in mine!" "strange words from you, john," commented his friend, shaking his head; "not seemly for a man who stands where you stand to-day." "strange weapons--yes. if i could always use my old weapons of tongue and brain, i would not need these, perhaps. now you tell me my time is short. i must fight now to win. i have never fought to lose. i can not be too nice in agents and instruments." the old doctor rose and took a turn up and down the little room, one of calhoun's modest ménage at the nation's capital, which then was not the city it is to-day. calhoun followed him with even steps. "changes of maps, my friend? listen to me. the geography of america for the next fifty years rests under a little roof over in m street to-night--a roof which sir richard secretly maintains. the map of the united states, i tell you, is covered with a down counterpane _à deux_, to-night. you ask me to go on with my fight. i answer, first i must find the woman. now, i say, i have found her, as you know. also, i have told you _where_ i have found her. under a counterpane! texas, oregon, these united states under a counterpane!" doctor ward sighed, as he shook his head. "i don't pretend to know now all you mean." calhoun whirled on him fiercely, with a vigor which his wasted frame did not indicate as possible. "listen, then, and i will tell you what john calhoun means--john calhoun, who has loved his own state, who has hated those who hated him, who has never prayed for those who despitefully used him, who has fought and will fight, since all insist on that. it is true tyler has offered me again to-day the portfolio of secretary of state. shall i take it? if i do, it means that i am employed by this administration to secure the admission of texas. can you believe me when i tell you that my ambition is for it all--_all_, every foot of new land, west to the pacific, that we can get, slave _or_ free? can you believe john calhoun, pro-slavery advocate and orator all his life, when he says that he believes he is an humble instrument destined, with god's aid, and through the use of such instruments as our human society affords, to build, _not_ a wider slave country, but a wider america?" "it would be worth the fight of a few years more, calhoun," gravely answered his old friend. "i admit i had not dreamed this of you." "history will not write it of me, perhaps," went on my chief. "but you tell me to fight, and now i shall fight, and in my own way. i tell you, that answer shall go to pakenham. and i tell you, pakenham shall not _dare_ take offense at me. war with mexico we possibly, indeed certainly, shall have. war on the northwest, too, we yet may have unless--" he paused; and doctor ward prompted him some moments later, as he still remained in thought. "unless what, john? what do you mean--still hearing the rustle of skirts?" "yes!--unless the celebrated baroness helena von ritz says otherwise!" replied he grimly. "how dignified a diplomacy have we here! you plan war between two embassies on the distaff side!" smiled doctor ward. calhoun continued his walk. "i do not say so," he made answer; "but, if there must be war, we may reflect that war is at its best when woman _is_ in the field!" chapter ii by special despatch in all eras and all climes a woman of great genius or beauty has done what she chose.--_ouido_. "nicholas," said calhoun, turning to me suddenly, but with his invariable kindliness of tone, "oblige me to-night. i have written a message here. you will see the address--" "i have unavoidably heard this lady's name," i hesitated. "you will find the lady's name above the seal. take her this message from me. yes, your errand is to bring the least known and most talked of woman in washington, alone, unattended save by yourself, to a gentleman's apartments, to his house, at a time past the hour of midnight! that gentleman is myself! you must not take any answer in the negative." as i sat dumbly, holding this sealed document in my hand, he turned to doctor ward, with a nod toward myself. "i choose my young aide, mr. trist here, for good reasons. he is just back from six months in the wilderness, and may be shy; but once he had a way with women, so they tell me--and you know, in approaching the question _ad feminam_ we operate _per hominem_." doctor ward took snuff with violence as he regarded me critically. "i do not doubt the young man's sincerity and faithfulness," said he. "i was only questioning one thing." "yes?" "his age." calhoun rubbed his chin. "nicholas," said he, "you heard me. i have no wish to encumber you with useless instructions. your errand is before you. very much depends upon it, as you have heard. all i can say is, keep your head, keep your feet, and keep your heart!" the two older men both turned now, and smiled at me in a manner not wholly to my liking. neither was this errand to my liking. it was true, i was hardly arrived home after many months in the west; but i had certain plans of my own for that very night, and although as yet i had made no definite engagement with my fiancée, miss elisabeth churchill, of elmhurst farm, for meeting her at the great ball this night, such certainly was my desire and my intention. why, i had scarce seen elisabeth twice in the last year. "how now, nick, my son?" began my chief. "have staff and scrip been your portion so long that you are wholly wedded to them? come, i think the night might promise you something of interest. i assure you of one thing--you will receive no willing answer from the fair baroness. she will scoff at you, and perhaps bid you farewell. see to it, then; do what you like, but bring her _with_ you, and bring her _here_. "you will realize the importance of all this when i tell you that my answer to mr. tyler must be in before noon to-morrow. that answer will depend upon the answer the baroness von ritz makes to _me_, here, to-night! i can not go to her, so she must come to me. you have often served me well, my son. serve me to-night. my time is short; i have no moves to lose. it is you who will decide before morning whether or not john calhoun is the next secretary of state. and that will decide whether or not texas is to be a state." i had never seen mr. calhoun so intent, so absorbed. we all three now sat silent in the little room where the candles guttered in the great glass _cylindres_ on the mantel--an apartment scarce better lighted by the further aid of lamps fed by oil. "he might be older," said calhoun at length, speaking of me as though i were not present. "and 'tis a hard game to play, if once my lady helena takes it into her merry head to make it so for him. but if i sent one shorter of stature and uglier of visage and with less art in approaching a crinoline--why, perhaps he would get no farther than her door. no; he will serve--he _must_ serve!" he arose now, and bowed to us both, even as i rose and turned for my cloak to shield me from the raw drizzle which then was falling in the streets. doctor ward reached down his own shaggy top hat from the rack. "to bed with you now, john," said he sternly. "no, i must write." "you heard me say, to bed with you! a stiff toddy to make you sleep. nicholas here may wake you soon enough with his mysterious companion. i think to-morrow will be time enough for you to work, and to-morrow very likely will bring work for you to do." calhoun sighed. "god!" he exclaimed, "if i but had back my strength! if there were more than those scant remaining years!" "go!" said he suddenly; and so we others passed down his step and out into the semi-lighted streets. so this, then, was my errand. my mind still tingled at its unwelcome quality. doctor ward guessed something of my mental dissatisfaction. "never mind, nicholas," said he, as we parted at the street corner, where he climbed into the rickety carriage which his colored driver held awaiting him. "never mind. i don't myself quite know what calhoun wants; but he would not ask of you anything personally improper. do his errand, then. it is part of your work. in any case--" and i thought i saw him grin in the dim light--"you may have a night which you will remember." there proved to be truth in what he said. chapter iii in argument the egotism of women is always for two.--_mme. de stäel_. the thought of missing my meeting with elisabeth still rankled in my soul. had it been another man who asked me to carry this message, i must have refused. but this man was my master, my chief, in whose service i had engaged. strange enough it may seem to give john calhoun any title showing love or respect. to-day most men call him traitor--call him the man responsible for the war between north and south--call him the arch apostle of that impossible doctrine of slavery, which we all now admit was wrong. why, then, should i love him as i did? i can not say, except that i always loved, honored and admired courage, uprightness, integrity. for myself, his agent, i had, as i say, left the old trist homestead at the foot of south mountain in maryland, to seek my fortune in our capital city. i had had some three or four years' semi-diplomatic training when i first met calhoun and entered his service as assistant. it was under him that i finished my studies in law. meantime, i was his messenger in very many quests, his source of information in many matters where he had no time to go into details. strange enough had been some of the circumstances in which i found myself thrust through this relation with a man so intimately connected for a generation with our public life. adventures were always to my liking, and surely i had my share. i knew the frontier marches of tennessee and alabama, the intricacies of politics of ohio and new york, mixed as those things were in tyler's time. i had even been as far west as the rockies, of which young frémont was now beginning to write so understandingly. for six months i had been in mississippi and texas studying matters and men, and now, just back from natchitoches, i felt that i had earned some little rest. but there was the fascination of it--that big game of politics. no, i will call it by its better name of statesmanship, which sometimes it deserved in those days, as it does not to-day. that was a day of warwicks. the nominal rulers did not hold the greatest titles. naturally, i knew something of these things, from the nature of my work in calhoun's office. i have had insight into documents which never became public. i have seen treaties made. i have seen the making of maps go forward. this, indeed, i was in part to see that very night, and curiously, too. how the baroness von ritz--beautiful adventuress as she was sometimes credited with being, charming woman as she was elsewhere described, fascinating and in some part dangerous to any man, as all admitted--could care to be concerned with this purely political question of our possible territories, i was not shrewd enough at that moment in advance to guess; for i had nothing more certain than the rumor she was england's spy. i bided my time, knowing that ere long the knowledge must come to me in calhoun's office even in case i did not first learn more than calhoun himself. vaguely in my conscience i felt that, after all, my errand was justified, even though at some cost to my own wishes and my own pride. the farther i walked in the dark along pennsylvania avenue, into which finally i swung after i had crossed rock bridge, the more i realized that perhaps this big game was worth playing in detail and without quibble as the master mind should dictate. as he was servant of a purpose, of an ideal of triumphant democracy, why should not i also serve in a cause so splendid? i was, indeed, young--nicholas trist, of maryland; six feet tall, thin, lean, always hungry, perhaps a trifle freckled, a little sandy of hair, blue i suppose of eye, although i am not sure; good rider and good marcher, i know; something of an expert with the weapons of my time and people; fond of a horse and a dog and a rifle--yes, and a glass and a girl, if truth be told. i was not yet thirty, in spite of my western travels. at that age the rustle of silk or dimity, the suspicion of adventure, tempts the worst or the best of us, i fear. woman!--the very sound of the word made my blood leap then. i went forward rather blithely, as i now blush to confess. "if there are maps to be made to-night," said i, "the baroness helena shall do her share in writing on my chief's old mahogany desk, and not on her own dressing case." that was an idle boast, though made but to myself. i had not yet met the woman. chapter iv the baroness helena woman is seldom merciful to the man who is timid. --_edward bulwer lytton_. there was one of our dim street lights at a central corner on old pennsylvania avenue, and under it, after a long walk, i paused for a glance at the inscription on my sealed document. i had not looked at it before in the confusion of my somewhat hurried mental processes. in addition to the name and street number, in calhoun's writing, i read this memorandum: "knock at the third door in the second block beyond m street" i recalled the nearest cross street; but i must confess the direction still seemed somewhat cryptic. puzzled, i stood under the lamp, shielding the face of the note under my cloak to keep off the rain, as i studied it. the sound of wheels behind me on the muddy pavement called my attention, and i looked about. a carriage came swinging up to the curb where i stood. it was driven rapidly, and as it approached the door swung open. i heard a quick word, and the driver pulled up his horses. i saw the light shine through the door on a glimpse of white satin. i looked again. yes, it was a beckoning hand! the negro driver looked at me inquiringly. ah, well, i suppose diplomacy under the stars runs much the same in all ages. i have said that i loved elisabeth, but also said i was not yet thirty. moreover, i was a gentleman, and here might be a lady in need of help. i need not say that in a moment i was at the side of the carriage. its occupant made no exclamation of surprise; in fact, she moved back upon the other side of the seat in the darkness, as though to make room for me! i was absorbed in a personal puzzle. here was i, messenger upon some important errand, as i might guess. but white satin and a midnight adventure--at least, a gentleman might bow and ask if he could be of assistance! a dark framed face, whose outlines i could only dimly see in the faint light of the street lamp, leaned toward me. the same small hand nervously reached out, as though in request. i now very naturally stepped closer. a pair of wide and very dark eyes was looking into mine. i could now see her face. there was no smile upon her lips. i had never seen her before, that was sure--nor did i ever think to see her like again; i could say that even then, even in the half light. just a trifle foreign, the face; somewhat dark, but not too dark; the lips full, the eyes luminous, the forehead beautifully arched, chin and cheek beautifully rounded, nose clean-cut and straight, thin but not pinched. there was nothing niggard about her. she was magnificent--a magnificent woman. i saw that she had splendid jewels at her throat, in her ears--a necklace of diamonds, long hoops of diamonds and emeralds used as ear-rings; a sparkling clasp which caught at her white throat the wrap which she had thrown about her ball gown--for now i saw she was in full evening dress. i guessed she had been an attendant at the great ball, that ball which i had missed with so keen a regret myself--the ball where i had hoped to dance with elisabeth. without doubt she had lost her way and was asking the first stranger for instructions to her driver. my lady, whoever she was, seemed pleased with her rapid temporary scrutiny. with a faint murmur, whether of invitation or not i scarce could tell, she drew back again to the farther side of the seat. before i knew how or why, i was at her side. the driver pushed shut the door, and whipped up his team. personally i am gifted with but small imagination. in a very matter of fact way i had got into this carriage with a strange lady. now in a sober and matter of fact way it appeared to me my duty to find out the reason for this singular situation. "madam," i remarked to my companion, "in what manner can i be of service to you this evening?" i made no attempt to explain who i was, or to ask who or what she herself was, for i had no doubt that our interview soon would be terminated. "i am fortunate that you are a gentleman," she said, in a low and soft voice, quite distinct, quite musical in quality, and marked with just the faintest trace of some foreign accent, although her english was perfect. i looked again at her. yes, her hair was dark; that was sure. it swept up in a great roll above her oval brow. her eyes, too, must be dark, i confirmed. yes--as a passed lamp gave me aid--there were strong dark brows above them. her nose, too, was patrician; her chin curving just strongly enough, but not too full, and faintly cleft, a sign of power, they say. a third gracious lamp gave me a glimpse of her figure, huddled back among her draperies, and i guessed her to be about of medium height. a fourth lamp showed me her hands, small, firm, white; also i could catch a glimpse of her arm, as it lay outstretched, her fingers clasping a fan. so i knew her arms were round and taper, hence all her limbs and figure finely molded, because nature does not do such things by halves, and makes no bungles in her symmetry of contour when she plans a noble specimen of humanity. here _was_ a noble specimen of what woman may be. on the whole, as i must confess, i sighed rather comfortably at the fifth street lamp; for, if my chief must intrust to me adventures of a dark night--adventures leading to closed carriages and strange companions--i had far liefer it should be some such woman as this. i was not in such a hurry to ask again how i might be of service. in fact, being somewhat surprised and somewhat pleased, i remained silent now for a time, and let matters adjust themselves; which is not a bad course for any one similarly engaged. she turned toward me at last, deliberately, her fan against her lips, studying me. and i did as much, taking such advantage as i could of the passing street lamps. then, all at once, without warning or apology, she smiled, showing very even and white teeth. she smiled. there came to me from the purple-colored shadows some sort of deep perfume, strange to me. i frown at the description of such things and such emotions, but i swear that as i sat there, a stranger, not four minutes in companionship with this other stranger, i felt swim up around me some sort of amber shadow, edged with purple--the shadow, as i figured it then, being this perfume, curious and alluring! it was wet, there in the street. why should i rebel at this stealing charm of color or fragrance--let those name it better who can. at least i sat, smiling to myself in my purple-amber shadow, now in no very special hurry. and now again she smiled, thoughtfully, rather approving my own silence, as i guessed; perhaps because it showed no unmanly perturbation--my lack of imagination passing for aplomb. at last i could not, in politeness, keep this up further. "_how may i serve the baroness?_" said i. she started back on the seat as far as she could go. "how did you know?" she asked. "and who are _you_?" i laughed. "i did not know, and did not guess until almost as i began to speak; but if it comes to that, i might say i am simply an humble gentleman of washington here. i might be privileged to peep in at ambassadors' balls--through the windows, at least." "but you were not there--you did not see me? i never saw you in my life until this very moment--how, then, do you know me? speak! at once!" her satins rustled. i knew she was tapping a foot on the carriage floor. "madam," i answered, laughing at her; "by this amber purple shadow, with flecks of scarlet and pink; by this perfume which weaves webs for me here in this carriage, i know you. the light is poor, but it is good enough to show one who can be no one else but the baroness von ritz." i was in the mood to spice an adventure which had gone thus far. of course she thought me crazed, and drew back again in the shadow; but when i turned and smiled, she smiled in answer--herself somewhat puzzled. "the baroness von ritz can not be disguised," i said; "not even if she wore her domino." she looked down at the little mask which hung from the silken cord, and flung it from her. "oh, then, very well!" she said. "if you know who i am, who are _you_, and why do you talk in this absurd way with me, a stranger?" "and why, madam, do you take me up, a stranger, in this absurd way, at midnight, on the streets of washington?--i, who am engaged on business for my chief?" she tapped again with her foot on the carriage floor. "tell me who you are!" she said. "once a young planter from maryland yonder; sometime would-be lawyer here in washington. it is my misfortune not to be so distinguished in fame or beauty that my name is known by all; so i need not tell you my name perhaps, only assuring you that i am at your service if i may be useful." "your name!" she again demanded. i told her the first one that came to my lips--i do not remember what. it did not deceive her for a moment. "of course that is not your name," she said; "because it does not fit you. you have me still at disadvantage." "and me, madam? you are taking me miles out of my way. how can i help you? do you perhaps wish to hunt mushrooms in the georgetown woods when morning comes? i wish that i might join you, but i fear--" "you mock me," she retorted. "very good. let me tell you it was not your personal charm which attracted me when i saw you on the pavement! `twas because you were the only man in sight." i bowed my thanks. for a moment nothing was heard save the steady patter of hoofs on the ragged pavement. at length she went on. "i am alone. i have been followed. i was followed when i called to you--by another carriage. i asked help of the first gentleman i saw, having heard that americans all are gentlemen." "true," said i; "i do not blame you. neither do i blame the occupant of the other carriage for following you." "i pray you, leave aside such chatter!" she exclaimed. "very well, then, madam. perhaps the best way is for us to be more straightforward. if i can not be of service i beg you to let me descend, for i have business which i must execute to-night." this, of course, was but tentative. i did not care to tell her that my business was with herself. it seemed almost unbelievable to me that chance should take this turn. she dismissed this with an impatient gesture, and continued. "see, i am alone," she said. "come with me. show me my way--i will pay--i will pay anything in reason." actually i saw her fumble at her purse, and the hot blood flew to my forehead. "what you ask of me, madam, is impossible," said i, with what courtesy i could summon. "you oblige me now to tell my real name. i have told you that i am an american gentleman--mr. nicholas trist. we of this country do not offer our services to ladies for the sake of pay. but do not be troubled over any mistake--it is nothing. now, you have perhaps had some little adventure in which you do not wish to be discovered. in any case, you ask me to shake off that carriage which follows us. if that is all, madam, it very easily can be arranged." "hasten, then," she said. "i leave it to you. i was sure you knew the city." i turned and gazed back through the rear window of the carriage. true, there was another vehicle following us. we were by this time nearly at the end of washington's limited pavements. it would be simple after that. i leaned out and gave our driver some brief orders. we led our chase across the valley creeks on up the georgetown hills, and soon as possible abandoned the last of the pavement, and took to the turf, where the sound of our wheels was dulled. rapidly as we could we passed on up the hill, until we struck a side street where there was no paving. into this we whipped swiftly, following the flank of the hill, our going, which was all of earth or soft turf, now well wetted by the rain. when at last we reached a point near the summit of the hill, i stopped to listen. hearing nothing, i told the driver to pull down the hill by the side street, and to drive slowly. when we finally came into our main street again at the foot of the georgetown hills, not far from the little creek which divided that settlement from the main city, i could hear nowhere any sound of our pursuer. "madam," said i, turning to her; "i think we may safely say we are alone. what, now, is your wish?" "home!" she said. "and where is home?" she looked at me keenly for a time, as though to read some thought which perhaps she saw suggested either in the tone of my voice or in some glimpse she might have caught of my features as light afforded. for the moment she made no answer. "is it here?" suddenly i asked her, presenting to her inspection the sealed missive which i bore. "i can not see; it is quite dark," she said hurriedly. "pardon me, then--" i fumbled for my case of lucifers, and made a faint light by which she might read. the flare of the match lit up her face perfectly, bringing out the framing roll of thick dark hair, from which, as a high light in a mass of shadows, the clear and yet strong features of her face showed plainly. i saw the long lashes drooped above her dark eyes, as she bent over studiously. at first the inscription gave her no information. she pursed her lips and shook her head. "i do not recognize the address," said she, smiling, as she turned toward me. "is it this door on m street, as you go beyond this other street?" i asked her. "come--think!" then i thought i saw the flush deepen on her face, even as the match flickered and failed. i leaned out of the door and called to the negro driver. "home, now, boy--and drive fast!" she made no protest. chapter v one of the women in the case there is a woman at the beginning of all great things. --_lamartine_. a quarter of an hour later, we slowed down on a rough brick pavement, which led toward what then was an outlying portion of the town--one not precisely shabby, but by no means fashionable. there was a single lamp stationed at the mouth of the narrow little street. as we advanced, i could see outlined upon our right, just beyond a narrow pavement of brick, a low and not more than semi-respectable house, or rather, row of houses; tenements for the middle class or poor, i might have said. the neighborhood, i knew from my acquaintance with the city, was respectable enough, yet it was remote, and occupied by none of any station. certainly it was not to be considered fit residence for a woman such as this who sat beside me. i admit i was puzzled. the strange errand of my chief now assumed yet more mystery, in spite of his forewarnings. "this will do," said she softly, at length. the driver already had pulled up. so, then, i thought, she had been here before. but why? could this indeed be her residence? was she incognita here? was this indeed the covert embassy of england? there was no escape from the situation as it lay before me. i had no time to ponder. had the circumstances been otherwise, then in loyalty to elisabeth i would have handed my lady out, bowed her farewell at her own gate, and gone away, pondering only the adventures into which the beckoning of a white hand and the rustling of a silken skirt betimes will carry a man, if he dares or cares to go. now, i might not leave. my duty was here. this was my message; here was she for whom it was intended; and this was the place which i was to have sought alone. i needed only to remember that my business was not with helena von ritz the woman, beautiful, fascinating, perhaps dangerous as they said of her, but with the baroness von ritz, in the belief of my chief the ally and something more than ally of pakenham, in charge of england's fortunes on this continent. i did remember my errand and the gravity of it. i did not remember then, as i did later, that i was young. i descended at the edge of the narrow pavement, and was about to hand her out at the step, but as i glanced down i saw that the rain had left a puddle of mud between the carriage and the walk. "pardon, madam," i said; "allow me to make a light for you--the footing is bad." i lighted another lucifer, just as she hesitated at the step. she made as though to put out her right foot, and withdrew it. again she shifted, and extended her left foot. i faintly saw proof that nature had carried out her scheme of symmetry, and had not allowed wrist and arm to forswear themselves! i saw also that this foot was clad in the daintiest of white slippers, suitable enough as part of her ball costume, as i doubted not was this she wore. she took my hand without hesitation, and rested her weight upon the step--an adorable ankle now more frankly revealed. the briefness of the lucifers was merciful or merciless, as you like. "a wide step, madam; be careful," i suggested. but still she hesitated. a laugh, half of annoyance, half of amusement, broke from her lips. as the light flickered down, she made as though to take the step; then, as luck would have it, a bit of her loose drapery, which was made in the wide-skirted and much-hooped fashion of the time, caught at the hinge of the carriage door. it was a chance glance, and not intent on my part, but i saw that her other foot was stockinged, but not shod! "i beg madam's pardon," i said gravely, looking aside, "but she has perhaps not noticed that her other slipper is lost in the carriage." "nonsense!" she said. "allow me your hand across to the walk, please. it is lost, yes." "but lost--where?" i began. "in the other carriage!" she exclaimed, and laughed freely. half hopping, she was across the walk, through the narrow gate, and up at the door before i could either offer an arm or ask for an explanation. some whim, however, seized her; some feeling that in fairness she ought to tell me now part at least of the reason for her summoning me to her aid. "sir," she said, even as her hand reached up to the door knocker; "i admit you have acted as a gentleman should. i do not know what your message may be, but i doubt not it is meant for me. since you have this much claim on my hospitality, even at this hour, i think i must ask you to step within. there may be some answer needed." "madam," said i, "there _is_ an answer needed. i am to take back that answer. i know that this message is to the baroness von ritz. i guess it to be important; and i know you are the baroness von ritz." "well, then," said she, pulling about her half-bared shoulders the light wrap she wore; "let me be as free with you. if i have missed one shoe, i have not lost it wholly. i lost the slipper in a way not quite planned on the program. it hurt my foot. i sought to adjust it behind a curtain. my gentleman of mexico was in wine. i fled, leaving my escort, and he followed. i called to you. you know the rest. i am glad you are less in wine, and are more a gentleman." "i do not yet know my answer, madam." "come!" she said; and at once knocked upon the door. i shall not soon forget the surprise which awaited me when at last the door swung open silently at the hand of a wrinkled and brown old serving-woman--not one of our colored women, but of some dark foreign race. the faintest trace of surprise showed on the old woman's face, but she stepped back and swung the door wide, standing submissively, waiting for orders. we stood now facing what ought to have been a narrow and dingy little room in a low row of dingy buildings, each of two stories and so shallow in extent as perhaps not to offer roof space to more than a half dozen rooms. instead of what should have been, however, there was a wide hall--wide as each building would have been from front to back, but longer than a half dozen of them would have been! i did not know then, what i learned later, that the partitions throughout this entire row had been removed, the material serving to fill up one of the houses at the farthest extremity of the row. there was thus offered a long and narrow room, or series of rooms, which now i saw beyond possibility of doubt constituted the residence of this strange woman whom chance had sent me to address; and whom still stranger chance had thrown in contact with me even before my errand was begun! she stood looking at me, a smile flitting over her features, her stockinged foot extended, toe down, serving to balance her on her high-heeled single shoe. "pardon, sir," she said, hesitating, as she held the sealed epistle in her hand. "you know me--perhaps you follow me--i do not know. tell me, are you a spy of that man pakenham?" her words and her tone startled me. i had supposed her bound to sir richard by ties of a certain sort. her bluntness and independence puzzled me as much as her splendid beauty enraptured me. i tried to forget both. "madam, i am spy of no man, unless i am such at order of my chief, john calhoun, of the united states senate--perhaps, if madam pleases, soon of mr. tyler's cabinet." in answer, she turned, hobbled to a tiny marquetry table, and tossed the note down upon it, unopened. i waited patiently, looking about me meantime. i discovered that the windows were barred with narrow slats of iron within, although covered with heavy draperies of amber silk. there was a double sheet of iron covering the door by which we had entered. "your cage, madam?" i inquired. "i do not blame england for making it so secret and strong! if so lovely a prisoner were mine, i should double the bars." the swift answer to my presumption came in the flush of her cheek and her bitten lip. she caught up the key from the table, and half motioned me to the door. but now i smiled in turn, and pointed to the unopened note on the table. "you will pardon me, madam," i went on. "surely it is no disgrace to represent either england or america. they are not at war. why should we be?" we gazed steadily at each other. the old servant had disappeared when at length her mistress chose to pick up my unregarded document. deliberately she broke the seal and read. an instant later, her anger gone, she was laughing gaily. "see," said she, bubbling over with her mirth; "i pick up a stranger, who should say good-by at my curb; my apartments are forced; and this is what this stranger asks: that i shall go with him, to-night, alone, and otherwise unattended, to see a man, perhaps high in your government, but a stranger to me, at his own rooms-alone! oh, la! la! surely these americans hold me high!" "assuredly we do, madam," i answered. "will it please you to go in your own carriage, or shall i return with one for you?" she put her hands behind her back, holding in them the opened message from my chief. "i am tired. i am bored. your impudence amuses me; and your errand is not your fault. come, sit down. you have been good to me. before you go, i shall have some refreshment brought for you." i felt a sudden call upon my resources as i found myself in this singular situation. here, indeed, more easily reached than i had dared hope, was the woman in the case. but only half of my errand, the easier half, was done. chapter vi the boudoir of the baroness a woman's counsel brought us first to woe.--_dryden_. "wait!" she said. "we shall have candles." she clapped her hands sharply, and again there entered the silent old serving-woman, who, obedient to a gesture, proceeded to light additional candles in the prism stands and sconces. the apartment was now distinct in all its details under this additional flood of light. decently as i might i looked about. i was forced to stifle the exclamation of surprise which rose to my lips. we were plain folk enough in washington at that time. the ceremonious days of our first presidents had passed for the democratic time of jefferson and jackson; and even under mr. van buren there had been little change from the simplicity which was somewhat our boast. washington itself was at that time scarcely more than an overgrown hamlet, not in the least to be compared to the cosmopolitan centers which made the capitals of the old world. formality and stateliness of a certain sort we had, but of luxury we knew little. there was at that time, as i well knew, no state apartment in the city which in sheer splendor could for a moment compare with this secret abode of a woman practically unknown. here certainly was european luxury transferred to our shores. this in simple washington, with its vast white unfinished capitol, its piecemeal miles of mixed residences, boarding-houses, hotels, restaurants, and hovels! i fancied stern andrew jackson or plain john calhoun here! the furniture i discovered to be exquisite in detail, of rosewood and mahogany, with many brass chasings and carvings, after the fashion of the empire, and here and there florid ornamentation following that of the court of the earlier louis. fanciful little clocks with carved scrolls stood about; cupid tapestries had replaced the original tawdry coverings of these common walls, and what had once been a dingy fireplace was now faced with embossed tiles never made in america. there were paintings in oil here and there, done by master hands, as one could tell. the curtained windows spoke eloquently of secrecy. here and there a divan and couch showed elaborate care in comfort. beyond a lace-screened grille i saw an alcove--doubtless cut through the original partition wall between two of these humble houses--and within this stood a high tester bed, its heavy mahogany posts beautifully carved, the couch itself piled deep with foundations of i know not what of down and spread most daintily with a coverlid of amber satin, whose edges fringed out almost to the floor. at the other extremity, screened off as in a distinct apartment, there stood a smaller couch, a napoleon bed, with carved ends, furnished more simply but with equal richness. everywhere was the air not only of comfort, but of ease and luxury, elegance and sensuousness contending. i needed no lesson to tell me that this was not an ordinary apartment, nor occupied by an ordinary owner. one resented the liberties england took in establishing this manner of ménage in our simple city, and arrogantly taking for granted our ignorance regarding it; but none the less one was forced to commend the thoroughness shown. the ceilings, of course, remained low, but there was visible no trace of the original architecture, so cunningly had the interior been treated. as i have said, the dividing partitions had all been removed, so that the long interior practically was open, save as the apartments were separated by curtains or grilles. the floors were carpeted thick and deep. silence reigned here. there remained no trace of the clumsy comfort which had sufficed the early builder. here was no longer a series of modest homes, but a boudoir which might have been the gilded cage of some favorite of an ancient court. the breath and flavor of this suspicion floated in every drapery, swam in the faint perfume which filled the place. my first impression was that of surprise; my second, as i have said, a feeling of resentment at the presumption which installed all this in our capital of washington. i presume my thought may have been reflected in some manner in my face. i heard a gentle laugh, and turned about. she sat there in a great carved chair, smiling, her white arms stretched out on the rails, the fingers just gently curving. there was no apology for her situation, no trace of alarm or shame or unreadiness. it was quite obvious she was merely amused. i was in no way ready to ratify the rumors i had heard regarding her. she had thrown back over the rail of the chair the rich cloak which covered her in the carriage, and sat now in the full light, in the splendor of satin and lace and gems, her arms bare, her throat and shoulders white and bare, her figure recognized graciously by every line of a superb gowning such as we had not yet learned on this side of the sea. never had i seen, and never since have i seen, a more splendid instance of what beauty of woman may be. she did not speak at first, but sat and smiled, studying, i presume, to find what stuff i was made of. seeing this, i pulled myself together and proceeded briskly to my business. "my employer will find me late, i fear, my dear baroness," i began. "better late than wholly unsuccessful," she rejoined, still smiling. "tell me, my friend, suppose you had come hither and knocked at my door?" "perhaps i might not have been so clumsy," i essayed. "confess it!" she smiled. "had you come here and seen the exterior only, you would have felt yourself part of a great mistake. you would have gone away." "perhaps not," i argued. "i have much confidence in my chief's acquaintance with his own purposes and his own facts. yet i confess i should not have sought madam the baroness in this neighborhood. if england provides us so beautiful a picture, why could she not afford a frame more suitable? why is england so secret with us?" she only smiled, showing two rows of exceedingly even white teeth. she was perfect mistress of herself. in years she was not my equal, yet i could see that at the time i did scarcely more than amuse her. "be seated, pray," she said at last. "let us talk over this matter." obedient to her gesture, i dropped into a chair opposite to her, she herself not varying her posture and still regarding me with the laugh in her half-closed eyes. "what do you think of my little place?" she asked finally. "two things, madam," said i, half sternly. "if it belonged to a man, and to a minister plenipotentiary, i should not approve it. if it belonged to a lady of means and a desire to see the lands of this little world, i should approve it very much." she looked at me with eyes slightly narrowed, but no trace of perturbation crossed her face. i saw it was no ordinary woman with whom we had to do. "but," i went on, "in any case and at all events, i should say that the bird confined in such a cage, where secrecy is so imperative, would at times find weariness--would, in fact, wish escape to other employment. you, madam"--i looked at her directly--"are a woman of so much intellect that you could not be content merely to live." "no," she said, "i would not be content merely to live." "precisely. therefore, since to make life worth the living there must be occasionally a trifle of spice, a bit of adventure, either for man or woman, i suggest to you, as something offering amusement, this little journey with me to-night to meet my chief. you have his message. i am his messenger, and, believe me, quite at your service in any way you may suggest. let us be frank. if you are agent, so am i. see; i have come into your camp. dare you not come into ours? come; it is an adventure to see a tall, thin old man in a dressing-gown and a red woolen nightcap. so you will find my chief; and in apartments much different from these." she took up the missive with its broken seal. "so your chief, as you call him, asks me to come to him, at midnight, with you, a stranger?" "do you not believe in charms and in luck, in evil and good fortune, madam?" i asked her. "now, it is well to be lucky. in ordinary circumstances, as you say, i could not have got past yonder door. yet here i am. what does it augur, madam?" "but it is night!" "precisely. could you go to the office of a united states senator and possible cabinet minister in broad daylight and that fact not be known? could he come to your apartments in broad daylight and that fact not be known? what would 'that man pakenham' suspect in either case? believe me, my master is wise. i do not know his reason, but he knows it, and he has planned best to gain his purpose, whatever it may be. reason must teach you, madam, that night, this night, this hour, is the only time in which this visit could be made. naturally, it would be impossible for him to come here. if you go to him, he will--ah, he will reverence you, as i do, madam. great necessity sets aside conventions, sets aside everything. come, then!" but still she only sat and smiled at me. i felt that purple and amber glow, the emanation of her personality, of her senses, creeping around me again as she leaned forward finally, her parted red-bowed lips again disclosing her delicate white teeth. i saw the little heave of her bosom, whether in laughter or emotion i could not tell. i was young. resenting the spell which i felt coming upon me, all i could do was to reiterate my demand for haste. she was not in the least impressed by this. "come!" she said. "i am pleased with these americans. yes, i am not displeased with this little adventure." i rose impatiently, and walked apart in the room. "you can not evade me, madam, so easily as you did the mexican gentleman who followed you. you have him in the net also? is not the net full enough?" "never!" she said, her head swaying slowly from side to side, her face inscrutable. "am i not a woman? ah, am i not?" "madam," said i, whirling upon her, "let me, at least, alone. i am too small game for you. i am but a messenger. time passes. let us arrive at our business." "what would you do if i refused to go with you?" she asked, still smiling at me. she was waiting for the spell of these surroundings, the spirit of this place, to do their work with me, perhaps; was willing to take her time with charm of eye and arm and hair and curved fingers, which did not openly invite and did not covertly repel. but i saw that her attitude toward me held no more than that of bird of prey and some little creature well within its power. it made me angry to be so rated. "you ask me what i should do?" i retorted savagely. "i shall tell you first what i _will_ do if you continue your refusal. i will _take_ you with me, and so keep my agreement with my chief. keep away from the bell rope! remain silent! do not move! you should go if i had to carry you there in a sack--because that is my errand!" "oh, listen at him threaten!" she laughed still. "and he despises my poor little castle here in the side street, where half the time i am so lonely! what would monsieur do if monsieur were in my place--and if i were in monsieur's place? but, bah! you would not have me following _you_ in the first hour we met, boy!" i flushed again hotly at this last word. "madam may discontinue the thought of my boyhood; i am older than she. but if you ask me what i would do with a woman if i followed her, or if she followed me, then i shall tell you. if i owned this place and all in it, i would tear down every picture from these walls, every silken cover from yonder couches! i would rip out these walls and put back the ones that once were here! you, madam, should be taken out of luxury and daintiness--" "go on!" she clapped her hands, for the first time kindling, and dropping her annoying air of patronizing me. "go on! i like you now. tell me what americans do with women that they love! i have heard they are savages." "a house of logs far out in the countries that i know would do for you, madam!" i went on hotly. "you should forget the touch of silk and lace. no neighbor you should know until i was willing. any man who followed you should meet _me_. until you loved me all you could, and said so, and proved it, i would wring your neck with my hands, if necessary, until you loved me!" "excellent! what then?" "then, madam the baroness, i would in turn build you a palace, one of logs, and would make you a most excellent couch of the husks of corn. you should cook at my fireplace, and for _me!_" she smiled slowly past me, at me. "pray, be seated," she said. "you interest me." "it is late," i reiterated. "come! must i do some of these things--force you into obedience--carry you away in a sack? my master can not wait." "don yturrio of mexico, on the other hand," she mused, "promised me not violence, but more jewels. idiot!" "indeed!" i rejoined, in contempt. "an american savage would give you but one gown, and that of your own weave; you could make it up as you liked. but come, now; i have no more time to lose." "ah, also, idiot!" she murmured. "do you not see that i must reclothe myself before i could go with you--that is to say, if i choose to go with you? now, as i was saying, my ardent mexican promises thus and so. my lord of england--ah, well, they may be pardoned. suppose i might listen to such suits--might there not be some life for me--some life with events? on the other hand, what of interest could america offer?" "i have told you what life america could give you." "i imagined men were but men, wherever found," she went on; "but what you say interests me, i declare to you again. a woman is a woman, too, i fancy. she always wants one thing--to be all the world to one man." "quite true," i answered. "better that than part of the world to one--or two? and the opposite of it is yet more true. when a woman is all the world to a man, she despises him." "but yes, i should like that experience of being a cook in a cabin, and being bruised and broken and choked!" she smiled, lazily extending her flawless arms and looking down at them, at all of her splendid figure, as though in interested examination. "i am alone so much--so bored!" she went on. "and sir richard pakenham is so very, very fat. ah, god! you can not guess how fat he is. but you, you are not fat." she looked me over critically, to my great uneasiness. "all the more reason for doing as i have suggested, madam; for mr. calhoun is not even so fat as i am. this little interview with my chief, i doubt not, will prove of interest. indeed"--i went on seriously and intently--"i venture to say this much without presuming on my station: the talk which you will have with my chief to-night will show you things you have never known, give you an interest in living which perhaps you have not felt. if i am not mistaken, you will find much in common between you and my master. i speak not to the agent of england, but to the lady helena von ritz." "he is old," she went on. "he is very old. his face is thin and bloodless and fleshless. he is old." "madam," i said, "his mind is young, his purpose young, his ambition young; and his country is young. is not the youth of all these things still your own?" she made no answer, but sat musing, drumming lightly on the chair arm. i was reaching for her cloak. then at once i caught a glimpse of her stockinged foot, the toe of which slightly protruded from beneath her ball gown. she saw the glance and laughed. "poor feet," she said. "ah, _mes pauvres pieds la_! you would like to see them bruised by the hard going in some heathen country? see you have no carriage, and mine is gone. i have not even a pair of shoes. go look under the bed beyond." i obeyed her gladly enough. under the fringe of the satin counterpane i found a box of boots, slippers, all manner of footwear, daintily and neatly arranged. taking out a pair to my fancy, i carried them out and knelt before her. "then, madam," said i, "since you insist on this, i shall choose. america is not europe. our feet here have rougher going and must be shod for it. allow me!" without the least hesitation in the world, or the least immodesty, she half protruded the foot which still retained its slipper. as i removed this latter, through some gay impulse, whose nature i did not pause to analyze, i half mechanically thrust it into the side pocket of my coat. "this shall be security," said i, "that what you speak with my master shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." there was a curious deeper red in her cheek. i saw her bosom beat the faster rhythm. "quite agreed!" she answered. but she motioned me away, taking the stout boot in her own hand and turning aside as she fastened it. she looked over her shoulder at me now and again while thus engaged. "tell me," she said gently, "what security do _i_ have? you come, by my invitation, it is true, but none the less an intrusion, into my apartments. you demand of me something which no man has a right to demand. because i am disposed to be gracious, and because i am much disposed to be _ennuyé_, and because mr. pakenham is fat, i am willing to take into consideration what you ask. i have never seen a thin gentleman in a woolen nightcap, and i am curious. but no gentleman plays games with ladies in which the dice are loaded for himself. come, what security shall _i_ have?" i did not pretend to understand her. perhaps, after all, we all had been misinformed regarding her? i could not tell. but her spirit of _camaraderie_, her good fellowship, her courage, quite aside from her personal charm, had now begun to impress me. "madam," said i, feeling in my pocket; "no heathen has much of this world's goods. all my possessions would not furnish one of these rooms. i can not offer gems, as does señor yturrio--but, would this be of service--until to-morrow? that will leave him and me with a slipper each. it is with reluctance i pledge to return mine!" by chance i had felt in my pocket a little object which i had placed there that very day for quite another purpose. it was only a little trinket of indian manufacture, which i had intended to give elisabeth that very evening; a sort of cloak clasp, originally made as an indian blanket fastening, with two round discs ground out of shells and connected by beaded thongs. i had got it among the tribes of the far upper plains, who doubtless obtained the shells, in their strange savage barter, in some way from the tribes of florida or texas, who sometimes trafficked in shells which found their way as far north as the saskatchewan. the trinket was curious, though of small value. the baroness looked at it with interest. "how it reminds me of this heathen country!" she said. "is this all that your art can do in jewelry? yet it _is_ beautiful. come, will you not give it to me?" "until to-morrow, madam." "no longer?" "i can not promise it longer. i must, unfortunately, have it back when i send a messenger--i shall hardly come myself, madam." "ah!" she scoffed. "then it belongs to another woman?" "yes, it is promised to another." "then this is to be the last time we meet?" "i do not doubt it." "are you not sorry?" "naturally, madam!" she sighed, laughing as she did so. yet i could not evade seeing the curious color on her cheek, the rise and fall of the laces over her bosom. utterly self-possessed, satisfied with life as it had come to her, without illusion as to life, absorbed in the great game of living and adventuring--so i should have described her. then why should her heart beat one stroke the faster now? i dismissed that question, and rebuked my eyes, which i found continually turning toward her. she motioned to a little table near by. "put the slipper there," she said. "your little neck clasp, also." again i obeyed her. "stand there!" she said, motioning to the opposite side of the table; and i did so. "now," said she, looking at me gravely, "i am going with you to see this man whom you call your chief--this old and ugly man, thin and weazened, with no blood in him, and a woolen nightcap which is perhaps red. i shall not tell you whether i go of my own wish or because you wish it. but i need soberly to tell you this: secrecy is as necessary for me as for you. the favor may mean as much on one side as on the other--i shall not tell you why. but we shall play fair until, as you say, perhaps to-morrow. after that--" "after that, on guard!" "very well, on guard! suppose i do not like this other woman?" "madam, you could not help it. all the world loves her." "do you?" "with my life." "how devoted! very well, _on guard_, then!" she took up the indian bauble, turning to examine it at the nearest candle sconce, even as i thrust the dainty little slipper of white satin again into the pocket of my coat. i was uncomfortable. i wished this talk of elisabeth had not come up. i liked very little to leave elisabeth's property in another's hands. dissatisfied, i turned from the table, not noticing for more than an instant a little crumpled roll of paper which, as i was vaguely conscious, now appeared on its smooth marquetry top. "but see," she said; "you are just like a man, after all, and an unmarried man at that! i can not go through the streets in this costume. excuse me for a moment." she was off on the instant into the alcove where the great amber-covered bed stood. she drew the curtains. i heard her humming to herself as she passed to and fro, saw the flare of a light as it rose beyond. once or twice she thrust a laughing face between the curtains, held tight together with her hands, as she asked me some question, mocking me, still amused--yet still, as i thought, more enigmatic than before. "madam," i said at last, "i would i might dwell here for ever, but--you are slow! the night passes. come. my master will be waiting. he is ill; i fear he can not sleep. i know how intent he is on meeting you. i beg you to oblige an old, a dying man!" "and you, monsieur," she mocked at me from beyond the curtain, "are intent only on getting rid of me. are you not adventurer enough to forget that other woman for one night?" in her hands--those of a mysterious foreign woman--i had placed this little trinket which i had got among the western tribes for elisabeth--a woman of my own people--the woman to whom my pledge had been given, not for return on any morrow. i made no answer, excepting to walk up and down the floor. at last she came out from between the curtains, garbed more suitably for the errand which was now before us. a long, dark cloak covered her shoulders. on her head there rested a dainty up-flared bonnet, whose jetted edges shone in the candle light as she moved toward me. she was exquisite in every detail, beautiful as mind of man could wish; that much was sure, must be admitted by any man. i dared not look at her. i called to mind the taunt of those old men, that i was young! there was in my soul vast relief that she was not delaying me here longer in this place of spells--that in this almost providential way my errand had met success. she paused for an instant, drawing on a pair of the short gloves of the mode then correct. "do you know why i am to go on this heathen errand?" she demanded. i shook my head. "mr. calhoun wishes to know whether he shall go to the cabinet of your man tyler over there in that barn you call your white house. i suppose mr. calhoun wishes to know how he can serve mr. tyler?" i laughed at this. "serve him!" i exclaimed. "rather say _lead_ him, _tell_ him, _command_ him!" "yes," she nodded. i began to see another and graver side of her nature. "yes, it is of course texas." i did not see fit to make answer to this. "if your master, as you call him, takes the portfolio with tyler, it is to annex texas," she repeated sharply. "is not that true?" still i would not answer. "come!" i said. "and he asks me to come to him so that he may decide--" this awoke me. "no man decides for john calhoun, madam," i said. "you may advance facts, but _he_ will decide." still she went on. "and texas not annexed is a menace. without her, you heathen people would not present a solid front, would you?" "madam has had much to do with affairs of state," i said. she went on as though i had not spoken: "and if you were divided in your southern section, england would have all the greater chance. england, you know, says she wishes slavery abolished. she says that--" "england _says_ many things!" i ventured. "the hypocrite of the nations!" flashed out this singular woman at me suddenly. "as though diplomacy need be hypocrisy! thus, to-night sir richard of england forgets his place, his protestations. he does not even know that mexico has forgotten its duty also. sir, you were not at our little ball, so you could not see that very fat sir richard paying his bored _devoirs_ to doña lucrezia! so i am left alone, and would be bored, but for you. in return--a slight jest on sir richard to-night!--i will teach him that no fat gentleman should pay even bored attentions to a lady who soon will be fat, when his obvious duty should call him otherwhere! bah! 'tis as though i myself were fat; which is not true." "you go too deep for me, madam," i said. "i am but a simple messenger." at the same time, i saw how admirably things were shaping for us all. a woman's jealousy was with us, and so a woman's whim! "there you have the measure of england's sincerity," she went on, with contempt. "england is selfish, that is all. do you not suppose i have something to do besides feeding a canary? to read, to study--that is my pleasure. i know your politics here in america. suppose you invade texas, as the threat is, with troops of the united states, before texas is a member of the union? does that not mean you are again at war with mexico? and does that not mean that you are also at war with england? come, do you not know some of those things?" "with my hand on my heart, madam," i asserted solemnly, "all i know is that you must go to see my master. calhoun wants you. america needs you. i beg you to do what kindness you may to the heathen." "_et moi?_" "and you?" i answered. "you shall have such reward as you have never dreamed in all your life." "how do you mean?" "i doubt not the reward for a soul which is as keen and able as your heart is warm, madam. come, i am not such a fool as you think, perhaps. nor are you a fool. you are a great woman, a wonderful woman, with head and heart both, madam, as well as beauty such as i had never dreamed. you are a strange woman, madam. you are a genius, madam, if you please. so, i say, you are capable of a reward, and a great one. you may find it in the gratitude of a people." "what could this country give more than mexico or england?" she smiled quizzically. "much more, madam! your reward shall be in the later thought of many homes--homes built of logs, with dingy fireplaces and couches of husks in them--far out, all across this continent, housing many people, many happy citizens, men who will make their own laws, and enforce them, man and man alike! madam, it is the spirit of democracy which calls on you to-night! it is not any political party, nor the representative of one. it is not mr. calhoun; it is not i. mr. calhoun only puts before you the summons of--" "of what?" "of that spirit of democracy." she stood, one hand ungloved, a finger at her lips, her eyes glowing. "i am glad you came," she said. "on the whole, i am also glad i came upon my foolish errand here to america." "madam," said i, my hand at the fastening of the door, "we have exchanged pledges. now we exchange places. it is you who are the messenger, not myself. there is a message in your hands. i know not whether you ever served a monarchy. come, you shall see that our republic has neither secrets nor hypocrisies." on the instant she was not shrewd and tactful woman of the world, not student, but once more coquette and woman of impulse. she looked at me with mockery and invitation alike in her great dark eyes, even as i threw down the chain at the door and opened it wide for her to pass. "is that my only reward?" she asked, smiling as she fumbled at a glove. in reply, i bent and kissed the fingers of her ungloved hand. they were so warm and tender that i had been different than i was had i not felt the blood tingle in all my body in the impulse of the moment to do more than kiss her fingers. had i done so--had i not thought of elisabeth--then, as in my heart i still believe, the flag of england to-day would rule oregon and the pacific; and it would float to-day along the rio grande; and it would menace a divided north and south, instead of respecting a strong and indivisible union which owns one flag and dreads none in the world. chapter vii regarding elisabeth without woman the two extremities of this life would be destitute of succor and the middle would be devoid of pleasure.--_proverb_. in some forgotten garret of this country, as i do not doubt, yellowed with age, stained and indistinguishable, lost among uncared-for relics of another day, there may be records of that interview between two strange personalities, john calhoun and helena von ritz, in the arrangement of which i played the part above described. i was not at that time privileged to have much more than a guess at the nature of the interview. indeed, other things now occupied my mind. i was very much in love with elisabeth churchill. of these matters i need to make some mention. my father's plantation was one of the old ones in maryland. that of the churchills lay across a low range of mountains and in another county from us, but our families had long been friends. i had known elisabeth from the time she was a tall, slim girl, boon companion ever to her father, old daniel churchill; for her mother she had lost when she was still young. the churchills maintained a city establishment in the environs of washington itself, although that was not much removed from their plantation in the old state of maryland. elmhurst, this washington estate was called, and it was well known there, with its straight road approaching and its great trees and its wide-doored halls--whereby the road itself seemed to run straight through the house and appear beyond--and its tall white pillars and hospitable galleries, now in the springtime enclosed in green. i need not state that now, having finished the business of the day, or, rather, of the night, elmhurst, home of elisabeth, was my immediate mecca. i had clad myself as well as i could in the fashion of my time, and flattered myself, as i looked in my little mirror, that i made none such bad figure of a man. i was tall enough, and straight, thin with long hours afoot or in the saddle, bronzed to a good color, and if health did not show on my face, at least i felt it myself in the lightness of my step, in the contentedness of my heart with all of life, in my general assurance that all in the world meant well toward me and that everything in the world would do well by me. we shall see what license there was for this. as to elisabeth churchill, it might have been in line with a maryland-custom had she generally been known as betty; but betty she never was called, although that diminutive was applied to her aunt, jennings, twice as large as she, after whom she had been named. betty implies a snub nose; elisabeth's was clean-cut and straight. betty runs for a saucy mouth and a short one; elisabeth's was red and curved, but firm and wide enough for strength and charity as well. betty spells round eyes, with brows arched above them as though in query and curiosity; the eyes of elisabeth were long, her brows long and straight and delicately fine. a betty might even have red hair; elisabeth's was brown in most lights, and so liquid smooth that almost i was disposed to call it dense rather than thick. betty would seem to indicate a nature impulsive, gay, and free from care; on the other hand, it was to be said of elisabeth that she was logical beyond her kind--a trait which she got from her mother, a daughter of old judge henry gooch, of our superior court. yet, disposed as she always was to be logical in her conclusions, the great characteristic of elisabeth was serenity, consideration and charity. with all this, there appeared sometimes at the surface of elisabeth's nature that fire and lightness and impulsiveness which she got from her father, mr. daniel churchill. whether she was wholly reserved and reasonable, or wholly warm and impulsive, i, long as i had known and loved her, never was quite sure. something held me away, something called me forward; so that i was always baffled, and yet always eager, god wot. i suppose this is the way of women. at times i have been impatient with it, knowing my own mind well enough. at least now, in my tight-strapped trousers and my long blue coat and my deep embroidered waistcoat and my high stock, my shining boots and my tall beaver, i made my way on my well-groomed horse up to the gates of old elmhurst; and as i rode i pondered and i dreamed. but miss elisabeth was not at home, it seemed. her father, mr. daniel churchill, rather portly and now just a trifle red of face, met me instead. it was not an encounter for which i devoutly wished, but one which i knew it was the right of both of us to expect ere long. seeing the occasion propitious, i plunged at once _in medias res_. part of the time explanatory, again apologetic, and yet again, i trust, assertive, although always blundering and red and awkward, i told the father of my intended of my own wishes, my prospects and my plans. he listened to me gravely and, it seemed to me, with none of that enthusiasm which i would have welcomed. as to my family, he knew enough. as to my prospects, he questioned me. my record was not unfamiliar to him. so, gaining confidence at last under the insistence of what i knew were worthy motives, and which certainly were irresistible of themselves, so far as i was concerned, i asked him if we might not soon make an end of this, and, taking chances as they were, allow my wedding with elisabeth to take place at no very distant date. "why, as to that, of course i do not know what my girl will say," went on mr. daniel churchill, pursing up his lips. he looked not wholly lovable to me, as he sat in his big chair. i wondered that he should be father of so fair a human being as elisabeth. "oh, of course--that," i answered; "miss elisabeth and i--" "the skeesicks!" he exclaimed. "i thought she told me everything." "i think miss elisabeth tells no one quite everything," i ventured. "i confess she has kept me almost as much in the dark as yourself, sir. but i only wanted to ask if, after i have seen her to-day, and if i should gain her consent to an early day, you would not waive any objections on your own part and allow the matter to go forward as soon as possible?" in answer to this he arose from his chair and stood looking out of the window, his back turned to me. i could not call his reception of my suggestion enthusiastic; but at last he turned. "i presume that our two families might send you young people a sack of meal or a side of bacon now and then, as far as that is concerned," he said. i could not call this speech joyous. "there are said to be risks in any union, sir," i ventured to say. "i admit i do not follow you in contemplating any risk whatever. if either you or your daughter doubts my loyalty or affection, then i should say certainly it were wise to end all this; but--" and i fancied i straightened perceptibly--"i think that might perhaps be left to miss elisabeth herself." after all, mr. dan churchill was obliged to yield, as fathers have been obliged from the beginning of the world. at last he told me i might take my fate in my own hands and go my way. trust the instinct of lovers to bring them together! i was quite confident that at that hour i should find elisabeth and her aunt in the big east room at the president's reception, the former looking on with her uncompromising eyes at the little pageant which on reception days regularly went forward there. my conclusion was correct. i found a boy to hold my horse in front of gautier's café. then i hastened off across the intervening blocks and through the grounds of the white house, in which presently, having edged through the throng in the ante-chambers, i found myself in that inane procession of individuals who passed by in order, each to receive the limp handshake, the mechanical bow and the perfunctory smite of president tyler--rather a tall, slender-limbed, active man, and of very decent presence, although his thin, shrunken cheeks and his cold blue-gray eye left little quality of magnetism in his personality. it was not new to me, of course, this pageant, although it never lacked of interest. there were in the throng representatives of all america as it was then, a strange, crude blending of refinement and vulgarity, of ease and poverty, of luxury and thrift. we had there merchants from philadelphia and new york, politicians from canny new england and not less canny pennsylvania. at times there came from the old world men representative of an easier and more opulent life, who did not always trouble to suppress their smiles at us. moving among these were ladies from every state of our union, picturesque enough in their wide flowered skirts and their flaring bonnets and their silken mitts, each rivalling the other in the elegance of her mien, and all unconsciously outdone in charm, perhaps, by some demure quakeress in white and dove color, herself looking askance on all this form and ceremony, yet unwilling to leave the nation's capital without shaking the hand of the nation's chief. add to these, gaunt, black-haired frontiersmen from across the alleghanies; politicians from the south, clean-shaven, pompous, immaculately clad; uneasy tradesmen from this or the other corner of their commonwealth. a motley throng, indeed! a certain air of gloom at this time hung over official washington, for the minds of all were still oppressed by the memory of that fatal accident--the explosion of the great cannon "peacemaker" on board the war vessel _princeton_--which had killed mr. upshur, our secretary of state, with others, and had, at one blow, come so near to depriving this government of its head and his official family; the number of prominent lives thus ended or endangered being appalling to contemplate. it was this accident which had called mr. calhoun forward at a national juncture of the most extreme delicacy and the utmost importance. in spite of the general mourning, however, the informal receptions at the white house were not wholly discontinued, and the administration, unsettled as it was, and fronted by the gravest of diplomatic problems, made such show of dignity and even cheerfulness as it might. i considered it my duty to pass in the long procession and to shake the hand of mr. tyler. that done, i gazed about the great room, carefully scan-fling the different little groups which were accustomed to form after the ceremonial part of the visit was over. i saw many whom i knew. i forgot them; for in a far corner, where a flood of light came through the trailing vines that shielded the outer window, my anxious eyes discovered the object of my quest--elisabeth. it seemed to me i had never known her so fair as she was that morning in the great east room of the white house. elisabeth was rather taller than the average woman, and of that splendid southern figure, slender but strong, which makes perhaps the best representative of our american beauty. she was very bravely arrayed to-day in her best pink-flowered lawn, made wide and full, as was the custom of the time, but not so clumsily gathered at the waist as some, and so serving not wholly to conceal her natural comeliness of figure. her bonnet she had removed. i could see the sunlight on the ripples of her brown hair, and the shadows which lay above her eyes as she turned to face me, and the slow pink which crept into her cheeks. dignified always, and reserved, was elisabeth churchill. but now i hope it was not wholly conceit which led me to feel that perhaps the warmth, the glow of the air, caught while riding under the open sky, the sight of the many budding roses of our city, the scent of the blossoms which even then came through the lattice--the meeting even with myself, so lately returned--something at least of this had caused an awakening in her girl's heart. something, i say, i do not know what, gave her greeting to me more warmth than was usual with her. my own heart, eager enough to break bounds, answered in kind. we stood--blushing like children as our hands touched--forgotten in that assemblage of washington's pomp and circumstance. "how do you do?" was all i could find to say. and "how do you do?" was all i could catch for answer, although i saw, in a fleeting way, a glimpse of a dimple hid in elisabeth's cheek. she never showed it save when pleased. i have never seen a dimple like that of elisabeth's. absorbed, we almost forgot aunt betty jennings--stout, radiant, snub-nosed, arch-browed and curious, elisabeth's chaperon. on the whole, i was glad aunt betty jennings was there. when a soldier approaches a point of danger, he does not despise the cover of natural objects. aunt betty appeared to me simply as a natural object at the time. i sought her shelter. "aunt betty," said i, as i took her hand; "aunt betty, have we told you, elisabeth and i?" i saw elisabeth straighten in perplexity, doubt or horror, but i went on. "yes, elisabeth and i--" "you _dear_ children!" gurgled aunt betty. "congratulate us both!" i demanded, and i put elisabeth's hand, covered with my own, into the short and chubby fingers of that estimable lady. whenever elisabeth attempted to open her lips i opened mine before, and i so overwhelmed dear aunt betty jennings with protestations of my regard for her, my interest in her family, her other nieces, her chickens, her kittens, her home--i so quieted all her questions by assertions and demands and exclamations, and declarations that mr. daniel churchill had given his consent, that i swear for the moment even elisabeth believed that what i had said was indeed true. at least, i can testify she made no formal denial, although the dimple was now frightened out of sight. admirable aunt betty jennings! she forestalled every assertion i made, herself bubbling and blushing in sheer delight. nor did she lack in charity. tapping me with her fan lightly, she exclaimed: "you rogue! i know that you two want to be alone; that is what you want. now i am going away--just down the room. you will ride home with us after a time, i am sure?" adorable aunt betty jennings! elisabeth and i looked at her comfortable back for some moments before i turned, laughing, to look elisabeth in the eyes. "you had no right--" began she, her face growing pink. "every right!" said i, and managed to find a place for our two hands under cover of the wide flounces of her figured lawn as we stood, both blushing. "i have every right. i have truly just seen your father. i have just come from him." she looked at me intently, glowingly, happily. "i could not wait any longer," i went on. "within a week i am going to have an office of my own. let us wait no longer. i have waited long enough. now--" i babbled on, and she listened. it was strange place enough for a betrothal, but there at least i said the words which bound me; and in the look elisabeth gave me i saw her answer. her eyes were wide and straight and solemn. she did not smile. as we stood, with small opportunity and perhaps less inclination for much conversation, my eyes chanced to turn toward the main entrance door of the east room. i saw, pushing through, a certain page, a young boy of good family, who was employed by mr. calhoun as messenger. he knew me perfectly well, as he did almost every one else in washington, and with precocious intelligence his gaze picked me out in all that throng. "is that for me?" i asked, as he extended his missive. "yes," he nodded. "mr. calhoun told me to find you and to give you this at once." i turned to elisabeth. "if you will pardon me?" i said. she made way for me to pass to a curtained window, and there, turning my back and using such secrecy as i could, i broke the seal. the message was brief. to be equally brief i may say simply that it asked me to be ready to start for canada that night on business connected with the department of state! of reasons or explanations it gave none. i turned to elisabeth and held out the message from my chief. she looked at it. her eyes widened. "nicholas!" she exclaimed. i looked at her in silence for a moment. "elisabeth," i said at last, "i have been gone on this sort of business long enough. what do you say to this? shall i decline to go? it means my resignation at once." i hesitated. the heart of the nation and the nation's life were about me. our state, such as it was, lay there in that room, and with it our problems, our duties, our dangers. i knew, better than most, that there were real dangers before this nation at that very hour. i was a lover, yet none the less i was an american. at once a sudden plan came into my mind. "elisabeth," said i, turning to her swiftly, "i will agree to nothing which will send me away from you again. listen, then--" i raised a hand as she would have spoken. "go home with your aunt betty as soon as you can. tell your father that to-night at six i shall be there. be ready!" "what do you mean?" she panted. i saw her throat flutter. "i mean that we must be married to-night before i go. before eight o'clock i must be on the train." "when will you be back?" she whispered. "how can i tell? when i go, my wife shall wait there at elmhurst, instead of my sweetheart." she turned away from me, contemplative. she, too, was young. ardor appealed to her. life stood before her, beckoning, as to me. what could the girl do or say? i placed her hand on my arm. we started toward the door, intending to pick up aunt jennings on our way. as we advanced, a group before us broke apart. i stood aside to make way for a gentleman whom i did not recognize. on his arm there leaned a woman, a beautiful woman, clad in a costume of flounced and rippling velvet of a royal blue which made her the most striking figure in the great room. hers was a personality not easily to be overlooked in any company, her face one not readily to be equalled. it was the baroness helena von ritz! we met face to face. i presume it would have been too much to ask even of her to suppress the sudden flash of recognition which she showed. at first she did not see that i was accompanied. she bent to me, as though to adjust her gown, and, without a change in the expression of her face, spoke to me in an undertone no one else could hear. [illustration: "wait!" she murmured "there is to be a meeting--" page ] "wait!" she murmured. "there is to be a meeting--" she had time for no more as she swept by. alas, that mere moments should spell ruin as well as happiness! this new woman whom i had wooed and found, this new elisabeth whose hand lay on my arm, saw what no one else would have seen--that little flash of recognition on the face of helena von ritz! she heard a whisper pass. moreover, with a woman's uncanny facility in detail, she took in every item of the other's costume. for myself, i could see nothing of that costume now save one object--a barbaric brooch of double shells and beaded fastenings, which clasped the light laces at her throat. the baroness had perhaps slept as little as i the night before. if i showed the ravages of loss of sleep no more than she, i was fortunate. she was radiant, as she passed forward with her escort for place in the line which had not yet dwindled away. "you seem to know that lady," said elisabeth to me gently. "did i so seem?" i answered. "it is professional of all to smile in the east room at a reception," said i. "then you do not know the lady?" "indeed, no. why should i, my dear girl?" ah, how hot my face was! "i do not know," said elisabeth. "only, in a way she resembles a certain lady of whom we have heard rather more than enough here in washington." "put aside silly gossip, elisabeth," i said. "and, please, do not quarrel with me, now that i am so happy. to-night--" "nicholas," she said, leaning just a little forward and locking her hands more deeply in my arm, "don't you know you were telling me one time about the little brooch you were going to bring me--an indian thing--you said it should be my--my wedding present? don't you remember that? now, i was thinking--" i stood blushing red as though detected in the utmost villainy. and the girl at my side saw that written on my face which now, within the very moment, it had become her _right_ to question! i turned to her suddenly. "elisabeth," said i, "you shall have your little brooch to-night, if you will promise me now to be ready and waiting for me at six. i will have the license." it seemed to me that this new self of elisabeth's--warmer, yielding, adorable--was slowly going away from me again, and that her old self, none the less sweet, none the less alluring, but more logical and questioning, had taken its old place again. she put both her hands on my arm now and looked me fairly in the face, where the color still proclaimed some sort of guilt on my part, although my heart was clean and innocent as hers. "nicholas," she said, "come to-night. bring me my little jewel--and bring--" "the minister! if i do that, elisabeth, you will marry me then?" "yes!" she whispered softly. amid all the din and babble of that motley throng i heard the word, low as it was. i have never heard a voice like elisabeth's. an instant later, i knew not quite how, her hand was away from my arm, in that of aunt betty, and they were passing toward the main door, leaving me standing with joy and doubt mingled in my mind. chapter viii mr. calhoun accepts a woman's tongue is her sword, that she never lets rust. --_madam necker_. i struggled among three courses. the impulses of my heart, joined to some prescience of trouble, bade me to follow elisabeth. my duty ordered me to hasten to mr. calhoun. my interest demanded that i should tarry, for i was sure that the baroness von ritz would make no merely idle request in these circumstances. hesitating thus, i lost sight of her in the throng. so i concluded i would obey the mandate of duty, and turned toward the great doors. indeed, i was well toward the steps which led out into the grounds, when all at once two elements of my problem resolved themselves into one. i saw the tall figure of mr. calhoun himself coming up the walk toward me. "ah," said he briefly, "then my message found you?" "i was starting for you this moment, sir" i replied. "wait for a moment. i counted on finding you here. matters have changed." i turned with him and we entered again the east room, where mr. tyler still prolonged the official greeting of the curious, the obsequious, or the banal persons who passed. mr. calhoun stood apart for a time, watching the progress of this purely american function. it was some time ere the groups thinned. this latter fact usually would have ended the reception, since it is not etiquette to suppose that the president can lack an audience; but to-day mr. tyler lingered. at last through the thinning throng he caught sight of the distinctive figure of mr. calhoun. for the first time his own face assumed a natural expression. he stopped the line for an instant, and with a raised hand beckoned to my chief. at this we dropped in at the tail of the line, mr. calhoun in passing grasping almost as many hands as mr. tyler. when at length we reached the president's position, the latter greeted him and added a whispered word. an instant later he turned abruptly, ending the reception with a deep bow, and retired into the room from which he had earlier emerged. mr. calhoun turned now to me with a request to follow him, and we passed through the door where the president had vanished. directed by attendants, we were presently ushered into yet another room, which at that time served the president as his cabinet room, a place for meeting persons of distinction who called upon business. as we entered i saw that it was already occupied. mr. tyler was grasping the hand of a portly personage, whom i knew to be none other than mr. pakenham. so much might have been expected. what was not to have been expected was the presence of another--none less than the baroness von ritz! for this latter there was no precedent, no conceivable explanation save some exigent emergency. so we were apparently to understand that my lady was here as open friend of england! of course, i needed no word from mr. calhoun to remind me that we must seem ignorant of this lady, of her character, and of her reputed relations with the british foreign office. "i pray you be seated, mr. pakenham," said mr. tyler, and he gestured also to us others to take chairs near his table. mr. pakenham, in rather a lofty fashion, it seemed to me, obeyed the polite request, but scarcely had seated himself ere he again rose with an important clearing of his throat. he was one who never relished the democratic title of "mr." accorded him by mr. tyler, whose plain and simple ways, not much different now from those of his plantation life, were in marked contrast to the ceremoniousness of the van buren administration, which pakenham also had known. "your _excellency_," said he, "her majesty the queen of england's wish is somewhat anticipated by my visit here to-day. i hasten only to put in the most prompt and friendly form her majesty's desires, which i am sure formally will be expressed in the first mails from england. we deplore this most unhappy accident on your warship _princeton_, which has come so near working irremediable injury to this country. unofficially, i have ventured to make this personal visit under the flag of this enlightened republic, and to the center of its official home, out of a friendship for mr. upshur, the late secretary of state, a friendship as sincere as is that of my own country for this republic." "sir," said mr. tyler, rising, with a deep bow, "the courtesy of your personal presence is most gratifying. allow me to express that more intimate and warmer feeling of friendship for yourself which comes through our long association with you. this respect and admiration are felt by myself and my official family for you and the great power which you represent. it goes to you with a special sincerity as to a gentleman of learning and distinction, whose lofty motives and ideals are recognized by all." each having thus delivered himself of words which meant nothing, both now seated themselves and proceeded to look mighty grave. for myself, i stole a glance from the tail of my eye toward the baroness von ritz. she sat erect in her chair, a figure of easy grace and dignity, but on her face was nothing one could read to tell who she was or why she was here. so far from any external _gaucherie_, she seemed quite as much at home here, and quite as fit here, as england's plenipotentiary. "i seize upon this opportunity, mr. pakenham," said mr. tyler presently, with a smile which he meant to set all at ease and to soften as much as possible the severity of that which was to follow, "i gladly take this opportunity to mention in an informal way my hope that this matter which was already inaugurated by mr. upshur before his untimely death may come to perfectly pleasant consummation. i refer to the question of texas." "i beg pardon, your excellency," rejoined mr. pakenham, half rising. "your meaning is not perfectly clear to me." the same icy smile sat upon mr. tyler's face as he went on: "i can not believe that your government can wish to interfere in matters upon this continent to the extent of taking the position of open ally of the republic of mexico, a power so recently at war upon our own borders with the brave texans who have left our flag to set up, through fair conquest, a republic of their own." the mottled face of mr. pakenham assumed a yet deeper red. "as to that, your excellency," said he, "your remark is, as you say, quite informal, of course--that is to say, as i may state--" "quite so," rejoined mr. tyler gravely. "the note of my lord aberdeen to us, none the less, in the point of its bearing upon the question of slavery in texas, appears to this government as an expression which ought to be disavowed by your own government. do i make myself quite clear?" (with john calhoun present, tyler could at times assume a courage though he had it not.) mr. pakenham's face glowed a deeper red. "i am not at liberty to discuss my lord aberdeen's wishes in this matter," he said. "we met here upon a purely informal matter, and--" "i have only ventured to hope," rejoined mr. tyler, "that the personal kindness of your own heart might move you in so grave a matter as that which may lead to war between two powers." "war, sir, _war_?" mr. pakenham went wholly purple in his surprise, and sprang to his feet. "war!" he repeated once more. "as though there could be any hope--" "quite right, sir," said mr. tyler grimly. "as though there could be any hope for us save in our own conduct of our own affairs, without any interference from any foreign power!" i knew it was john calhoun speaking these words, not mr. tyler. i saw mr. calhoun's keen, cold eyes fixed closely upon the face of his president. the consternation created by the latter's words was plainly visible. "of course, this conversation is entirely irregular--i mean to say, wholly unofficial, your excellency?" hesitated pakenham. "it takes no part in our records?" "assuredly not," said mr. tyler. "i only hope the question may never come to a matter of record at all. once our country knows that dictation has been attempted with us, even by england herself, the north will join the south in resentment. even now, in restiveness at the fancied attitude of england toward mexico, the west raises the demand that we shall end the joint occupancy of oregon with great britain. do you perchance know the watchword which is now on the popular tongue west of the alleghanies? it bids fair to become an american _marseillaise_." "i must confess my ignorance," rejoined mr. pakenham. "our backwoodsmen have invented a phrase which runs _fifty-four forty or fight_!" "i beg pardon, i am sure, your excellency?" "it means that if we conclude to terminate the very unsatisfactory muddle along the columbia river--a stream which our mariners first explored, as we contend--and if we conclude to dispute with england as well regarding our delimitations on the southwest, where she has even less right to speak, then we shall contend for _all_ that territory, not only up to the columbia, but north to the russian line, the parallel of fifty-four degrees and forty minutes! we claim that we once bought texas clear to the rio grande, from napoleon, although the foolish treaty with spain in clouded our title--in the belief of our whig friends, who do not desire more slave territory. even the whigs think that we own oregon by virtue of first navigation of the columbia. both whigs and democrats now demand oregon north to fifty-four degrees, forty minutes. the alternative? my lord aberdeen surely makes no deliberate bid to hear it!" "or fight!" exclaimed pakenham. "god bless my soul! fight _us_?" mr. tyler flushed. "such things have been," said he with dignity. "that is to say," he resumed calmly, "our rude westerners are egotistic and ignorant. i admit that we are young. but believe me, when the american people say _fight_, it has but one meaning. as their servant, i am obliged to convey that meaning. in this democracy, the will of the people rules. in war, we have no whigs, no democrats, we have only _the people_!" at this astounding speech the british minister sat dumfounded. this air of courage and confidence on the part of mr. tyler himself was something foreign to his record. i knew the reason for his boldness. john calhoun sat at his right hand. at least, the meaning of this sudden assault was too much for england's representative. perhaps, indeed, the berserker blood of our frontier spoke in mr. tyler's gaze. that we would fight indeed was true enough. "it only occurs to us, sir," continued the president, "that the great altruism of england's heart has led her for a moment to utter sentiments in a form which might, perhaps, not be sanctioned in her colder judgment. this nation has not asked counsel. we are not yet agreed in our congress upon the admission of texas--although i may say to you, sir, with fairness, that such is the purpose of this administration. there being no war, we still have whigs and democrats!" "at this point, your excellency, the dignity of her majesty's service would lead me to ask excuse," rejoined mr. pakenham formally, "were it not for one fact, which i should like to offer here. i have, in short, news which will appear full warrant for any communication thus far made by her majesty's government. i can assure you that there has come into the possession of this lady, whose able services i venture to enlist here in her presence, a communication from the republic of texas to the government of england. that communication is done by no less a hand than that of the attaché for the republic of texas, mr. van zandt himself." there was, i think, no other formal invitation for the baroness von ritz to speak; but now she arose, swept a curtsey first to mr. tyler and then to mr. pakenham and mr. calhoun. "it is not to be expected, your excellency and gentlemen," said she, "that i can add anything of value here." her eyes were demurely downcast. "we do not doubt your familiarity with many of these late events," encouraged mr. tyler. "true," she continued, "the note of my lord aberdeen is to-day the property of the streets, and of this i have some knowledge. i can see, also, difficulty in its reception among the courageous gentlemen of america. but, as to any written communication from mr. van zandt, there must be some mistake!" "i was of the impression that you would have had it last night," rejoined pakenham, plainly confused; "in fact, that gentleman advised me to such effect." the baroness helena von ritz looked him full in the face and only gravely shook her head. "i regret matters should be so much at fault," said she. "then let me explain," resumed pakenham, almost angrily. "i will state--unofficially, of course--that the promises of mr. van zandt were that her majesty might expect an early end of the talk of the annexation of texas to the united states. the greater power of england upon land or sea would assure that weak republic of a great and enlightened ally--in his belief." "an ally!" broke out mr. calhoun. "and a document sent to that effect by the attaché of texas!" he smiled coldly. "two things seem very apparent, mr. president. first, that this gentle lady stands high in the respect of england's ministry. second, that mr. van zandt, if all this were true, ought to stand very low in ours. i would say all this and much more, even were it a state utterance, to stand upon the records of this nation!" "sir," interrupted mr. tyler, swiftly turning to mr. calhoun, "_may i not ask you that it be left as a state utterance?_" mr. calhoun bowed with the old-time grace habitual to him, his hand upon his heart, but he made no answer. the real reason might have been read in the mottled face of pakenham, now all the colors of the rainbow, as he looked from one to the other. "mr. calhoun," continued the president, "you know that the office of our secretary of state is vacant. there is no one living would serve in that office more wisely than yourself, no one more in accordance with my own views as to these very questions which are before us. since it has come to that point, i offer you now that office, and do so officially. i ask your answer." the face of england's minister now for the first time went colorless. he knew what this meant. as for john calhoun, he played with both of them as a cat would with a mouse, sneeringly superior. his answer was couched in terms suited to his own purposes. "this dignity, mr. president," said he, bowing deeply again, "so unexpected, so onerous, so responsible, is one which at least needs time for proper consideration. i must crave opportunity for reflection and for pondering. in my surprise at your sudden request, i find no proper answer ready." here, then, seemed an opportunity for delay, which mr. pakenham was swift to grasp. he arose and bowed to mr. tyler. "i am sure that mr. calhoun will require some days at least for the framing of his answer to an invitation so grave as this." "i shall require at least some moments," said mr. calhoun, smiling. "that _marseillaise_ of ' , mr. president, says _fifty-four forty or fight_. that means 'the rio grande or fight,' as well." a short silence fell upon us all. mr. tyler half rose and half frowned as he noticed mr. pakenham shuffling as though he would depart. "it shall be, of course, as you suggest," said the president to pakenham. "there is no record of any of this. but the answer of mr. calhoun, which i await and now demand, is one which will go upon the records of this country soon enough, i fancy. i ask you, then, to hear what mr. calhoun replies." ah, it was well arranged and handsomely staged, this little comedy, and done for the benefit of england, after all! i almost might have believed that mr. calhoun had rehearsed this with the president. certainly, the latter knew perfectly well what his answer was to be. mr. calhoun himself made that deliberately plain, when presently he arose. "i have had some certain moments for reflection, mr. president," said he, "and i have from the first moment of this surprising offer on your part been humbly sensible of the honor offered so old and so unfit a man. "sir, my own record, thank god, is clear. i have stood for the south. i stand now for texas. i believe in her and her future. she belongs to us, as i have steadfastly insisted at all hours and in all places. she will widen the southern vote in congress, that is true. she will be for slavery. that also is true. i myself have stood for slavery, but i am yet more devoted to democracy and to america than i am to the south and to slavery. so will texas be. i know what texas means. she means for us also oregon. she means more than that. she means also a democracy spreading across this entire continent. my attitude in that regard has been always clear. i have not sought to change it. sir, if i take this office which you offer, i do so with the avowed and expressed purpose of bringing texas into this union, in full view of any and all consequences. i shall offer her a treaty of annexation _at once!_ i shall urge annexation at every hour, in every place, in all ways within my means, and in full view of the consequences!" he looked now gravely and keenly at the english plenipotentiary. "that is well understood, mr. calhoun," began mr. tyler. "your views are in full accord with my own." pakenham looked from the one to the other, from the thin, vulpine face to the thin, leonine one. the pity mr. tyler felt for the old man's visible weakness showed on his face as he spoke. "what, then, is the answer of john calhoun to this latest call of his country?" that answer is one which is in our history. "john calhoun accepts!" said my master, loud and clear. chapter ix a kettle of fish few disputes exist which have not had their origin in women--_juvenal_. i saw the heavy face of mr. pakenham go pale, saw the face of the baroness von ritz flash with a swift resolution, saw the eyes of mr. calhoun and mr. tyler meet in firmness. an instant later, mr. tyler rose and bowed our dismissal. our little play was done. which of us knew all the motives that had lain behind its setting? mr. pakenham drew apart and engaged in earnest speech with the lady who had accompanied him; so that meantime i myself found opportunity for a word with mr. calhoun. "now," said i, "the fat certainly is all in the fire!" "what fat, my son?" asked calhoun serenely; "and what fire?" "at least"--and i grinned covertly, i fear--"it seems all over between my lady and her protector there. she turned traitor just when he had most need of her! tell me, what argument did you use with her last night?" mr. calhoun took snuff. "you don't know women, my son, and you don't know men, either." the thin white skin about his eyes wrinkled. "certainly, i don't know what arts may have been employed in mr. calhoun's office at half-past two this morning." i smiled frankly now at my chief, and he relaxed in turn. "we had a most pleasant visit of an hour. a delightful woman, a charming woman, and one of intellect as well. i appealed to her heart, her brain, her purse, and she laughed, for the most part. yet she argued, too, and seemed to have some interest--as you see proved now. ah, i wish i could have had the other two great motives to add to my appeal!" "meaning--?" "love--and curiosity! with those added, i could have won her over; for believe me, she is none too firmly anchored to england. i am sure of that, though it leaves me still puzzled. if you think her personal hold on yonder gentleman will be lessened, you err," he added, in a low voice. "i consider it sure that he is bent on her as much as he is on england. see, she has him back in hand already! i would she were _our_ friend!" "is she not?" i asked suddenly. "we two may answer that one day," said calhoun enigmatically. now i offered to mr. calhoun the note i had received from his page. "this journey to-night," i began; "can i not be excused from making that? there is a very special reason." "what can it be?" asked calhoun, frowning. "i am to be married to-night, sir," said i, calmly as i could. it was calhoun's turn now to be surprised. "_married?_ zounds! boy, what do you mean? there is no time to waste." "i do not hold it quite wasted, sir," said i with dignity. "miss elisabeth churchill and i for a long time--" "miss elisabeth! so the wind is there, eh? my daughter's friend. i know her very well, of course. very well done, indeed, for you. but there can be no wedding to-night." i looked at him in amazement. he was as absorbed as though he felt empowered to settle that matter for me. a moment later, seeing mr. pakenham taking his leave, he stepped to the side of the baroness. i saw him and that mysterious lady fall into a conversation as grave as that which had but now been ended. i guessed, rather than reasoned, that in some mysterious way i came into their talk. but presently both approached me. "mr. trist," said mr. calhoun, "i beg you to hand the baroness von ritz to her carriage, which will wait at the avenue." we were then standing near the door at the head of the steps. "i see my friend mr. polk approaching," he continued, "and i would like to have a word or so with him." we three walked in company down the steps and a short distance along the walk, until presently we faced the gentleman whose approach had been noted. we paused in a little group under the shade of an avenue tree, and the gentlemen removed their hats as mr. calhoun made a somewhat formal introduction. at that time, of course, james k. polk, of tennessee, was not the national figure he was soon to become at the baltimore convention. he was known best as speaker of the house for some time, and as a man experienced in western politics, a friend of jackson, who still controlled a large wing of the disaffected; the democratic party then being scarce more than a league of warring cliques. although once governor of tennessee, it still was an honor for mr. polk to be sought out by senator john calhoun, sometime vice-president, sometime cabinet member in different capacities. he showed this as he uncovered. a rather short man, and thin, well-built enough, and of extremely serious mien, he scarce could have been as wise as he looked, any more than mr. daniel webster; yet he was good example of conventional politics, platitudes and all. "they have adjourned at the house, then?" said calhoun. "yes, and adjourned a bear pit at that," answered the gentleman from tennessee. "mr. tyler has asked me to come across town to meet him. do you happen to know where he is now?" "he was here a few moments ago, governor. we were but escorting this lady to her carriage, as she claims fatigue from late hours at the ball last night." "surely so radiant a presence," said mr. polk gallantly, "means that she left the ball at an early hour." "quite so," replied that somewhat uncertain lady demurely. "early hours and a good conscience are advised by my physicians." "my dear lady, time owns his own defeat in you," mr. polk assured her, his eyes sufficiently admiring. "such pretty speeches as these gentlemen of america make!" was her gay reply. "is it not so, mr. secretary?" she smiled up at calhoun's serious face. polk was possessed of a political nose which rarely failed him. "_mr. secretary?_" he exclaimed, turning to calhoun. the latter bowed. "i have just accepted the place lately filled by mr. upshur," was his comment. a slow color rose in the tennesseean's face as he held out his hand. "i congratulate you, mr. secretary," said he. "now at last we shall see an end of indecision and boasting pretense." "excellent things to end, governor polk!" said calhoun gravely. "i am but an humble adviser," rejoined the man from tennessee; "but assuredly i must hasten to congratulate mr. tyler. i have no doubt that this means texas. of course, my dear madam, we talk riddles in your presence?" "quite riddles, although i remain interested," she answered. i saw her cool eyes take in his figure, measuring him calmly for her mental tablets, as i could believe was her wont. "but i find myself indeed somewhat fatigued," she continued, "and since these are matters of which i am ignorant--" "of course, madam," said mr. calhoun. "we crave your pardon. mr. trist--" so now i took the lady's sunshade from her hand, and we two, making adieux, passed down the shaded walk toward the avenue. "you are a good cavalier," she said to me. "i find you not so fat as mr. pakenham, nor so thin as mr. calhoun. my faith, could you have seen that gentleman this morning in a wrapper--and in a red worsted nightcap!" "but what did you determine?" i asked her suddenly. "what has my chief said to cause you to fail poor mr. pakenham as you did? i pitied the poor man, in such a grueling, and wholly without warning!" "monsieur is droll," she replied evasively. "as though i had changed! i will say this much: i think sir richard will care more for mexico and less for mexicans after this! but you do not tell me when you are coming to see me, to bring back my little shoe. its mate has arrived by special messenger, but the pair remains still broken. do you come to-night--this afternoon?" "i wish that i might," said i. "why be churlish with me?" she demanded. "did i not call at your request upon a gentleman in a red nightcap at two in the morning? and for your sake--and the sake of sport--did i not almost promise him many things? come now, am i not to see you and explain all that; and hear you explain all this?" she made a little _moue_ at me. "it would be my delight, madam, but there are two reasons--" "one, then." "i am going to montreal to-night, for one." she gave me a swift glance, which i could not understand. "so?" she said. "why so soon?" "orders," said i briefly. "but perhaps i may not obey orders for once. there is another reason." "and that one?" "i am to be married at six." i turned to enjoy her consternation. indeed, there was an alternate white and red passed across her face! but at once she was in hand. "and you allowed me to become your devoted slave," she said, "even to the extent of calling upon a man in a red nightcap; and then, even upon a morning like this, when the birds sing so sweetly and the little flowers show pink and white--now you cast down my most sacred feelings!" the mockery in her tone was perfect. i scarce had paused to note it. i was absorbed in one thought--of elisabeth. where one fire burns high and clear upon the altar of the heart, there is small room for any other. "i might have told you," said i at last, "but i did not myself know it until this morning." "my faith, this country!" she exclaimed with genuine surprise. "what extraordinary things it does! i have just seen history made between the lightings of a cigarette, as it were. now comes this man and announces that since midnight he has met and won the lady who is to rule his heart, and that he is to marry her at six!" "then congratulate me!" i demanded. "ah," she said, suddenly absorbed; "it was that tall girl! yes, yes, i see, i see! i understand! so then! yes!" "but still you have not congratulated me." "ah, monsieur," she answered lightly, "one woman never congratulates a man when he has won another! what of my own heart? fie! fie!" yet she had curious color in her face. "i do not credit myself with such fatal charms," said i. "rather say what of my little clasp there. i promised that to the tall girl, as you know." "and might i not wear it for an hour?" "i shall give you a dozen better some time," said i; "but to-night--" "and my slipper? i said i must have that back, because i can not hop along with but one shoe all my life." "that you shall have as soon as i can get to my rooms at brown's hotel yonder. a messenger shall bring it to you at once. time will indeed be short for me. first, the slipper for madam. then the license for myself. then the minister. then a friend. then a carriage. five miles to elmhurst, and the train for the north starts at eight. indeed, as you say, the methods of this country are sometimes hurried. madam, can not you use your wits in a cause so worthy as mine?" i could not at the time understand the swift change of her features. "one woman's wits against another's!" she flashed at me. "as for that"--she made a swift motion to her throat. "here is the trinket. tell the tall lady it is my present to you. tell her i may send her a wedding present--when the wedding really is to happen. of course, you do not mean what you have said about being married in such haste?" "every word of it," i answered. "and at her own home. 'tis no runaway match; i have the consent of her father." "but you said you had her consent only an hour ago. ah, this is better than a play!" "it is true," said i, "there has not been time to inform miss churchill's family of my need for haste. i shall attend to that when i arrive. the lady has seen the note from mr. calhoun ordering me to montreal." "to montreal? how curious!" she mused. "but what did mr. calhoun say to this marriage?" "he forbade the banns." "but monsieur will take her before him in a sack--and he will forbid you, i am sure, to condemn that lady to a life in a cabin, to a couch of husks, to a lord who would crush her arms and command her--" i flushed as she reminded me of my own speech, and there came no answer but the one which i imagine is the verdict of all lovers. "she is the dearest girl in the world," i declared. "has she fortune?" "i do not know." "have you fortune?" "god knows, no!" "you have but love-and this country?" "that is all." "it is enough," said she, sighing. "dear god, it is enough! but then"-she turned to me suddenly--"i don't think you will be married so soon, after all. wait." "that is what mr. pakenham wanted mr. calhoun to do," i smiled. "but mr. pakenham is not a woman." "ah, then you also forbid our banns?" "if you challenge me," she retorted, "i shall do my worst." "then do your worst!" i said. "all of you do your joint worst. you can not shake the faith of elisabeth churchill in me, nor mine in her. oh, yes, by all means do your worst!" "very well," she said, with a catch of her breath. "at least we both said--'on guard!' "i wish i could ask you to attend at our wedding," i concluded, as her carriage approached the curb; "but it is safe to say that not even friends of the family will be present, and of those not all the family will be friends." she did not seem to see her carriage as it paused, although she prepared to enter when i opened the door. her look, absorbed, general, seemed rather to take in the sweep of the wide grounds, the green of the young springtime, the bursting of the new white blossoms, the blue of the sky, the loom of the distant capitol dome--all the crude promise of our young and tawdry capital, still in the making of a world city. her eyes passed to me and searched my face without looking into my eyes, as though i made part of her study. what sat on her face was perplexity, wonder, amazement, and something else, i know not what. something of her perfect poise and confidence, her quality as woman of the world, seemed to drop away. a strange and childlike quality came into her face, a pathos unlike anything i had seen there before. she took my hand mechanically. "of course," said she, as though she spoke to herself, "it can not be. but, dear god! would it not be enough?" i did not understand her speech. i stood and watched her carriage as it whirled away. thinking of my great need for haste, mechanically i looked at my watch. it was one o'clock. then i reflected that it was at eleven of the night previous that i had first met the baroness von ritz. our acquaintance had therefore lasted some fourteen hours. chapter x mixed duties most women will forgive a liberty, rather than a slight. --_colton_. when i crossed the white house grounds and found my way to the spot where i had left my horse, i discovered my darky boy lying on his back, fast asleep under a tree, the bridle reins hooked over his upturned foot. i wakened him, took the reins and was about to mount, when at the moment i heard my name called. turning, i saw emerge from the door of gautier's little café, across the street, the tall figure of an erstwhile friend of mine, jack dandridge, of tennessee, credited with being the youngest member in the house of representatives at washington--and credited with little else. dandridge had been taken up by friends of jackson and polk and carried into congress without much plan or objection on either side. since his arrival at the capital he had been present at few roll-calls, and had voted on fewer measures. his life was given up in the main to one specialty, to-wit: the compounding of a certain beverage, invented by himself, the constituent parts of which were bourbon whiskey, absinthe, square faced gin and a dash of _eau de vie_. this concoction, over which few shared his own personal enthusiasm, he had christened the barn-burner's dream; although mr. dandridge himself was opposed to the tenets of the political party thus entitled--which, by the way, was to get its whimsical name, possibly from dandridge himself, at the forthcoming democratic convention of that year. jack dandridge, it may be said, was originally possessed of a splendid constitution. nearly six feet tall, his full and somewhat protruding eye was as yet only a trifle watery, his wide lip only a trifle loose, his strong figure only a trifle portly. socially he had been well received in our city, and during his stay east of the mountains he had found occasion to lay desperate suit to the hand of none other than miss elisabeth churchill. we had been rivals, although not enemies; for jack, finding which way the wind sat for him, withdrew like a man, and cherished no ill will. when i saw him now, a sudden idea came to me, so that i crossed the street at his invitation. "come in," said he. "come in with me, and have a dream. i have just invented a new touch for it; i have, 'pon my word." "jack," i exclaimed, grasping him by the shoulder, "you are the man i want. you are the friend that i need--the very one." "certainly, certainly," he said; "but please do not disarrange my cravat. sir, i move you the previous question. will you have a dream with me? i construct them now with three additional squirts of the absinthe." he locked his arm in mine. "you may have a dream," said i; "but for me, i need all my head to-day. in short, i need both our heads as well." jack was already rapping with the head of his cane upon the table, to call an attendant, but he turned to me. "what is the matter? lady, this time?" "two of them." "indeed? one apiece, eh?" "none apiece, perhaps. in any case, you lose." "then the names--or at least one?" i flushed a bit in spite of myself. "you know miss elisabeth churchill?" he nodded gravely. "and about the other lady?" "i can not tell you much about her," said i; "i have but little knowledge myself. i mean the baroness von ritz." "oh, ho!" jack opened his eyes, and gave a long whistle. "state secrets, eh?" i nodded, and looked him square in the eye. "well, why should you ask me to help you, then? calhoun is none too good a friend of mr. polk, of my state. calhoun is neither whig nor democrat. he does not know where he stands. if you train with him, why come to our camp for help?" "not that sort, jack," i answered. "the favor i ask is personal." "explain." he sipped at the fiery drink, which by this time had been placed before him, his face brightening. "i must be quick. i have in my possession--on the bureau in my little room at my quarters in brown's hotel--a slipper which the baroness gave me last night--a white satin slipper--" jack finished the remainder of his glass at a gulp. "good god!" he remarked. "quite right," i retorted hotly. "accuse me anything you like! but go to my headquarters, get that slipper, go to this address with it"--i scrawled on a piece of paper and thrust it at him--"then get a carriage and hasten to elmhurst drive, where it turns in at the road. wait for me there, just before six." he sat looking at me with amusement and amazement both upon his face, as i went on: "listen to what i am to do in the meantime. first i go post haste to mr. calhoun's office. then i am to take his message, which will send me to canada, to-night. after i have my orders i hurry back to brown's and dress for my wedding." the glass in his hand dropped to the floor in splinters. "your wedding?" "yes, miss elisabeth and i concluded this very morning not to wait. i would ask you to help me as my best man, if i dare." "you do dare," said he. "you're all a-fluster. go on; i'll get a parson--how'll doctor halford do?--and i'd take care of the license for you if i could--gad! sorry it's not my own!" "you are the finest fellow in the world, jack. i have only one thing more to ask"--i pointed to the splintered glass upon the floor--"don't get another." "of course not, of course not!" he expostulated. his voice was just a trifle thickened. we left now together for the license clerk, and i intrusted the proper document in my friend's hands. an instant later i was outside, mounted, and off for calhoun's office at his residence in georgetown. at last, as for the fourth time i flung down the narrow walk and looked down the street, i saw his well-known form approaching. he walked slowly, somewhat stooped upon his cane. he raised a hand as i would have begun to speak. his customary reserve and dignity held me back. "so you made it out well with the lady," he began. "yes," i answered, flushing. "not so badly for the time that offered." "a remarkable woman," he said. "most remarkable!" then he went on: "now as to your own intended, i congratulate you. but i suggest that you keep miss elisabeth churchill and the baroness von ritz pretty well separated, if that be possible." "sir," i stammered; "that certainly is my personal intent. but now, may i ask--" "you start to canada to-night," said calhoun sharply--all softness gone from his voice. "i can not well do that," i began. his hand tapped with decision. "i have no time to choose another messenger," he said. "time will not wait. you must not fail me. you will take the railway train at eight. you will be joined by doctor samuel ward, who will give you a sealed paper, which will contain your instructions, and the proper moneys. he goes as far as baltimore." "you would be the better agent," he added presently, "if this love silliness were out of your head. it is not myself you are serving, and not my party. it is this country you are serving." "but, sir--" i began. his long thin hand was imperative. "go on, then, with your wedding, if you will, and if you can; but see that you do not miss the train at eight!" half in a daze, i left him; nor did i see him again that day, nor for many after. chapter xi who giveth this woman woman is a miracle of divine contradictions.--_jules michelet_. on my return to my quarters at brown's i looked at the top of my bureau. it was empty. my friend dandridge had proved faithful. the slipper of the baroness was gone! so now, hurriedly, i began my toilet for that occasion which to any gentleman should be the one most exacting, the most important of his life's events. elisabeth deserved better than this unseemly haste. her sweetness and dignity, her adherence to the forms of life, her acquaintance with the elegancies, the dignities and conventions of the best of our society, bespoke for her ceremony more suited to her class and mine. nothing could excuse these hurly burly ways save only my love, our uncertainty regarding my future presence, and the imperious quality of my duties. i told none about my quarters anything of my plans, but arranged for my portmanteaus to be sent to the railway station for that evening's train north. we had not many outgoing and incoming trains in those days in washington. i hurried to bond's jewelry place and secured a ring--two rings, indeed; for, in our haste, betrothal and wedding ring needed their first use at the same day and hour. i found a waiting carriage which served my purpose, and into it i flung, urging the driver to carry me at top speed into elmhurst road. having now time for breath, i sat back and consulted my watch. there were a few moments left for me to compose myself. if all went well, i should be in time. as we swung down the road i leaned forward, studying with interest the dust cloud of an approaching carriage. as it came near, i called to my driver. the two vehicles paused almost wheel to wheel. it was my friend jack dandridge who sprawled on the rear seat of the carriage! that is to say, the fleshly portion of jack dandridge. his mind, his memory, and all else, were gone. i sprang into his carriage and caught him roughly by the arm. i felt in all his pockets, looked on the carriage floor, on the seat, and pulled up the dust rug. at last i found the license. "did you see the baroness?" i asked, then. at this he beamed upon me with a wide smile. "did i?" said he, with gravity pulling down his long buff waistcoat. "did i? mos' admi'ble woman in all the worl'! of course, miss 'lis'beth churchill also mos' admi'ble woman in the worl'," he added politely, "but i didn't see _her_. many, many congrash'lations. mos' admi'ble girl in worl'--whichever girl she is! i want do what's right!" the sudden sweat broke out upon my forehead. "tell me, what have you done with the slipper!" he shook his head sadly. "mishtaken, my friend! i gave mos' admi'ble slipper in the worl', just ash you said, just as baroness said, to mish elisabeth churchill--mos' admi'ble woman in the worl'! proud congrash'late you both, m' friend!" "did you see her?" i gasped. "did you see her father--any of her family?" "god blesh me, no!" rejoined this young statesman. "feelings delicacy prevented. realized having had three--four--five--barn burners; washn't in fit condition to approach family mansion. alwaysh mos' delicate. felt m'self no condition shtan' up bes' man to mosh admi'ble man and mosh admi'ble girl in worl'. sent packazh in by servant, from gate--turned round--drove off--found you. lo, th' bridegroom cometh! li'l late!" my only answer was to spring from his carriage into my own and to order my driver to go on at a run. at last i reached the driveway of elmhurst, my carriage wheels cutting the gravel as we galloped up to the front door. my approach was noted. even as i hurried up the steps the tall form of none other than mr. daniel churchill appeared to greet me. i extended my hand. he did not notice it. i began to speak. he bade me pause. "to what may i attribute this visit, mr. trist?" he asked me, with dignity. "since you ask me, and seem not to know," i replied, "i may say that i am here to marry your daughter, miss elisabeth! i presume that the minister of the gospel is already here?" "the minister is here," he answered. "there lacks one thing--the bride." "what do you mean?" he put out his arm across the door. "i regret that i must bar my door to you. but you must take my word, as coming from my daughter, that you are not to come here to-night." i looked at him, my eyes staring wide. i could not believe what he said. "why," i began; "how utterly monstrous!" a step sounded in the hall behind him, and he turned back. we were joined by the tall clerical figure of the reverend doctor halford, who had, it seemed, been at least one to keep his appointment as made. he raised his hand as if to silence me, and held out to me a certain object. it was the slipper of the baroness helena von ritz--white, delicate, dainty, beribboned. "miss elisabeth does not pretend to understand why your gift should take this form; but as the slipper evidently has been worn by some one, she suggests you may perhaps be in error in sending it at all." he spoke in even, icy tones. "let me into this house!" i demanded. "i must see her!" there were two tall figures now, who stood side by side in the wide front door. "but don't you see, there has been a mistake, a horrible mistake?" i demanded. doctor halford, in his grave and quiet way, assisted himself to snuff. "sir," he said, "knowing both families, i agreed to this haste and unceremoniousness, much against my will. had there been no objection upon either side, i would have undertaken to go forward with the wedding ceremony. but never in my life have i, and never shall i, join two in wedlock when either is not in that state of mind and soul consonant with that holy hour. this ceremony can not go on. i must carry to you this young lady's wish that you depart. she can not see you." there arose in my heart a sort of feeling of horror, as though something was wrong, i could not tell what. all at once i felt a swift revulsion. there came over me the reaction, an icy calm. i felt all ardor leave me. i was cold as stone. "gentlemen," said i slowly, "what you tell me is absolutely impossible and absurd. but if miss elisabeth really doubts me on evidence such as this, i would be the last man in the world to ask her hand. some time you and she may explain to me about this. it is my right. i shall exact it from you later. i have no time to argue now. good-by!" they looked at me with grave faces, but made no reply. i descended the steps, the dainty, beribboned slipper still in my hand, got into my carriage and started back to the city. chapter xii the marathon as if two gods should play some heavenly match, and on this wager lay two earthly women.--_shakespeare_. an automaton, scarcely thinking, i gained the platform of the station. there was a sound of hissing steam, a rolling cloud of sulphurous smoke, a shouting of railway captains, a creaking of the wheels. without volition of my own, i was on my northward journey. presently i looked around and found seated at my side the man whom i then recollected i was to meet--doctor samuel ward. i presume he took the train after i did. "what's wrong, nicholas?" he asked. "trouble of any kind?" i presume that the harsh quality of my answer surprised him. he looked at me keenly. "tell me what's up, my son," said he. "you know miss elisabeth churchill--" i hesitated. he nodded. "yes," he rejoined; "and damn you, sir! if you give that girl a heartache, you'll have to settle with me!" "some one will have to settle with me!" i returned hotly. "tell me, then." so, briefly, i did tell him what little i knew of the events of the last hour. i told him of the shame and humiliation of it all. he pondered for a minute and asked me at length if i believed miss elisabeth suspected anything of my errand of the night before. "how could she?" i answered. "so far as i can recollect i never mentioned the name of the baroness von ritz." then, all at once, i did recollect! i did remember that i had mentioned the name of the baroness that very morning to elisabeth, when the baroness passed us in the east room! i had not told the truth--i had gone with a lie on my lips that very day, and asked her to take vows with me in which no greater truth ought to be heard than the simple truth from me to her, in any hour of the day, in any time of our two lives! doctor ward was keen enough to see the sudden confusion on my face, but he made no comment beyond saying that he doubted not time would clear it all up; that he had known many such affairs. "but mind you one thing," he added; "keep those two women apart." "then why do you two doddering old idiots, you and john calhoun, with life outworn and the blood dried in your veins, send me, since you doubt me so much, on an errand of this kind? you see what it has done for me. i am done with john calhoun. he may get some other fool for his service." "where do you propose going, then, my friend?" "west," i answered. "west to the rockies--" doctor ward calmly produced a tortoise shell snuffbox from his left-hand waistcoat pocket, and deliberately took snuff. "you are going to do nothing of the kind," said he calmly. "you are going to keep your promise to john calhoun and to me. believe me, the business in hand is vital. you go to canada now in the most important capacity you have ever had." "i care nothing for that," i answered bitterly. "but you are the agent of your country. you are called to do your country's urgent work. here is your trouble over one girl. would you make trouble for a million american girls--would you unsettle thousands and thousands of american homes because, for a time, you have known trouble? all life is only trouble vanquished. i ask you now to be a man; i not only expect it, but demand it of you!" his words carried weight in spite of myself. i began to listen. i took from his hand the package, looked at it, examined it. finally, as he sat silently regarding me, i broke the seal. "now, nicholas trist," resumed doctor ward presently, "there is to be at montreal at the date named in these papers a meeting of the directors of the hudson bay company of england. there will be big men there--the biggest their country can produce; leaders of the hudson bay company, many, public men even of england. it is rumored that a brother of lord aberdeen, of the british ministry, will attend. do you begin to understand?" ah, did i not? here, then, was further weaving of those complex plots which at that time hedged in all our history as a republic. now i guessed the virtue of our knowing somewhat of england's secret plans, as she surely did of ours. i began to feel behind me the impulse of john calhoun's swift energy. "it is oregon!" i exclaimed at last. doctor ward nodded. "very possibly. it has seemed to mr. calhoun very likely that we may hear something of great importance regarding the far northwest. a missed cog now may cost this country a thousand miles of territory, a hundred years of history." doctor ward continued: "england, as you know," said he, "is the enemy of this country as much to-day as ever. she claims she wishes texas to remain free. she forgets her own record--forgets the burning cities of rohilkhand, the imprisoned princesses of oudh! might is her right. she wants texas as a focus of contention, a rallying point of sectionalism. if she divides us, she conquers us. that is all. she wants the chance for the extension of her own hold on this continent, which she will push as far, and fast as she dare. she must have cotton. she would like land as well." "that means also oregon?" he nodded. "always with the texas question comes the oregon question. mr. calhoun is none too friendly to mr. polk, and yet he knows that through jackson's influence with the southern democracy polk has an excellent chance for the next nomination for the presidency. god knows what folly will come then. but sometime, one way or another, the joint occupancy of england and the united states in the oregon country must end. it has been a waiting game thus far, as you know; but never think that england has been idle. this meeting in montreal will prove that to you." in spite of myself, i began to feel the stimulus of a thought like this. it was my salvation as a man. i began to set aside myself and my own troubles. "you are therefore," he concluded, "to go to montreal, and find your own way into that meeting of the directors of the hudson bay company. there is a bare chance that in this intrigue mexico will have an emissary on the ground as well. there is reason to suspect her hostility to all our plans of extension, southwest and northwest. naturally, it is the card of mexico to bring on war, or accept it if we urge; but only in case she has england as her ally. england will get her pay by taking texas, and what is more, by taking california, which mexico does not value. she owes england large sums now. that would leave england owner of the pacific coast; for, once she gets california, she will fight us then for _all_ of oregon. it is your duty to learn all of these matters--who is there, what is done; and to do this without making known your own identity." i sat for a moment in thought. "it is an honor," said i finally; "an honor so large that under it i feel small." "now," said doctor ward, placing a gnarled hand on my shoulder, "you begin to talk like a marylander. it's a race, my boy, a race across this continent. there are two trails--one north and one mid-continent. on these paths two nations contend in the greatest marathon of all the world. england or the united states--monarchy or republic--aristocracy or humanity'? these are some of the things which hang on the issue of this contest. take then your duty and your honor, humbly and faithfully." "good-by," he said, as we steamed into baltimore station. i turned, and he was gone. chapter xiii on secret service if the world was lost through woman, she alone can save it.--_louis de beaufort._ in the days of which i write, our civilization was, as i may say, so embryonic, that it is difficult for us now to realize the conditions which then obtained. we had great men in those days, and great deeds were done; but to-day, as one reflects upon life as it then was, it seems almost impossible that they and their deeds could have existed in a time so crude and immature. the means of travel in its best form was at that time at least curious. we had several broken railway systems north and south, but there were not then more than five thousand miles of railway built in america. all things considered, i felt lucky when we reached new york less than twenty-four hours out from washington. from new york northward to montreal one's journey involved a choice of routes. one might go up the hudson river by steamer to albany, and thence work up the champlain lake system, above which one might employ a short stretch of rails between st. john and la prairie, on the banks of the st. lawrence opposite montreal. or, one might go from albany west by rail as far as syracuse, up the mohawk valley, and so to oswego, where on lake ontario one might find steam or sailing craft. up the hudson i took the crack steamer _swallow_, the same which just one year later was sunk while trying to beat her own record of nine hours and two minutes from new york to albany. she required eleven hours on our trip. under conditions then obtaining, it took me a day and a half more to reach lake ontario. here, happily, i picked up a frail steam craft, owned by an adventurous soul who was not unwilling to risk his life and that of others on the uncertain and ice-filled waters of ontario. with him i negotiated to carry me with others down the st. lawrence. at that time, of course, the lachine canal was not completed, and the victoria bridge was not even conceived as a possibility. one delay after another with broken machinery, lack of fuel, running ice and what not, required five days more of my time ere i reached montreal. i could not be called either officer or spy, yet none the less i did not care to be recognized here in the capacity of one over-curious. i made up my costume as that of an innocent free trader from the western fur country of the states, and was able, from my earlier experiences, to answer any questions as to beaver at fort hall or buffalo on the yellowstone or the red. thus i passed freely in and about all the public places of the town, and inspected with a certain personal interest all its points of interest, from the gray nunneries to the new cathedrals, the place d'armes, the champ de mars, the barracks, the vaunted brewery, the historic mountain, and the village lying between the arms of the two rivers--a point where history for a great country had been made, and where history for our own now was planning. as i moved about from day to day, making such acquaintance as i could, i found in the air a feeling of excitement and expectation. the hotels, bad as they were, were packed. the public places were noisy, the private houses crowded. gradually the town became half-military and half-savage. persons of importance arrived by steamers up the river, on whose expanse lay boats which might be bound for england--or for some of england's colonies. the government--not yet removed to ottawa, later capital of ontario--was then housed in the old château ramezay, built so long before for the french governor, vaudreuil. here, i had reason to believe, was now established no less a personage than sir george simpson, governor of the hudson bay company. rumor had it at the time that lord aberdeen of england himself was at montreal. that was not true, but i established without doubt that his brother really was there, as well as lieutenant william peel of the navy, son of sir robert peel, england's prime minister. the latter, with his companion, captain parke, was one time pointed out to me proudly by my inn-keeper--two young gentlemen, clad in the ultra fashion of their country, with very wide and tall bell beavers, narrow trousers, and strange long sack-coats unknown to us in the states--of little shape or elegance, it seemed to me. there was expectancy in the air, that was sure. it was open secret enough in england, as well as in montreal and in washington, that a small army of american settlers had set out the foregoing summer for the valley of the columbia, some said under leadership of the missionary whitman. britain was this year awakening to the truth that these men had gone thither for a purpose. here now was a congress of great britain's statesmen, leaders of great britain's greatest monopoly, the hudson bay company, to weigh this act of the audacious american republic. i was not a week in montreal before i learned that my master's guess, or his information, had been correct. the race was on for oregon! all these things, i say, i saw go on about me. yet in truth as to the inner workings of this i could gain but little actual information. i saw england's ships, but it was not for me to know whether they were to turn cape hope or the horn. i saw canada's _voyageurs_, but they might be only on their annual journey, and might go no farther than their accustomed posts in the west. in french town and english town, among common soldiers, _voyageurs_, inn-keepers and merchants, i wandered for more than one day and felt myself still helpless. that is to say, such was the case until there came to my aid that greatest of all allies, chance. chapter xiv the other woman the world is the book of women.--_rousseau_. i needed not to be advised that presently there would be a meeting of some of the leading men of the hudson bay company at the little gray stone, dormer-windowed building on notre dame street. in this old building--in whose vaults at one time of emergency was stored the entire currency of the canadian treasury--there still remained some government records, and now under the steep-pitched roof affairs were to be transacted somewhat larger than the dimensions of the building might have suggested. the keeper of my inn freely made me a list of those who would be present--a list embracing so many scores of prominent men whom he then swore to be in the city of montreal that, had the old château ramezay afforded twice its room, they could not all have been accommodated. for myself, it was out of the question to gain admittance. in those days all montreal was iron-shuttered after nightfall, resembling a series of jails; and to-night it seemed doubly screened and guarded. none the less, late in the evening, i allowed seeming accident to lead me in a certain direction. passing as often as i might up and down notre dame street without attracting attention, i saw more than one figure in the semi-darkness enter the low château door. occasionally a tiny gleam showed at the edge of a shutter or at the top of some little window not fully screened. as to what went on within i could only guess. i passed the château, up and down, at different times from nine o'clock until midnight. the streets of montreal at that time made brave pretense of lighting by virtue of the new gas works; at certain intervals flickering and wholly incompetent lights serving to make the gloom more visible. none the less, as i passed for the last time, i plainly saw a shaft of light fall upon the half darkness from a little side door. there emerged upon the street the figure of a woman. i do not know what led me to cast a second glance, for certainly my business was not with ladies, any more than i would have supposed ladies had business there; but, victim of some impulse of curiosity, i walked a step or two in the same direction as that taken by the cloaked figure. careless as i endeavored to make my movements, the veiled lady seemed to take suspicion or fright. she quickened her steps. accident favored me. even as she fled, she caught her skirt on some object which lay hidden in the shadows and fell almost at full length. this i conceived to be opportunity warranting my approach. i raised my hat and assured her that her flight was needless. she made no direct reply to me, but as she rose gave utterance to an expression of annoyance. "_mon dieu!_" i heard her say. i stood for a moment trying to recall where i had heard this same voice! she turned her face in such a way that the light illuminated it. then indeed surprise smote me. "madam baroness," said i, laughing, "it is wholly impossible for you to be here, yet you are here! never again will i say there is no such thing as chance, no such thing as fate, no such thing as a miracle!" she looked at me one brief moment; then her courage returned. "ah, then, my idiot," she said, "since it is to be our fortune always to meet of dark nights and in impossible ways, give me your arm." i laughed. "we may as well make treaty. if you run again, i shall only follow you." "then i am again your prisoner?" "madam, i again am yours!" "at least, you improve!" said she. "then come." "shall i not call a _calèche?_--the night is dark." "no, no!" hurriedly. we began a midnight course that took us quite across the old french quarter of montreal. at last she turned into a small, dark street of modest one-story residences, iron-shuttered, dark and cheerless. here she paused in front of a narrow iron gate. "madam," i said, "you represent to me one of the problems of my life. why does your taste run to such quarters as these? this might be that same back street in washington!" she chuckled to herself, at length laughed aloud. "but wait! if you entered my abode once," she said, "why not again? come." her hand was at the heavy knocker as she spoke. in a moment the door slowly opened, just as it had done that night before in washington. my companion passed before me swiftly. as she entered i saw standing at the opening the same brown and wrinkled old dame who had served that night before in washington! for an instant the light dazzled my eyes, but, determined now to see this adventure through, i stepped within. then, indeed, i found it difficult to stifle the exclamation of surprise which came to my lips. believe it or not, as you like, we _were_ again in washington! i say that i was confronted by the identical arrangement, the identical objects of furnishing, which had marked the luxurious boudoir of helena von ritz in washington! the tables were the same, the chairs, the mirrors, the consoles. on the mantel stood the same girandoles with glittering crystals. the pictures upon the walls, so far as i could remember their themes, did not deviate in any particular of detail or arrangement. the oval-backed chairs were duplicates of those i had seen that other night at midnight. beyond these same amber satin curtains stood the tall bed with its canopy, as i could see; and here at the right was the same low napoleon bed with its rolled ends. the figures of the carpets were the same, their deep-piled richness, soft under foot, the same. the flowered cups of the sconces were identical with those i had seen before. to my eye, even as it grew more studious, there appeared no divergence, no difference, between these apartments and those i had so singularly visited--and yet under circumstances so strangely akin to these--in the capital of my own country! "you are good enough to admire my modest place," said a laughing voice at my shoulder. then indeed i waked and looked about me, and saw that this, stranger than any mirage of the brain, was but a fact and must later be explained by the laborious processes of the feeble reason. i turned to her then, pulling myself together as best i could. yes, she too was the same, although in this case costumed somewhat differently. the wide ball gown of satin was gone, and in its place was a less pretentious robing of some darker silk. i remembered distinctly that the flowers upon the white satin gown i first had seen were pink roses. here were flowers of the crocus, cunningly woven into the web of the gown itself. the slippers which i now saw peeping out as she passed were not of white satin, but better foot covering for the street. she cast over the back of a chair, as she had done that other evening, her light shoulder covering, a dark mantle, not of lace now, but of some thin cloth. her jewels were gone, and the splendor of her dark hair was free of decoration. no pale blue fires shone at her white throat, and her hands were ringless. but the light, firm poise of her figure could not be changed; the mockery of her glance remained the same, half laughing and half wistful. the strong curve of her lips remained, and i recalled this arch of brow, the curve of neck and chin, the droop of the dark locks above her even forehead. yes, it was she. it could be no one else. she clapped her hands and laughed like a child as she turned to me. "bravo!" she said. "my judgment, then, was quite correct." "in regard to what?" "yourself!" "pardon me?" "you do not show curiosity! you do not ask me questions! good! i think i shall ask you to wait. i say to you frankly that i am alone here. it pleases me to live--as pleases me! you are alone in montreal. why should we not please ourselves?" in some way which i did not pause to analyze, i felt perfectly sure that this strange woman could, if she cared to do so, tell me some of the things i ought to know. she might be here on some errand identical with my own. calhoun had sent for her once before. whose agent was she now? i found chairs for us both. an instant later, summoned in what way i do not know, the old serving-woman again reappeared. "wine, threlka," said the baroness; "service for two--you may use this little table. monsieur," she added, turning to me, "i am most happy to make even some slight return for the very gracious entertainment offered me that morning by mr. calhoun at his residence. such a droll man! oh, la! la!" "are you his friend, madam?" i asked bluntly. "why should i not be?" i could frame neither offensive nor defensive art with her. she mocked me. in a few moments the weazened old woman was back with cold fowl, wine, napery, silver. "will monsieur carve?" at her nod the old woman filled my glass, after my hostess had tasted of her own. we had seated ourselves at the table as she spoke. "not so bad for a black midnight, eh?" she went on, "--in a strange town--and on a strange errand? and again let me express my approbation of your conduct." "if it pleases you, 'tis more than i can say of it for myself," i began. "but why?" "because you ask no questions. you take things as they come. i did not expect you would come to montreal." "then you know--but of course, i told you." "have you then no question?" she went on at last. her glass stood half full; her wrists rested gently on the table edge, as she leaned back, looking at me with that on her face which he had needed to be wiser than myself, who could have read. "may i, then?" "yes, now you may go on." "i thank you. first, of course, for what reason do you carry the secrets of my government into the stronghold of another government? are you the friend of america, or are you a spy upon america? are you my friend, or are we to be enemies to-night?" she flung back her head and laughed delightedly. "that is a good beginning," she commented. "you must, at a guess, have come up by way of the lakes, and by batteau from la prairie?" i ventured. she nodded again. "of course. i have been here six days." "indeed?--you have badly beaten me in our little race." she flashed on me a sudden glance. "why do you not ask me outright _why_ i am here?" "well, then, i do! i do ask you that. i ask you how you got access to that meeting to-night--for i doubt not you were there?" she gazed at me deliberately again, parting her red lips, again smiling at me. "what would you have given to have been there yourself?" "all the treasures those vaults ever held." "so much? what will you give me, then, to tell you what i know?" "more than all that treasure, madam. a place--" "ah! a 'place in the heart of a people!' i prefer a locality more restricted." "in my own heart, then; yes, of course!" she helped herself daintily to a portion of the white meat of the fowl. "yes," she went on, as though speaking to herself, "on the whole, i rather like him. yet what a fool! ah, such a droll idiot!" "how so, madam?" i expostulated. "i thought i was doing very well." "yet you can not guess how to persuade me?" "no; how could that be?" "always one gains by offering some equivalent, value for value--especially with women, monsieur." she went on as though to herself. "come, now, i fancy him! he is handsome, he is discreet, he has courage, he is not usual, he is not curious; but ah, _mon dieu_, what a fool!" "admit me to be a fool, madam, since it is true; but tell me in my folly what equivalent i can offer one who has everything in the world--wealth, taste, culture, education, wit, learning, beauty?" "go on! excellent!" "who has everything as against my nothing! _what_ value, madam?" "why, gentle idiot, to get an answer ask a question, always." "i have asked it." "but you can not guess that _i_ might ask one? so, then, one answer for another, we might do--what you americans call some business--eh? will you answer _my_ question?" "ask it, then." "_were you married_--that other night?" so, then, she was woman after all, and curious! her sudden speech came like a stab; but fortunately my dull nerves had not had time to change my face before a thought flashed into my mind. could i not make merchandise of my sorrow? i pulled myself into control and looked her fair in the face. "madam," i said, "look at my face and read your own answer." she looked, searching me, while every nerve of me tingled; but at last she shook her head. "no," she sighed. "i can not yet say." she did not see the sweat starting on my forehead. i raised my kerchief over my head. "a truce, then, madam! let us leave the one question against the other for a time." "excellent! i shall get my answer first, in that case, and for nothing." "how so?" "i shall only watch you. as we are here now, i were a fool, worse than you, if i could not tell whether or not you are married. none the less, i commend you, i admire you, because you do not tell me. if you are _not_, you are disappointed. if you _are_, you are eager!" "i am in any case delighted that i can interest madam." "ah, but you do! i have not been interested, for so long! ah, the great heavens, how fat was mr. pakenham, how thin was mr. calhoun! but you--come, monsieur, the night is long. tell me of yourself. i have never before known a savage." "value for value only, madam! will you tell me in turn of yourself?" "all?" she looked at me curiously. "only so much as madam wishes." i saw her dark eyes study me once more. at last she spoke again. "at least," she said, "it would be rather vulgar if i did not explain some of the things which become your right to know when i ask you to come into this home, as into my other home in washington." "in heaven's name, how many of these homes have you, then? are they all alike?" "five only, now," she replied, in the most matter-of-fact manner in the world, "and, of course, all quite alike." "where else?" "in paris, in vienna, in london," she answered. "you see this one, you see them all. 'tis far cooler in montreal than in washington in the summer time. do you not approve?" "the arrangement could not be surpassed." "thank you. so i have thought. the mere charm of difference does not appeal to me. certain things my judgment approves. they serve, they suffice. this little scheme it has pleased me to reproduce in some of the capitals of the world. it is at least as well chosen as the taste of the prince of orleans, son of louis philippe, could advise." this with no change of expression. i drew a long breath. she went on as though i had spoken. "my friend," she said, "do not despise me too early. there is abundant time. before you judge, let the testimony be heard. i love men who can keep their own tongues and their own hands to themselves." "i am not your judge, madam, but it will be long before i shall think a harsh thought of you. tell me what a woman may. do not tell me what a secret agent may _not_. i ask no promises and make none. you are very beautiful. you have wealth. i call you `madam.' you are married?" "i was married at fifteen." "at fifteen! and your husband died?" "he disappeared." "your own country was austria?" "call me anything but austrian! i left my country because i saw there only oppression and lack of hope. no, i am hungarian." "that i could have guessed. they say the most beautiful women of the world come from that country." "thank you. is that all?" "i should guess then perhaps you went to paris?" "of course," she said, "of course! of course! in time reasons existed why i should not return to my home. i had some little fortune, some singular experiences, some ambitions of my own. what i did, i did. at least, i saw the best and worst of europe." she raised a hand as though to brush something from before her face. "allow me to give you wine. well, then, monsieur knows that when i left paris i felt that part of my studies were complete. i had seen a little more of government, a little more of humanity, a little more of life, a little more of men. it was not men but mankind that i studied most. i had seen much of injustice and hopelessness and despair. these made the fate of mankind--in that world." "i have heard vaguely of some such things, madam," i said. "i know that in europe they have still the fight which we sought to settle when we left that country for this one." she nodded. "so then, at last," she went on, "still young, having learned something and having now those means of carrying on my studies which i required, i came to this last of the countries, america, where, if anywhere, hope for mankind remains. washington has impressed me more than any capital of the world." "how long have you been in washington?" i asked. "now you begin to question--now you show at last curiosity! well, then, i shall answer. for more than one year, perhaps more than two, perhaps more than three!" "impossible!" i shook my head. "a woman like you could not be concealed--not if she owned a hundred hidden places such as this." "oh, i was known," she said. "you have heard of me, you knew of me?" i still shook my head. "no," said i, "i have been far in the west for several years, and have come to washington but rarely. bear me out, i had not been there my third day before i found you!" we sat silent for some moments, fixedly regarding each other. i have said that a more beautiful face than hers i had never seen. there sat upon it now many things--youth, eagerness, ambition, a certain defiance; but, above all, a pleading pathos! i could not find it in my heart, eager as i was, to question her further. apparently she valued this reticence. "you condemn me?" she asked at length. "because i live alone, because quiet rumor wags a tongue, you will judge me by your own creed and not by mine?" i hesitated before i answered, and deliberated. "madam, i have already told you that i would not. i say once more that i accredit you with living up to your own creed, whatever that may have been." she drew a long breath in turn. "monsieur, you have done yourself no ill turn in that." "it was rumored in diplomatic circles, of course, that you were in touch with the ministry of england," i ventured. "i myself saw that much." "naturally. of mexico also! at least, as you saw in our little carriage race, mexico was desirous enough to establish some sort of communication with my humble self!" "calhoun was right!" i exclaimed. "he was entirely right, madam, in insisting that i should bring you to him that morning, whether or not you wished to go." "whim fits with whim sometimes. `twas his whim to see me, mine to go." "i wonder what the queen of sheba would have said had solomon met her thus!" she chuckled at the memory. "you see, when you left me at mr. calhoun's door in care of the grand vizier james, i wondered somewhat at this strange country of america. the _entresol_ was dim and the grand vizier was slow with candles. i half fell into the room on the right. there was mr. calhoun bolt upright in his chair, both hands spread out on the arms. as you promised, he wore a red nightcap and long gown of wool. he was asleep, and ah! how weary he seemed. never have i seen a face so sad as his, asleep. he was gray and thin, his hair was gray and thin, his eyes were sunken, the veins were corded at his temples, his hands were transparent. he was, as you promised me, old. yet when i saw him i did not smile. he heard me stir as i would have withdrawn, and when he arose to his feet he was wide-awake. monsieur, he is a great man; because, even so clad he made no more apology than you do, showed no more curiosity; and he welcomed me quite as a gentleman unashamed--as a king, if you please." "how did he receive you, madam?" i asked. "i never knew." "why, took my hand in both his, and bowed as though i indeed were queen, he a king." "then you got on well?" "truly; for he was wiser than his agent, monsieur. he found answers by asking questions." "ah, you were kinder to him than to me?" "naturally." "for instance, he asked--" "what had been my ball gown that night--who was there--how i enjoyed myself! in a moment we were talking as though we had been friends for years. the grand vizier brought in two mugs of cider, in each a toasted apple. monsieur, i have not seen diplomacy such as this. naturally, i was helpless." "did he perhaps ask how you were induced to come at so impossible a time? my own vanity, naturally, leads me to ask so much as that." "no, mr. calhoun confined himself to the essentials! even had he asked me i could not have replied, because i do not know, save that it was to me a whim. but at least we talked, over our cider and toasted apples." "you told him somewhat of yourself?" "he did not allow me to do that, monsieur." "but he told you somewhat of this country?" "ah, yes, yes! so then i saw what held him up in his work, what kept him alive. i saw something i have not often seen--a purpose, a principle, in a public man. his love for his own land touched even me, how or why i scarcely know. yes, we spoke of the poor, the oppressed, of the weary and the heavy laden." "did he ask you what you knew of mexico and england?" "rather what i knew of the poor in europe. i told him some things i knew of that hopeless land, that priest-ridden, king-ridden country--my own land. then he went on to tell me of america and its hope of a free democracy of the people. believe me, i listened to mr. calhoun. never mind what we said of mr. van zandt and sir richard pakenham. at least, as you know, i paid off a little score with sir richard that next morning. what was strangest to me was the fact that i forgot mr. calhoun's attire, forgot the strangeness of my errand thither. it was as though only our minds talked, one with the other. i was sorry when at last came the grand vizier james to take mr. calhoun's order for his own carriage, that brought me home--my second and more peaceful arrival there that night. the last i saw of mr. calhoun was with the grand vizier james putting a cloak about him and leading him by force from his study to his bed, as i presume. as for me, i slept no more that night. monsieur, i admit that i saw the purpose of a great man. yes; and of a great country." "then i did not fail as messenger, after all! you told mr. calhoun what he desired to know?" "in part at least. but come now, was i not bound in some sort of honor to my great and good friend, sir richard? was it not treachery enough to rebuke him for his attentions to the doña lucrezia?" "but you promised to tell mr. calhoun more at a later time?" "on certain conditions i did," she assented. "i do not know that i may ask those?" "you would be surprised if i told you the truth? what i required of mr. calhoun was permission and aid still further to study his extraordinary country, its extraordinary ways, its extraordinary ignorance of itself. i have told you that i needed to travel, to study, to observe mankind--and those governments invented or tolerated by mankind." "since then, madam," i concluded, stepping to assist her with her chair, as she signified her completion of our repast, "since you do not feel now inclined to be specific, i feel that i ought to make my adieux, for the time at least. it grows late. i shall remember this little evening all my life. i own my defeat. i do not know why you are here, or for whom." "at what hotel do you stop?" "the little place of jacques bertillon, a square or so beyond the place d'armes." "in that case," said she, "believe me, it would be more discreet for you to remain unseen in montreal. no matter which flag is mine, i may say that much for a friend and comrade in the service." "but what else?" she looked about her. "be my guest to-night!" she said suddenly. "there is danger--" "for me?" i laughed. "at my hotel? on the streets?" "no, for me." "where?" "here." "and of what, madam?" "of a man; for the first time i am afraid, in spite of all." i looked at her straight. "are you not afraid of _me?_" i asked. she looked at me fairly, her color coming. "with the fear which draws a woman to a man," she said. "whereas, mine is the fear which causes a man to flee from himself!" "but you will remain for my protection? i should feel safer. besides, in that case i should know the answer." "how do you mean?" "i should know whether or not you were married!" chapter xv with madam the baroness it is not for good women that men have fought battles, given their lives and staked their souls.--_mrs. w.k. clifford_. "but, madam--" i began. she answered me in her own way. "monsieur hesitates--he is lost!" she said. "but see, i am weary. i have been much engaged to-day. i have made it my plan never to fatigue myself. it is my hour now for my bath, my exercise, my bed, if you please. i fear i must bid you good night, one way or the other. you will be welcome here none the less, if you care to remain. i trust you did not find our little repast to-night unpleasing? believe me, our breakfast shall be as good. threlka is expert in omelets, and our coffee is such as perhaps you may not find general in these provinces." was there the slightest mocking sneer in her words? did she despise me as a faint-heart? i could not tell, but did not like the thought. "believe me, madam," i answered hotly, "you have courage, at least. let me match it. nor do i deny that this asks courage on my part too. if you please, in these circumstances, _i shall remain_." "you are armed?" she asked simply. i inserted a finger in each waistcoat pocket and showed her the butts of two derringers; and at the back of my neck--to her smiling amusement at our heathen fashion--i displayed just the tip of the haft of a short bowie-knife, which went into a leather case under the collar of my coat. and again i drew around the belt which i wore so that she could see the barrel of a good pistol, which had been suspended under cover of the bell skirt of my coat. she laughed. i saw that she was not unused to weapons. i should have guessed her the daughter of a soldier or acquainted with arms in some way. "of course," she said, "there might be need of these, although i think not. and in any case, if trouble can be deferred until to-morrow, why concern oneself over it? you interest me. i begin yet more to approve of you." "then, as to that breakfast _à la fourchette_ with madam; if i remain, will you agree to tell me what is your business here?" she laughed at me gaily. "i might," she said, "provided that meantime i had learned whether or not you were married that night." i do not profess that i read all that was in her face as she stepped back toward the satin curtains and swept me the most graceful curtsey i had ever seen in all my life. i felt like reaching out a hand to restrain her. i felt like following her. she was assuredly bewildering, assuredly as puzzling as she was fascinating. i only felt that she was mocking me. ah, she was a woman! i felt something swiftly flame within me. there arose about me that net of amber-hued perfume, soft, enthralling, difficult of evasion.... then i recalled my mission; and i remembered what mr. calhoun and doctor ward had said. i was not a man; i was a government agent. she was not a woman; she was my opponent. yes, but then-- slowly i turned to the opposite side of this long central room. there were curtains here also. i drew them, but as i did so i glanced back. again, as on that earlier night, i saw her face framed in the amber folds--a face laughing, mocking. with an exclamation of discontent, i threw down my heavy pistol on the floor, cast my coat across the foot of the bed to prevent the delicate covering from being soiled by my boots, and so rested without further disrobing. in the opposite apartment i could hear her moving about, humming to herself some air as unconcernedly as though no such being as myself existed in the world. i heard her presently accost her servant, who entered through some passage not visible from the central apartments. then without concealment there seemed to go forward the ordinary routine of madam's toilet for the evening. "no, i think the pink one," i heard her say, "and please--the bath, threlka, just a trifle more warm." she spoke in french, her ancient serving-woman, as i took it, not understanding the english language. they both spoke also in a tongue i did not know. i heard the rattling of toilet articles, certain sighs of content, faint splashings beyond. i could not escape from all this. then i imagined that perhaps madam was having her heavy locks combed by the serving-woman. in spite of myself, i pictured her thus, even more beautiful than before. for a long time i concluded that my presence was to be dismissed as a thing which was of no importance, or which was to be regarded as not having happened. at length, however, after what seemed at least half an hour of these mysterious ceremonies, i heard certain sighings, long breaths, as though madam were taking calisthenic movements, some gymnastic training--i knew not what. she paused for breath, apparently very well content with herself. shame on me! i fancied perhaps she stood before a mirror. shame on me again! i fancied she sat, glowing, beautiful, at the edge of the amber couch. at last she called out to me: "monsieur!" i was at my own curtains at once, but hers remained tight folded, although i heard her voice close behind them. "_eh bien?_" i answered. "it is nothing, except i would say that if monsieur feels especially grave and reverent, he will find a very comfortable _prie-dieu_ at the foot of the bed." "i thank you," i replied, gravely as i could. "and there is a very excellent rosary and crucifix on the table just beyond!" "i thank you," i replied, steadily as i could. "and there is an english book of common prayer upon the stand not far from the head of the bed, upon this side!" "a thousand thanks, my very good friend." i heard a smothered laugh beyond the amber curtains. presently she spoke again, yawning, as i fancied, rather contentedly. "_a la bonne heure, monsieur!_" "_a la bonne heure, madame!_" chapter xvi dÉjeÛner À la fourchette woman is a creature between man and the angels. --_honoré de balzac_. a government agent, it seems, may also in part be little more than a man, after all. in these singular surroundings i found myself not wholly tranquil.... at last toward morning, i must have slept. it was some time after daybreak when i felt a hand upon my shoulder as i lay still partly clad. awakened suddenly, i arose and almost overthrew old threlka, who stood regarding me with no expression whatever upon her brown and wrinkled countenance. she did no more than point the way to a door, where presently i found a bath-room, and so refreshed myself and made the best toilet possible under the circumstances. my hostess i found awaiting me in the central room of the apartments. she was clad now in a girdled peignoir of rich rose-color, the sleeves, wide and full, falling hack from her round arms. her dark hair was coiled and piled high on her head this morning, regardless of current mode, and confined in a heavy twist by a tall golden comb; so that her white neck was left uncovered. she wore no jewelry, and as she stood, simple and free from any trickery of the coquette, i thought that few women ever were more fair. that infinite witchery not given to many women was hers, yet dignity as well. she was, i swear, _grande dame_, though young and beautiful as a goddess. her brow was thoughtful now, her air more demure. faint blue shadows lay beneath her eyes. a certain hauteur, it seemed to me, was visible in her mien, yet she was the soul of graciousness, and, i must admit, as charming a hostess as ever invited one to usual or unusual repast. the little table in the center of the room was already spread. madam filled my cup from the steaming urn with not the slightest awkwardness, as she nodded for me to be seated. we looked at each other, and, as i may swear, we both broke into saving laughter. so we sat, easier now, as i admit, and, with small concern for the affairs of the world outside at the time, discussed the very excellent omelet, which certainly did not allow the reputation of threlka to suffer; the delicately grilled bones, the crisp toasted rye bread, the firm yellow butter, the pungent early cress, which made up a meal sufficiently dainty even for her who presided over it. even that pitiless light of early morning, the merciless cross-light of opposing windows, was gentle with her. yes, she was young! moreover, she ate as a person of breeding, and seemed thoroughbred in all ways, if one might use a term so hackneyed. rank and breeding had been hers; she needed not to claim them, for they told their own story. i wondered what extraordinary history of hers remained untold--what history of hers and mine and of others she might yet assist in making! "i was saying," she remarked presently, "that i would not have you think that i do not appreciate the suffering in which you were plunged by the haste you found necessary in the wedding of your _jeune fille_." but i was on my guard. "at least, i may thank you for your sympathy, madam!" i replied. "yet in time," she went on, gone reflective the next instant, "you will see how very unimportant is all this turmoil of love and marriage." "indeed, there is, as you say, something of a turmoil regarding them in our institutions as they are at present formed." "because the average of humanity thinks so little. most of us judge life from its emotions. we do not search the depths." "if i could oblige madam by abolishing society and home and humanity, i should be very glad--because, of course, that is what madam means!" "at any cost," she mused, "that torture of life must be passed on to coming generations for their unhappiness, their grief, their misery. i presume it was necessary that there should be this plan of the general blindness and intensity of passion." "yes, if, indeed, it be not the most important thing in the world for us to marry, at least it is important that we should think so. madam is philosopher this morning," i said, smiling. she hardly heard me. "to continue the crucifixion of the soul, to continue the misapprehensions, the debasings of contact with human life--yes, i suppose one must pay all that for the sake of the gaining of a purpose. yet there are those who would endure much for the sake of principle, monsieur. some such souls are born, do you not think?" "yes, sphinx souls, extraordinary, impossible for the average of us to understand." "that torch of _life_!" she mused. "see! it was only _that_ which you were so eager to pass on to another generation! that was why you were so mad to hasten to the side of that woman. whereas," she mused still, "it were so much grander and so much nobler to pass on the torch of a _principle_ as well!" "i do not understand." "the general business of offspring goes on unceasingly in all the nations," she resumed frankly. "there will be children, whether or not you and i ever find some one wherewith to mate in the compromise which folk call wedlock. but _principles_--ah! my friend, who is to give those to others who follow us? what rare and splendid wedlock brings forth _that_ manner of offspring?" "madam, in the circumstances," said i, "i should be happy to serve you more omelet." she shook her head as though endeavoring to dismiss something from her mind. "do not philosophize with me," i said. "i am already distracted by the puzzle you offer to me. you are so young and beautiful, so fair in your judgment, so kind--" "in turn, i ask you not to follow that," she remarked coldly. "let us talk of what you call, i think, business." "nothing could please me more. i have slept little, pondering on this that i do call business. to begin with, then, you were there at the château ramezay last night. i would have given all i had to have been there for an hour." "there are certain advantages a woman may have." "but you were there? you know what went forward?" "certainly." "did they know you were present?" "monsieur is somewhat importunate!" she looked me now directly in the eye, studying me mercilessly, with a scrutiny whose like i should not care often to undergo. "i should be glad if it were possible to answer you," she said at last enigmatically; "but i have faith to keep with--others--with you--with--myself." now my own eagerness ran away with me; i became almost rude. "madam," i exclaimed, "why beat about the bush? i do not care to deceive you, and you must not deceive me. why should we not be friends in every way, and fair ones?" "you do not know what you are saying," she said simply. "are you then an enemy of my country?" i demanded. "if i thought you were here to prove traitress to my country, you should never leave this room except with me. you shall not leave it now until you have told me what you are, why you are here, what you plan to do!" she showed no fear. she only made a pretty little gesture at the dishes between us. "at my own table!" she pouted. again our eyes met directly and again hers did not lower. she looked at me calmly. i was no match for her. "my dear lady," i began again, "my relation to the affairs of the american republic is a very humble one. i am no minister of state, and i know you deal with ministers direct. how, then, shall i gain your friendship for my country? you are dangerous to have for an enemy. are you too high-priced to have for a friend--for a friend to our union--a friend of the principle of democracy? come now, you enjoy large questions. tell me, what does this council mean regarding oregon? is it true that england plans now to concentrate all her traders, all her troops, and force them west up the saskatchewan and into oregon this coming season? come, now, madam, is it to be war?" her curved lips broke into a smile that showed again her small white teeth. "were you, then, married?" she said. i only went on, impatient. "any moment may mean everything to us. i should not ask these questions if i did not know that you were close to mr. calhoun." she looked me square in the eye and nodded her head slowly. "i may say this much, monsieur, that it has pleased me to gain a little further information." "you will give my government that information?" "why should i?" "yet you spoke of others who might come here. what others? who are they? the representatives of mexico? some attaché of the british embassy at washington? some minister from england itself, sent here direct?" she smiled at me again. "i told you not to go back to your hotel, did i not?" i got no further with her, it seemed. "you interest me sometimes," she went on slowly, at last, "yet you seem to have so little brain! now, in your employment, i should think that brain would be somewhat useful at times." "i do not deny that suggestion, madam." "but you are unable to analyze. thus, in the matter of yourself. i suppose if you were told of it, you would only say that you forgot to look in the toe of the slipper you had." "thus far, baroness," i said soberly, "i have asked no special privilege, at least. now, if it affords you any pleasure, i _beg_ you, i _implore_ you, to tell me what you mean!" "did you credit the attaché of mexico with being nothing more than a drunken rowdy, to follow me across town with a little shoe in his carriage?" "but you said he was in wine." "true. but would that be a reason? continually you show your lack of brain in accepting as conclusive results which could not possibly have occurred. _granted_ he was in wine, _granted_ he followed me, _granted_ he had my shoe in his possession--what then? does it follow that at the ball at the white house he could have removed that shoe? does monsieur think that i, too, was in wine?" "i agree that i have no brain! i can not guess what you mean. i can only beg once more that you explain." "now listen. in your most youthful and charming innocence i presume you do not know much of the capabilities for concealment offered by a lady's apparel! now, suppose i had a message--where do you think i could hide it; granted, of course, the conditions obtaining at a ball in the white house?" "then you did have a message? it came to you there, at that time?" she nodded. "certainly. mr. van zandt had almost no other opportunity to meet me or get word to me." "_van zandt!_ madam, are you indeed in the camp of _all_ these different interests? so, what pakenham said was true! van zandt is the attaché of texas. van zandt is pleading with mr. calhoun that he shall take up the secretaryship. van zandt promises us the friendship of texas if we will stand out for the annexation of texas. van zandt promises us every effort in his power against england. van zandt promises us the sternest of fronts against treacherous mexico. van zandt is known to be interested in this fair doña lucrezia, just as polk is. now, then, comes van zandt with his secret message slipped into the hand of madam at the ambassador's ball--madam, _the friend of england!_ the attaché of mexico is curious--furious--to know what texas is saying to england! and that message must be concealed! and madam conceals it in--" she smiled at me brilliantly. "you come on," she said. "should your head be opened and analyzed, yes, i think a trace of brain might be discovered by good chemistry." i resumed impatiently. "you put his message in your slipper?" she nodded. "yes," she said, "in the toe of it. there was barely chance to do that. you see, our skirts are full and wide; there are curtains in the east room; there was wine by this time; there was music; so i effected that much. but when you took the slipper, you took van zandt's note! you had it. it was true, what i told pakenham before the president--i did _not_ then have that note! _you_ had it. at least, i _thought_ you had it, till i found it crumpled on the table the next day! it must have fallen there from the shoe when we made our little exchange that night. ah, you hurried me. i scarce knew whether i was clad or shod, until the next afternoon--after i left you at the white house grounds. so you hastily departed--to your wedding?" "so small a shoe could not have held an extended epistle, madam," i said, ignoring her question. "no, but the little roll of paper caused me anguish. after i had danced i was on the point of fainting. i hastened to the cover of the nearest curtain, where i might not be noticed. señor yturrio of mexico was somewhat vigilant. he wished to know what texas planned with england. he has long made love to me--by threats, and jewels. as i stood behind the curtain i saw his face, i fled; but one shoe--the empty one--was not well fastened, and it fell. i could not walk. i reached down, removed the other shoe with its note, hid it in my handkerchief--thank providence for the fashion of so much lace--and so, not in wine, monsieur, as you may believe, and somewhat anxious, as you may also believe, expecting to hear at once of an encounter between van zandt and the mexican minister, señor almonte, or his attaché yturrio, or between one of them and some one else, i made my adieux--i will warrant the only woman in her stocking feet who bowed for mr. tyler at the ball that night!" "yes, so far as i know, madam, you are the only lady who ever left the east room precisely so clad. and so you got into your own carriage--alone--after a while? and so, when you were there you put on the shoe which was left? and so yturrio of mexico got the other one--and found nothing in it! and so, he wanted this one!" "you come on," she said. "you have something more than a trace of brain." "and that other shoe, which _i_ got that night?" without a word she smoothed out a bit of paper which she removed from a near-by desk, and handed it to me. "_this_ was in yours! as i said, in my confusion i supposed you had it. you said i should go in a sack. i suppose i did! i suppose i lost my head, somewhere! but certainly i thought you had found the note and given it to mr. calhoun; else i should have driven harder terms with him! i would drive harder terms with you, now, were i not in such haste to learn the answer to my question! tell me, _were_ you married?" "is that answer worth more than van zandt?" i smiled. "yes," she answered, also smiling. i spread the page upon the cloth before me; my eyes raced down the lines. i did not make further reply to her. "madam," went on the communication, "say to your august friend sir richard that we have reached the end of our endurance of these late delays. the promises of the united states mean nothing. we can trust neither whig nor democrat any longer. there is no one party in power, nor will there be. there are two sections in america and there is no nation, and texas knows not where to go. we have offered to mr. tyler to join the union if the union will allow us to join. we intend to reserve our own lands and reserve the right to organize later into four or more states, if our people shall so desire. but as a great state we will join the union if the union will accept us. that must be seen. "england now beseeches us not to enter the union, but to stand apart, either for independence or for alliance with mexico and england. the proposition has been made to us to divide into two governments, one free and one slave. england has proposed to us to advance us moneys to pay all our debts if we will agree to this. settled by bold men from our mother country, the republic, texas has been averse to this. but now our own mother repudiates us, not once but many times. we get no decision. this then, dear madam, is from texas to england by your hand, and we know you will carry it safe and secret. we shall accept this proposal of england, and avail ourselves of the richness of her generosity. "if within thirty days action is not taken in washington for the annexation of texas, texas will never in the history of the world be one of the united states. moreover, if the united states shall lose texas, also they lose oregon, and all of oregon. carry this news--i am persuaded that it will be welcome--to that gentleman whose ear i know you have; and believe me always, my dear madam, with respect and admiration, yours, for the state of texas, van zandt." i drew a deep breath as i saw this proof of double play on the part of this representative of the republic of the southwest. "they are traitors!" i exclaimed. "but there must be action--something must be done at once. i must not wait; i must go! i must take this, at least, to mr. calhoun." she laughed now, joyously clapping her white hands together. "good!" she said. "you are a man, after all. you may yet grow brain." "have i been fair with you thus far?" she asked at length. "more than fair. i could not have asked this of you. in an hour i have learned the news of years. but will you not also tell me what is the news from château ramezay? then, indeed, i could go home feeling i had done very much for my chief." "monsieur, i can not do so. you will not tell me that other news." "of what?" "of your nuptials!" "madam, i can not do so. but for you, much as i owe you, i would like to wring your neck. i would like to take your arms in my hands and crush them, until--" "until what?" her face was strange. i saw a hand raised to her throat. "until you told me about oregon!" said i. i saw her arms move--just one instant--her body incline. she gazed at me steadily, somberly. then her hands fell. "ah, god! how i hate you both!" she said; "you and her. you _were_ married, after all! yes, it can be, it can be! a woman may love one man--even though he could give her only a bed of husks! and a man may love a woman, too--one woman! i had not known." i could only gaze at her, now more in perplexity than ever. alike her character and her moods were beyond me. what she was or had been i could not guess; only, whatever she was, she was not ordinary, that was sure, and was to be classified under no ordinary rule. woman or secret agent she was, and in one or other identity she could be my friend or my powerful enemy, could aid my country powerfully if she had the whim; or damage it irreparably if she had the desire. but--yes--as i studied her that keen, tense, vital moment, she was woman! a deep fire burned in her eyes, that was true; but on her face was--what? it was not rage, it was not passion, it was not chagrin. no, in truth and justice i swear that what i then saw on her face was that same look i had noted once before, an expression of almost childish pathos, of longing, of appeal for something missed or gone, though much desired. no vanity could contemplate with pleasure a look like that on the face of a woman such as helena von ritz. i fancied her unstrung by excitement, by the strain of her trying labor, by the loneliness of her life, uncertain, misunderstood, perhaps, as it was. i wondered if she could be more unhappy than i myself, if life could offer her less than it did to me. but i dared not prolong our masking, lest all should be unmasked. "it is nothing!" she said at last, and laughed gaily as ever. "yes, madam, it is nothing. i admit my defeat. i shall ask no more favors, expect no further information from you, for i have not earned it, and i can not pay. i will make no promise that i could not keep." "then we part even!" "as enemies or friends?" "i do not yet know. i can not think--for a long time. but i, too, am defeated." "i do not understand how madam can be defeated in anything." "ah, i am defeated only because i have won. i have your secret; you do not have mine. but i laid also another wager, with myself. i have lost it. ceremony or not--and what does the ceremony value?--you _are_ married. i had not known marriage to be possible. i had not known you--you savages. no--so much--i had not known." "monsieur, adieu!" she added swiftly. i bent and kissed her hand. "madam, _au revoir!_" "no, _adieu!_ go!" chapter xvii a hunter of butterflies i love men, not because they are men, but because they are not women.--_queen christina_. there was at that time in montreal a sort of news room and public exchange, which made a place of general meeting. it was supplied with newspapers and the like, and kept up by subscriptions of the town merchants--a spacious room made out of the old methodist chapel on st. joseph street. i knew this for a place of town gossip, and hoped i might hit upon something to aid me in my errand, which was no more than begun, it seemed. entering the place shortly before noon, i made pretense of reading, all the while with an eye and an ear out for anything that might happen. as i stared in pretense at the page before me, i fumbled idly in a pocket, with unthinking hand, and brought out to place before me on the table, an object of which at first i was unconscious--the little indian blanket clasp. as it lay before me i felt seized of a sudden hatred for it, and let fall on it a heavy hand. as i did so, i heard a voice at my ear. "_mein gott_, man, do not! you break it, surely." i started at this. i had not heard any one approach. i discovered now that the speaker had taken a seat near me at the table, and could not fail to see this object which lay before me. "i beg pardon," he said, in a broken speech which showed his foreign birth; "but it iss so beautiful; to break it iss wrong." something in his appearance and speech fixed my attention. he was a tall, bent man, perhaps sixty years of age, of gray hair and beard, with the glasses and the unmistakable air of the student. his stooped shoulders, his weakened eye, his thin, blue-veined hand, the iron-gray hair standing like a ruff above his forehead, marked him not as one acquainted with a wild life, but better fitted for other days and scenes. i pushed the trinket along the table towards him. "'tis of little value," i said, "and is always in the way when i would find anything in my pocket." "but once some one hass made it; once it hass had value. tell me where you get it?" "north of the platte, in our western territories," i said. "i once traded in that country." "you are american?" "yes." "so," he said thoughtfully. "so. a great country, a very great country. me, i also live in it." "indeed?" i said. "in what part?" "it iss five years since i cross the rockies." "you have crossed the rockies? i envy you." "you meesunderstand me. i live west of them for five years. i am now come east." "all the more, then, i envy you! you have perhaps seen the oregon country? that has always been my dream." my eye must have kindled at that, for he smiled at me. "you are like all americans. they leave their own homes and make new governments, yess? those men in oregon haf made a new government for themselfs, and they tax those english traders to pay for a government which iss american!" i studied him now closely. if he had indeed lived so long in the oregon settlements, he knew far more about certain things than i did. "news travels slowly over so great a distance," said i. "of course i know nothing of these matters except that last year and the year before the missionaries have come east to ask us for more settlers to come out to oregon. i presume they want their churches filled." "but most their _farms!_" said the old man. "you have been at fort vancouver?" he nodded. "also to fort colville, far north; also to what they call california, far south; and again to what they may yet call fort victoria. i haf seen many posts of the hudson bay company." i was afraid my eyes showed my interest; but he went on. "i haf been, in the columbia country, and in the willamette country, where most of your americans are settled. i know somewhat of california. mr. howard, of the hudson bay company, knows also of this country of california. he said to those english gentlemans at our meeting last night that england should haf someting to offset california on the west coast; because, though mexico claims california, the yankees really rule there, and will rule there yet more. he iss right; but they laughed at him." "oh, i think little will come of all this talk," i said carelessly. "it is very far, out to oregon." yet all the time my heart was leaping. so he had been there, at that very meeting of which i could learn nothing! "you know not what you say. a thousand men came into oregon last year. it iss like one of the great migrations of the peoples of asia, of europe. i say to you, it iss a great epoch. there iss a folk-movement such as we haf not seen since the days of the huns, the goths, the vandals, since the cimri movement. it iss an epoch, my friend! it iss fate that iss in it." "so, then, it is a great country?" i asked. "it iss so great, these traders do not wish it known. they wish only that it may be savage; also that their posts and their harems may be undisturbed. that iss what they wish. these scots go wild again, in the wilderness. they trade and they travel, but it iss not homes they build. sir george simpson wants steel traps and not ploughs west of the rockies. that iss all!" "they do not speak so of doctor mclaughlin," i began tentatively. "my friend, a great man, mclaughlin, believe me! but he iss not mckay; he iss not simpson; he iss not behrens; he iss not colville; he iss not douglas. and i say to you, as i learned last night--you see, they asked me also to tell what i knew of oregon--i say to you that last night mclaughlin was deposed. he iss in charge no more--so soon as they can get word to him, he loses his place at vancouver." "after a lifetime in the service!" i commented. "yess, after a lifetime; and mclaughlin had brain and heart, too. if england would listen to him, she would learn sometings. he plants, he plows, he bass gardens and mills and houses and herds. yess, if they let mclaughlin alone, they would haf a civilization on the columbia, and not a fur-trading post. then they could oppose your civilization there. that iss what he preaches. simpson preaches otherwise. simpson loses oregon to england, it may be." "you know much about affairs out in oregon," i ventured again. "now, i did not happen to be present at the little meeting last night." "i heard it all," he remarked carelessly, "until i went to sleep. i wass bored. i care not to hear of the splendor of england!" "then you think there is a chance of trouble between our country and england, out there?" he smiled. "it iss not a chance, but a certainty," he said. "those settlers will not gif up. and england is planning to push them out!" "we had not heard that!" i ventured. "it wass only agreed last night. england will march this summer seven hundred men up the peace river. in the fall they will be across the rockies. so! they can take boats easily down the streams to oregon. you ask if there will be troubles. i tell you, yess." "and which wins, my friend?" i feared he would hear my heart thumping at this news. "if you stop where you are, england wins. if you keep on going over the mountains england shall lose." "what time can england make with her brigades, west-bound, my friend?" i asked him casually. he answered with gratifying scientific precision. "from edmonton to fort colville, west of the rockies, it hass been done in six weeks and five days, by sir george himself. from fort colville down it iss easy by boats. it takes the _voyageur_ three months to cross, or four months. it would take troops twice that long, or more. for you in the states, you can go faster. and, ah! my friend, it iss worth the race, that oregon. believe me, it iss full of bugs--of new bugs; twelve new species i haf discovered and named. it iss sometings of honor, iss it not?" "what you say interests me very much, sir," i said. "i am only an american trader, knocking around to see the world a little bit. you seem to have been engaged in some scientific pursuit in that country." "yess," he said. "mein own government and mein own university, they send me to this country to do what hass not been done. i am insectologer. shall i show you my bugs of oregon? you shall see them, yess? come with me to my hotel. you shall see many bugs, such as science hass not yet known." i was willing enough to go with him; and true to his word he did show me such quantities of carefully prepared and classified insects as i had not dreamed our own country offered. "twelve new species!" he said, with pride. "mein own country will gif me honor for this. five years i spend. now i go back home. "i shall not tell you what nickname they gif me in oregon," he added, smiling; "but my real name iss wolfram von rittenhofen. berlin, it wass last my home. tell me, you go soon to oregon?" "that is very possible," i answered; and this time at least i spoke the truth. "we are bound in opposite directions, but if you are sailing for europe this spring, you would save time and gain comfort by starting from new york. it would give us great pleasure if we could welcome so distinguished a scientist in washington." "no, i am not yet distinguished. only shall i be distinguished when i have shown my twelve new species to mein own university." "but it would give me pleasure also to show you washington. you should see also the government of those backwoodsmen who are crowding out to oregon. would you not like to travel with me in america so far as that?" he shook his head doubtfully. "perhaps i make mistake to come by the st. lawrence? it would be shorter to go by new york? well, i haf no hurry. i think it over, yess." "but tell me, where did you get that leetle thing?" he asked me again presently, taking up in his hand the indian clasp. "i traded for it among the crow indians." "you know what it iss, eh?" "no, except that it is indian made." he scanned the round disks carefully. "wait!" he exclaimed. "i show you sometings." he reached for my pencil, drew toward him a piece of paper, taking from his pocket meantime a bit of string. using the latter for a radius, he drew a circle on the piece of paper. "now look what i do!" he said, as i bent over curiously. "see, i draw a straight line through the circle. i divide it in half, so. i divide it in half once more, and make a point. now i shorten my string, one-half. on each side of my long line i make me a half circle--only half way round on the opposite sides. so, now, what i got, eh? you understand him?" i shook my head. he pointed in turn to the rude ornamentation in the shell clasp. i declare that then i could see a resemblance between the two designs! "it is curious," i said. "_mein gott_! it iss more than curious. it iss vonderful! i haf two _amazonias_ collected by my own bands, and twelve species of my own discovery, yess, in butterflies alone. that iss much? listen. it iss notings! _here_ iss the _discovery!_" he took a pace or two excitedly, and came back to thump with his forefinger on the little desk. "what you see before you iss the sign of the great monad! it iss known in china, in burmah, in all asia, in all japan. it iss sign of the great one, of the great two. in your hand iss the tah gook--the oriental symbol for life, for sex. myself, i haf seen that in sitka on chinese brasses; i haf seen it on japanese signs, in one land and in another land. but here you show it to me made by the hand of some ignorant aborigine of _this_ continent! on _this_ continent, where it did not originate and does not belong! it iss a discovery! science shall hear of it. it iss the link of asia to america. it brings me fame!" he put his hand into a pocket, and drew it out half filled with gold pieces and with raw gold in the form of nuggets, as though he would offer exchange. i waved him back. "no," said i; "you are welcome to one of these disks, if you please. if you wish, i will take one little bit of these. but tell me, where did you find these pieces of raw gold?" "those? they are notings. i recollect me i found these one day up on the rogue river, not far from my cabin. i am pursuing a most beautiful moth, such as i haf not in all my collection. so, i fall on a log; i skin me my leg. in the moss i find some bits of rock. i recollect me not where, but believe it wass somewhere there. but what i find now, here, by a stranger--it iss worth more than gold! my friend, i thank you, i embrace you! i am favored by fate to meet you. go with you to washington? yess, yess, i go!" chapter xviii the missing slipper there will always remain something to be said of woman as long as there is one on earth.--_bauflers_. my new friend, i was glad to note, seemed not anxious to terminate our acquaintance, although in his amiable and childlike fashion he babbled of matters which to me seemed unimportant. he was eager to propound his views on the connection of the american tribes with the peoples of the orient, whereas i was all for talking of the connection of england and the united states with oregon. thus we passed the luncheon hour at the hostelry of my friend jacques bertillon; after which i suggested a stroll about the town for a time, there being that upon my mind which left me ill disposed to remain idle. he agreed to my suggestion, a fact for which i soon was to feel thankful for more reasons than one. before we started upon our stroll, i asked him to step to my own room, where i had left my pipe. as we paused here for a moment, he noticed on the little commode a pair of pistols of american make, and, with a word of apology, took them up to examine them. "you also are acquainted with these?" he asked politely. "it is said that i am," i answered. "sometimes you need to be?" he said, smiling. there smote upon me, even as he spoke, the feeling that his remark was strangely true. my eye fell on the commode's top, casually. i saw that it now was bare. i recalled the strange warning of the baroness the evening previous. i was watched! my apartment had been entered in my absence. property of mine had been taken. my perturbation must have been discoverable in my face. "what iss it?" asked the old man. "you forget someting?" "no," said i, stammering. "it is nothing." he looked at me dubiously. "well, then," i admitted; "i miss something from my commode here. some one has taken it." "it iss of value, perhaps?" he inquired politely. "well, no; not of intrinsic value. 'twas only a slipper--of white satin, made by braun, of paris." "_one_ slipper? of what use?--" "it belonged to a lady--i was about to return it," i said; but i fear my face showed me none too calm. he broke out in a gentle laugh. "so, then, we had here the stage setting," said he; "the pistols, the cause for pistols, sometimes, eh?" "it is nothing--i could easily explain--" "there iss not need, my young friend. wass i not also young once? yess, once wass i young." he laid down the pistols, and i placed them with my already considerable personal armament, which seemed to give him no concern. "each man studies for himself his own specialty," mused the old man. "you haf perhaps studied the species of woman. once, also i." i laughed, and shook my head. "many species are there," he went on; "many with wings of gold and blue and green, of unknown colors; creatures of air and sky. haf i not seen them? but always that one species which we pursue, we do not find. once in my life, in oregon, i follow through the forest a smell of sweet fields of flowers coming to me. at last i find it--a wide field of flowers. it wass in summer time. over the flowers were many, many butterflies. some of them i knew; some of them i had. one great new one, such as i haf not seen, it wass there. it rested. 'i shall now make it mine,' i said. it iss fame to gif name first to this so noble a species. i would inclose it with mein little net. like this, you see, i creep up to it. as i am about to put it gently in my net--not to harm it, or break it, or brush away the color of its wings--lo! like a puff of down, it rises and goes above my head. i reach for it; i miss. it rises still more; it flies; it disappears! so! i see it no more. it iss gone. _stella terræ_ i name it--my star of the earth, that which i crave but do not always haf, eh? believe me, my friend, yess, the study of the species hass interest. once i wass young. should i see that little shoe i think myself of the time when i wass young, and made studies--_ach, mein gott!_--also of the species of woman! i, too, saw it fly from me, my _stella terræ!_" we walked, my friend still musing and babbling, myself still anxious and uneasy. we turned out of narrow notre dame street, and into st. lawrence main street. as we strolled i noted without much interest the motley life about me, picturesque now with the activities of the advancing spring. presently, however, my idle gaze was drawn to two young englishmen whose bearing in some way gave me the impression that they belonged in official or military life, although they were in civilian garb. presently the two halted, and separated. the taller kept on to the east, to the old french town. at length i saw him joined, as though by appointment, by another gentleman, one whose appearance at once gave me reason for a second look. the severe air of the canadian spring seemed not pleasing to him, and he wore his coat hunched up about his neck, as though he were better used to milder climes. he accosted my young englishman, and without hesitation the two started off together. as they did so i gave an involuntary exclamation. the taller man i had seen once before, the shorter, very many times--in washington! "yess," commented my old scientist calmly; "so strange! they go together." "ah, you know them!" i almost fell upon him. "yess--last night. the tall one iss mr. peel, a young englishman; the other is mexican, they said--señor yturrio, of mexico. he spoke much. me, i wass sleepy then. but also that other tall one we saw go back--that wass captain parke, also of the british navy. his ship iss the war boat _modesté_--a fine one. i see her often when i walk on the riffer front, there." i turned to him and made some excuse, saying that presently i would join him again at the hotel. dreamily as ever, he smiled and took his leave. for myself, i walked on rapidly after the two figures, then a block or so ahead of me. i saw them turn into a street which was familiar to myself. they passed on, turning from time to time among the old houses of the french quarter. presently they entered the short side street which i myself had seen for the first time the previous night. i pretended to busy myself with my pipe, as they turned in at the very gate which i knew, and knocked at the door which i had entered with my mysterious companion! the door opened without delay; they both entered. so, then, helena von ritz had other visitors! england and mexico were indeed conferring here in montreal. there were matters going forward here in which my government was concerned. that was evident. i was almost in touch with them. that also was evident. how, then, might i gain yet closer touch? at the moment nothing better occurred to me than to return to my room and wait for a time. it would serve no purpose for me to disclose myself, either in or out of the apartments of the baroness, and it would not aid me to be seen idling about the neighborhood in a city where there was so much reason to suppose strangers were watched. i resolved to wait until the next morning, and to take my friend von rittenhofen with me. he need not know all that i knew, yet in case of any accident to myself or any sudden contretemps, he would serve both as a witness and as an excuse for disarming any suspicion which might be entertained regarding myself. the next day he readily enough fell in with my suggestion of a morning stroll, and again we sallied forth, at about nine o'clock, having by that time finished a _déjeûner à la fourchette_ with jacques bertillon, which to my mind compared unfavorably with one certain other i had shared. a sense of uneasiness began to oppress me, i knew not why, before i had gone half way down the little street from the corner where we turned. it was gloomy and dismal enough at the best, and on this morning an unusual apathy seemed to sit upon it, for few of the shutters were down, although the hour was now mid-morning. here and there a homely habitant appeared, and bade us good morning; and once in a while we saw the face of a good wife peering from the window. thus we passed some dozen houses or so, in a row, and paused opposite the little gate. i saw that the shutters were closed, or at least all but one or two, which were partly ajar. something said to me that it would be as well for me to turn back. i might as well have done so. we passed up the little walk, and i raised the knocker at the door; but even as it sounded i knew what would happen. there came to me that curious feeling which one experiences when one knocks at the door of a house which lacks human occupancy. even more strongly i had that strange feeling now, because this sound was not merely that of unoccupied rooms--it came from rooms empty and echoing! i tried the door. it was not locked. i flung it wide, and stepped within. at first i could not adjust my eyes to the dimness. absolute silence reigned. i pushed open a shutter and looked about me. the rooms were not only unoccupied, but unfurnished! the walls and floors were utterly bare! not a sign of human occupancy existed. i hastened out to the little walk, and looked up and down the street, to satisfy myself that i had made no mistake. no, this was the number--this was the place. yesterday these rooms were fitted sumptuously as for a princess; now they were naked. not a stick of the furniture existed, nor was there any trace either of haste or deliberation in this removal. what had been, simply was not; that was all. followed by my wondering companion, i made such inquiry as i could in the little neighborhood. i could learn nothing. no one knew anything of the occupant of these rooms. no one had heard any carts approach, nor had distinguished any sounds during the night. "sir," said i to my friend, at last; "i do not understand it. i have pursued, but it seems the butterfly has flown." so, both silent, myself morosely so, we turned and made our way back across the town. half an hour later we were on the docks at the river front, where we could look out over the varied shipping which lay there. my scientific friend counted one vessel after another, and at last pointed to a gap in the line. "yesterday i wass here," he said, "and i counted all the ships and their names. the steamer _modesté_ she lay there. now she iss gone." i pulled up suddenly. this was the ship which carried captain parke and his friend lieutenant peel, of the british navy. the secret council at montreal was, therefore, apparently ended! there would be an english land expedition, across canada to oregon. would there be also an expedition by sea? at least my errand in montreal, now finished, had not been in vain, even though it ended in a mystery and a query. but ah! had i but been less clumsy in that war of wits with a woman, what might i have learned! had she not been free to mock me, what might i not have learned! she was free to mock me, why? because of elisabeth. was it then true that faith and loyalty could purchase alike faithlessness and--failure? chapter xix the gentleman from tennessee women distrust men too much in general, and not enough in particular.--_philibert commerson._ now all the more was it necessary for me and my friend from oregon to hasten on to washington. i say nothing further of the arguments i employed with him, and nothing of our journey to washington, save that we made it hastily as possible. it was now well toward the middle of april, and, brief as had been my absence, i knew there had been time for many things to happen in washington as well as in montreal. rumors abounded, i found as soon as i struck the first cities below the canadian line. it was in the air now that under calhoun there would be put before congress a distinct and definite attempt at the annexation of texas. stories of all sorts were on the streets; rumors of the wrath of mr. clay; yet other rumors of interesting possibilities at the coming whig and democratic conventions. everywhere was that strange, ominous, indescribable tension of the atmosphere which exists when a great people is moved deeply. the stern figure of calhoun, furnishing courage for a people, even as he had for a president, loomed large in the public prints. late as it was when i reached washington, i did not hesitate to repair at once to the residence of mr. calhoun; and i took with me as my best adjutant my strange friend von rittenhofen, who, i fancied, might add detailed information which mr. calhoun would find of value. we were admitted to mr. calhoun, and after the first greetings he signified that he would hear my report. he sat, his long, thin hands on his chair arm, as i went on with my story, his keen eyes scanning also my old companion as i spoke. i explained what the latter knew regarding oregon. i saw mr. calhoun's eyes kindle. as usual, he did not lack decision. "sir," said he to von rittenhofen presently, "we ourselves are young, yet i trust not lacking in a great nation's interest in the arts and sciences. it occurs to me now that in yourself we have opportunity to add to our store of knowledge in respect to certain biological features." the old gentleman rose and bowed. "i thank you for the honor of your flattery, sir," he began; but calhoun raised a gentle hand. "if it would please you, sir, to defer your visit to your own country for a time, i can secure for you a situation in our department in biology, where your services would be of extreme worth to us. the salary would also allow you to continue your private researches into the life of our native tribes." von rittenhofen positively glowed at this. "ach, what an honor!" he began again. "meantime," resumed calhoun, "not to mention the value which that research would have for us, we could also find use, at proper remuneration, for your private aid in making up a set of maps of that western country which you know so well, and of which even i myself am so ignorant. i want to know the distances, the topography, the means of travel. i want to know the peculiarities of that country of oregon. it would take me a year to send a messenger, for at best it requires six months to make the outbound passage, and in the winter the mountains are impassable. if you could, then, take service with us now, we should be proud to make you such return as your scientific attainments deserve." few could resist the persuasiveness of mr. calhoun's speech, certainly not von rittenhofen, who thus found offered him precisely what he would have desired. i was pleased to see him so happily situated and so soon. presently we despatched him down to my hotel, where i promised later to make him more at home. in his elation over the prospect he now saw before him, the old man fairly babbled. germany seemed farthest from his mind. after his departure, calhoun again turned to me. "i want you to remain, nicholas," said he, "because i have an appointment with a gentleman who will soon be present." "rather a late hour, sir," i ventured. "are you keeping faith with doctor ward?" "i have no time for hobbies," he exclaimed, half petulantly. "what i must do is this work. the man we are to meet to-night is mr. polk. it is important." "you would not call mr. polk important?" i smiled frankly, and calhoun replied in icy kind. "you can not tell how large a trouble may be started by a small politician," said he. "at least, we will hear what he has to say. 'twas he that sought the meeting, not myself." perhaps half an hour later, mr. calhoun's old negro man ushered in this awaited guest, and we three found ourselves alone in one of those midnight conclaves which went on in washington even then as they do to-day. mr. polk was serious as usual; his indecisive features wearing the mask of solemnity, which with so many passed as wisdom. "i have come, mr. calhoun," said he--when the latter had assured him that my presence would entail no risk to him--"to talk over this texas situation." "very well," said my chief. "my own intentions regarding texas are now of record." "precisely," said mr. polk. "now, is it wise to make a definite answer in that matter yet? would it not be better to defer action until later--until after, i may say--" "until after you know what your own chances will be, jim?" asked mr. calhoun, smiling grimly. "why, that is it, john, precisely, that is it exactly! now, i don't know what you think of my chances in the convention, but i may say that a very large branch of the western democracy is favoring me for the nomination." mr. polk pursed a short upper lip and looked monstrous grave. his extreme morality and his extreme dignity made his chief stock in trade. different from his master, old hickory, he was really at heart the most aristocratic of democrats, and like many another so-called leader, most of his love for the people really was love of himself. "yes, i know that some very strange things happen in politics," commented calhoun, smiling. "but, god bless me! you don't call it out of the way for me to seek the nomination? _some_ one must be president! why not myself? now, i ask your support." "my support is worth little, jim," said my chief. "but have you earned it? you have never consulted my welfare, nor has jackson. i had no majority behind me in the senate. i doubt even the house now. of what use could i be to you?" "at least, you could decline to do anything definite in this texas matter." "why should a man ever do anything _in_definite, jim polk?" asked calhoun, bending on him his frosty eyes. "but you may set a fire going which you can not stop. the people may get out of hand _before the convention!_" "why should they not? they have interests as well as we. do they not elect us to subserve those interests?" "i yield to no man in my disinterested desire for the welfare of the american people," began polk pompously, throwing back the hair from his forehead. "of course not," said calhoun grimly. "my own idea is that it is well to give the people what is already theirs. they feel that texas belongs to them." "true," said the tennesseean, hesitating; "a good strong blast about our martial spirit and the men of the revolution--that is always good before an election or a convention. very true. but now in my own case--" "your own case is not under discussion, jim. it is the case of the united states! i hold a brief for them, not for you or any other man!" "how do you stand in case war should be declared against mexico?" asked mr. polk. "that ought to be a popular measure. the texans have captured the popular imagination. the alamo rankles in our nation's memory. what would you say to a stiff demand there, with a strong show of military force behind it?" "i should say nothing as to a strong _showing_ in any case. i should only say that if war came legitimately--not otherwise--i should back it with all my might. i feel the same in regard to war with england." "with england? what chance would we have with so powerful a nation as that?" "there is a god of battles," said john calhoun. the chin of james k. polk of tennessee sank down into his stock. his staring eyes went half shut. he was studying something in his own mind. at last he spoke, tentatively, as was always his way until he got the drift of things. "well, now, perhaps in the case of england that is good politics," he began. "it is very possible that the people hate england as much as they do mexico. do you not think so?" "i think they fear her more." "but i was only thinking of the popular imagination!" [illustration: "fifty-four forty or fight!" exclaimed polk. page ] "you are always thinking of the popular imagination, jim. you have been thinking of that for some time in tennessee. all that outcry about the whole of oregon is ill-timed to-day." "_fifty-four forty or fight_; that sounds well!" exclaimed polk; "eh?" "trippingly on the tongue, yes!" said john calhoun. "but how would it sound to the tune of cannon fire? how would it look written in the smoke of musketry?" "it might not come to that," said polk, shifting in his seat "i was thinking of it only as a rallying cry for the campaign. dash me--i beg pardon--" he looked around to see if there were any methodists present--"but i believe i could go into the convention with that war cry behind me and sweep the boards of all opposition!" "and afterwards?" "but england may back down," argued mr. polk. "a strong showing in the southwest and northwest might do wonders for us." "but what would be behind that strong showing, mr. polk?" demanded john calhoun. "we would win the combat with mexico, of course, if that iniquitous measure should take the form of war. but not oregon--we might as well or better fight in africa than oregon. it is not yet time. in god's name, jim polk, be careful of what you do! cease this cry of taking all of oregon. you will plunge this country not into one war, but two. wait! only wait, and we will own all this continent to the saskatchewan--or even farther north." "well," said the other, "have you not said there is a god of battles?" "the lord god of hosts, yes!" half screamed old john calhoun; "yes, the god of battles for _nations_, for _principles_--but _not_ for _parties_! for the _principle_ of democracy, jim polk, yes, yes; but for the democratic _party_, or the whig _party_, or for any demagogue who tries to lead either, no, no!" the florid face of polk went livid. "sir," said he, reaching for his hat, "at least i have learned what i came to learn. i know how you will appear on the floor of the convention, sir, you will divide this party hopelessly. you are a traitor to the democratic party! i charge it to your face, here and now. i came to ask of you your support, and find you only, talking of principles! sir, tell me, what have _principles_ to do with _elections_?" john calhoun looked at him for one long instant. he looked down then at his own thin, bloodless hands, his wasted limbs. then he turned slowly and rested his arms on the table, his face resting in his hands. "my god!" i heard him groan. to see my chief abused was a thing not in my nature to endure. i forgot myself. i committed an act whose results pursued me for many a year. "mr. polk, sir," said i, rising and facing him, "damn you, sir, you are not fit to untie mr. calhoun's shoe! i will not see you offer him one word of insult. quarrel with me if you like! you will gain no votes here now in any case, that is sure!" utterly horrified at this, mr. polk fumbled with his hat and cane, and, very red in the face, bowed himself out, still mumbling, mr. calhoun rising and bowing his adieux. my chief dropped into his chair again. for a moment he looked at me directly. "nick," said he at length slowly, "you have divided the democratic party. you split that party, right then and there." "never!" i protested; "but if i did, 'twas ready enough for the division. let it split, then, or any party like it, if that is what must hold it together! i will not stay in this work, mr. calhoun, and hear you vilified. platforms!" "platforms!" echoed my chief. his white hand dropped on the table as he still sat looking at me. "but he will get you some time, nicholas!" he smiled. "jim polk will not forget." "let him come at me as he likes!" i fumed. at last, seeing me so wrought up, mr. calhoun rose, and, smiling, shook me heartily by the hand. "of course, this had to come one time or another," said he. "the split was in the wood of their proposed platform of bluff and insincerity. `what do the people say?' asks jim polk. 'what do they _think_?' asks john calhoun. and being now, in god's providence; chosen to do some thinking for them, i have thought." he turned to the table and took up a long, folded document, which i saw was done in his cramped hand and with many interlineations. "copy this out fair for me to-night, nicholas," said he. "this is our answer to the aberdeen note. you have already learned its tenor, the time we met mr. pakenham with mr. tyler at the white house." i grinned. "shall we not take it across direct to mr. blair for publication in his _globe_?" mr. calhoun smiled rather bitterly at this jest. the hostility of blair to the tyler administration was a fact rather more than well known. "'twill all get into mr. polk's newspaper fast enough," commented he at last. "he gets all the news of the mexican ministry!" "ah, you think he cultivates the doña lucrezia, rather than adores her!" "i know it! one-third of jim polk may be human, but the other two-thirds is politician. he will flatter that lady into confidences. she is well nigh distracted at best, these days, what with the fickleness of her husband and the yet harder abandonment by her old admirer pakenham; so polk will cajole her into disclosures, never fear. in return, when the time comes, he will send an army of occupation into her country! and all the while, on the one side and the other, he will appear to the public as a moral and lofty-minded man." "on whom neither man nor woman could depend!" "neither the one nor the other." the exasperation of his tone amused me, as did this chance importance of what seemed to me at the time merely a petticoat situation. "silk! mr. calhoun," i grinned. "still silk and dimity, my faith! and you!" he seemed a trifle nettled at this. "i must take men and women and circumstances as i find them," he rejoined; "and must use such agencies as are left me." "if we temporarily lack the baroness von ritz to add zest to our game," i hazarded, "we still have the doña lucrezia and her little jealousies." calhoun turned quickly upon me with a sharp glance, as though seized by some sudden thought. "by the lord harry! boy, you give me an idea. wait, now, for a moment. do you go on with your copying there, and excuse me for a time." an instant later he passed from the room, his tall figure bent, his hands clasped behind his back, and his face wrinkled in a frown, as was his wont when occupied with some problem. chapter xx the lady from mexico as soon as women are ours, we are no longer theirs. --montaigne. after a time my chief reëntered the office room and bent over me at my table. i put before him the draft of the document which he had given me for clerical care. "so," he said, "'tis ready--our declaration. i wonder what may come of that little paper!" "much will come of it with a strong people back of it. the trouble is only that what democrat does, whig condemns. and not even all our party is with mr. tyler and yourself in this, mr. calhoun. look, for instance, at mr. polk and his plans." to this venture on my part he made no present answer. "i have no party, that is true," said he at last--"none but you and sam ward!" he smiled with one of his rare, illuminating smiles, different from the cold mirth which often marked him. "at least, mr. calhoun, you do not take on your work for the personal glory of it," said i hotly; "and one day the world will know it!" "'twill matter very little to me then," said he bitterly. "but come, now, i want more news about your trip to montreal. what have you done?" so now, till far towards dawn of the next day, we sat and talked. i put before him full details of my doings across the border. he sat silent, his eye betimes wandering, as though absorbed, again fixed on me, keen and glittering. "so! so!" he mused at length, when i had finished, "england has started a land party for oregon! can they get across next fall, think you?" "hardly possible, sir," said i. "they could not go so swiftly as the special fur packets. winter would catch them this side of the rockies. it will be a year before they can reach oregon." "time for a new president and a new policy," mused he. "the grass is just beginning to sprout on the plains, mr. calhoun," i began eagerly. "yes," he nodded. "god! if i were only young!" "i am young, mr. calhoun," said i. "send _me!_" "would you go?" he asked suddenly. "i was going in any case." "why, how do you mean?" he demanded. i felt the blood come to my face. "'tis all over between miss elisabeth churchill and myself," said i, as calmly as i might. "tut! tut! a child's quarrel," he went on, "a child's quarrel! `twill all mend in time." "not by act of mine, then," said i hotly. again abstracted, he seemed not wholly to hear me. "first," he mused, "the more important things"--riding over my personal affairs as of little consequence. "i will tell you, nicholas," said he at last, wheeling swiftly upon me. "start next week! an army of settlers waits now for a leader along the missouri. organize them; lead them out! give them enthusiasm! tell them what oregon is! you may serve alike our party and our nation. you can not measure the consequences of prompt action sometimes, done by a man who is resolved upon the right. a thousand things may hinge on this. a great future may hinge upon it." it was only later that i was to know the extreme closeness of his prophecy. calhoun began to pace up and down. "besides her land forces," he resumed, "england is despatching a fleet to the columbia! i doubt not that the _modesté_ has cleared for the horn. there may be news waiting for you, my son, when you get across! "while you have been busy, i have not been idle," he continued. "i have here another little paper which i have roughly drafted." he handed me the document as he spoke. "a treaty--with texas!" i exclaimed. "the first draft, yes. we have signed the memorandum. we await only one other signature." "of van zandt!" "yes. now comes mr. nicholas trist, with word of a certain woman to the effect that mr. van zandt is playing also with england." "and that woman also is playing with england." calhoun smiled enigmatically. "but she has gone," said i, "who knows where? she, too, may have sailed for oregon, for all we know." he looked at me as though with a flash of inspiration. "that may be," said he; "it may very well be! that would cost us our hold over pakenham. neither would we have any chance left with her." "how do you mean, mr. calhoun?" said i. "i do not understand you." "nicholas," said mr. calhoun, "that lady was much impressed with you." he regarded me calmly, contemplatively, appraisingly. "i do not understand you," i reiterated. "i am glad that you do not and did not. in that case, all would have been over at once. you would never have seen her a second time. your constancy was our salvation, and perhaps your own!" he smiled in a way i liked none too well, but now i began myself to engage in certain reflections. was it then true that faith could purchase faith--and win not failure, but success? "at least she has flown," went on calhoun. "but why? what made her go? 'tis all over now, unless, unless--unless--" he added to himself a third time. "but unless what?" "unless that chance word may have had some weight. you say that you and she talked of _principles?_" "yes, we went so far into abstractions." "so did i with her! i told her about this country; explained to her as i could the beauties of the idea of a popular government. 'twas as a revelation to her. she had never known a republican government before, student as she is. nicholas, your long legs and my long head may have done some work after all! how did she seem to part with you?" "as though she hated me; as though she hated herself and all the world. yet not quite that, either. as though she would have wept--that is the truth. i do not pretend to understand her. she is a puzzle such as i have never known." "nor are you apt to know another her like. look, here she is, the paid spy, the secret agent, of england. additionally, she is intimately concerned with the private life of mr. pakenham. for the love of adventure, she is engaged in intrigue also with mexico. not content with that, born adventuress, eager devourer of any hazardous and interesting intellectual offering, any puzzle, any study, any intrigue--she comes at midnight to talk with me, whom she knows to be the representative of yet a third power!" "and finds you in your red nightcap!" i laughed. "did she speak of that?" asked mr. calhoun in consternation, raising a hand to his head. "it may be that i forgot--but none the less, she came! "yes, as i said, she came, by virtue of your long legs and your ready way, as i must admit; and you were saved from her only, as i believe--why, god bless elisabeth churchill, my boy, that is all! but my faith, how nicely it all begins to work out!" "i do not share your enthusiasm, mr. calhoun," said i bitterly. "on the contrary, it seems to me to work out in as bad a fashion as could possibly be contrived." "in due time you will see many things more plainly. meantime, be sure england will be careful. she will make no overt movement, i should say, until she has heard from oregon; which will not be before my lady baroness shall have returned and reported to mr. pakenham here. all of which means more time for us." i began to see something of the structure of bold enterprise which this man deliberately was planning; but no comment offered itself; so that presently, he went on, as though in soliloquy. "the hudson bay company have deceived england splendidly enough. doctor mclaughlin, good man that he is, has not suited the hudson bay company. his removal means less courtesy to our settlers in oregon. granted a less tactful leader than himself, there will be friction with our high-strung frontiersmen in that country. no man can tell when the thing will come to an issue. for my own part, i would agree with polk that we ought to own that country to fifty-four forty--but what we _ought_ to do and what we can do are two separate matters. should we force the issue now and lose, we would lose for a hundred years. should we advance firmly and hold firmly what we gain, in perhaps less than one hundred years we may win _all_ of that country, as i just said to mr. polk, to the river saskatchewan--i know not where! in my own soul, i believe no man may set a limit to the growth of the idea of an honest government by the people. _and this continent is meant for that honest government!_" "we have already a monroe doctrine, mr. calhoun," said i. "what you enunciate now is yet more startling. shall we call it the calhoun doctrine?" he made no answer, but arose and paced up and down, stroking the thin fringe of beard under his chin. still he seemed to talk with himself. "we are not rich," he went on. "our canals and railways are young. the trail across our country is of monstrous difficulty. give us but a few years more and oregon, ripe as a plum, would drop in our lap. to hinder that is a crime. what polk proposes is insincerity, and all insincerity must fail. there is but one result when pretense is pitted against preparedness. ah, if ever we needed wisdom and self-restraint, we need them now! yet look at what we face! look at what we may lose! and that through party--through platform--through _politics_!" he sighed as he paused in his walk and turned to me. "but now, as i said, we have at least time for texas. and in regard to texas we need another woman." i stared at him. "you come now to me with proof that my lady baroness traffics with mexico as well as england," he resumed. "that is to say, yturrio meets my lady baroness. what is the inference? at least, jealousy on the part of yturrio's wife, whether or not she cares for him! now, jealousy between the sexes is a deadly weapon if well handled. repugnant as it is, we must handle it." i experienced no great enthusiasm at the trend of events, and mr. calhoun smiled at me cynically as he went on. "i see you don't care for this sort of commission. at least, this is no midnight interview. you shall call in broad daylight on the señora yturrio. if you and my daughter will take my coach and four to-morrow, i think she will gladly receive your cards. perhaps also she will consent to take the air of washington with you. in that case, she might drop in here for an ice. in such case, to conclude, i may perhaps be favored with an interview with that lady. i must have van zandt's signature to this treaty which you see here!" "but these are mexicans, and van zandt is leader of the texans, their most bitter enemies!" "precisely. all the less reason why señora yturrio should be suspected." "i am not sure that i grasp all this, mr. calhoun." "perhaps not you presently will know more. what seems to me plain is that, since we seem to lose a valuable ally in the baroness von ritz, we must make some offset to that loss. if england has one woman on the columbia, we must have another on the rio grande!" chapter xxi politics under cover to a woman, the romances she makes are more amusing than those she reads.--_théophile gautier_. it was curious how cleverly this austere old man, unskilled in the arts of gallantry, now handled the problem to which he had addressed himself, even though that meant forecasting the whim of yet another woman. it all came easily about, precisely as he had planned. it seemed quite correct for the daughter of our secretary of state to call to inquire for the health of the fair señora yturrio, and to present the compliments of madam calhoun, at that time not in the city of washington. matters went so smoothly that i felt justified in suggesting a little drive, and señora yturrio had no hesitation in accepting. quite naturally, our stately progress finally brought us close to the residence of miss calhoun. that lady suggested that, since the day was warm, it might be well to descend and see if we might not find a sherbet; all of which also seemed quite to the wish of the lady from mexico. the ease and warmth of mr. calhoun's greeting to her were such that she soon was well at home and chatting very amiably. she spoke english with but little hesitancy. lucrezia yturrio, at that time not ill known in washington's foreign colony, was beautiful, in a sensuous, ripe way. her hair was dark, heavily coiled, and packed in masses above an oval forehead. her brows were straight, dark and delicate; her teeth white and strong; her lips red and full; her chin well curved and deep. a round arm and taper hand controlled a most artful fan. she was garbed now, somewhat splendidly, in a corded cherry-colored silk, wore gems enough to start a shop, and made on the whole a pleasing picture of luxury and opulence. she spoke in a most musical voice, with eyes sometimes cast modestly down. he had been a poor student of her species who had not ascribed to her a wit of her own; but as i watched her, somewhat apart, i almost smiled as i reflected that her grave and courteous host had also a wit to match it. then i almost frowned as i recalled my own defeat in a somewhat similar contest. mr. calhoun expressed great surprise and gratification that mere chance had enabled him to meet the wife of a gentleman so distinguished in the diplomatic service as señor yturrio. the señora was equally gratified. she hoped she did not make intrusion in thus coming. mr. calhoun assured her that he and his were simple in their family life, and always delighted to meet their friends. "we are especially glad always to hear of our friends from the southwest," said he, at last, with a slight addition of formality in tone and attitude. at these words i saw my lady's eyes flicker. "it is fate, señor," said she, again casting down her eyes, and spreading out her hands as in resignation, "fate which left texas and mexico not always one." "that may be," said mr. calhoun. "perhaps fate, also, that those of kin should cling together." "how can a mere woman know?" my lady shrugged her very graceful and beautiful shoulders--somewhat mature shoulders now, but still beautiful. "dear señora," said mr. calhoun, "there are so many things a woman may not know. for instance, how could she know if her husband should perchance leave the legation to which he was attached and pay a visit to another nation?" again the slight flickering of her eyes, but again her hands were outspread in protest. "how indeed, señor?" "what if my young aide here, mr. trist, should tell you that he has seen your husband some hundreds of miles away and in conference with a lady supposed to be somewhat friendly towards--" "ah, you mean that baroness--!" so soon had the shaft gone home! her woman's jealousy had offered a point unexpectedly weak. calhoun bowed, without a smile upon his face. "mr. pakenham, the british minister, is disposed to be friendly to this same lady. your husband and a certain officer of the british navy called upon this same lady last week in montreal--informally. it is sometimes unfortunate that plans are divulged. to me it seemed only wise and fit that you should not let any of these little personal matters make for us greater complications in these perilous times. i think you understand me, perhaps, señora yturrio?" she gurgled low in her throat at this, any sort of sound, meaning to remain ambiguous. but calhoun was merciless. "it is not within dignity, señora, for me to make trouble between a lady and her husband. but we must have friends with us under our flag, or know that they are not our friends. you are welcome in my house. your husband is welcome in the house of our republic. there are certain duties, even thus." only now and again she turned upon him the light of her splendid eyes, searching him. "if i should recall again, gently, my dear señora, the fact that your husband was with that particular woman--if i should say, that mexico has been found under the flag of england, while supposed to be under _our_ flag--if i should add that one of the representatives of the mexican legation had been discovered in handing over to england certain secrets of this country and of the republic of texas--why, then, what answer, think you, señora, mexico would make to me?" "but señor calhoun does not mean--does not dare to say--" "i do dare it; i do mean it! i can tell you all that mexico plans, and all that texas plans. all the secrets are out; and since we know them, we purpose immediate annexation of the republic of texas! though it means war, texas shall be ours! this has been forced upon us by the perfidy of other nations." he looked her full in the eye, his own blue orbs alight with resolution. she returned his gaze, fierce as a tigress. but at last she spread out her deprecating hands. "señor," she said, "i am but a woman. i am in the señor secretary's hands. i am even in his _hand_. what can he wish?" "in no unfair way, señora, i beg you to understand, in no improper way are you in our hands. but now let us endeavor to discover some way in which some of these matters may be composed. in such affairs, a small incident is sometimes magnified and taken in connection with its possible consequences. you readily may see, señora, that did i personally seek the dismissal of your husband, possibly even the recall of general almonte, his chief, that might be effected without difficulty." "you seek war, señor secretary! my people say that your armies are in texas now, or will be." "they are but very slightly in advance of the truth, señora," said calhoun grimly. "for me, i do not believe in war when war can be averted. but suppose it _could_ be averted? suppose the señora yturrio herself _could_ avert it? suppose the señora could remain here still, in this city which she so much admires? a lady of so distinguished beauty and charm is valuable in our society here." he bowed to her with stately grace. if there was mockery in his tone, she could not catch it; nor did her searching eyes read his meaning. "see," he resumed, "alone, i am helpless in this situation. if my government is offended, i can not stop the course of events. i am not the senate; i am simply an officer in our administration--a very humble officer of his excellency our president, mr. tyler." my lady broke out in a peal of low, rippling laughter, her white teeth gleaming. it was, after all, somewhat difficult to trifle with one who had been trained in intrigue all her life. calhoun laughed now in his own quiet way. "we shall do better if we deal entirely frankly, señora," said he. "let us then waste no time. frankly, then, it would seem that, now the baroness von ritz is off the scene, the señora yturrio would have all the better title and opportunity in the affections of--well, let us say, her own husband!" she bent toward him now, her lips open in a slow smile, all her subtle and dangerous beauty unmasking its batteries. the impression she conveyed was that of warmth and of spotted shadows such as play upon the leopard's back, such as mark the wing of the butterfly, the petal of some flower born in a land of heat and passion. but calhoun regarded her calmly, his finger tips together, and spoke as deliberately as though communing with himself. "it is but one thing, one very little thing." "and what is that, señor?" she asked at length. "the signature of señor van zandt, attaché for texas, on this memorandum of treaty between the united states and texas." bowing, he presented to her the document to which he had earlier directed my own attention. "we are well advised that señor van zandt is trafficking this very hour with england as against us," he explained. "we ask the gracious assistance of señora yturrio. in return we promise her--silence!" "i can not--it is impossible!" she exclaimed, as she glanced at the pages. "it is our ruin--!" "no, señora," said calhoun sternly; "it means annexation of texas to the united states. but that is not your ruin. it is your salvation. your country well may doubt england, even england bearing gifts!" "i have no control over señor van zandt--he is the enemy of my country!" she began. calhoun now fixed upon her the full cold blue blaze of his singularly penetrating eyes. "no, señora," he said sternly; "but you have access to my friend mr. polk, and mr. polk is the friend of mr. jackson, and they two are friends of mr. van zandt; and texas supposes that these two, although they do not represent precisely my own beliefs in politics, are for the annexation of texas, not to england, but to america. there is good chance mr. polk may be president. if you do not use your personal influence with him, he may consult politics and not you, and so declare war against mexico. that war would cost you texas, and much more as well. now, to avert that war, do you not think that perhaps you can ask mr. polk to say to mr. van zandt that his signature on this little treaty would end all such questions simply, immediately, and to the best benefit of mexico, texas and the united states? treason? why, señora, 'twould be preventing treason!" her face was half hidden by her fan, and her eyes, covered by their deep lids, gave no sign of her thoughts. the same cold voice went on: "you might, for instance, tell mr. polk, which is to say mr. van zandt, that if his name goes on this little treaty for texas, nothing will be said to texas regarding his proposal to give texas over to england. it might not be safe for that little fact generally to be known in texas as it is known to me. we will keep it secret. you might ask mr. van zandt if he would value a seat in the senate of these united states, rather than a lynching rope! so much do i value your honorable acquaintance with mr. polk and with mr. van zandt, my dear lady, that i do not go to the latter and _demand_ his signature in the name of his republic--no, i merely suggest to you that did _you_ take this little treaty for a day, and presently return it to me with his signature attached, i should feel so deeply gratified that i should not ask you by what means you had attained this most desirable result! and i should hope that if you could not win back the affections of a certain gentleman, at least you might win your own evening of the scales with him." her face colored darkly. in a flash she saw the covert allusion to the faithless pakenham. here was the chance to cut him to the soul. _she could cost england texas!_ revenge made its swift appeal to her savage heart. revenge and jealousy, handled coolly, mercilessly as weapons--those cost england texas! she sat, her fan tight at her white teeth. "it would be death to me if it were known," she said. but still she pondered, her eye alight with somber fire, her dark cheek red in a woman's anger. "but it never will be known, my dear lady. these things, however, must be concluded swiftly. we have not time to wait. let us not argue over the unhappy business. let me think of mexico as our sister republic and our friend!" "and suppose i shall not do this that you ask, señor?" "that, my dear lady, _i do not suppose!_" "you threaten, señor secretary?" "on the contrary, i implore! i ask you not to be treasonable to any, but to be our ally, our friend, in what in my soul i believe a great good for the peoples of the world. without us, texas will be the prey of england. with us, she will be working out her destiny. in our graveyard of state there are many secrets of which the public never knows. here shall be one, though your heart shall exult in its possession. dear lady, may we not conspire together--for the ultimate good of three republics, making of them two noble ones, later to dwell in amity? shall we not hope to see all this continent swept free of monarchy, held _free_, for the peoples of the world?" for an instant, no more, she sat and pondered. suddenly she bestowed upon him a smile whose brilliance might have turned the head of another man. rising, she swept him a curtsey whose grace i have not seen surpassed. in return, mr. calhoun bowed to her with dignity and ease, and, lifting her hand, pressed it to his lips. then, offering her an arm, he led her to his carriage. i could scarce believe my eyes and ears that so much, and of so much importance, had thus so easily been accomplished, where all had seemed so near to the impossible. when last i saw my chief that day he was sunk in his chair, white to the lips, his long hands trembling, fatigue written all over his face and form; but a smile still was on his grim mouth. "nicholas," said he, "had i fewer politicians and more women behind me, we should have texas to the rio grande, and oregon up to russia, and all without a war!" chapter xxii but yet a woman woman turns every man the wrong side out, and never gives to truth and virtue that which simpleness and merit purchaseth. --_shakespeare_. my chief played his game of chess coldly, methodically, and with skill; yet a game of chess is not always of interest to the spectator who does not know every move. least of all does it interest one who feels himself but a pawn piece on the board and part of a plan in whose direction he has nothing to say. in truth, i was weary. not even the contemplation of the hazardous journey to oregon served to stir me. i traveled wearily again and again my circle of personal despair. on the day following my last interview with mr. calhoun, i had agreed to take my old friend doctor von rittenhofen upon a short journey among the points of interest of our city, in order to acquaint him somewhat with our governmental machinery and to put him in touch with some of the sources of information to which he would need to refer in the work upon which he was now engaged. we had spent a couple of hours together, and were passing across to the capitol, with the intent of looking in upon the deliberations of the houses of congress, when all at once, as we crossed the corridor, i felt him touch my arm. "did you see that young lady?" he asked of me. "she looked at you, yess?" i was in the act of turning, even as he spoke. certainly had i been alone i would have seen elisabeth, would have known that she was there. it was elisabeth, alone, and hurrying away! already she was approaching the first stair. in a moment she would be gone. i sprang after her by instinct, without plan, clear in my mind only that she was going, and with her all the light of the world; that she was going, and that she was beautiful, adorable; that she was going, and that she was elisabeth! as i took a few rapid steps toward her, i had full opportunity to see that no grief had preyed upon her comeliness, nor had concealment fed upon her damask cheek. almost with some resentment i saw that she had never seemed more beautiful than on this morning. the costume of those days was trying to any but a beautiful woman; yet elisabeth had a way of avoiding extremes which did not appeal to her individual taste. her frock now was all in pink, as became the gentle spring, and the bunch of silvery ribbons which fluttered at her belt had quite the agreeing shade to finish in perfection the cool, sweet picture that she made. her sleeves were puffed widely, and for the lower arm were opened just sufficiently. she carried a small white parasol, with pinked edges, and her silken mitts, light and dainty, matched the clear whiteness of her arms. her face, turned away from me, was shaded by a wide round bonnet, not quite so painfully plain as the scooplike affair of the time, but with a drooping brim from which depended a slight frilling of sheer lace. her smooth brown hair was drawn primly down across her ears, as was the fashion of the day, and from the masses piled under the bonnet brim there fell down a curl, round as though made that moment, and not yet limp from the damp heat of washington. fresh and dainty and restful as a picture done on dresden, yet strong, fresh, fully competent, elisabeth walked as having full right in the world and accepting as her due such admiration as might be offered. if she had ever known a care, she did not show it; and, i say, this made me feel resentment. it was her proper business to appear miserable. if she indeed resembled a rare piece of flawless dresden on this morning, she was as cold, her features were as unmarked by any human pity. ah! so different an elisabeth, this, from the one i had last seen at the east room, with throat fluttering and cheeks far warmer than this cool rose pink. but, changed or not, the full sight of her came as the sudden influence of some powerful drug, blotting out consciousness of other things. i could no more have refrained from approaching her than i could have cast away my own natural self and form. just as she reached the top of the broad marble stairs, i spoke. "elisabeth!" seeing that there was no escape, she paused now and turned toward me. i have never seen a glance like hers. say not there is no language of the eyes, no speech in the composure of the features. yet such is the sphinx power given to woman, that now i saw, as though it were a thing tangible, a veil drawn across her eyes, across her face, between her soul and mine. elisabeth drew herself up straight, her chin high, her eyes level, her lips just parted for a faint salutation in the conventions of the morning. "how do you do?" she remarked. her voice was all cool white enamel. then that veil dropped down between us. she was there somewhere, but i could not see her clearly now. it was not her voice. i took her hand, yes; but it had now none of answering clasp. the flush was on her cheek no more. cool, pale, sweet, all white now, armed cap-a-pie with indifference, she looked at me as formally as though i were a remote acquaintance. then she would have passed. "elisabeth," i began; "i am just back. i have not had time--i have had no leave from you to come to see you--to ask you--to explain--" "explain?" she said evenly. "but surely you can not believe that i--" "i only believe what seems credible, mr. trist." "but you promised--that very morning you agreed--were you out of your mind, that--" "i was out of my mind that morning--but not that evening." now she was _grande demoiselle_, patrician, superior. suddenly i became conscious of the dullness of my own garb. i cast a quick glance over my figure, to see whether it had not shrunken. "but that is not it, elisabeth--a girl may not allow a man so much as you promised me, and then forget that promise in a day. it _was_ a promise between us. _you_ agreed that i should come; i did come. you had given your word. i say, was that the way to treat me, coming as i did?" "i found it possible," said she. "but, if you please, i must go. i beg your pardon, but my aunt betty is waiting with the carriage." "why, damn aunt betty!" i exclaimed. "you shall not go! see, look here!" i pulled from my pocket the little ring which i had had with me that night when i drove out to elmhurst in my carriage, the one with the single gem which i had obtained hurriedly that afternoon, having never before that day had the right to do so. in another pocket i found the plain gold one which should have gone with the gem ring that same evening. my hand trembled as i held these out to her. "i prove to you what i meant. here! i had no time! why, elisabeth, i was hurrying--i was mad!--i had a right to offer you these things. i have still the right to ask you why you did not take them? will you not take them now?" she put my hand away from her gently. "keep them," she said, "for the owner of that other wedding gift--the one which i received." now i broke out. "good god! how can i be held to blame for the act of a drunken friend? you know jack dandridge as well as i do myself. i cautioned him--i was not responsible for his condition." "it was not that decided me." "you could not believe it was _i_ who sent you that accursed shoe which belonged to another woman." "he said it came from you. where did _you_ get it, then?" now, as readily may be seen, i was obliged again to hesitate. there were good reasons to keep my lips sealed. i flushed. the red of confusion which came to my cheek was matched by that of indignation in her own. i could not tell her, and she could not understand, that my work for mr. calhoun with that other woman was work for america, and so as sacred and as secret as my own love for her. innocent, i still seemed guilty. "so, then, you do not say? i do not ask you." "i do not deny it." "you do not care to tell me where you got it." "no," said i; "i will not tell you where i got it." "why?" "because that would involve another woman." "_involve another woman?_ do you think, then, that on this one day of her life, a girl likes to think of her--her lover--as involved with any other woman? ah, you made me begin to think. i could not help the chill that came on my heart. marry you?--i could not! i never could, now." "yet you had decided--you had told me--it was agreed--" "i had decided on facts as i thought they were. other facts came before you arrived. sir, you do me a very great compliment." "but you loved me once," i said banally. "i do not consider it fair to mention that now." "i never loved that other woman. i had never seen her more than once. you do not know her." "ah, is that it? perhaps i could tell you something of one helena von ritz. is it not so?" "yes, that was the property of helena von ritz," i told her, looking her fairly in the eye. "kind of you, indeed, to involve me, as you say, with a lady of her precedents!" now her color was up full, and her words came crisply. had i had adequate knowledge of women, i could have urged her on then, and brought on a full-fledged quarrel. strategically, that must have been a far happier condition than mere indifference on her part. but i did not know; and my accursed love of fairness blinded me. "i hardly think any one is quite just to that lady," said i slowly. "except mr. nicholas trist! a beautiful and accomplished lady, i doubt not, in his mind." "yes, all of that, i doubt not." "and quite kind with her little gifts." "elisabeth, i can not well explain all that to you. i can not, on my honor." "do not!" she cried, putting out her hand as though in alarm. "do not invoke your honor!" she looked at me again. i have never seen a look like hers. she had been calm, cold, and again indignant, all in a moment's time. that expression which now showed on her face was one yet worse for me. still i would not accept my dismissal, but went on stubbornly: "but may i not see your father and have my chance again? i _can not_ let it go this way. it is the ruin of my life." but now she was advancing, dropping down a step at a time, and her face was turned straight ahead. the pink of her gown was matched by the pink of her cheeks. i saw the little working of the white throat wherein some sobs seemed stifling. and so she went away and left me. chapter xxiii success in silk as things are, i think women are generally better creatures than men.--_s.t. coleridge_. it was a part of my duties, when in washington, to assist my chief in his personal and official correspondence, which necessarily was very heavy. this work we customarily began about nine of the morning. on the following day i was on hand earlier than usual. i was done with washington now, done with everything, eager only to be off on the far trails once more. but i almost forgot my own griefs when i saw my chief. when i found him, already astir in his office, his face was strangely wan and thin, his hands bloodless. over him hung an air of utter weariness; yet, shame to my own despair, energy showed in all his actions. resolution was written on his face. he greeted me with a smile which strangely lighted his grim face. "we have good news of some kind this morning, sir?" i inquired. in answer, he motioned me to a document which lay open upon his table. it was familiar enough to me. i glanced at the bottom. there were _two_ signatures! "texas agrees!" i exclaimed. "_the doña lucrezia has won van zandt's signature!_" i looked at him. his own eyes were swimming wet! this, then, was that man of whom it is only remembered that he was a pro-slavery champion. "it will be a great country," said he at last. "this once done, i shall feel that, after all, i have not lived wholly in vain." "but the difficulties! suppose van zandt proves traitorous to us?" "he dare not. texas may know that he bargained with england, but he dare not traffic with mexico and let _that_ be known. he would not live a day." "but perhaps the doña lucrezia herself might some time prove fickle." "_she_ dare not! she never will. she will enjoy in secret her revenge on perfidious albion, which is to say, perfidious pakenham. her nature is absolutely different from that of the baroness von ritz. the doña lucrezia dreams of the torch of love, not the torch of principle!" "the public might not approve, mr. calhoun; but at least there _were_ advantages in this sort of aids!" "we are obliged to find such help as we can. the public is not always able to tell which was plot and which counterplot in the accomplishment of some intricate things. the result excuses all. it was written that texas should come to this country. now for oregon! it grows, this idea of democracy!" "at least, sir, you will have done your part. only now--" "only what, then?" "we are certain to encounter opposition. the senate may not ratify this texas treaty." "the senate will _not_ ratify," said he. "i am perfectly well advised of how the vote will be when this treaty comes before it for ratification. we will be beaten, two to one!" "then, does that not end it?" "end it? no! there are always other ways. if the people of this country wish texas to belong to our flag, she will so belong. it is as good as done to-day. never look at the obstacles; look at the goal! it was this intrigue of van zandt's which stood in our way. by playing one intrigue against another, we have won thus far. we must go on winning!" he paced up and down the room, one hand smiting the other. "let england whistle now!" he exclaimed exultantly. "we shall annex texas, in full view, indeed, of all possible consequences. there can be no consequences, for england has no excuse left for war over texas. i only wish the situation were as clear for oregon." "there'll be bad news for our friend señor yturrio when he gets back to his own legation!" i ventured. "let him then face that day when mexico shall see fit to look to us for aid and counsel. we will build a mighty country _here_, on _this_ continent!" "mr. pakenham is accredited to have certain influence in our senate." "yes. we have his influence exactly weighed. yet i rejoice in at least one thing--one of his best allies is not here." "you mean señor yturrio?" "i mean the baroness von ritz. and now comes on that next nominating convention, at baltimore." "what will it do?" i hesitated. "god knows. for me, i have no party. i am alone! i have but few friends in all the world"--he smiled now--"you, my boy, as i said, and doctor ward and a few women, all of whom hate each other." i remained silent at this shot, which came home to me; but he smiled, still grimly, shaking his head. "rustle of silk, my boy, rustle of silk--it is over all our maps. but we shall make these maps! time shall bear me witness." "then i may start soon for oregon?" i demanded. "you shall start to-morrow," he answered. chapter xxiv the whoa-haw trail there are no pleasures where women are not. --marie de romba. how shall i tell of those stirring times in such way that readers who live in later and different days may catch in full their flavor? how shall i write now so that at a later time men may read of the way america was taken, may see what america then was and now is, and what yet, please god! it may be? how shall be set down that keen zest of a nation's youth, full of ambition and daring, full of contempt for obstacles, full of a vast and splendid hope? how shall be made plain also that other and stronger thing which so many of those days have mentioned to me, half in reticence--that feeling that, after all, this fever of the blood, this imperious insistence upon new lands, had under it something more than human selfishness? i say i wish that some tongue or brush or pen might tell the story of our people at that time. once i saw it in part told in color and line, in a painting done by a master hand, almost one fit to record the spirit of that day, although it wrought in this instance with another and yet earlier time. in this old canvas, depicting an early teutonic tribal wandering, appeared some scores of human figures, men and women half savage in their look, clad in skins, with fillets of hide for head covering; men whose beards were strong and large, whose limbs, wrapped loose in hides, were strong and large; women, strong and large, who bore burdens on their backs. yet in the faces of all these there shone, not savagery alone, but intelligence and resolution. with them were flocks and herds and beasts of burden and carts of rude build; and beside these traveled children. there were young and old men and women, and some were gaunt and weary, but most were bold and strong. there were weapons for all, and rude implements, as well, of industry. in the faces of all there was visible the spirit of their yellow-bearded leader, who made the center of the picture's foreground. i saw the soul of that canvas--a splendid resolution--a look forward, a purpose, an aim to be attained at no counting of cost. i say, as i gazed at that canvas, i saw in it the columns of my own people moving westward across the land, fierce-eyed, fearless, doubting nothing, fearing nothing. that was the genius of america when i myself was young. i believe it still to be the spirit of a triumphant democracy, knowing its own, taking its own, holding its own. they travel yet, the dauntless figures of that earlier day. let them not despair. no imaginary line will ever hold them back, no mandate of any monarch ever can restrain them. in our own caravans, now pressing on for the general movement west of the missouri, there was material for a hundred canvases like yonder one, and yet more vast. the world of our great western country was then still before us. a stern and warlike people was resolved to hold it and increase it. of these west-bound i now was one. i felt the joy of that thought. i was going west! at this time, the new railroad from baltimore extended no farther westward than cumberland, yet it served to carry one well toward the ohio river at pittsburg; whence, down the ohio and up the missouri to leavenworth, my journey was to be made by steamboats. in this prosaic travel, the days passed monotonously; but at length i found myself upon that frontier which then marked the western edge of our accepted domain, and the eastern extremity of the oregon trail. if i can not bring to the mind of one living to-day the full picture of those days when this country was not yet all ours, and can not restore to the comprehension of those who never were concerned with that life the picture of that great highway, greatest path of all the world, which led across our unsettled countries, that ancient trail at least may be a memory. it is not even yet wiped from the surface of the earth. it still remains in part, marked now no longer by the rotting head-boards of its graves, by the bones of the perished ones which once traveled it; but now by its ribands cut through the turf, and lined by nodding prairie flowers. the old trail to oregon was laid out by no government, arranged by no engineer, planned by no surveyor, supported by no appropriation. it sprang, a road already created, from the earth itself, covering two thousand miles of our country. why? because there was need for that country to be covered by such a trail at such a time. because we needed oregon. because a stalwart and clear-eyed democracy needs america and will have it. that was the trail over which our people outran their leaders. if our leaders trifle again, once again we shall outrun them. there were at this date but four places of human residence in all the two thousand miles of this trail, yet recent as had been the first hoofs and wheels to mark it, it was even then a distinct and unmistakable path. the earth has never had nor again can have its like. if it was a path of destiny, if it was a road of hope and confidence, so was it a road of misery and suffering and sacrifice; for thus has the democracy always gained its difficult and lasting victories. i think that it was there, somewhere, on the old road to oregon, sometime in the silent watches of the prairie or the mountain night, that there was fought out the battle of the old world and the new, the battle between oppressors and those who declared they no longer would be oppressed. providentially for us, an ignorance equal to that of our leaders existed in great britain. for us who waited on the banks of the missouri, all this ignorance was matter of indifference. our men got their beliefs from no leaders, political or editorial, at home or abroad. they waited only for the grass to come. now at last the grass did begin to grow upon the eastern edge of the great plains; and so i saw begin that vast and splendid movement across our continent which in comparison dwarfs all the great people movements of the earth. xenophon's march of the ten thousand pales beside this of ten thousand thousands. the movements of the goths and huns, the vandals, the cimri--in a way, they had a like significance with this, but in results those migrations did far less in the history of the world; did less to prove the purpose of the world. i watched the forming of our caravan, and i saw again that canvas which i have mentioned, that picture of the savages who traveled a thousand years before christ was born. our picture was the vaster, the more splendid, the more enduring. here were savages born of gentle folk in part, who never yet had known repulse. they marched with flocks and herds and implements of husbandry. in their faces shone a light not less fierce than that which animated the dwellers of the old teutonic forests, but a light clearer and more intelligent. here was the determined spirit of progress, here was the agreed insistence upon an _equal opportunity!_ ah! it was a great and splendid canvas which might have been painted there on our plains--the caravans west-bound with the greening grass of spring--that hegira of americans whose unheard command was but the voice of democracy itself. we carried with us all the elements of society, as has the anglo-saxon ever. did any man offend against the unwritten creed of fair play, did he shirk duty when that meant danger to the common good, then he was brought before a council of our leaders, men of wisdom and fairness, chosen by the vote of all; and so he was judged and he was punished. at that time there was not west of the missouri river any one who could administer an oath, who could execute a legal document, or perpetuate any legal testimony; yet with us the law marched _pari passu_ across the land. we had leaders chosen because they were fit to lead, and leaders who felt full sense of responsibility to those who chose them. we had with us great wealth in flocks and herds--five thousand head of cattle went west with our caravan, hundreds of horses; yet each knew his own and asked not that of his neighbor. with us there were women and little children and the gray-haired elders bent with years. along our road we left graves here and there, for death went with us. in our train also were many births, life coming to renew the cycle. at times, too, there were rejoicings of the newly wed in our train. our young couples found society awheel valid as that abiding under permanent roof. at the head of our column, we bore the flag of our republic. on our flanks were skirmishers, like those guarding the flanks of an army. it _was_ an army--an army of our people. with us marched women. with us marched home. _that_ was the difference between our cavalcade and that slower and more selfish one, made up of men alone, which that same year was faring westward along the upper reaches of the canadian plains. that was why we won. it was because women and plows were with us. our great column, made up of more than one hundred wagons, was divided into platoons of four, each platoon leading for a day, then falling behind to take the bitter dust of those in advance. at noon we parted our wagons in platoons, and at night we drew them invariably into a great barricade, circular in form, the leading wagon marking out the circle, the others dropping in behind, the tongue of each against the tail-gate of the wagon ahead, and the last wagon closing up the gap. our circle completed, the animals were unyoked and the tongues were chained fast to the wagons next ahead; so that each night we had a sturdy barricade, incapable of being stampeded by savages, whom more than once we fought and defeated. each night we set out a guard, our men taking turns, and the night watches in turn rotating, so that each man got his share of the entire night during the progress of his journey. each morn we rose to the notes of a bugle, and each day we marched in order, under command, under a certain schedule. loosely connected, independent, individual, none the less already we were establishing a government. we took the american republic with us across the plains! this manner of travel offered much monotony, yet it had its little pleasures. for my own part, my early experience in western matters placed me in charge of our band of hunters, whose duty it was to ride at the flanks of our caravan each day and to kill sufficient buffalo for meat. this work of the chase gave us more to do than was left for those who plodded along or rode bent over upon the wagon seats; yet even for these there was some relaxation. at night we met in little social circles around the camp-fires. young folk made love; old folk made plans here as they had at home. a church marched with us as well as the law and courts; and, what was more, the schools went also; for by the faint flicker of the firelight many parents taught their children each day as they moved westward to their new homes. history shows these children were well taught. there were persons of education and culture with us. music we had, and of a night time, even while the coyotes were calling and the wind whispering in the short grasses of the plains, violin and flute would sometimes blend their voices, and i have thus heard songs which i would not exchange in memory for others which i have heard in surroundings far more ambitious. sometimes dances were held on the greensward of our camps. regularly the sabbath day was observed by at least the most part of our pilgrims. upon all our party there seemed to sit an air of content and certitude. of all our wagons, i presume one was of greatest value. it was filled with earth to the brim, and in it were fruit trees planted, and shrubs; and its owner carried seeds of garden plants. without doubt, it was our mission and our intent to take with us such civilization as we had left behind. so we marched, mingled, and, as some might have said, motley in our personnel--sons of some of the best families in the south, men from the carolinas and virginia, georgia and louisiana, men from pennsylvania and ohio; roundhead and cavalier, easterner and westerner, germans, yankees, scotch-irish--all americans. we marched, i say, under a form of government; yet each took his original marching orders from his own soul. we marched across an america not yet won. below us lay the spanish civilization--mexico, possibly soon to be led by britain, as some thought. north of us was canada, now fully alarmed and surely led by britain. west of us, all around us, lay the indian tribes. behind, never again to be seen by most of us who marched, lay the homes of an earlier generation. but we marched, each obeying the orders of his own soul. some day the song of this may be sung; some day, perhaps, its canvas may be painted. chapter xxv oregon the spell and the light of each path we pursue-- if woman be there, there is happiness too. --moore. twenty miles a day, week in and week out, we edged westward up the platte, in heat and dust part of the time, often plagued at night by clouds of mosquitoes. our men endured the penalties of the journey without comment. i do not recall that i ever heard even the weakest woman complain. thus at last we reached the south pass of the rockies, not yet half done our journey, and entered upon that portion of the trail west of the rockies, which had still two mountain ranges to cross, and which was even more apt to be infested by the hostile indians. even when we reached the ragged trading post, fort hall, we had still more than six hundred miles to go. by this time our forces had wasted as though under assault of arms. far back on the trail, many had been forced to leave prized belongings, relics, heirlooms, implements, machinery, all conveniences. the finest of mahogany blistered in the sun, abandoned and unheeded. our trail might have been followed by discarded implements of agriculture, and by whitened bones as well. our footsore teams, gaunt and weakened, began to faint and fall. horses and oxen died in the harness or under the yoke, and were perforce abandoned where they fell. each pound of superfluous weight was cast away as our motive power thus lessened. wagons were abandoned, goods were packed on horses, oxen and cows. we put cows into the yoke now, and used women instead of men on the drivers' seats, and boys who started riding finished afoot. our herds were sadly lessened by theft of the indians, by death, by strayings which our guards had not time to follow up. if a wagon lagged it was sawed shorter to lessen its weight sometimes the hind wheels were abandoned, and the reduced personal belongings were packed on the cart thus made, which nevertheless traveled on, painfully, slowly, yet always going ahead. in the deserts beyond fort hall, wagons disintegrated by the heat. wheels would fall apart, couplings break under the straining teams. still more here was the trail lined with boxes, vehicles, furniture, all the flotsam and jetsam of the long, long oregon trail. the grass was burned to its roots, the streams were reduced to ribbons, the mirages of the desert mocked us desperately. rain came seldom now, and the sage-brush of the desert was white with bitter dust, which in vast clouds rose sometimes in the wind to make our journey the harder. in autumn, as we approached the second range of mountains, we could see the taller peaks whitened with snow. our leaders looked anxiously ahead, dreading the storms which must ere long overtake us. still, gaunt now and haggard, weakened in body but not in soul, we pressed on across. that was the way to oregon. gaunt and brown and savage, hungry and grim, ragged, hatless, shoeless, our cavalcade closed up and came on, and so at last came through. ere autumn had yellowed all the foliage back east in gentler climes, we crossed the shoulders of the blue mountains and came into the valley of the walla walla; and so passed thence down the columbia to the valley of the willamette, three hundred miles yet farther, where there were then some slight centers of our civilization which had gone forward the year before. here were some few americans. at champoeg, at the little american missions, at oregon city, and other scattered points, we met them, we hailed and were hailed by them. they were americans. women and plows were with them. there were churches and schools already started, and a beginning had been made in government. faces and hands and ways and customs and laws of our own people greeted us. yes. it was america. messengers spread abroad the news of the arrival of our wagon train. messengers, too, came down from the hudson bay posts to scan our equipment and estimate our numbers. there was no word obtainable from these of any canadian column of occupation to the northward which had crossed at the head of the peace river or the saskatchewan, or which lay ready at the head waters of the fraser or the columbia to come down to the lower settlements for the purpose of bringing to an issue, or making more difficult, this question of the joint occupancy of oregon. as a matter of fact, ultimately we won that transcontinental race so decidedly that there never was admitted to have been a second. as for our people, they knew how neither to hesitate nor to dread. they unhooked their oxen from the wagons and put them to the plows. the fruit trees, which had crossed three ranges of mountains and two thousand miles of unsettled country, now found new rooting. streams which had borne no fruit save that of the beaver traps now were made to give tribute to little fields and gardens, or asked to transport wheat instead of furs. the forests which had blocked our way were now made into roofs and walls and fences. whatever the future might bring, those who had come so far and dared so much feared that future no more than they had feared the troubles which in detail they had overcome in their vast pilgrimage. so we took oregon by the only law of right. our broken and weakened cavalcade asked renewal from the soil itself. we ruffled no drum, fluttered no flag, to take possession of the land. but the canvas covers of our wagons gave way to permanent roofs. where we had known a hundred camp-fires, now we lighted the fires of many hundred homes. chapter xxvi the debated country the world was sad, the garden was a wild! the man, the hermit, sighed--till woman smiled! --_campbell_. our army of peaceful occupation scattered along the more fertile parts of the land, principally among the valleys. of course, it should not be forgotten that what was then called oregon meant all of what now is embraced in oregon, washington and idaho, with part of wyoming as well. it extended south to the mexican possessions of california. how far north it was to run, it was my errand here to learn. to all apparent purposes, i simply was one of the new settlers in oregon, animated by like motives, possessed of little more means, and disposed to adjust myself to existing circumstances, much as did my fellows. the physical conditions of life in a country abounding in wild game and fish, and where even careless planting would yield abundant crops, offered no very difficult task to young men accustomed to shifting for themselves; so that i looked forward to the winter with no dread. i settled near the mouth of the willamette river, near oregon city, and not far from where the city of portland later was begun; and builded for myself a little cabin of two rooms, with a connecting roof. this i furnished, as did my neighbors their similar abodes, with a table made of hewed puncheons, chairs sawed from blocks, a bed framed from poles, on which lay a rude mattress of husks and straw. my window-panes were made of oiled deer hide. thinking that perhaps i might need to plow in the coming season, i made me a plow like those around me, which might have come from mexico or egypt--a forked limb bound with rawhide. wood and hide, were, indeed, our only materials. if a wagon wheel showed signs of disintegration, we lashed it together with rawhide. when the settlers of the last year sought to carry wheat to market on the willamette barges, they did so in sacks made of the hides of deer. our clothing was of skins and furs. from the eastern states i scarcely could now hear in less than a year, for another wagon train could not start west from the missouri until the following spring. we could only guess how events were going forward in our diplomacy. we did not know, and would not know for a year, the result of the democratic convention at baltimore, of the preceding spring! we could only wonder who might be the party nominees for the presidency. we had a national government, but did not know what it was, or who administered it. war might be declared, but we in oregon would not be aware of it. again, war might break out in oregon, and the government at washington could not know that fact. the mild winter wore away, and i learned little. spring came, and still no word of any land expedition out of canada. we and the hudson bay folk still dwelt in peace. the flowers began to bloom in the wild meads, and the horses fattened on their native pastures. wider and wider lay the areas of black overturned soil, as our busy farmers kept on at their work. wider grew the clearings in the forest lands. our fruit trees, which we had brought two thousand miles in the nursery wagon, began to put out tender leafage. there were eastern flowers--marigolds, hollyhocks, mignonette--planted in the front yards of our little cabins. vines were trained over trellises here and there. each flower was a rivet, each vine a cord, which bound oregon to our republic. summer came on. the fields began to whiten with the ripening grain. i grew uneasy, feeling myself only an idler in a land so able to fend for itself. i now was much disposed to discuss means of getting back over the long trail to the eastward, to carry the news that oregon was ours. i had, it must be confessed, nothing new to suggest as to making it firmly and legally ours, beyond what had already been suggested in the minds of our settlers themselves. it was at this time that there occurred a startling and decisive event. i was on my way on a canoe voyage up the wide columbia, not far above the point where it receives its greatest lower tributary, the willamette, when all at once i heard the sound of a cannon shot. i turned to see the cloud of blue smoke still hanging over the surface of the water. slowly there swung into view an ocean-going vessel under steam and auxiliary canvas. she made a gallant spectacle. but whose ship was she? i examined her colors anxiously enough. i caught the import of her ensign. she flew the british union jack! england had won the race by sea! something in the ship's outline seemed to me familiar. i knew the set of her short masts, the pitch of her smokestacks, the number of her guns. yes, she was the _modesté_ of the english navy--the same ship which more than a year before i had seen at anchor off montreal! news travels fast in wild countries, and it took us little time to learn the destination of the _modesté_. she came to anchor above oregon city, and well below fort vancouver. at once, of course, her officers made formal calls upon doctor mclaughlin, the factor at fort vancouver, and accepted head of the british element thereabouts. two weeks passed in rumors and counter rumors, and a vastly dangerous tension existed in all the american settlements, because word was spread that england had sent a ship to oust us. then came to myself and certain others at oregon city messengers from peace-loving doctor mclaughlin, asking us to join him in a little celebration in honor of the arrival of her majesty's vessel. here at last was news; but it was news not wholly to my liking which i soon unearthed. the _modesté_ was but one ship of fifteen! a fleet of fifteen vessels, four hundred guns, then lay in puget sound. the watch-dogs of great britain were at our doors. this question of monarchy and the republic was not yet settled, after all! i pass the story of the banquet at fort vancouver, because it is unpleasant to recite the difficulties of a kindly host who finds himself with jarring elements at his board. precisely this was the situation of white-haired doctor mclaughlin of fort vancouver. it was an incongruous assembly in the first place. the officers of the british navy attended in the splendor of their uniforms, glittering in braid and gold. even doctor mclaughlin made brave display, as was his wont, in his regalia of dark blue cloth and shining buttons--his noble features and long, snow-white hair making him the most lordly figure of them all. as for us americans, lean and brown, with hands hardened by toil, our wardrobes scattered over a thousand miles of trail, buckskin tunics made our coats, and moccasins our boots. i have seen some noble gentlemen so clad in my day. we americans were forced to listen to many toasts at that little frontier banquet entirely to our disliking. we heard from captain parke that "the columbia belonged to great britain as much as the thames"; that great britain's guns "could blow all the americans off the map"; that her fleet at puget sound waited but for the signal to "hoist the british flag over all the coast from mexico to russia" yet doctor mclaughlin, kindly and gentle as always, better advised than any one there on the intricacies of the situation now in hand, only smiled and protested and explained. for myself, i passed only as plain settler. no one knew my errand in the country, and i took pains, though my blood boiled, as did that of our other americans present at that board, to keep a silent tongue in my head. if this were joint occupancy, i for one was ready to say it was time to make an end of it. but how might that be done? at least the proceedings of the evening gave no answer. it was, as may be supposed, late in the night when our somewhat discordant banqueting party broke up. we were all housed, as was the hospitable fashion of the country, in the scattered log buildings which nearly always hedge in a western fur-trading post. the quarters assigned me lay across the open space, or what might be called the parade ground of fort vancouver, flanked by doctor mclaughlin's four little cannon. as i made my way home, stumbling among the stumps in the dark, i passed many semi-drunken indians and _voyageurs_, to whom special liberty had been accorded in view of the occasion, all of them now engaged in singing the praises of the "king george" men as against the "bostons." i talked now and again with some of our own brown and silent border men, farmers from the willamette, none of them any too happy, all of them sullen and ready for trouble in any form. we agreed among us that absolute quiet and freedom from any expression of irritation was our safest plan. "wait till next fall's wagon trains come in!" that was the expression of our new governor, mr. applegate; and i fancy it found an echo in the opinions of most of the americans. by snowfall, as we believed, the balance of power would be all upon our side, and our swift-moving rifles would outweigh all their anchored cannon. i was almost at my cabin door at the edge of the forest frontage at the rear of the old post, when i caught glimpse, in the dim light, of a hurrying figure, which in some way seemed to be different from the blanket-covered squaws who stalked here and there about the post grounds. at first i thought she might be the squaw of one of the employees of the company, who lived scattered about, some of them now, by the advice of doctor mclaughlin, beginning to till little fields; but, as i have said, there was something in the stature or carriage or garb of this woman which caused me idly to follow her, at first with my eyes and then with my footsteps. she passed steadily on toward a long and low log cabin, located a short distance beyond the quarters which had been assigned to me. i saw her step up to the door and heard her knock; then there came a flood of light--more light than was usual in the opening of the door of a frontier cabin. this displayed the figure of the night walker, showing her tall and gaunt and a little stooped; so that, after all, i took her to be only one of our american frontier women, being quite sure that she was not indian or half-breed. this emboldened me, on a mere chance--an act whose mental origin i could not have traced--to step up to the door after it had been closed, and myself to knock thereat. if it were a party of americans here, i wished to question them; if not, i intended to make excuses by asking my way to my own quarters. it was my business to learn the news of oregon. i heard women's voices within, and as i knocked the door opened just a trifle on its chain. i saw appear at the crack the face of the woman whom i had followed. she was, as i had believed, old and wrinkled, and her face now, seen close, was as mysterious, dark and inscrutable as that of any indian squaw. her hair fell heavy and gray across her forehead, and her eyes were small and dark as those of a native woman. yet, as she stood there with the light streaming upon her, i saw something in her face which made me puzzle, ponder and start--and put my foot within the crack of the door. when she found she could not close the door, she called out in some foreign tongue. i heard a voice answer. the blood tingled in the roots of my hair! "threlka," i said quietly, "tell madam the baroness it is i, monsieur trist, of washington." chapter xxvii in the cabin of madam woman must not belong to herself; she is bound to alien destinies.--_friedrich von schiller_. with an exclamation of surprise the old woman departed from the door. i heard the rustle of a footfall. i could have told in advance what face would now appear outlined in the candle glow--with eyes wide and startled, with lips half parted in query. it was the face of helena, baroness von ritz! "_eh bien!_ madam, why do you bar me out?" i said, as though we had parted but yesterday. in her sheer astonishment, i presume, she let down the fastening chain, and without her invitation i stepped within. i heard her startled "_mon dieu!_" then her more deliberate exclamation of emotion. "my god!" she said. she stood, with her hands caught at her throat, staring at me. i laughed and held out a hand. "madam baroness," i said, "how glad i am! come, has not fate been kind to us again?" i pushed shut the door behind me. still without a word, she stepped deeper into the room and stood looking at me, her hands clasped now loosely and awkwardly, as though she were a country girl surprised, and not the baroness helena von ritz, toast or talk of more than one capital of the world. yet she was the same. she seemed slightly thinner now, yet not less beautiful. her eyes were dark and brilliant as ever. the clear features of her face were framed in the roll of her heavy locks, as i had seen them last. her garb, as usual, betokened luxury. she was robed as though for some fête, all in white satin, and pale blue fires of stones shone faintly at throat and wrist. contrast enough she made to me, clad in smoke-browned tunic of buck, with the leggings and moccasins of a savage, my belt lacking but prepared for weapons. i had not time to puzzle over the question of her errand here, why or whence she had come, or what she purposed doing. i was occupied with the sudden surprises which her surroundings offered. "i see, madam," said i, smiling, "that still i am only asleep and dreaming. but how exquisite a dream, here in this wild country! how unfit here am i, a savage, who introduce the one discordant note into so sweet a dream!" i gestured to my costume, gestured about me, as i took in the details of the long room in which we stood. i swear it was the same as that in which i had seen her at a similar hour in montreal! it was the same i had first seen in washington! impossible? i am doubted? ah, but do i not know? did i not see? here were the pictures on the walls, the carved cupids, the candelabra with their prisms, the chairs, the couches! beyond yonder satin curtains rose the high canopy of the embroidery-covered couch, its fringed drapery reaching almost to the deep pile of the carpets. true, opportunity had not yet offered for the full concealment of these rude walls; yet, as my senses convinced me even against themselves, here were the apartments of helena von ritz, furnished as she had told me they always were at each place she saw fit to honor with her presence! yet not quite the same, it seemed to me. there were some little things missing, just as there were some little things missing from her appearance. for instance, these draperies at the right, which formerly had cut off the napoleon bed at its end of the room, now were of blankets and not of silk. the bed itself was not piled deep in down, but contained, as i fancied from my hurried glance, a thin mattress, stuffed perhaps with straw. a roll of blankets lay across its foot. as i gazed to the farther extremity of this side of the long suite, i saw other evidences of change. it was indeed as though helena von ritz, creature of luxury, woman of an old, luxurious world, exotic of monarchical surroundings, had begun insensibly to slip into the ways of the rude democracy of the far frontiers. i saw all this; but ere i had finished my first hurried glance i had accepted her, as always one must, just as she was; had accepted her surroundings, preposterously impossible as they all were from any logical point of view, as fitting to herself and to her humor. it was not for me to ask how or why she did these things. she had done them; because, here they were; and here was she. we had found england's woman on the columbia! "yes," said she at length, slowly, "yes, i now believe it to be fate." she had not yet smiled. i took her hand and held it long. i felt glad to see her, and to take her hand; it seemed pledge of friendship; and as things now were shaping, i surely needed a friend. at last, her face flushing slightly, she disengaged her hand and motioned me to a seat. but still we stood silent for a few moments. "have you _no_ curiosity?" said she at length. "i am too happy to have curiosity, my dear madam." "you will not even ask me why i am here?" she insisted. "i know. i have known all along. you are in the pay of england. when i missed you at montreal, i knew you had sailed on the _modesté_ for oregon we knew all this, and planned for it. i have come across by land to meet you. i have waited. i greet you now!" she looked me now clearly in the face. "i am not sure," said she at length, slowly. "not sure of what, madam? when you travel on england's warship," i smiled, "you travel as the guest of england herself. if, then, you are not for england, in god's name, _whose friend are you?"_ "whose friend am i?" she answered slowly. "i say to you that i do not know. nor do i know who is my friend. a friend--what is that? i never knew one!" "then be mine. let me be your friend. you know my history. you know about me and my work. i throw my secret into your hands. you will not betray me? you warned me once, at montreal. will you not shield me once again?" she nodded, smiling now in an amused way. "monsieur always takes the most extraordinary times to visit me! monsieur asks always the most extraordinary things! monsieur does always the most extraordinary acts! he takes me to call upon a gentleman in a night robe! he calls upon me himself, of an evening, in dinner dress of hides and beads--" "'tis the best i have, madam!" i colored, but her eye had not criticism, though her speech had mockery. "this is the costume of your american savages," she said. "i find it among the most beautiful i have ever seen. only a man can wear it. you wear it like a man. i like you in it--i have never liked you so well. betray you, monsieur? why should i? how could i?" "that is true. why should you? you are helena von ritz. one of her breeding does not betray men or women. neither does she make any journeys of this sort without a purpose." "i had a purpose, when i started. i changed it in mid-ocean. now, i was on my way to the orient." "and had forgotten your report to mr. pakenham?" i shook my head. "madam, you are the guest of england." "i never denied that," she said. "i was that in washington. i was so in montreal. but i have never given pledge which left me other than free to go as i liked. i have studied, that is true--but i have _not_ reported." "have we not been fair with you, baroness? has my chief not proved himself fair with you?" "yes," she nodded. "you have played the game fairly, that is true." "then you will play it fair with us? come, i say you have still that chance to win the gratitude of a people." "i begin to understand you better, you americans," she said irrelevantly, as was sometimes her fancy. "see my bed yonder. it is that couch of husks of which monsieur told me! here is the cabin of logs. there is the fireplace. here is helena von ritz--even as you told me once before she sometime might be. and here on my wrists are the imprints of your fingers! what does it mean, monsieur? am i not an apt student? see, i made up that little bed with my own hands! i--why, see, i can cook! what you once said to me lingered in my mind. at first, it was matter only of curiosity. presently i began to see what was beneath your words, what fullness of life there might be even in poverty. i said to myself, 'my god! were it not, after all, enough, this, if one be loved?' so then, in spite of myself, without planning, i say, i began to understand. i have seen about me here these savages--savages who have walked thousands of miles in a pilgrimage--for what?" "for what, madam?" i demanded. "for what? for a cabin! for a bed of husks! was it then for the sake of ease, for the sake of selfishness? come, can you betray a people of whom you can say so much?" "ah, now you would try to tempt me from a trust which has been reposed in me!" "not in the least i would not have you break your word with mr. pakenham; but i know you are here on the same errand as myself. you are to learn facts and report them to mr. pakenham--as i am to mr. calhoun." "what does monsieur suggest?" she asked me, with her little smile. "nothing, except that you take back all the facts--and allow them to mediate. let them determine between the old world and this new one--your satin couch and this rude one you have learned to make. tell the truth only. choose, then, madam!" "nations do not ask the truth. they want only excuses." "quite true. and because of that, all the more rests with you. if this situation goes on, war must come. it can not be averted, unless it be by some agency quite outside of these two governments. here, then, madam, is helena von ritz!" "at least, there is time," she mused. "these ships are not here for any immediate active war. great britain will make no move until--" "until madam the baroness, special agent of england, most trusted agent, makes her report to mr. pakenham! until he reports to his government, and until that government declares war! 'twill take a year or more. meantime, you have not reported?" "no, i am not yet ready." "certainly not. you are not yet possessed of your facts. you have not yet seen this country. you do not yet know these men--the same savages who once accounted for another pakenham at new orleans--hardy as buffaloes, fierce as wolves. wait and see them come pouring across the mountains into oregon. then make your report to this pakenham. ask him if england wishes to fight our backwoodsmen once more!" "you credit me with very much ability!" she smiled. "with all ability. what conquests you have made in the diplomacy of the old world i do not know. you have known courts. i have known none. yet you are learning life. you are learning the meaning of the only human idea of the world, that of a democracy of endeavor, where all are equal in their chances and in their hopes. that, madam, is the only diplomacy which will live. if you have passed on that torch of principle of which you spoke--if i can do as much--then all will be well. we shall have served." she dropped now into a chair near by a little table, where the light of the tall candles, guttering in their enameled sconces, fell full upon her face. she looked at me fixedly, her eyes dark and mournful in spite of their eagerness. "ah, it is easy for you to speak, easy for you who have so rich and full a life--who have all! but i--my hands are empty!" she spread out her curved fingers, looking at them, dropping her hands, pathetically drooping her shoulders. "all, madam? what do you mean? you see me almost in rags. beyond the rifle at my cabin, the pistol at my tent, i have scarce more in wealth than what i wear, while you have what you like." "all but everything!" she murmured; "all but home!" "nor have i a home." "all, except that my couch is empty save for myself and my memories!" "not more than mine, nor with sadder memories, madam." "why, what do you mean?" she asked me suddenly. "what do you _mean?_" she repeated it again, as though half in horror. "only that we are equal and alike. that we are here on the same errand. that our view of life should be the same." "what do you mean about home? but tell me, _were you not then married?_" "no, i am alone, madam. i never shall be married." there may have been some slight motion of a hand which beckoned me to a seat at the opposite side of the table. as i sat, i saw her search my face carefully, slowly, with eyes i could not read. at last she spoke, after her frequent fashion, half to herself. "it succeeded, then!" said she. "yet i am not happy! yet i have failed!" "i pause, madam," said i, smiling. "i await your pleasure." "ah, god! ah, god!" she sighed. "what have i done?" she staggered to her feet and stood beating her hands together, as was her way when perturbed. "what have i _done_!" "threlka!" i heard her call, half chokingly. the old servant came hurriedly. "wine, tea, anything, threlka!" she dropped down again opposite me, panting, and looking at me with wide eyes. "tell me, do you know what you have said?" she began. "no, madam. i grieve if i have caused you any pain." "well, then, you are noble; when look, what pain i have caused you! yet not more than myself. no, not so much. i hope not so much!" truly there is thought which passes from mind to mind. suddenly the thing in her mind sped across to mine. i looked at her suddenly, in my eyes also, perhaps, the horror which i felt. "it was you!" i exclaimed. "it was you! ah, now i begin to understand! how could you? you parted us! _you_ parted me from elisabeth!" "yes," she said regretfully, "i did it it was my fault." i rose and drew apart from her, unable to speak. she went on. "but i was not then as i am now. see, i was embittered, reckless, desperate. i was only beginning to think--i only wanted time. i did not really mean to do all this. i only thought--why, i had not yet known you a day nor her an hour. 'twas all no more than half a jest" "how could you do it?" i demanded. "yet that is no more strange. how _did_ you do it?" "at the door, that first night. i was mad then over the wrong done to what little womanhood i could claim for my own. i hated yturrio. i hated pakenham. they had both insulted me. i hated every man. i had seen nothing but the bitter and desperate side of life--i was eager to take revenge even upon the innocent ones of this world, seeing that i had suffered so much. i had an old grudge against women, against women, i say--against _women!_" she buried her face in her hands. i saw her eyes no more till threlka came and lifted her head, offering her a cup of drink, and so standing patiently until again she had dismissal. "but still it is all a puzzle to me, madam," i began. "i do not understand." "well, when you stood at the door, my little shoe in your pocket, when you kissed my hand that first night, when you told me what you would do did you love a woman--when i saw something new in life i had not seen--why, then, in the devil's resolution that no woman in the world should be happy if i could help it, i slipped in the body of the slipper a little line or so that i had written when you did not see, when i was in the other room. 'twas that took the place of van zandt's message, after all! monsieur, it was fate. van zandt's letter, without plan, fell out on my table. your note, sent by plan, remained in the shoe!" "and what did it say? tell me at once." "very little. yet enough fora woman who loved and who expected. only this: '_in spite of that other woman, come to me still. who can teach yon love of woman as can i? helena._' i think it was some such words as those." i looked at her in silence. "you did not see that note?" she demanded. "after all, at first i meant it only for _you_. i wanted to see you again. i did not want to lose you. ah, god! i was so lonely, so--so--i can not say. but you did not find my message?" i shook my head. "no," i said, "i did not look in the slipper. i do not think my friend did." "but she--that girl, did!" "how could she have believed?" "ah, grand! i reverence your faith. but she is a woman! she loved you and expected you that hour, i say. thus comes the shock of finding you untrue, of finding you at least a common man, after all. she is a woman. 'tis the same fight, all the centuries, after all! well, i did that." "you ruined the lives of two, neither of whom had ever harmed you, madam." "what is it to the tree which consumes another tree--the flower which devours its neighbor? was it not life?" "you had never seen elisabeth." "not until the next morning, no. then i thought still on what you had said. i envied her--i say, i coveted the happiness of you both. what had the world ever given me? what had i done--what had i been--what could i ever be? your messenger came back with the slipper. the note was in the shoe untouched. your messenger had not found it, either. see, i _did_ mean it for you alone. but now since sudden thought came to me. i tucked it back and sent your drunken friend away with it for her--where i knew it would be found! i did not know what would be the result. i was only desperate over what life had done to me. i wanted to get _out_--out into a wider and brighter world." "ah, madam, and was so mean a key as this to open that world for you? now we all three wander, outside that world." "no, it opened no new world for me," she said. "i was not meant for that. but at least, i only acted as i have been treated all my life. i knew no better then." "i had not thought any one capable of that," said i. "ah, but i repented on the instant! i repented before night came. in the twilight i got upon my knees and prayed that all my plan might go wrong--if i could call it plan. 'now,' i said, as the hour approached, 'they are before the priest; they stand there--she in white, perhaps; he tall and grave. their hands are clasped each in that of the other. they are saying those tremendous words which may perhaps mean so much.' thus i ran on to myself. i say i followed you through the hour of that ceremony. i swore with her vows, i pledged with her pledge, promised with her promise. yes, yes--yes, though i prayed that, after all, i might lose, that i might pay back; that i might some time have opportunity to atone for my own wickedness! ah! i was only a woman. the strongest of women are weak sometimes. "well, then, my friend, i have paid. i thank god that i failed then to make another wretched as myself. it was only i who again was wretched. ah! is there no little pity in your heart for me, after all?--who succeeded only to fail so miserably?" but again i could only turn away to ponder. "see," she went on; "for myself, this is irremediable, but it is not so for you, nor for her. it is not too ill to be made right again. there in montreal, i thought that i had failed in my plan, that you indeed were married. you held yourself well in hand; like a man, monsieur. but as to that, you _were_ married, for your love for her remained; your pledge held. and did not i, repenting, marry you to her--did not i, on my knees, marry you to her that night? oh, do not blame me too much!" "she should not have doubted," said i. "i shall not go back and ask her again. the weakest of men are strong sometimes!" "ah, now you are but a man! being such, you can not understand how terribly much the faith of man means for a woman. it was her _need_ for you that spoke, not her _doubt_ of you. forgive her. she was not to blame. blame me! do what you like to punish me! now, i shall make amends. tell me what i best may do. shall i go to her, shall i tell her?" "not as my messenger. not for me." "no? well, then, for myself? that is my right. i shall tell her how priestly faithful a man you were." i walked to her, took her arms in my hands and raised her to my level, looking into her eyes. "madam," i said, "god knows, i am no priest. i deserve no credit. it was chance that cast elisabeth and me together before ever i saw you. i told you one fire was lit in my heart and had left room for no other. i meet youth and life with all that there is in youth and life. i am no priest, and ask you not to confess with me. we both should confess to our own souls." "it is as i said," she went on; "you were married!" "well, then, call it so--married after my fashion of marriage; the fashion of which i told you, of a cabin and a bed of husks. as to what you have said, i forget it, i have not heard it. your sort could have no heart beat for one like me. 'tis men like myself are slaves to women such as you. you could never have cared for me, and never did. what you loved, madam, was only what you had _lost_, was only what you saw in this country--was only what this country means! your past life, of course, i do not know." "sometime," she murmured, "i will tell you." "whatever it was, madam, you have been a brilliant woman, a power in affairs. yes, and an enigma, and to none more than to yourself. you show that now. you only loved what elisabeth loved. as woman, then, you were born for the first time, touched by that throb of her heart, not your own. `twas mere accident i was there to feel that throb, as sweet as it was innocent. you were not woman yet, you were but a child. you had not then chosen. you have yet to choose. it was love that you loved! perhaps, after all, it was america you loved. you began to see, as you say, a wider and a sweeter world than you had known." she nodded now, endeavoring to smile. "_gentilhomme!_" i heard her murmur. "so then i go on, madam, and say we are the same. i am the agent of one idea, you of another. i ask you once more to choose. i know how you will choose." she went on, musing to herself. "yes, there is a gulf between male and female, after all. as though what he said could be true! listen!" she spoke up more sharply. "if results came as you liked, what difference would the motives make?" "how do you mean?" "only this, monsieur, that i am not so lofty as you think. i might do something. if so, 'twould need to be through some motive wholly sufficient to _myself_." "search, then, your own conscience." "i have one, after all! it might say something to me, yes." "once you said to me that the noblest thing in life was to pass on the torch of a great principle." "i lied! i lied!" she cried, beating her hands together. "i am a woman! look at me!" she threw back her shoulders, standing straight and fearless. god wot, she was a woman. curves and flame! yes, she was a woman. white flesh and slumbering hair! yes, she was a woman. round flesh and the red-flecked purple scent arising! yes, she was a woman. torture of joy to hold in a man's arms! yes, she was a woman! "how, then, could i believe"--she laid a hand upon her bosom--"how, then, could i believe that principle was more than life? it is for you, a _man_, to believe that. yet even you will not. you leave it to me, and i answer that i will not! what i did i did, and i bargain with none over that now. i pay my wagers. i make my own reasons, too. if i do anything for the sake of this country, it will not be through altruism, not through love of principle! 'twill be because i am a woman. yes, once i was a girl. once i was born. once, even, i had a mother, and was loved!" i could make no answer; but presently she changed again, swift as the sky when some cloud is swept away in a strong gust of wind. "come," she said, "i will bargain with you, after all!" "any bargain you like, madam." "and i will keep my bargain. you know that i will." "yes, i know that." "very well, then. i am going back to washington." "how do you mean?" "by land, across the country; the way you came." "you do not know what you say, madam. the journey you suggest is incredible, impossible." "that matters nothing. i am going. and i am going alone--no, you can not come with me. do you think i would risk more than i have risked? i go alone. i am england's spy; yes, that is true. i am to report to england; yes, that is true. therefore, the more i see, the more i shall have to report. besides, i have something else to do." "but would mr. pakenham listen to your report, after all?" now she hesitated for a moment. "i can induce him to listen," she said. "that is part of my errand. first, before i see mr. pakenham i am going to see miss elisabeth churchill. i shall report also to her. then i shall have done my duty. is it not so?" "you could do no more," said i. "but what bargain--" "listen. if she uses me ill and will not believe either you or me--then, being a woman, i shall hate her; and in that case i shall go to sir richard for my own revenge. i shall tell him to bring on this war. in that case, oregon will be lost to you, or at least bought dear by blood and treasure." "we can attend to that, madam," said i grimly, and i smiled at her, although a sudden fear caught at my heart. i knew what damage she was in position to accomplish if she liked. my heart stood still. i felt the faint sweat again on my forehead. "if i do not find her worthy of you, then she can not have you," went on helena von ritz. "but madam, you forget one thing. she _is_ worthy of me, or of any other man!" "i shall be judge of that. if she is what you think, you shall have her--and oregon!" "but as to myself, madam? the bargain?" "i arrive, monsieur! if she fails you, then i ask only time. i have said to you i am a woman!" "madam," i said to her once more, "who are you and what are you?" in answer, she looked me once more straight in the face. "some day, back there, after i have made my journey, i shall tell you." "tell me now." "i shall tell you nothing. i am not a little girl. there is a bargain which i offer, and the only one i shall offer. it is a gamble. i have gambled all my life. if you will not accord me so remote a chance as this, why, then, i shall take it in any case." "i begin to see, madam," said i, "how large these stakes may run." "in case i lose, be sure at least i shall pay. i shall make my atonement," she said. "i doubt not that, madam, with all your heart and mind and soul." "and _body_!" she whispered. the old horror came again upon her face. she shuddered, i did not know why. she stood now as one in devotions for a time, and i would no more have spoken than had she been at her prayers, as, indeed, i think she was. at last she made some faint movement of her hands. i do not know whether it was the sign of the cross. she rose now, tall, white-clad, shimmering, a vision of beauty such as that part of the world certainly could not then offer. her hair was loosened now in its masses and drooped more widely over her temples, above her brow. her eyes were very large and dark, and i saw the faint blue shadows coming again beneath them. her hands were clasped, her chin raised just a trifle, and her gaze was rapt as that of some longing soul. i could not guess of these things, being but a man, and, i fear, clumsy alike of body and wit. [illustration: "i want--" said she. "i wish--i wish--" page ] "there is one thing, madam, which we have omitted," said i at last. "what are _my_ stakes? how may i pay?" she swayed a little on her feet, as though she were weak. "i want," said she, "i wish--i wish--" the old childlike look of pathos came again. i have never seen so sad a face. she was a lady, white and delicately clad; i, a rude frontiersman in camp-grimed leather. but i stepped to her now and took her in my arms and held her close, and pushed back the damp waves of her hair. and because a man's tears were in my eyes, i have no doubt of absolution when i say i had been a cad and a coward had i not kissed her own tears away. i no longer made pretense of ignorance, but ah! how i wished that i were ignorant of what it was not my right to know.... i led her to the edge of the little bed of husks and found her kerchief. ah, she was of breeding and courage! presently, her voice rose steady and clear as ever. "threlka!" she called. "please!" when threlka came, she looked closely at her lady's face, and what she read seemed, after all, to content her. "threlka," said my lady in french, "i want the little one." i turned to her with query in my eyes. "_tiens!_" she said. "wait. i have a little surprise." "you have nothing at any time save surprises, madam." "two things i have," said she, sighing: "a little dog from china, chow by name. he sleeps now, and i must not disturb him, else i would show you how lovely a dog is chow. also here i have found a little indian child running about the post. doctor mclaughlin was rejoiced when i adopted her." "well, then, madam, what next!" --"yes, with the promise to him that i would care for that little child. i want something for my own. see now. come, natoka!" the old servant paused at the door. there slid across the floor with the silent feet of the savage the tiny figure of a little child, perhaps four years of age, with coal-black hair and beady eyes, clad in all the bequilled finery that a trading-post could furnish--a little orphan child, as i learned later, whose parents had both been lost in a canoe accident at the dalles. she was an infant, wild, untrained, unloved, unable to speak a word of the language that she heard. she stood now hesitating, but that was only by reason of her sight of me. as i stepped aside, the little one walked steadily but with quickening steps to my satin-clad lady on her couch of husks. she took up the child in her arms.... now, there must be some speech between woman and child. i do not know, except that the baroness von ritz spoke and that the child put out a hand to her cheek. then, as i stood awkward as a clown myself and not knowing what to do, i saw tears rain again from the eyes of helena von ritz, so that i turned away, even as i saw her cheek laid to that of the child while she clasped it tight. "monsieur!" i heard her say at last. i did not answer. i was learning a bit of life myself this night. i was years older than when i had come through that door. "monsieur!" i heard her call yet again. "_eh bien_, madam?" i replied, lightly as i could, and so turned, giving her all possible time. i saw her holding the indian child out in front of her in her strong young arms, lightly as though the weight were nothing. "see, then," she said; "here is my companion across the mountains." again i began to expostulate, but now she tapped her foot impatiently in her old way. "you have heard me say it. very well. follow if you like. listen also if you like. in a day or so, doctor mclaughlin plans a party for us all far up the columbia to the missions at wailatpu. that is in the valley of the walla walla, they tell me, just at this edge of the blue mountains, where the wagon trains come down into this part of oregon." "they may not see the wagon trains so soon," i ventured. "they would scarcely arrive before october, and now it is but summer." "at least, these british officers would see a part of this country, do you not comprehend? we start within three days at least. i wish only to say that perhaps--" "ah, i will be there surely, madam!" "if you come independently. i have heard, however, that one of the missionary women wishes to go back to the states. i have thought that perhaps it might be better did we go together. also natoka. also chow." "does doctor mclaughlin know of your plans?" "i am not under his orders, monsieur. i only thought that, since you were used to this western travel, you could, perhaps, be of aid in getting me proper guides and vehicles. i should rely upon your judgment very much, monsieur." "you are asking me to aid you in your own folly," said i discontentedly, "but i will be there; and be sure also you can not prevent me from following--if you persist in this absolute folly. a woman--to cross the rockies!" i rose now, and she was gracious enough to follow me part way toward the door. we hesitated there, awkwardly enough. but once more our hands met in some sort of fellowship. "forget!" i heard her whisper. and i could think of no reply better than that same word. i turned as the door swung for me to pass out into the night. i saw her outlined against the lights within, tall and white, in her arms the indian child, whose cheek was pressed to her own. i do not concern myself with what others may say of conduct or of constancy. to me it seemed that, had i not made my homage, my reverence, to one after all so brave as she, i would not be worthy the cover of that flag which to-day floats both on the columbia and the rio grande. chapter xxviii when a woman would the two pleasantest days of a woman are her marriage day and the day of her funeral.--_hipponax_. my garden at the willamette might languish if it liked, and my little cabin might stand in uncut wheat. for me, there were other matters of more importance now. i took leave of hospitable doctor mclaughlin at fort vancouver with proper expressions of the obligation due for his hospitality; but i said nothing to him, of course, of having met the mysterious baroness, nor did i mention definitely that i intended to meet them both again at no distant date. none the less, i prepared to set out at once up the columbia river trail. from fort vancouver to the missions at wailatpu was a distance by trail of more than two hundred miles. this i covered horseback, rapidly, and arrived two or three days in advance of the english. nothing disturbed the quiet until, before noon of one day, we heard the gun fire and the shoutings which in that country customarily made announcement of the arrival of a party of travelers. being on the lookout for these, i soon discovered them to be my late friends of the hudson bay post. one old brown woman, unhappily astride a native pony, i took to be threlka, my lady's servant, but she rode with her class, at the rear. i looked again, until i found the baroness, clad in buckskins and blue cloth, brave as any in finery of the frontier. doctor mclaughlin saw fit to present us formally, or rather carelessly, it not seeming to him that two so different would meet often in the future; and of course there being no dream even in his shrewd mind that we had ever met in the past. this supposition fitted our plans, even though it kept us apart. i was but a common emigrant farmer, camping like my kind. she, being of distinction, dwelt with the hudson bay party in the mission buildings. we lived on here for a week, visiting back and forth in amity, as i must say. i grew to like well enough those blunt young fellows of the navy. with young lieutenant peel especially i struck up something of a friendship. if he remained hopelessly british, at least i presume i remained quite as hopelessly american; so that we came to set aside the topic of conversation on which we could not agree. "there is something about which you don't know," he said to me, one evening. "i am wholly unacquainted with the interior of your country. what would you say, for instance, regarding its safety for a lady traveling across--a small party, you know, of her own? i presume of course you know whom i mean?" i nodded. "you must mean the baroness von ritz." "yes. she has been traveling abroad. of course we took such care of her on shipboard as we could, although a lady has no place on board a warship. she had with her complete furnishings for a suite of apartments, and these were delivered ashore at fort vancouver. doctor mclaughlin gave her quarters. of course you do not know anything of this?" i allowed him to proceed. "well, she has told us calmly that she plans crossing this country from here to the eastern states!" "that could not possibly be!" i declared. "quite so. the old trappers tell me that the mountains are impassable even in the fall. they say that unless she met some west-bound train and came back with it, the chance would be that she would never be heard of again." "you have personal interest in this?" i interrupted. he nodded, flushing a little. "awfully so," said he. "i would have the right to guess you were hit pretty hard?" "to the extent of asking her to become my wife!" said he firmly, although his fair face flushed again. "you do not in the least know her," he went on. "in my case, i have done my turn at living, and have seen my share of women, but never her like in any part of the world! so when she proposed to make this absurd journey, i offered to go with her. it meant of course my desertion from the navy, and so i told her. she would not listen to it. she gives me no footing which leaves it possible for me to accompany her or to follow her. frankly, i do not know what to do." "it seems to me, lieutenant peel," i ventured, "that the most sensible thing in the world for us to do is to get together an expedition to follow her." he caught me by the hand. "you do not tell me _you_ would do that?" "it seems a duty." "but could you yourself get through?" "as to that, no one can tell. i did so coming west." he sat silent for a time. "it will be the last i shall ever see of her in any case," said he, at length. "we don't know how long it will be before we leave the mouth of the columbia, and then i could not count on finding her. you do not think me a fool for telling you what i have?" "no," said i. "i do not blame you for being a fool. all men who are men are fools over women, one time or other." "good luck to you, then! now, what shall we do?" "in the first place," said i, "if she insists upon going, let us give her every possible chance for success." "it looks an awfully slender chance," he sighed. "you will follow as close on their heels as you can?" "of that you may rest assured." "what is the distance, do you think?" "two thousand miles at least, before she could be safe. she could not hope to cover more than twenty-five miles a day, many days not so much as that. to be sure, there might be such a thing as her meeting wagons coming out; and, as you say, she might return." "you do not know her!" said he. "she will not turn back." i had full reason to agree with him. chapter xxix in exchange great women belong to history and to self-sacrifice. --_leigh hunt_. for sufficient reasons of my own, which have been explained, i did not care to mingle more than was necessary with the party of the hudson bay folk who made their quarters with the missionary families. i kept close to my own camp when not busy with my inquiries in the neighborhood, where i now began to see what could be done in the preparation of a proper outfit for the baroness. herself i did not see for the next two days; but one evening i met her on the narrow log gallery of one of the mission houses. without much speech we sat and looked over the pleasant prospect of the wide flats, the fringe of willow trees, the loom of the mountains off toward the east. "continually you surprise me, madam," i began, at last. "can we not persuade you to abandon this foolish plan of your going east?" "i see no reason for abandoning it," said she. "there are some thousands of your people, men, women and children, who have crossed that trail. why should not i?" "but they come in large parties; they come well prepared. each helps his neighbor." "the distance is the same, and the method is the same." i ceased to argue, seeing that she would not be persuaded. "at least, madam," said i, "i have done what little i could in securing you a party. you are to have eight mules, two carts, six horses, and two men, beside old joe meek, the best guide now in oregon. he would not go to save his life. he goes to save yours." "you are always efficient," said she. "but why is it that we always have some unpleasant argument? come, let us have tea!" "many teas together, madam, if you would listen to me. many a pot brewed deep and black by scores of camp-fires." "fie! monsieur proposes a scandal." "no, monsieur proposes only a journey to washington--with you, or close after you." "of course i can not prevent your following," she said. "leave it so. but as to pledges--at least i want to keep my little slipper. is madam's wardrobe with her? could she humor a peevish friend so much as that? come, now, i will make fair exchange. i will trade you again my blanket clasp for that one little shoe!" i felt in the pocket of my coat, and held out in my hand the remnants of the same little indian ornament which had figured between us the first night we had met. she grasped at it eagerly, turning it over in her hand. "but see," she said, "one of the clasps is gone." "yes, i parted with it. but come, do i have my little slipper?" "wait!" said she, and left me for a moment. presently she returned, laughing, with the little white satin foot covering in her hand. "i warrant it is the only thing of the sort ever was seen in these buildings," she went on. "alas! i fear i must leave most of my possessions here! i have already disposed of the furnishings of my apartment to mr. james douglas at fort vancouver. i hear he is to replace this good doctor mclaughlin. well, his half-breed wife will at least have good setting up for her household. tell me, now," she concluded, "what became of the other shell from this clasp?" "i gave it to an old man in montreal," i answered. i went on to show her the nature of the device, as it had been explained to me by old doctor von rittenhofen. "how curious!" she mused, as it became more plain to her. "life, love, eternity! the beginning and the end of all this turmoil about passing on the torch of life. it is old, old, is it not? tell me, who was the wise man who described all this to you?" "not a stranger to this very country, i imagine," was my answer. "he spent some years here in oregon with the missionaries, engaged, as he informed me, in classifying the butterflies of this new region. a german scientist, i think, and seemingly a man of breeding." "if i were left to guess," she broke out suddenly, "i would say it must have been this same old man who told you about the plans of the canadian land expedition to this country." "continually, madam, we find much in common. at least we both know that the canadian expedition started west. tell me, when will it arrive on the columbia?" "it will never arrive. it will never cross the rockies. word has gone up the columbia now that for these men to appear in this country would bring on immediate war. that does not suit the book of england more than it does that of america." "then the matter will wait until you see mr. pakenham?" she nodded. "i suppose so." "you will find facts enough. should you persist in your mad journey and get far enough to the east, you will see two thousand, three thousand men coming out to oregon this fall. it is but the beginning. but you and i, sitting here, three thousand miles and more away from washington, can determine this question. madam, perhaps yet you may win your right to some humble home, with a couch of husks or straw. sleep, then, by our camp-fires across america, and let our skies cover you at night. our men will watch over you faithfully. be our guest--our friend!" "you are a good special pleader," said she; "but you do not shake me in my purpose, and i hold to my terms. it does not rest with you and me, but with another. as i have told you--as we have both agreed--" "then let us not speak her name," said i. again her eyes looked into mine, straight, large and dark. again the spell of her beauty rose all around me, enveloped me as i had felt it do before. "you can not have oregon, except through me," she said at last. "you can not have--her--except through me!" "it is the truth," i answered. "in god's name, then, play the game fair." chapter xxx counter currents woman is like the reed that bends to every breeze, but breaks not in the tempest.--_bishop richard whately_. the oregon immigration for numbered, according to some accounts, not less than three thousand souls. our people still rolled westward in a mighty wave. the history of that great west-bound movement is well known. the story of a yet more decisive journey of that same year never has been written--that of helena von ritz, from oregon to the east. the price of that journey was an empire; its cost--ah, let me not yet speak of that. although meek and i agreed that he should push east at the best possible speed, it was well enough understood that i should give him no more than a day or so start. i did not purpose to allow so risky a journey as this to be undertaken by any woman in so small a party, and made no doubt that i would overtake them at least at fort hall, perhaps five hundred miles east of the missions, or at farthest at fort bridger, some seven hundred miles from the starting point in oregon. the young wife of one of the missionaries was glad enough to take passage thus for the east; and there was the silent threlka. those two could offer company, even did not the little indian maid, adopted by the baroness, serve to interest her. their equipment and supplies were as good as any purchasable. what could be done, we now had done. yet after all helena von ritz had her own way. i did not see her again after we parted that evening at the mission. i was absent for a couple of days with a hunting party, and on my return discovered that she was gone, with no more than brief farewell to those left behind! meek was anxious as herself to be off; but he left word for me to follow on at once. gloom now fell upon us all. doctor whitman, the only white man ever to make the east-bound journey from oregon, encouraged us as best he could; but young lieutenant peel was the picture of despair, nor did he indeed fail in the prophecy he made to me; for never again did he set eyes on the face of helena von ritz, and never again did i meet him. i heard, years later, that he died of fever on the china coast. it may be supposed that i myself now hurried in my plans. i was able to make up a small party of four men, about half the number meek took with him; and i threw together such equipment as i could find remaining, not wholly to my liking, but good enough, i fancied, to overtake a party headed by a woman. but one thing after another cost us time, and we did not average twenty miles a day. i felt half desperate, as i reflected on what this might mean. as early fall was approaching, i could expect, in view of my own lost time, to encounter the annual wagon train two or three hundred miles farther westward than the object of my pursuit naturally would have done. as a matter of fact, my party met the wagons at a point well to the west of fort hall. it was early in the morning we met them coming west,--that long, weary, dust-covered, creeping caravan, a mile long, slow serpent, crawling westward across the desert. in time i came up to the head of the tremendous wagon train of , and its leader and myself threw up our hands in the salutation of the wilderness. the leader's command to halt was passed back from one wagon to another, over more than a mile of trail. as we dismounted, there came hurrying up about us men and women, sunburned, lean, ragged, abandoning their wagons and crowding to hear the news from oregon. i recall the picture well enough to-day--the sun-blistered sands all about, the short and scraggly sage-brush, the long line of white-topped wagons dwindling in the distance, the thin-faced figures which crowded about. the captain stood at the head of the front team, his hand resting on the yoke as he leaned against the bowed neck of one of the oxen. the men and women were thin almost as the beasts which dragged the wagons. these latter stood with lolling tongues even thus early in the day, for water hereabout was scarce and bitter to the taste. so, at first almost in silence, we made the salutations of the desert. so, presently, we exchanged the news of east and west. so, i saw again my canvas of the fierce west-bound. there is to-day no news of the quality which we then communicated. these knew nothing of oregon. i knew nothing of the east. a national election had been held, regarding which i knew not even the names of the candidates of either party, not to mention the results. all i could do was to guess and to point to the inscription on the white top of the foremost wagon: "_fifty-four forty or fight!_" "is polk elected?" i asked the captain of the train. he nodded. "he shore is," said he. "we're comin' out to take oregon. what's the news?" my own grim news was that oregon was ours and must be ours. i shook hands with a hundred men on that, our hands clasped in stern and silent grip. then, after a time, i urged other questions foremost in my own mind. had they seen a small party east-bound? yes, i had answer. they had passed this light outfit east of bridger's post. there was one chance in a hundred they might get over the south pass that fall, for they were traveling light and fast, with good animals, and old joe meek was sure he would make it through. the women? well, one was a preacher's wife, another an old gipsy, and another the most beautiful woman ever seen on the trail or anywhere else. why was she going east instead of west, away from oregon instead of to oregon? did i know any of them? i was following them? then i must hurry, for soon the snow would come in the rockies. they had seen no indians. well, if i was following them, there would be a race, and they wished me well! but why go east, instead of west? then they began to question me regarding oregon. how was the land? would it raise wheat and corn and hogs? how was the weather? was there much game? would it take much labor to clear a farm? was there any likelihood of trouble with the indians or with the britishers? could a man really get a mile square of good farm land without trouble? and so on, and so on, as we sat in the blinding sun in the sage-brush desert until midday. of course it came to politics. yes, texas had been annexed, somehow, not by regular vote of the senate. there was some hitch about that. my leader reckoned there was no regular treaty. it had just been done by joint resolution of the house--done by tyler and calhoun, just in time to take the feather out of old polk's cap! the treaty of annexation--why, yes, it was ratified by congress, and everything signed up march third, just one day before polk's inaugural! polk was on the warpath, according to my gaunt leader. there was going to be war as sure as shooting, unless we got all of oregon. we had offered great britain a fair show, and in return she had claimed everything south to the columbia, so now we had withdrawn all soft talk. it looked like war with mexico and england both. never mind, in that case we would whip them both! "do you see that writin' on my wagon top?" asked the captain. "_fifty-four forty or fight._ that's us!" and so they went on to tell us how this cry was spreading, south and west, and over the north as well; although the whigs did not dare cry it quite so loudly. "they want the _land_, just the same," said the captain. "we _all_ want it, an', by god! we're goin' to git it!" and so at last we parted, each the better for the information gained, each to resume what would to-day seem practically an endless journey. our farewells were as careless, as confident, as had been our greetings. thousands of miles of unsettled country lay east and west of us, and all around us, our empire, not then won. history tells how that wagon train went through, and how its settlers scattered all along the willamette and the columbia and the walla walla, and helped us to hold oregon. for myself, the chapter of accidents continued. i was detained at fort hall, and again east of there. i met straggling immigrants coming on across the south pass to winter at bridger's post; but finally i lost all word of meek's party, and could only suppose that they had got over the mountains. i made the journey across the south pass, the snow being now beaten down on the trails more than usual by the west-bound animals and vehicles. of all these now coming on, none would get farther west than fort hall that year. our own party, although over the rockies, had yet the plains to cross. i was glad enough when we staggered into old fort laramie in the midst of a blinding snow-storm. winter had caught us fair and full. i had lost the race! here, then, i must winter. yet i learned that joe meek had outfitted at laramie almost a month earlier, with new animals; had bought a little grain, and, under escort of a cavalry troop which had come west with the wagon train, had started east in time, perhaps, to make it through to the missouri. in a race of one thousand miles, the baroness had already beaten me almost by a month! further word was, of course, now unobtainable, for no trains or wagons would come west so late, and there were then no stages carrying mail across the great plains. there was nothing for me to do except to wait and eat out my heart at old fort laramie, in the society of indians and trappers, half-breeds and traders. the winter seemed years in length, so gladly i make its story brief. it was now the spring of , and i was in my second year away from washington. glad enough i was when in the first sunshine of spring i started east, taking my chances of getting over the plains. at last, to make the long journey also brief, i did reach fort leavenworth, by this time a five months' loser in the transcontinental race. it was a new annual wagon train which i now met rolling westward. such were times and travel not so long ago. little enough had come of my two years' journey out to oregon. like to the army of the french king, i had marched up the hill and then marched down again. as much might have been said of the united states; and the same was yet more true of great britain, whose army of occupation had not even marched wholly up the hill. so much as this latter fact i now could tell my own government; and i could say that while great britain's fleet held the sea entry, the vast and splendid interior of an unknown realm was open on the east to our marching armies of settlers. now i could describe that realm, even though the plot of events advanced but slowly regarding it. it was a plot of the stars, whose work is done in no haste. oregon still was held in that oft renewed and wholly absurd joint occupancy, so odious and so dangerous to both nations. two years were taken from my life in learning that--and in learning that this question of oregon's final ownership was to be decided not on the pacific, not on the shoulders of the blues or the cascades, but in the east, there at washington, after all. the actual issue was in the hands of the god of battles, who sometimes uses strange instruments for his ends. it was not i, it was not mr. calhoun, not any of the officers of our government, who could get oregon for us. it was the god of battles, whose instrument was a woman, helena von ritz. after all, this was the chief fruit of my long journey. as to the baroness, she had long since left fort leavenworth for the east. i followed still with what speed i could employ. i could not reach washington now until long after the first buds would be out and the creepers growing green on the gallery of mr. calhoun's residence. yes, green also on all the lattices of elmhurst mansion. what had happened there for me? chapter xxxi the payment what man seeks in love is woman; what woman seeks in man is love.--_houssaye_. when i reached washington it was indeed spring, warm, sweet spring. in the wide avenues the straggling trees were doing their best to dignify the city, and flowers were blooming everywhere. wonderful enough did all this seem to me after thousands of miles of rude scenery of bare valleys and rocky hills, wild landscapes, seen often through cold and blinding storms amid peaks and gorges, or on the drear, forbidding plains. used more, of late, to these wilder scenes, i felt awkward and still half savage. i did not at once seek out my own friends. my first wish was to get in touch with mr. calhoun, for i knew that so i would most quickly arrive at the heart of events. he was away when i called at his residence on georgetown heights, but at last i heard the wheels of his old omnibus, and presently he entered with his usual companion, doctor samuel ward. when they saw me there, then indeed i received a greeting which repaid me for many things! this over, we all three broke out in laughter at my uncouth appearance. i was clad still in such clothing as i could pick up in western towns as i hurried on from the missouri eastward; and i had as yet found no time for barbers. "we have had no word from you, nicholas," said mr. calhoun presently, "since that from laramie, in the fall of eighteen forty-four. this is in the spring of eighteen forty-six! meantime, we might all have been dead and buried and none of us the wiser. what a country! 'tis more enormous than the mind of any of us can grasp." "you should travel across it to learn that," i grinned. "many things have happened since you left. you know that i am back in the senate once more?" i nodded. "and about texas?" i began. "texas is ours," said he, smiling grimly. "you have heard how? it was a hard fight enough--a bitter, selfish, sectional fight among politicians. but there is going to be war. our troops crossed the sabine more than a year ago. they will cross the rio grande before this year is done. the mexican minister has asked for his passports. the administration has ordered general taylor to advance. mr. polk is carrying out annexation with a vengeance. seeing a chance for more territory, now that texas is safe from england, he plans war on helpless and deserted mexico! we may hear of a battle now at any time. but this war with mexico may yet mean war with england. that, of course, endangers our chance to gain all or any of that great oregon country. tell me, what have you learned?" i hurried on now with my own news, briefly as i might. i told them of the ships of england's navy waiting in oregon waters; of the growing suspicion of the hudson bay people; of the changes in the management at fort vancouver; of the change also from a conciliatory policy to one of half hostility. i told them of our wagon trains going west, and of the strength of our frontiersmen; but offset this, justly as i might, by giving facts also regarding the opposition these might meet. "precisely," said calhoun, walking up and down, his head bent. "england is prepared for war! how much are we prepared? it would cost us the revenues of a quarter of a century to go to war with her to-day. it would cost us fifty thousand lives. we would need an army of two hundred and fifty thousand men. where is all that to come from? can we transport our army there in time? but had all this bluster ceased, then we could have deferred this war with mexico; could have bought with coin what now will cost us blood; and we could also have bought oregon without the cost of either coin or blood. _delay_ was what we needed! _all_ of oregon should have been ours!" "but, surely, this is not all news to you?" i began. "have you not seen the baroness von ritz? has she not made her report?" "the baroness?" queried calhoun. "that stormy petrel--that advance agent of events! did she indeed sail with the british ships from montreal? _did_ you find her there--in oregon?" "yes, and lost her there! she started east last summer, and beat me fairly in the race. has she not made known her presence here? she told me she was going to washington." he shook his head in surprise. "trouble now, i fear! pakenham has back his best ally, our worst antagonist." "that certainly is strange," said i. "she had five months the start of me, and in that time there is no telling what she has done or undone. surely, she is somewhere here, in washington! she held texas in her shoes. i tell you she holds oregon in her gloves to-day!" i started up, my story half untold. "where are you going?" asked mr. calhoun of me. doctor ward looked at me, smiling. "he does not inquire of a certain young lady--" "i am going to find the baroness von ritz!" said i. i flushed red under my tan, i doubt not; but i would not ask a word regarding elisabeth. doctor ward came and laid a hand on my shoulder. "republics forget," said he, "but men from south carolina do not. neither do girls from maryland. do you think so?" "that is what i am going to find out." "how then? are you going to elmhurst as you look now?" "no. i shall find out many things by first finding the baroness von ritz." and before they could make further protests, i was out and away. i hurried now to a certain side street, of which i have made mention, and knocked confidently at a door i knew. the neighborhood was asleep in the warm sun. i knocked a second time, and began to doubt, but at last heard slow footsteps. there appeared at the crack of the door the wrinkled visage of the old serving-woman, threlka. i knew that she would be there in precisely this way, because there was every reason in the world why it should not have been. she paused, scanning me closely, then quickly opened the door and allowed me to step inside, vanishing as was her wont. i heard another step in a half-hidden hallway beyond, but this was not the step which i awaited; it was that of a man, slow, feeble, hesitating. i started forward as a face appeared at the parted curtains. a glad cry welcomed me in turn. a tall, bent form approached me, and an arm was thrown about my shoulder. it was my whilom friend, our ancient scientist, von rittenhofen! i did not pause to ask how he happened to be there. it was quite natural, since it was wholly impossible. i made no wonder at the chinese dog chow, or the little indian maid, who both came, stared, and silently vanished. seeing these, i knew that their strange protector must also have won through safe. "_ach, gott! gesegneter gott!_ i see you again, my friend!" thus the old doctor. "but tell me," i interrupted, "where is the mistress of this house, the baroness von ritz?" he looked at me in his mild way. "you mean my daughter helena?" now at last i smiled. his daughter! this at least was too incredible! he turned and reached behind him to a little table. he held up before my eyes my little blanket clasp of shell. then i knew that this last and most impossible thing also was true, and that in some way these two had found each other! but _why_? what could he now mean? "listen now," he began, "and i shall tell you. i wass in the street one day. when i walk alone, i do not much notice. but now, as i walk, before my eyes on the street, i see what? this--this, the tah gook! at first, i see nothing but it. then i look up. before me iss a woman, young and beautiful. ach! what should i do but take her in my arms!" "it was she; it was--" "my daughter! yess, my daughter. it iss _helena_! i haf not seen her for many years, long, cruel years. i suppose her dead. but now there we were, standing, looking in each other's eyes! we see there--ach, gott! what do we not see? yet in spite of all, it wass helena. but she shall tell you." he tottered from the room. i heard his footsteps pass down the hall. then softly, almost silently, helena von ritz again stood before me. the light from a side window fell upon her face. yes, it was she! her face was thinner now, browner even than was its wont. her hair was still faintly sunburned at its extremities by the western winds. yet hers was still imperishable youth and beauty. i held out my hands to her. "ah," i cried, "you played me false! you ran away! by what miracle did you come through? i confess my defeat. you beat me by almost half a year." "but now you have come," said she simply. "yes, to remind you that you have friends. you have been here in secret all the winter. mr. calhoun did not know you had come. why did you not go to him?" "i was waiting for you to come. do you not remember our bargain? each day i expected you. in some way, i scarce knew how, the weeks wore on." "and now i find you both here--you and your father--where i would expect to find neither. continually you violate all law of likelihood. but now, you have seen elisabeth?" "yes, i have seen her," she said, still simply. i could think of no word suited to that moment. i stood only looking at her. she would have spoken, but on the instant raised a hand as though to demand my silence. i heard a loud knock at the door, peremptory, commanding, as though the owner came. "you must go into another room," said helena von ritz to me hurriedly. "who is it? who is it at the door?" i asked. she looked at me calmly. "it is sir richard pakenham," said she. "this is his usual hour. i will send him away. go now--quick!" i rapidly passed behind the screening curtains into the hall, even as i heard a heavy foot stumbling at the threshold and a somewhat husky voice offer some sort of salutation. chapter xxxii pakenham's price the happiest women, like nations, have no history. --_george eliot_. the apartment into which i hurriedly stepped i found to be a long and narrow hall, heavily draped. a door or so made off on the right-hand side, and a closed door also appeared at the farther end; but none invited me to enter, and i did not care to intrude. this situation did not please me, because i must perforce hear all that went on in the rooms which i had just left. i heard the thick voice of a man, apparently none the better for wine. "my dear," it began, "i--" some gesture must have warned him. "god bless my soul!" he began again. "who is here, then? what is wrong?" "my father is here to-day," i heard her clear voice answer, "and, as you suggest, it might perhaps be better--" "god bless my soul!" he repeated. "but, my dear, then i must go! _to-night_, then! where is that other key? it would never do, you know--" "no, sir richard, it would never do. go, then!" spoke a low and icy voice, hers, yet not hers. "hasten!" i heard her half whisper. "i think perhaps my father--" but it was my own footsteps they heard. this was something to which i could not be party. yet, rapidly as i walked, her visitor was before me. i caught sight only of his portly back, as the street door closed behind him. she stood, her back against the door, her hand spread out against the wall, as though to keep me from passing. i paused and looked at her, held by the horror in her eyes. she made no concealment, offered no apologies, and showed no shame. i repeat that it was only horror and sadness mingled which i saw upon her face. "madam," i began. and again, "madam!" and then i turned away. "you see," she said, sighing. "yes, i fear i see; but i wish i did not. can i not--may i not be mistaken?" "no, it is true. there is no mistake." "what have you done? why? _why_?" "did you not always credit me with being the good friend of mr. pakenham years ago--did not all the city? well, then i was _not_; but i _am_, now! i was england's agent only--_until last night_. monsieur, you have come too soon, too late, too late. ah, my god! my god! last night i gave at last that consent. he comes now to claim, to exact, to take--possession--of me ... ah, my god!" "i can not, of course, understand you, madam. _what_ is it? tell me!" "for three years england's minister besought me to be his, not england's, property. it was not true, what the town thought. it was not true in the case either of yturrio. intrigue--yes--i loved it. i intrigued with england and mexico both, because it was in my nature; but no more than that. no matter what i once was in europe, i was not here--not, as i said, until last night. ah, monsieur! ah, monsieur!" now her hands were beating together. "but _why_ then? why _then_? what do you mean?" i demanded. "because no other way sufficed. all this winter, here, alone, i have planned and thought about other means. nothing would do. there was but the one way. now you see why i did not go to mr. calhoun, why i kept my presence here secret." "but you saw elisabeth?" "yes, long ago. my friend, you have won! you both have won, and i have lost. she loves you, and is worthy of you. you are worthy of each other, yes. i saw i had lost; and i told you i would pay my wager. i told you i would give you her--and oregon! well, then, that last was--hard." she choked. "that was--hard to do." she almost sobbed. "but i have--paid! heart and soul ... and _body_ ... i have ... _paid_! now, he comes ... for ... the _price_!" "but then--but then!" i expostulated. "what does this mean, that i see here? there was no need for this. had you no friends among us? why, though it meant war, i myself to-night would choke that beast pakenham with my own hands!" "no, you will not." "but did i not hear him say there was a key--_his_ key--to-night?" "yes, england once owned that key. now, _he_ does. yes, it is true. since yesterday. now, he comes ..." "but, madam--ah, how could you so disappoint my belief in you?" "because"--she smiled bitterly--"in all great causes there are sacrifices." "but no cause could warrant this." "i was judge of that," was her response. "i saw her--elisabeth--that girl. then i saw what the future years meant for me. i tell you, i vowed with her, that night when i thought you two were wedded. i did more. i vowed myself to a new and wider world that night. now, i have lost it. after all, seeing i could not now be a woman and be happy, i--monsieur--i pass on to others, after this, not that torture of life, but that torturing _principle_ of which we so often spoke. yes, i, even as i am; because by this--this act--this sacrifice--i can win you for her. and i can win that wider america which you have coveted; which i covet for you--which i covet _with_ you!" i could do no more than remain silent, and allow her to explain what was not in the least apparent to me. after a time she went on. "now--now, i say--pakenham the minister is sunk in pakenham the man. he does as i demand--because he is a man. he signs what i demand because i am a woman. i say, to-night--but, see!" she hastened now to a little desk, and caught up a folded document which lay there. this she handed to me, unfolded, and i ran it over with a hasty glance. it was a matter of tremendous importance which lay in those few closely written lines. england's minister offered, over the signature of england, a compromise of the whole oregon debate, provided this country would accept the line of the forty-ninth degree! that, then, was pakenham's price for this key that lay here. "this--this is all i have been able to do with him thus far," she faltered. "it is not enough. but i did it for you!" "madam, this is more than all america has been able to do before! this has not been made public?" "no, no! it is not enough. but to-night i shall make him surrender all--all north, to the very ice, for america, for the democracy! see, now, i was born to be devoted, immolated, after all, as my mother was before me. that is fate! but i shall make fate pay! ah, monsieur! ah, monsieur!" she flung herself to her feet. "i can get it all for you, you and yours!" she reiterated, holding out her hands, the little pink fingers upturned, as was often her gesture. "you shall go to your chief and tell him that mr. polk was right--that you yourself, who taught helena von ritz what life is, taught her that after all she was a woman--are able, because she was a woman, to bring in your own hands all that country, yes, to fifty-four forty, or even farther. i do not know what all can be done. i only know that a fool will part with everything for the sake of his body." i stood now looking at her, silent, trying to fathom the vastness of what she said, trying to understand at all their worth the motives which impelled her. the largeness of her plan, yes, that could be seen. the largeness of her heart and brain, yes, that also. then, slowly, i saw yet more. at last i understood. what i saw was a horror to my soul. "madam," said i to her, at last, "did you indeed think me so cheap as that? come here!" i led her to the central apartment, and motioned her to a seat. "now, then, madam, much has been done here, as you say. it is all that ever can be done. you shall not see pakenham to-night, nor ever again!" "but think what that will cost you!" she broke out. "this is only part. it should _all_ be yours." i flung the document from me. "this has already cost too much," i said. "we do not buy states thus." "but it will cost you your future! polk is your enemy, now, as he is calhoun's. he will not strike you now, but so soon as he dares, he will. now, if you could do this--if you could take this to mr. calhoun, to america, it would mean for you personally all that america could give you in honors." "honors without honor, madam, i do not covet," i replied. then i would have bit my tongue through when i saw the great pallor cross her face at the cruelty of my speech. "and _myself_?" she said, spreading out her hands again. "but no! i know you would not taunt me. i know, in spite of what you say, there must be a sacrifice. well, then, i have made it. i have made my atonement. i say i can give you now, even thus, at least a part of oregon. i can perhaps give you _all_ of oregon--to-morrow! the pakenhams have always dared much to gain their ends. this one will dare even treachery to his country. to-morrow--if i do not kill him--if i do not die--i can perhaps give you all of oregon--bought--bought and ... paid!" her voice trailed off into a whisper which seemed loud as a bugle call to me. "no, you can not give us oregon," i answered. "we are men, not panders. we fight; we do not traffic thus. but you have given me elisabeth!" "my rival!" she smiled at me in spite of all. "but no, not my rival. yes, i have already given you her and given you to her. to do that--to atone, as i said, for my attempt to part you--well, i will give mr. pakenham the key that sir richard pakenham of england lately held. i told you a woman pays, _body_ and soul! in what coin fate gave me, i will pay it. you think my morals mixed. no, i tell you i am clean! i have only bought my own peace with my own conscience! now, at last, helena von ritz knows why she was born, to what end! i have a work to do, and, yes, i see it now--my journey to america after all was part of the plan of fate. i have learned much--through you, monsieur." hurriedly she turned and left me, passing through the heavy draperies which cut off the room where stood the great satin couch. i saw her cast herself there, her arms outflung. slow, deep and silent sobs shook all her body. "madam! madam!" i cried to her. "do not! do not! what you have done here is worth a hundred millions of dollars, a hundred thousand of lives, perhaps. yes, that is true. it means most of oregon, with honor, and without war. that is true, and it is much. but the price paid--it is more than all this continent is worth, if it cost so much as that nor shall it!" black, with a million pin-points of red, the world swam around me. millions of dead souls or souls unborn seemed to gaze at me and my unhesitating rage. i caught up the scroll which bore england's signature, and with one clutch cast it in two pieces on the floor. as it lay, we gazed at it in silence. slowly, i saw a great, soft radiance come upon her face. the red pin-points cleared away from my own vision. chapter xxxiii the story of helena von ritz there is in every true woman's heart a spark of heavenly fire, which beams and blazes in the dark hours of adversity.--_washington irving_. "but madam; but madam--" i tried to begin. at last, after moments which seemed to me ages long, i broke out: "but once, at least, you promised to tell me who and what you are. will you do that now?" "yes! yes!" she said. "now i shall finish the clearing of my soul. you, after all, shall be my confessor." we heard again a faltering footfall in the hallway. i raised an eyebrow in query. "it is my father. yes, but let him come. he also must hear. he is indeed the author of my story, such as it is. "father," she added, "come, sit you here. i have something to say to mr. trist." she seated herself now on one of the low couches, her hands clasped across its arm, her eyes looking far away out of the little window, beyond which could be seen the hills across the wide potomac. "we are foreigners," she went on, "as you can tell. i speak your language better than my father does, because i was younger when i learned. it is quite true he is my father. he is an austrian nobleman, of one of the old families. he was educated in germany, and of late has lived there." "i could have told most of that of you both," i said. she bowed and resumed: "my father was always a student. as a young man in the university, he was devoted to certain theories of his own. _n'est-ce pas vrai, mon drôle?_" she asked, turning to put her arm on her father's shoulder as he dropped weakly on the couch beside her. he nodded. "yes, i wass student," he said. "i wass not content with the ways of my people." "so, my father, you will see," said she, smiling at him, "being much determined on anything which he attempted, decided, with five others, to make a certain experiment. it was the strangest experiment, i presume, ever made in the interest of what is called science. it was wholly the most curious and the most cruel thing ever done." she hesitated now. all i could do was to look from one to the other, wonderingly. "this dear old dreamer, my father, then, and five others--" "i name them!" he interrupted. "there were karl von goertz, albrecht hardman, adolph zu sternbern, karl von starnack, and rudolph von wardberg. we were all friends--" "yes," she said softly, "all friends, and all fools. sometimes i think of my mother." "my dear, your mother!" "but i must tell this as it was! then, sir, these six, all heidelberg men, all well born, men of fortune, all men devoted to science, and interested in the study of the hopelessness of the average human being in central europe--these fools, or heroes, i say not which--they decided to do something in the interest of science. they were of the belief that human beings were becoming poor in type. so they determined to marry--" "naturally," said i, seeking to relieve a delicate situation--"they scorned the marriage of convenience--they came to our american way of thinking, that they would marry for love." "you do them too much credit!" said she slowly. "that would have meant no sacrifice on either side. they married in the interest of _science!_ they married with the deliberate intention of improving individuals of the human species! father, is it not so?" some speech stumbled on his tongue; but she raised her hand. "listen to me. i will be fair to you, fairer than you were either to yourself or to my mother. "yes, these six concluded to improve the grade of human animals! they resolved to marry _among the peasantry_--because thus they could select finer specimens of womankind, younger, stronger, more fit to bring children into the world. is not that the truth, my father?" "it wass the way we thought," he whispered. "it wass the way we thought wass wise." "and perhaps it was wise. it was selection. so now they selected. two of them married german working girls, and those two are dead, but there is no child of them alive. two married in austria, and of these one died, and the other is in a mad house. one married a young galician girl, and so fond of her did he become that she took him down from his station to hers, and he was lost. the other--" "yes; it was my father," she said, at length. "there he sits, my father. yes, i love him. i would forfeit my life for him now--i would lay it down gladly for him. better had i done so. but in my time i have hated him. "he, the last one, searched long for this fitting animal to lead to the altar. he was tall and young and handsome and rich, do you see? he could have chosen among his own people any woman he liked. instead, he searched among the galicians, the lower austrians, the prussians. he examined bavaria and saxony. many he found, but still none to suit his scientific ideas. he bethought him then of searching among the hungarians, where, it is said, the most beautiful women of the world are found. so at last he found her, that peasant, _my mother!_" the silence in the room was broken at last by her low, even, hopeless voice as she went on. "now the hungarians are slaves to austria. they do as they are bid, those who live on the great estates. they have no hope. if they rebel, they are cut down. they are not a people. they belong to no one, not even to themselves." "my god!" said i, a sigh breaking from me in spite of myself. i raised my hand as though to beseech her not to go on. but she persisted. "yes, we, too, called upon _our_ gods! so, now, my father came among that people and found there a young girl, one much younger than himself. she was the most beautiful, so they say, of all those people, many of whom are very beautiful." "yes--proof of that!" said i. she knew i meant no idle flattery. "yes, she was beautiful. but at first she did not fancy to marry this austrian student nobleman. she said no to him, even when she found who he was and what was his station--even when she found that he meant her no dishonor. but our ruler heard of it, and, being displeased at this mockery of the traditions of the court, and wishing in his sardonic mind to teach these fanatical young nobles to rue well their bargain, he sent word to the girl that she _must_ marry this man--my father. it was made an imperial order! "and so now, at last, since he was half crazed by her beauty, as men are sometimes by the beauty of women, and since at last this had its effect with her, as sometimes it does with women, and since it was perhaps death or some severe punishment if she did not obey, she married him--my father." "and loved me all her life!" the old man broke out. "nefer had man love like hers, i will haf it said. i will haf it said that she loved me, always and always; and i loved _her_ always, with all my heart!" "yes," said helena von ritz, "they two loved each other, even as they were. so here am i, born of that love." now we all sat silent for a time. "that birth was at my father's estates," resumed the same even, merciless voice. "after some short time of travels, they returned to the estates; and, yes, there i was born, half noble, half peasant; and then there began the most cruel thing the world has ever known. "the nobles of the court and of the country all around began to make existence hideous for my mother. the aristocracy, insulted by the republicanism of these young noblemen, made life a hell for the most gentle woman of hungary. ah, they found new ways to make her suffer. they allowed her to share in my father's estate, allowed her to appear with him when he could prevail upon her to do so. then they twitted and taunted her and mocked her in all the devilish ways of their class. she was more beautiful than any court beauty of them all, and they hated her for that. she had a good mind, and they hated her for that. she had a faithful, loyal heart, and they hated her for that. and in ways more cruel than any man will ever know, women and men made her feel that hate, plainly and publicly, made her admit that she was chosen as breeding stock and nothing better. ah, it was the jest of europe, for a time. they insulted my mother, and that became the jest of the court, of all vienna. she dared not go alone from the castle. she dared not travel alone." "but your father resented this?" she nodded. "duel after duel he fought, man after man he killed, thanks to his love for her and his manhood. he would not release what he loved. he would not allow his class to separate him from his choice. but the _women!_ ah, he could not fight them! so i have hated women, and made war on them all my life. my father could not placate his emperor. so, in short, that scientific experiment ended in misery--and me!" the room had grown dimmer. the sun was sinking as she talked. there was silence, i know, for a long time before she spoke again. "in time, then, my father left his estates and went out to a small place in the country; but my mother--her heart was broken. malice pursued her. those who were called her superiors would not let her alone. see, he weeps, my father, as he thinks of these things. "there was cause, then, to weep. for two years, they tell me, my mother wept then she died. she gave me, a baby, to her friend, a woman of her village--threlka mazoff. you have seen her. she has been my mother ever since. she has been the sole guardian i have known all my life. she has not been able to do with me as she would have liked." "you did not live at your own home with your father?" i asked. "for a time. i grew up. but my father, i think, was permanently shocked by the loss of the woman he had loved and whom he had brought into all this cruelty. she had been so lovable, so beautiful--she was so beautiful, my mother! so they sent me away to france, to the schools. i grew up, i presume, proof in part of the excellence of my father's theory. they told me that i was a beautiful animal!" the contempt, the scorn, the pathos--the whole tragedy of her voice and bearing--were such as i can not set down on paper, and such as i scarce could endure to hear. never in my life before have i felt such pity for a human being, never so much desire to do what i might in sheer compassion. but now, how clear it all became to me! i could understand many strange things about the character of this singular woman, her whims, her unaccountable moods, her seeming carelessness, yet, withal, her dignity and sweetness and air of breeding--above all her mysteriousness. let others judge her for themselves. there was only longing in my heart that i might find some word of comfort. what could comfort her? was not life, indeed, for her to remain a perpetual tragedy? "but, madam," said i, at length, "you must not wrong your father and your mother and yourself. these two loved each other devotedly. well, what more? you are the result of a happy marriage. you are beautiful, you are splendid, by that reason." "perhaps. even when i was sixteen, i was beautiful," she mused. "i have heard rumors of that. but i say to you that then i was only a beautiful animal. also, i was a vicious animal i had in my heart all the malice which my mother never spoke. i felt in my soul the wish to injure women, to punish men, to torment them, to make them pay! to set even those balances of torture!--ah, that was my ambition! i had not forgotten that, when i first met you, when i first heard of--her, the woman whom you love, whom already in your savage strong way you have wedded--the woman whose vows i spoke with her--i--i, helena von ritz, with history such as mine! "father, father,"--she turned to him swiftly; "rise--go! i can not now speak before you. leave us alone until i call!" obedient as though he had been the child and she the parent, the old man rose and tottered feebly from the room. "there are things a woman can not say in the presence of a parent," she said, turning to me. her face twitched. "it takes all my bravery to talk to you." "why should you? there is not need. do not!" "ah, i must, because it is fair," said she. "i have lost, lost! i told you i would pay my wager." after a time she turned her face straight toward mine and went on with her old splendid bravery. "so, now, you see, when i was young and beautiful i had rank and money. i had brains. i had hatred of men. i had contempt for the aristocracy. my heart was peasant after all. my principles were those of the republican. revolution was in my soul, i say. thwarted, distorted, wretched, unscrupulous, i did what i could to make hell for those who had made hell for us. i have set dozens of men by the ears. i have been promised in marriage to i know not how many. a dozen men have fought to the death in duels over me. for each such death i had not even a thought. the more troubles i made, the happier i was. oh, yes, in time i became known--i had a reputation; there is no doubt of that. "but still the organized aristocracy had its revenge--it had its will of me, after all. there came to me, as there had to my mother, an imperial order. in punishment for my fancies and vagaries, i was condemned to marry a certain nobleman. that was the whim of the new emperor, ferdinand, the degenerate. he took the throne when i was but sixteen years of age. he chose for me a degenerate mate from his own sort." she choked, now. "you did marry him?" she nodded. "yes. debauché, rake, monster, degenerate, product of that aristocracy which had oppressed us, i was obliged to marry him, a man three times my age! i pleaded. i begged. i was taken away by night. i was--i was--they say i was married to him. for myself, i did not know where i was or what happened. but after that they said that i was the wife of this man, a sot, a monster, the memory only of manhood. now, indeed, the revenge of the aristocracy was complete!" she went on at last in a voice icy cold. "i fled one night, back to hungary. for a month they could not find me. i was still young. i saw my people then as i had not before. i saw also the monarchies of europe. ah, now i knew what oppression meant! now i knew what class distinction and special privileges meant! i saw what ruin it was spelling for our country--what it will spell for your country, if they ever come to rule here. ah, then that dream came to me which had come to my father, that beautiful dream which justified me in everything i did. my friend, can it--can it in part justify me--now? "for the first time, then, i resolved to live! i have loved my father ever since that time. i pledged myself to continue that work which he had undertaken! i pledged myself to better the condition of humanity if i might. "there was no hope for me. i was condemned and ruined as it was. my life was gone. such as i had left, that i resolved to give to--what shall we call it?-the _idée démocratique_. "now, may god rest my mother's soul, and mine also, so that some time i may see her in another world--i pray i may be good enough for that some time. i have not been sweet and sinless as was my mother. fate laid a heavier burden upon me. but what remained with me throughout was the idea which my father had bequeathed me--" "ah, but also that beauty and sweetness and loyalty which came to you from your mother," i insisted. she shook her head. "wait!" she said. "now they pursued me as though i had been a criminal, and they took me back--horsemen about me who did as they liked. i was, i say, a sacrifice. news of this came to that man who was my husband. they shamed him into fighting. he had not the courage of the nobles left. but he heard of one nobleman against whom he had a special grudge; and him one night, foully and unfairly, he murdered. "news of that came to the emperor. my husband was tried, and, the case being well known to the public, it was necessary to convict him for the sake of example. then, on the day set for his beheading, the emperor reprieved him. the hour for the execution passed, and, being now free for the time, he fled the country. he went to africa, and there he so disgraced the state that bore him that of late times i hear he has been sent for to come back to austria. even yet the emperor may suspend the reprieve and send him to the block for his ancient crime. if he had a thousand heads, he could not atone for the worse crimes he has done! "but of him, and of his end, i know nothing. so, now, you see, i was and am wed, and yet am not wed, and never was. i do not know what i am, nor who i am. after all, i can not tell you who i am, or what i am, because i myself do not know. "it was now no longer safe for me in my own country. they would not let me go to my father any more. as for him, he went on with his studies, some part of his mind being bright and clear. they did not wish him about the court now. all these matters were to be hushed up. the court of england began to take cognizance of these things. our government was scandalized. they sent my father, on pretext of scientific errands, into one country and another--to sweden, to england, to africa, at last to america. thus it happened that you met him. you must both have been very near to meeting me in montreal. it was fate, as we of hungary would say. "as for me, i was no mere hare-brained radical. i did not go to russia, did not join the revolutionary circles of paris, did not yet seek out prussia. that is folly. my father was right. it must be the years, it must be the good heritage, it must be the good environment, it must be even opportunity for all, which alone can produce good human beings! in short, believe me, a victim, _the hope of the world is in a real democracy_. slowly, gradually, i was coming to believe that." she paused a moment. "then, one time, monsieur,--i met you, here in this very room! god pity me! you were the first man i had ever seen. god pity me!--i believe i--loved you--that night, that very first night! we are friends. we are brave. you are man and gentleman, so i may say that, now. i am no longer woman. i am but sacrifice. "opportunity must exist, open and free for all the world," she went on, not looking at me more than i could now at her. "i have set my life to prove this thing. when i came here to this america--out of pique, out of a love of adventure, out of sheer daring and exultation in imposture--_then_ i saw why i was born, for what purpose! it was to do such work as i might to prove the theory of my father, and to justify the life of my mother. for that thing i was born. for that thing i have been damned on this earth; i may be damned in the life to come, unless i can make some great atonement. for these i suffer and shall always suffer. but what of that? there must always be a sacrifice." the unspeakable tragedy of her voice cut to my soul. "but listen!" i broke out. "you are young. you are free. all the world is before you. you can have anything you like--" "ah, do not talk to me of that," she exclaimed imperiously. "do not tempt me to attempt the deceit of myself! i made myself as i am, long ago. i did not love. i did not know it. as to marriage, i did not need it. i had abundant means without. i was in the upper ranks of society. i was there; i was classified; i lived with them. but always i had my purposes, my plans. for them i paid, paid, paid, as a woman must, with--what a woman has. "but now, i am far ahead of my story. let me bring it on. i went to paris. i have sown some seeds of venom, some seeds of revolution, in one place or another in europe in my time. ah, it works; it will go! here and there i have cost a human life. here and there work was to be done which i disliked; but i did it. misguided, uncared for, mishandled as i had been--well, as i said, i went to paris. "ah, sir, will you not, too, leave the room, and let me tell on this story to myself, to my own soul? it is fitter for my confessor than for you." "let me, then, _be_ your confessor!" said i. "forget! forget! you have not been this which you say. do i not know?" "no, you do not know. well, let be. let me go on! i say i went to paris. i was close to the throne of france. that little duke of orleans, son of louis philippe, was a puppet in my hands. oh, i do not doubt i did mischief in that court, or at least if i failed it was through no lack of effort! i was called there 'america vespucci.' they thought me italian! at last they came to know who i was. they dared not make open rupture in the face of the courts of europe. certain of their high officials came to me and my young duke of orleans. they asked me to leave paris. they did not command it--the duke of orleans cared for that part of it. but they requested me outside--not in his presence. they offered me a price, a bribe--such an offering as would, i fancied, leave me free to pursue my own ideas in my own fashion and in any corner of the world. you have perhaps seen some of my little fancies. i imagined that love and happiness were never for me--only ambition and unrest. with these goes luxury, sometimes. at least this sort of personal liberty was offered me--the price of leaving paris, and leaving the son of louis philippe to his own devices. i did so." "and so, then you came to washington? that must have been some years ago." "yes; some five years ago. i still was young. i told you that you must have known me, and so, no doubt, you did. did _you_ ever hear of 'america vespucci'?" a smile came to my face at the suggestion of that celebrated adventuress and mysterious impostress who had figured in the annals of washington--a fair italian, so the rumor ran, who had come to this country to set up a claim, upon our credulity at least, as to being the descendant of none less than amerigo vespucci himself! this supposititious italian had indeed gone so far as to secure the introduction of a bill in congress granting to her certain lands. the fate of that bill even then hung in the balance. i had no reason to put anything beyond the audacity of this woman with whom i spoke! my smile was simply that which marked the eventual voting down of this once celebrated measure, as merry and as bold a jest as ever was offered the credulity of a nation--one conceivable only in the mad and bitter wit of helena von ritz! "yes, madam," i said, "i have heard of 'america vespucci.' i presume that you are now about to repeat that you are she!" she nodded, the mischievous enjoyment of her colossal jest showing in her eyes, in spite of all. "yes," said she, "among other things, i have been 'america vespucci'! there seemed little to do here in intrigue, and that was my first endeavor to amuse myself. then i found other employment. england needed a skilful secret agent. why should i be faithful to england? at least, why should i not also enjoy intrigue with yonder government of mexico at the same time? there came also mr. van zandt of this republic of texas. yes, it is true, i have seen some sport here in washington! but all the time as i played in my own little game--with no one to enjoy it save myself--i saw myself begin to lose. this country--this great splendid country of savages--began to take me by the hands, began to look me in the eyes, and to ask me, '_helena von ritz, what are you? what might you have been?_' "so now," she concluded, "you asked me, asked me what i was, and i have told you. i ask you myself, what am i, what am i to be; and i say, i am unclean. but, being as i am, i have done what i have done. it was for a principle--or it was--for you! i do not know." "there are those who can be nothing else but clean," i broke out. "i shall not endure to hear you speak thus of yourself. you--you, what have you not done for us? was not your mother clean in her heart? sins such as you mention were never those of scarlet. if you have sinned, your sins are white as snow. i at least am confessor enough to tell you that." "ah, my confessor!" she reached out her hands to me, her eyes swimming wet. then she pushed me back suddenly, beating with her little hands upon my breast as though i were an enemy. "do not!" she said. "go!" my eye caught sight of the great key, _pakenham's key_, lying there on the table. maddened, i caught it up, and, with a quick wrench of my naked hands, broke it in two, and threw the halves on the floor to join the torn scroll of england's pledge. i divided oregon at the forty-ninth parallel, and not at fifty-four forty, when i broke pakenham's key. but you shall see why i have never regretted that. "ask sir richard pakenham if he wants his key _now!_" i said. chapter xxxiv the victory she will not stay the siege of loving terms, nor bide the encounter of assailing eyes, nor ope her lap to soul-seducing gold ... for she is wise, if i can judge of her; and fair she is, if that mine eyes be true; and true she is, as she hath proved herself. --_shakespeare_. "what have you done?" she exclaimed. "are you mad? he may be here at any moment now. go, at once!" "i shall not go!" "my house is my own! i am my own!" "you know it is not true, madam!" i saw the slow shudder that crossed her form, the the fringe of wet which sprang to her eyelashes. again the pleading gesture of her half-open fingers. "ah, what matter?" she said. "it is only one woman more, against so much. what is past, is past, monsieur. once down, a woman does not rise." "you forget history,--you forget the thief upon the cross!" "the thief on the cross was not a woman. no, i am guilty beyond hope!" "rather, you are only mad beyond reason, madam. i shall not go so long as you feel thus,--although god knows i am no confessor." "i confessed to you,--told you my story, so there could be no bridge across the gulf between us. my happiness ended then." "it is of no consequence that we be happy, madam. i give you back your own words about yon torch of principles." for a time she sat and looked at me steadily. there was, i say, some sort of radiance on her face, though i, dull of wit, could neither understand nor describe it. i only knew that she seemed to ponder for a long time, seemed to resolve at last. slowly she rose and left me, parting the satin draperies which screened her boudoir from the outer room. there was silence for some time. perhaps she prayed,--i do not know. now other events took this situation in hand. i heard a footfall on the walk, a cautious knocking on the great front door. so, my lord pakenham was prompt. now i could not escape even if i liked. pale and calm, she reappeared at the parted draperies. i lifted the butts of my two derringers into view at my side pockets, and at a glance from her, hurriedly stepped into the opposite room. after a time i heard her open the door in response to a second knock. i could not see her from my station, but the very silence gave me a picture of her standing, pale, forbidding, rebuking the first rude exclamation of his ardor. "come now, is he gone? is the place safe at last?" he demanded. "enter, my lord," she said simply. "this is the hour you said," he began; and she answered: "my lord, it is the hour." "but come, what's the matter, then? you act solemn, as though this were a funeral, and not--just a kiss," i heard him add. he must have advanced toward her. continually i was upon the point of stepping out from my concealment, but as continually she left that not quite possible by some word or look or gesture of her own with him. "oh, hang it!" i heard him grumble, at length; "how can one tell what a woman'll do? damn it, helen!" "'madam,' you mean!" "well, then, madam, why all this hoighty-toighty? haven't i stood flouts and indignities enough from you? didn't you make a show of me before that ass, tyler, when i was at the very point of my greatest coup? you denied knowledge that i knew you had. but did i discard you for that? i have found you since then playing with mexico, texas, united states all at once? have i punished you for _that?_ no, i have only shown you the more regard." "my lord, you punish me most when you most show me your regard." "well, god bless my soul, listen at that! listen at that--here, now, when i've--madam, you shock me, you grieve me. i--could i have a glass of wine?" i heard her ring for threlka, heard her fasten the door behind her as she left, heard him gulp over his glass. for myself, although i did not yet disclose myself, i felt no doubt that i should kill pakenham in these rooms. i even pondered whether i should shoot him through the temple and cut off his consciousness, or through the chest and so let him know why he died. after a time he seemed to look about the room, his eye falling upon the littered floor. "my key!" he exclaimed; "broken! who did that? i can't use it now!" "you will not need to use it, my lord." "but i bought it, yesterday! had i given you all of the oregon country it would not have been worth twenty thousand pounds. what i'll have to-night--what i'll take--will be worth twice that. but i bought that key, and what i buy i keep." i heard a struggle, but she repulsed him once more in some way. still my time had not come. he seemed now to stoop, grunting, to pick up something from the floor. "how now? my memorandum of treaty, and torn in two! oh, i see--i see," he mused. "you wish to give it back to me--to be wholly free! it means only that you wish to love me for myself, for what i am! you minx!" "you mistake, my lord," said her calm, cold voice. "at least, 'twas no mistake that i offered you this damned country at risk of my own head. are you then with england and sir richard pakenham? will you give my family a chance for revenge on these accursed heathen--these americans? come, do that, and i leave this place with you, and quit diplomacy for good. we'll travel the continent, we'll go the world over, you and i. i'll quit my estates, my family for you. come, now, why do you delay?" "still you misunderstand, my lord." "tell me then what you do mean." "our old bargain over this is broken, my lord. we must make another." his anger rose. "what? you want more? you're trying to lead me on with your damned courtezan tricks!" i heard her voice rise high and shrill, even as i started forward. "monsieur," she cried, "back with you!" pakenham, angered as he was, seemed half to hear my footsteps, seemed half to know the swinging of the draperies, even as i stepped back in obedience to her gesture. her wit was quick as ever. "my lord," she said, "pray close yonder window. the draft is bad, and, moreover, we should have secrecy." he obeyed her, and she led him still further from the thought of investigating his surroundings. "now, my lord," she said, "_take back_ what you have just said!" "under penalty?" he sneered. "of your life, yes." "so!" he grunted admiringly; "well, now, i like fire in a woman, even a deceiving light-o'-love like you!" "monsieur!" her voice cried again; and once more it restrained me in my hiding. "you devil!" he resumed, sneering now in all his ugliness of wine and rage and disappointment. "what were _you?_ mistress of the prince of france! toy of a score of nobles! slave of that infamous rake, your husband! much you've got in your life to make you uppish now with me!" "my lord," she said evenly, "retract that. if you do not, you shall not leave this place alive." in some way she mastered him, even in his ugly mood. "well, well," he growled, "i admit we don't get on very well in our little love affair; but i swear you drive me out of my mind. i'll never find another woman in the world like you. it's sir richard pakenham asks you to begin a new future with himself." "we begin no future, my lord." "what do you mean? have you lied to me? do you mean to break your word--your promise?" "it is within the hour that i have learned what the truth is." "god damn my soul!" i heard him curse, growling. "yes, my lord," she answered, "god will damn your soul in so far as it is that of a brute and not that of a gentleman or a statesman." i heard him drop into a chair. "this from one of your sort!" he half whimpered. "stop, now!" she cried. "not one word more of that! i say within the hour i have learned what is the truth. i am helena von ritz, thief on the cross, and at last clean!" "god a'might, madam! how pious!" he sneered. "something's behind all this. i know your record. what woman of the court of austria or france comes out with _morals?_ we used you here because you had none. and now, when it comes to the settlement between you and me, you talk like a nun. as though a trifle from virtue such as yours would be missed!" "ah, my god!" i heard her murmur. then again she called to me, as he thought to himself; so that all was as it had been, for the time. a silence fell before she went on. "sir richard," she said at length, "we do not meet again. i await now your full apology for these things you have said. such secrets as i have learned of england's, you know will remain safe with me. also your own secret will be safe. retract, then, what you have said, of my personal life!" "oh, well, then," he grumbled, "i admit i've had a bit of wine to-day. i don't mean much of anything by it. but here now, i have come, and by your own invitation--your own agreement. being here, i find this treaty regarding oregon torn in two and you gone nun all a-sudden." "yes, my lord, it is torn in two. the consideration moving to it was not valid. but now i wish you to amend that treaty once more, and for a consideration valid in every way. my lord, i promised that which was not mine to give--myself! did you lay hand on me now, i should die. if you kissed me, i should kill you and myself! as you say, i took yonder price, the devil's shilling. did i go on, i would be enlisting for the damnation of my soul; but i will not go on. i recant!" "but, good god! woman, what are you asking _now?_ do you want me to let you have this paper anyhow, to show old john calhoun? i'm no such ass as that. i apologize for what i've said about you. i'll be your friend, because i can't let you go. but as to this paper here, i'll put it in my pocket." "my lord, you will do nothing of the kind. before you leave this room there shall be two miracles done. you shall admit that one has gone on in me; i shall see that you yourself have done another." "what guessing game do you propose, madam?" he sneered. he seemed to toss the torn paper on the table, none the less. "the condition is forfeited," he began. "no, it is not forfeited except by your own word, my lord," rejoined the same even, icy voice. "you shall see now the first miracle!" "under duress?" he sneered again. "_yes_, then! under duress of what has not often come to surface in you, sir richard. i ask you to do truth, and not treason, my lord! she who was helena von ritz is dead--has passed away. there can be no question of forfeit between you and her. look, my lord!" i heard a half sob from him. i heard a faint rustling of silks and laces. still her even, icy voice went on. "rise, now, sir richard," she said. "unfasten my girdle, if you like! undo my clasps, if you can. you say you know my past. tell me, do you see me now? ungird me, sir richard! look at me! covet me! take me!" apparently he half rose, shuffled towards her, and stopped with a stifled sound, half a sob, half a growl. i dared not picture to myself what he must have seen as she stood fronting him, her hands, as i imagined, at her bosom, tearing back her robes. again i heard her voice go on, challenging him. "strip me now, sir richard, if you can! take now what you bought, if you find it here. you can not? you do not? ah, then tell me that miracle has been done! she who was helena von ritz, as you knew her, or as you thought you knew her, _is not here!_" now fell long silence. i could hear the breathing of them both, where i stood in the farther corner of my room. i had dropped both the derringers back in my pockets now, because i knew there would be no need for them. her voice was softer as she went on. "tell me, sir richard, has not that miracle been done?" she demanded. "might not in great stress that thief upon the cross have been a woman? tell me, sir richard, am i not clean?" he flung his body into a seat, his arm across the table. i heard his groan. "god! woman! what are you?" he exclaimed. "clean? by god, yes, as a lily! i wish i were half as white myself." "sir richard, did you ever love a woman?" "one other, beside yourself, long ago." "may not we two ask that other miracle of yourself?" "how do you mean? you have beaten me already." "why, then, this! if i could keep my promise, i would. if i could give you myself, i would. failing that, i may give you gratitude. sir richard, i would give you gratitude, did you restore this treaty as it was, for that new consideration. come, now, these savages here are the same savages who once took that little island for you yonder. twice they have defeated you. do you wish a third war? you say england wishes slavery abolished. as you know, texas is wholly lost to england. the armies of america have swept texas from your reach for ever, even at this hour. but if you give a new state in the north to these same savages, you go so far against oppression, against slavery--you do _that_ much for the doctrine of england, and her altruism in the world. sir richard, never did i believe in hard bargains, and never did any great soul believe in such. i own to you that when i asked you here this afternoon i intended to wheedle from you all of oregon north to fifty-four degrees, forty minutes. i find in you done some such miracle as in myself. neither of us is so bad as the world has thought, as we ourselves have thought. do then, that other miracle for me. let us compose our quarrel, and so part friends." "how do you mean, madam?" "let us divide our dispute, and stand on this treaty as you wrote it yesterday. sir richard, you are minister with extraordinary powers. your government ratifies your acts without question. your signature is binding--and there it is, writ already on this scroll. see, there are wafers there on the table before you. take them. patch together this treaty for me. that will be _your_ miracle, sir richard, and 'twill be the mending of our quarrel. sir, i offered you my body and you would not take it. i offer you my hand. will you have _that_, my lord? i ask this of a gentleman of england." it was not my right to hear the sounds of a man's shame and humiliation; or of his rising resolve, of his reformed manhood; but i did hear it all. i think that he took her hand and kissed it. presently i heard some sort of shufflings and crinkling of paper on the table. i heard him sigh, as though he stood and looked at his work. his heavy footfalls crossed the room as though he sought hat and stick. her lighter feet, as i heard, followed him, as though she held out both her hands to him. there was a pause, and yet another; and so, with a growling half sob, at last he passed out the door; and she closed it softly after him. when i entered, she was standing, her arms spread out across the door, her face pale, her eyes large and dark, her attire still disarrayed. on the table, as i saw, lay a parchment, mended with wafers. slowly she came, and put her two arms across my shoulders. "monsieur!" she said, "monsieur!" chapter xxxv the proxy of pakenham a man can not possess anything that is better than a good woman, nor anything that is worse than a bad one.--_simonides_. when i reached the central part of the city, i did not hasten thence to elmhurst mansion. instead, i returned to my hotel. i did not now care to see any of my friends or even to take up matters of business with my chief. it is not for me to tell what feelings came to me when i left helena von ritz. sleep such as i could gain, reflections such as were inevitable, occupied me for all that night. it was mid-morning of the following day when finally i once more sought out mr. calhoun. he had not expected me, but received me gladly. it seemed that he had gone on about his own plans and with his own methods. "the señora yturrio is doing me the honor of an early morning call," he began. "she is with my daughter in another part of the house. as there is matter of some importance to come up, i shall ask you to attend." he despatched a servant, and presently the lady mentioned joined us. she was a pleasing picture enough in her robe of black laces and sulphur-colored silks, but her face was none too happy, and her eyes, it seemed to me, bore traces either of unrest or tears. mr. calhoun handed her to a chair, where she began to use her languid but effective fan. "now, it gives us the greatest regret, my dear señora," began mr. calhoun, "to have general almonte and your husband return to their own country. we have valued, their presence here very much, and i regret the disruption of the friendly relations between our countries." she made any sort of gesture with her fan, and he went on: "it is the regret also of all, my dear lady, that your husband seems so shamelessly to have abandoned you. i am quite aware, if you will allow me to be so frank, that you need some financial assistance." "my country is ruined," said she. "also, señor, i am ruined. as you say, i have no means of life. i have not even money to secure my passage home. that señor van zandt--" "yes, van zandt did much for us, through your agency, señora. we have benefited by that, and i therefore regret he proved faithless to you personally. i am sorry to tell you that he has signified his wish to join our army against your country. i hear also that your late friend, mr. polk, has forgotten most of his promises to you." "him i hate also!" she broke out. "he broke his promise to señor van zandt, to my husband, to me!" calhoun smiled in his grim fashion. "i am not surprised to hear all that, my dear lady, for you but point out a known characteristic of that gentleman. he has made me many promises which he has forgotten, and offered me even of late distinguished honors which he never meant me to accept. but, since i have been personally responsible for many of these things which have gone forward, i wish to make what personal amends i can; and ever i shall thank you for the good which you have done to this country. believe me, madam, you served your own country also in no ill manner. this situation could not have been prevented, and it is not your fault. i beg you to believe that. had you and i been left alone there would have been no war." "but i am poor, i have nothing!" she rejoined. there was indeed much in her situation to excite sympathy. it had been through her own act that negotiations between england and texas were broken off. all chance of mexico to regain property in texas was lost through her influence with van zandt. now, when all was done, here she was, deserted even by those who had been her allies in this work. "my dear señora," said john calhoun, becoming less formal and more kindly, "you shall have funds sufficient to make you comfortable at least for a time after your return to mexico. i am not authorized to draw upon our exchequer, and you, of course, must prefer all secrecy in these matters. i regret that my personal fortune is not so large as it might be, but, in such measure as i may, i shall assist you, because i know you need assistance. in return, you must leave this country. the flag is down which once floated over the house of mexico here." she hid her face behind her fan, and calhoun turned aside. "señora, have you ever seen this slipper?" he asked, suddenly placing upon the table the little shoe which for a purpose i had brought with me and meantime thrown upon the table. she flashed a dark look, and did not speak. "one night, some time ago, your husband pursued a lady across this town to get possession of that very slipper and its contents! there was in the toe of that little shoe a message. as you know, we got from it certain information, and therefore devised certain plans, which you have helped us to carry out. now, as perhaps you have had some personal animus against the other lady in these same complicated affairs, i have taken the liberty of sending a special messenger to ask her presence here this morning. i should like you two to meet, and, if that be possible, to part with such friendship as may exist in the premises." i looked suddenly at mr. calhoun. it seemed he was planning without my aid. "yes," he said to me, smiling, "i have neglected to mention to you that the baroness von ritz also is here, in another apartment of this place. if you please, i shall now send for her also." he signaled to his old negro attendant. presently the latter opened the door, and with a deep bow announced the baroness von ritz, who entered, followed closely by mr. calhoun's inseparable friend, old doctor ward. the difference in breeding between these two women was to be seen at a glance. the doña lucrezia was beautiful in a way, but lacked the thoroughbred quality which comes in the highest types of womanhood. afflicted by nothing but a somewhat mercenary or personal grief, she showed her lack of gameness in adversity. on the other hand, helena von ritz, who had lived tragedy all her life, and now was in the climax of such tragedy, was smiling and debonaire as though she had never been anything but wholly content with life! she was robed now in some light filmy green material, caught up here and there on the shoulders and secured with silken knots. her white neck showed, her arms were partly bare with the short sleeves of the time. she stood, composed and easy, a figure fit for any company or any court, and somewhat shaming our little assembly, which never was a court at all, only a private meeting in the office of a discredited and disowned leader in a republican government. her costume and her bearing were helena von ritz's answer to a woman's fate! a deep color flamed in her cheeks. she stood with head erect and lips smiling brilliantly. her curtsey was grace itself. our dingy little office was glorified. "i interrupt you, gentlemen," she began. "on the contrary, i am sure, my dear lady," said doctor ward, "senator calhoun told me he wished you to meet señora yturrio." "yes," resumed calhoun, "i was just speaking with this lady over some matters concerned with this little slipper." he smiled as he held it up gingerly between thumb and finger. "do you recognize it, madam baroness?" "ah, my little shoe!" she exclaimed. "but see, it has not been well cared for." "it traveled in my war bag from oregon to washington," said i. "perhaps bullet molds and powder flasks may have damaged it." "it still would serve as a little post-office, perhaps," laughed the baroness. "but i think its days are done on such errands." "i will explain something of these errands to the señora yturrio," said calhoun. "i wish you personally to say to that lady, if you will, that señor yturrio regarded this little receptacle rather as official than personal post." for one moment these two women looked at each other, with that on their faces which would be hard to describe. at last the baroness spoke: "it is not wholly my fault, señora yturrio, if your husband gave you cause to think there was more than diplomacy between us. at least, i can say to you that it was the sport of it alone, the intrigue, if you please, which interested me. i trust you will not accuse me beyond this." a stifled exclamation came from the doña lucrezia. i have never seen more sadness nor yet more hatred on a human face than hers displayed. i have said that she was not thoroughbred. she arose now, proud as ever, it is true, but vicious. she declined helena von ritz's outstretched hand, and swept us a curtsey. "_adios!_" said she. "i go!" mr. calhoun gravely offered her an arm; and so with a rustle of her silks there passed from our lives one unhappy lady who helped make our map for us. the baroness herself turned. "i ought not to remain," she hesitated. "madam," said mr. calhoun, "we can not spare you yet." she flashed upon him a keen look. "it is a young country," said she, "but it raises statesmen. you foolish, dear americans! one could have loved you all." "eh, what?" said doctor ward, turning to her. "my dear lady, two of us are too old for that; and as for the other--" he did not know how hard this chance remark might smite, but as usual helena von ritz was brave and smiling. "you are men," said she, "such as we do not have in our courts of europe. men and women--that is what this country produces." "madam," said calhoun, "i myself am a very poor sort of man. i am old, and i fail from month to month. i can not live long, at best. what you see in me is simply a purpose--a purpose to accomplish something for my country--a purpose which my country itself does not desire to see fulfilled. republics do not reward us. what _you_ say shall be our chief reward. i have asked you here also to accept the thanks of all of us who know the intricacies of the events which have gone forward. madam, we owe you texas! 'twas not yonder lady, but yourself, who first advised of the danger that threatened us. hers was, after all, a simpler task than yours, because she only matched faiths with van zandt, representative of texas, who had faith in neither men, women nor nations. had all gone well, we might perhaps have owed you yet more, for oregon." "would you like oregon?" she asked, looking at him with the full glance of her dark eyes. "more than my life! more than the life of myself and all my friends and family! more than all my fortune!" his voice rang clear and keen as that of youth. "all of oregon?" she asked. "all? we do not own all! perhaps we do not deserve it. surely we could not expect it. why, if we got one-half of what that fellow polk is claiming, we should do well enough--that is more than we deserve or could expect. with our army already at war on the southwest, england, as we all know, is planning to take advantage of our helplessness in oregon." without further answer, she held out to him a document whose appearance i, at least, recognized. "i am but a woman," she said, "but it chances that i have been able to do this country perhaps something of a favor. your assistant, mr. trist, has done me in his turn a favor. this much i will ask permission to do for him." calhoun's long and trembling fingers were nervously opening the document. he turned to her with eyes blazing with eagerness. "_it is oregon!_" he dropped back into his chair. "yes," said helena von ritz slowly. "it is oregon. it is bought and paid for. it is yours!" so now they all went over that document, signed by none less than pakenham himself, minister plenipotentiary for great britain. that document exists to-day somewhere in our archives, but i do not feel empowered to make known its full text. i would i had never need to set down, as i have, the cost of it. these others never knew that cost; and now they never can know, for long years since both calhoun and doctor ward have been dead and gone. i turned aside as they examined the document which within the next few weeks was to become public property. the red wafers which mended it--and which she smilingly explained at calhoun's demand--were, as i knew, not less than red drops of blood. in brief i may say that this paper stated that, in case the united states felt disposed to reopen discussions which mr. polk peremptorily had closed, great britain might be able to listen to a compromise on the line of the forty-ninth parallel. this compromise had three times been offered her by diplomacy of united states under earlier administrations. great britain stated that in view of her deep and abiding love of peace and her deep and abiding admiration for america, she would resign her claim of all of oregon down to the columbia; and more, she would accept the forty-ninth parallel; provided she might have free navigation rights upon the columbia. in fact, this was precisely the memorandum of agreement which eventually established the lines of the treaty as to oregon between great britain and the united states. mr. calhoun is commonly credited with having brought about this treaty, and with having been author of its terms. so he was, but only in the singular way which in these foregoing pages i have related. states have their price. texas was bought by blood. oregon--ah, we who own it ought to prize it. none of our territory is half so full of romance, none of it is half so clean, as our great and bodeful far northwest, still young in its days of destiny. "we should in time have had _all_ of oregon, perhaps," said mr. calhoun; "at least, that is the talk of these fierce politicians." "but for this fresh outbreak on the southwest there would have been a better chance," said helena von ritz; "but i think, as matters are to-day, you would be wise to accept this compromise. i have seen your men marching, thousands of them, the grandest sight of this century or any other. they give full base for this compromise. given another year, and your rifles and your plows would make your claims still better. but this is to-day--" "believe me, mr. calhoun," i broke in, "your signature must go on this." "how now? why so anxious, my son?" "because it is right!" calhoun turned to helena von ritz. "has this been presented to mr. buchanan, our secretary of state?" he asked. "certainly not. it has been shown to no one. i have been here in washington working--well, working in secret to secure this document for you. i do this--well, i will be frank with you--i do it for mr. trist. he is my friend. i wish to say to you that he has been--a faithful--" i saw her face whiten and her lips shut tight. she swayed a little as she stood. doctor ward was at her side and assisted her to a couch. for the first time the splendid courage of helena von ritz seemed to fail her. she sank back, white, unconscious. "it's these damned stays, john!" began doctor ward fiercely. "she has fainted. here, put her down, so. we'll bring her around in a minute. great jove! i want her to _hear_ us thank her. it's splendid work she has done for us. but _why_?" when, presently, under the ministrations of the old physician, helena von ritz recovered her consciousness, she arose, fighting desperately to pull herself together and get back her splendid courage. "would you retire now, madam?" asked mr. calhoun. "i have sent for my daughter." "no, no. it is nothing!" she said. "forgive me, it is only an old habit of mine. see, i am quite well!" indeed, in a few moments she had regained something of that magnificent energy which was her heritage. as though nothing had happened, she arose and walked swiftly across the room. her eyes were fixed upon the great map which hung upon the walls--a strange map it would seem to us to-day. across this she swept a white hand. "i saw your men cross this," she said, pointing along the course of the great oregon trail--whose detailed path was then unknown to our geographers. "i saw them go west along that road of destiny. i told myself that by virtue of their courage they had won this war. sometime there will come the great war between your people and those who rule them. the people still will win." she spread out her two hands top and bottom of the map. "all, all, ought to be yours,--from the isthmus to the ice, for the sake of the people of the world. the people--but in time they will have their own!" we listened to her silently, crediting her enthusiasm to her sex, her race; but what she said has remained in one mind at least from that day to this. well might part of her speech remain in the minds to-day of people and rulers alike. are we worth the price paid for the country that we gained? and when we shall be worth that price, what numerals shall mark our territorial lines? "may i carry this document to mr. pakenham?" asked john calhoun, at last, touching the paper on the table. "please, no. do not. only be sure that this proposition of compromise will meet with his acceptance." "i do not quite understand why you do not go to mr. buchanan, our secretary of state." "because i pay my debts," she said simply. "i told you that mr. trist and i were comrades. i conceived it might be some credit for him in his work to have been the means of doing this much." "he shall have that credit, madam, be sure of that," said john calhoun. he held out to her his long, thin, bloodless hand. "madam," he said, "i have been mistaken in many things. my life will be written down as failure. i have been misjudged. but at least it shall not be said of me that i failed to reverence a woman such as you. all that i thought of you, that first night i met you, was more than true. and did i not tell you you would one day, one way, find your reward?" he did not know what he said; but i knew, and i spoke with him in the silence of my own heart, knowing that his speech would be the same were his knowledge even with mine. "to-morrow," went on calhoun, "to-morrow evening there is to be what we call a ball of our diplomacy at the white house. our administration, knowing that war is soon to be announced in the country, seeks to make a little festival here at the capital. we whistle to keep up our courage. we listen to music to make us forget our consciences. to-morrow night we dance. all washington will be there. baroness von ritz, a card will come to you." she swept him a curtsey, and gave him a smile. "now, as for me," he continued, "i am an old man, and long ago danced my last dance in public. to-morrow night all of us will be at the white house--mr. trist will be there, and doctor ward, and a certain lady, a miss elisabeth churchill, madam, whom i shall be glad to have you meet. you must not fail us, dear lady, because i am going to ask of you one favor." he bowed with a courtesy which might have come from generations of an old aristocracy. "if you please, madam, i ask you to honor me with your hand for my first dance in years--my last dance in all my life." impulsively she held out both her hands, bowing her head as she did so to hide her face. two old gray men, one younger man, took her hands and kissed them. now our flag floats on the columbia and on the rio grande. i am older now, but when i think of that scene, i wish that flag might float yet freer; and though the price were war itself, that it might float over a cleaner and a nobler people, over cleaner and nobler rulers, more sensible of the splendor of that heritage of principle which should be ours. chapter xxxvi the palo alto ball a beautiful woman pleases the eye, a good woman pleases the heart; one is a jewel, the other a treasure.--_napoleon i_. on the evening of that following day in may, the sun hung red and round over a distant unknown land along the rio grande. in that country, no iron trails as yet had come. the magic of the wire, so recently applied to the service of man, was as yet there unknown. word traveled slowly by horses and mules and carts. there came small news from that far-off country, half tropic, covered with palms and crooked dwarfed growth of mesquite and chaparral. the long-horned cattle lived in these dense thickets, the spotted jaguar, the wolf, the ocelot, the javelina, many smaller creatures not known in our northern lands. in the loam along the stream the deer left their tracks, mingled with those of the wild turkeys and of countless water fowl. it was a far-off, unknown, unvalued land. our flag, long past the sabine, had halted at the nueces. now it was to advance across this wild region to the rio grande. thus did smug james polk keep his promises! among these tangled mesquite thickets ran sometimes long bayous, made from the overflow of the greater rivers--_resacas_, as the natives call them. tall palms sometimes grew along the bayous, for the country is half tropic. again, on the drier ridges, there might be taller detached trees, heavier forests--_palo alto_, the natives call them. in some such place as this, where the trees were tall, there was fired the first gun of our war in the southwest. there were strange noises heard here in the wilderness, followed by lesser noises, and by human groans. some faces that night were upturned to the moon--the same moon which swam so gloriously over washington. taylor camped closer to the rio grande. the fight was next to begin by the lagoon called the resaca de la palma. but that night at the capital that same moon told us nothing of all this. we did not hear the guns. it was far from palo alto to our ports of galveston or new orleans. our cockaded army made its own history in its own unreported way. we at the white house ball that night also made history in our own unrecorded way. as our army was adding to our confines on the southwest, so there were other, though secret, forces which added to our territory in the far northwest. as to this and as to the means by which it came about, i have already been somewhat plain. it was a goodly company that assembled for the grand ball, the first one in the second season of mr. polk's somewhat confused and discordant administration. social matters had started off dour enough. mrs. polk was herself of strict religious practice, and i imagine it had taken somewhat of finesse to get her consent to these festivities. it was called sometimes the diplomats' ball. at least there was diplomacy back of it. it was mere accident which set this celebration upon the very evening of the battle of palo alto, may eighth, . by ten o'clock there were many in the great room which had been made ready for the dancing, and rather a brave company it might have been called. we had at least the splendor of the foreign diplomats' uniforms for our background, and to this we added the bravest of our attire, each one in his own individual fashion, i fear. thus my friend jack dandridge was wholly resplendent in a new waistcoat of his own devising, and an evening coat which almost swept the floor as he executed the evolutions of his western style of dancing. other gentlemen were, perhaps, more grave and staid. we had with us at least one man, old in government service, who dared the silk stockings and knee breeches of an earlier generation. yet another wore the white powdered queue, which might have been more suited for his grandfather. the younger men of the day wore their hair long, in fashion quite different, yet this did not detract from the distinction of some of the faces which one might have seen among them--some of them to sleep all too soon upturned to the moon in another and yet more bitter war, aftermath of this with mexico. the tall stock was still in evidence at that time, and the ruffled shirts gave something of a formal and old-fashioned touch to the assembly. such as they were, in their somewhat varied but not uninteresting attire, the best of washington were present. invitation was wholly by card. some said that mrs. polk wrote these invitations in her own hand, though this we may be permitted to doubt. whatever might have been said as to the democratic appearance of our gentlemen in washington, our women were always our great reliance, and these at least never failed to meet the approval of the most sneering of our foreign visitors. thus we had present that night, as i remember, two young girls both later to become famous in washington society; tall and slender young térèse chalfant, later to become mrs. pugh of ohio, and to receive at the hands of denmark's minister, who knelt before her at a later public ball, that jeweled clasp which his wife had bade him present to the most beautiful woman he found in america. here also was miss harriet williams of georgetown, later to become the second wife of that baron bodisco of russia who had represented his government with us since the year --a tall, robust, blonde lady she later grew to be. brown's hotel, home of many of our statesmen and their ladies, turned out a full complement. mr. clay was there, smiling, though i fear none too happy. mr. edward everett, as it chanced, was with us at that time. we had sam houston of texas, who would not, until he appeared upon the floor, relinquish the striped blanket which distinguished him--though a splendid figure of a man he appeared when he paced forth in evening dress, a part of which was a waistcoat embroidered in such fancy as might have delighted the eye of his erstwhile indian wife had she been there to see it. here and there, scattered about the floor, there might have been seen many of the public figures of america at that time, men from north and south and east and west, and from many other nations beside our own. under mrs. polk's social administration, we did not waltz, but our ball began with a stately march, really a grand procession, in its way distinctly interesting, in scarlet and gold and blue and silks, and all the flowered circumstance of brocades and laces of our ladies. and after our march we had our own polite virginia reel, merry as any dance, yet stately too. i was late in arriving that night, for it must be remembered that this was but my second day in town, and i had had small chance to take my chief's advice, and to make myself presentable for an occasion such as this. i was fresh from my tailor, and very new-made when i entered the room. i came just in time to see what i was glad to see; that is to say, the keeping of john calhoun's promise to helena von ritz. it was not to be denied that there had been talk regarding this lady, and that calhoun knew it, though not from me. much of it was idle talk, based largely upon her mysterious life. beyond that, a woman beautiful as she has many enemies among her sex. there were dark glances for her that night, i do not deny, before mr. calhoun changed them. for, however john calhoun was rated by his enemies, the worst of these knew well his austerely spotless private life, and his scrupulous concern for decorum. beautiful she surely was. her ball gown was of light golden stuff, and there was a coral wreath upon her hair, and her dancing slippers were of coral hue. there was no more striking figure upon the floor than she. jewels blazed at her throat and caught here and there the filmy folds of her gown. she was radiant, beautiful, apparently happy. she came mysteriously enough; but i knew that mr. calhoun's carriage had been sent for her. i learned also that he had waited for her arrival. as i first saw helena von ritz, there stood by her side doctor samuel ward, his square and stocky figure not undignified in his dancing dress, the stiff gray mane of his hair waggling after its custom as he spoke emphatically over something with her. a gruff man, doctor ward, but under his gray mane there was a clear brain, and in his broad breast there beat a large and kindly heart. even as i began to edge my way towards these two, i saw mr. calhoun himself approach, tall, gray and thin. he was very pale that night; and i knew well enough what effort it cost him to attend any of these functions. yet he bowed with the grace of a younger man and offered the baroness an arm. then, methinks, all washington gasped a bit. not all washington knew what had gone forward between these two. not all washington knew what that couple meant as they marched in the grand procession that night--what they meant for america. of all those who saw, i alone understood. so they danced; he with the dignity of his years, she with the grace which was the perfection of dancing, the perfection of courtesy and of dignity also, as though she knew and valued to the full what was offered to her now by john calhoun. grave, sweet and sad helena von ritz seemed to me that night. she was wholly unconscious of those who looked and whispered. her face was pale and rapt as that of some devotee. mr. polk himself stood apart, and plainly enough saw this little matter go forward. when mr. calhoun approached with the baroness von ritz upon his arm, mr. polk was too much politician to hesitate or to inquire. he knew that it was safe to follow where john calhoun led! these two conversed for a few moments. thus, i fancy, helena von ritz had her first and last acquaintance with one of our politicians to whom fate gave far more than his deserts. it was the fortune of mr. polk to gain for this country texas, california and oregon--not one of them by desert of his own! my heart has often been bitter when i have recalled that little scene. politics so unscrupulous can not always have a john calhoun, a helena von ritz, to correct, guard and guide. after this the card of helena von ritz might well enough indeed been full had she cared further to dance. she excused herself gracefully, saying that after the honor which had been done her she could not ask more. still, washington buzzed; somewhat of europe as well. that might have been called the triumph of helena von ritz. she felt it not. but i could see that she gloried in some other thing. i approached her as soon as possible. "i am about to go," she said. "say good-by to me, now, here! we shall not meet again. say good-by to me, now, quickly! my father and i are going to leave. the treaty for oregon is prepared. now i am done. yes. tell me good-by." "i will not say it," said i. "i can not." she smiled at me. others might see her lips, her smile. i saw what was in her eyes. "we must not be selfish," said she. "come, i must go." "do not go," i insisted. "wait." she caught my meaning. "surely," she said, "i will stay a little longer for that one thing. yes, i wish to see her again, miss elisabeth churchill. i hated her. i wish that i might love her now, do you know? would--would she let me--if she knew?" "they say that love is not possible between women," said i. "for my own part, i wish with you." she interrupted with a light tap of her fan upon my arm. "look, is not that she?" i turned. a little circle of people were bowing before mr. polk, who held a sort of levee at one side of the hall. i saw the tall young girl who at the moment swept a graceful curtsey to the president. my heart sprang to my mouth. yes, it was elisabeth! ah, yes, there flamed up on the altar of my heart the one fire, lit long ago for her. so we came now to meet, silently, with small show, in such way as to thrill none but our two selves. she, too, had served, and that largely. and my constant altar fire had done its part also, strangely, in all this long coil of large events. love--ah, true love wins and rules. it makes our maps. it makes our world. among all these distinguished men, these beautiful women, she had her own tribute of admiration. i felt rather than saw that she was in some pale, filmy green, some crêpe of china, with skirts and sleeves looped up with pearls. in her hair were green leaves, simple and sweet and cool. to me she seemed graver, sweeter, than when i last had seen her. i say, my heart came up into my throat. all i could think was that i wanted to take her into my arms. all i did was to stand and stare. my companion was more expert in social maneuvers. she waited until the crowd had somewhat thinned about the young lady and her escort. i saw now with certain qualms that this latter was none other than my whilom friend jack dandridge. for a wonder, he was most unduly sober, and he made, as i have said, no bad figure in his finery. he was very merry and just a trifle loud of speech, but, being very intimate in mr. polk's household, he was warmly welcomed by that gentleman and by all around him. "she is beautiful!" i heard the lady at my arm whisper. "is she beautiful to you?" i asked. "very beautiful!" i heard her catch her breath. "she is good. i wish i could love her. i wish, i wish--" i saw her hands beat together as they did when she was agitated. i turned then to look at her, and what i saw left me silent. "come," said i at last, "let us go to her." we edged across the floor. when elisabeth saw me she straightened, a pallor came across her face. it was not her way to betray much of her emotions. if her head was a trifle more erect, if indeed she paled, she too lacked not in quiet self-possession. she waited, with wide straight eyes fixed upon me. i found myself unable to make much intelligent speech. i turned to see helena von ritz gazing with wistful eyes at elisabeth, and i saw the eyes of elisabeth make some answer. so they spoke some language which i suppose men never will understand--the language of one woman to another. i have known few happier moments in my life than that. perhaps, after all, i caught something of the speech between their eyes. perhaps not all cheap and cynical maxims are true, at least when applied to noble women. elisabeth regained her wonted color and more. "i was very wrong in many ways," i heard her whisper. for almost the first time i saw her perturbed. helena von ritz stepped close to her. amid the crash of the reeds and brasses, amid all the broken conversation which swept around us, i knew what she said. low down in the flounces of the wide embroidered silks, i saw their two hands meet, silently, and cling. this made me happy. of course it was jack dandridge who broke in between us. "ah!" said he, "you jealous beggar, could you not leave me to be happy for one minute? here you come back, a mere heathen, and proceed to monopolize all our ladies. i have been making the most of my time, you see. i have proposed half a dozen times more to miss elisabeth, have i not?" "has she given you any answer?" i asked him, smiling. "the same answer!" "jack," said i, "i ought to call you out." "don't," said he. "i don't want to be called out. i am getting found out. that's worse. well--miss elisabeth, may i be the first to congratulate?" "i am glad," said i, with just a slight trace of severity, "that you have managed again to get into the good graces of elmhurst. when i last saw you, i was not sure that either of us would ever be invited there again." "been there every sunday regularly since you went away," said jack. "i am not one of the family in one way, and in another way i am. honestly, i have tried my best to cut you out. not that you have not played your game well enough, but there never was a game played so well that some other fellow could not win by coppering it. so i coppered everything you did--played it for just the reverse. no go--lost even that way. and i thought _you_ were the most perennial fool of your age and generation." i checked as gently as i could a joviality which i thought unsuited to the time. "mr. dandridge," said i to him, "you know the baroness von ritz?" "certainly! the _particeps criminis_ of our bungled wedding--of course i know her!" "i only want to say," i remarked, "that the baroness von ritz has that little shell clasp now all for her own, and that i have her slipper again, all for my own. so now, we three--no, four--at last understand one another, do we not? jack, will you do two things for me?" "all of them but two." "when the baroness von ritz insists on her intention of leaving us--just at the height of all our happiness--i want you to hand her to her carriage. in the second place, i may need you again--" "well, what would any one think of that!" said jack dandridge. i never knew when these two left us in the crowd. i never said good-by to helena von ritz. i did not catch that last look of her eye. i remember her as she stood there that night, grave, sweet and sad. i turned to elisabeth. there in the crash of the reeds and brasses, the rise and fall of the sweet and bitter conversation all around us, was the comedy and the tragedy of life. "elisabeth," i said to her, "are you not ashamed?" she looked me full in the eye. "no!" she said, and smiled. i have never seen a smile like elisabeth's. the end epilogue "'tis the star spangled banner; o, long may it wave, o'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave!" --_francis scott key_. on the night that miss elisabeth churchill gave me her hand and her heart for ever--for which i have not yet ceased to thank god--there began the guns of palo alto. later, there came the fields of monterey, buena vista, cerro gordo, contreras, cherubusco, molino del rey--at last the guns sounded at the gate of the old city of mexico itself. some of that fighting i myself saw; but much of the time i was employed in that manner of special work which had engaged me for the last few years. it was through mr. calhoun's agency that i reached a certain importance in these matters; and so i was chosen as the commissioner to negotiate a peace with mexico. this honor later proved to be a dangerous and questionable one. general scott wanted no interference of this kind, especially since he knew mr. calhoun's influence in my choice. he thwarted all my attempts to reach the headquarters of the enemy, and did everything he could to secure a peace of his own, at the mouth of the cannon. i could offer no terms better than mr. buchanan, then our secretary of state, had prepared for me, and these were rejected by the mexican government at last. i was ordered by mr. polk to state that we had no better terms to offer; and as for myself, i was told to return to washington. at that time i could not make my way out through the lines, nor, in truth, did i much care to do so. a certain event not written in history influenced me to remain for a time at the little village of guadalupe hidalgo. here, in short, i received word from a lady whom i had formerly known, none less than señora yturrio, once a member of the mexican legation at washington. true to her record, she had again reached influential position in her country, using methods of her own. she told me now to pay no attention to what had been reported by mexico. in fact, i was approached again by the mexican commissioners, introduced by her! what was done then is history. we signed then and there the peace of guadalupe hidalgo, in accordance with the terms originally given me by our secretary of state. so, after all, calhoun's kindness to a woman in distress was not lost; and so, after all, he unwittingly helped in the ending of the war he never wished begun. meantime, i had been recalled to washington, but did not know the nature of that recall. when at last i arrived there i found myself disgraced and discredited. my actions were repudiated by the administration. i myself was dismissed from the service without pay--sad enough blow for a young man who had been married less than a year. mr. polk's jealousy of john calhoun was not the only cause of this. calhoun's prophecy was right. polk did not forget his revenge on me. yet, none the less, after his usual fashion, he was not averse to receiving such credit as he could. he put the responsibility of the treaty upon the senate! it was debated hotly there for some weeks, and at last, much to his surprise and my gratification, it was ratified! the north, which had opposed this mexican war--that same war which later led inevitably to the war of the rebellion--now found itself unable to say much against the great additions to our domain which the treaty had secured. we paid fifteen millions, in addition to our territorial indemnity claim, and we got a realm whose wealth could not be computed. so much, it must be owned, did fortune do for that singular favorite, mr. polk. and, curiously enough, the smoke had hardly cleared from palo alto field before abraham lincoln, a young member in the house of congress, was introducing a resolution which asked the marking of "the spot where that outrage was committed." perhaps it was an outrage. many still hold it so. but let us reflect what would have been lincoln's life had matters not gone just as they did. with the cessions from mexico came the great domain of california. now, look how strangely history sometimes works out itself. had there been any suspicion of the discovery of gold in california, neither mexico nor our republic ever would have owned it! england surely would have taken it. the very year that my treaty eventually was ratified was that in which gold was discovered in california! but it was too late then for england to interfere; too late then, also, for mexico to claim it. we got untold millions of treasure there. most of those millions went to the northern states, into manufactures, into commerce. the north owned that gold; and it was that gold which gave the north the power to crush that rebellion which was born of the mexican war--that same rebellion by which england, too late, would gladly have seen this union disrupted, so that she might have yet another chance at these lands she now had lost for ever. fate seemed still to be with us, after all, as i have so often had occasion to believe may be a possible thing. that war of conquest which mr. calhoun opposed, that same war which grew out of the slavery tenets which he himself held--the great error of his otherwise splendid public life--found its own correction in the civil war. it was the gold of california which put down slavery. thenceforth slavery has existed legally only _north_ of the mason and dixon line! we have our problems yet. perhaps some other war may come to settle them. fortunate for us if there could be another california, another texas, another oregon, to help us pay for them! i, who was intimately connected with many of these less known matters, claim for my master a reputation wholly different from that given to him in any garbled "history" of his life. i lay claim in his name for foresight beyond that of any man of his time. he made mistakes, but he made them bravely, grandly, and consistently. where his convictions were enlisted, he had no reservations, and he used every means, every available weapon, as i have shown. but he was never self-seeking, never cheap, never insincere. a detester of all machine politicians, he was a statesman worthy to be called the william pitt of the united states. the consistency of his career was a marvelous thing; because, though he changed in his beliefs, he was first to recognize the changing conditions of our country. he failed, and he is execrated. he won, and he is forgot. my chief, mr. calhoun, did not die until some six years after that first evening when doctor ward and i had our talk with him. he was said to have died of a disease of the lungs, yet here again history is curiously mistaken. mr. calhoun slept himself away. i sometimes think with a shudder that perhaps this was the revenge which nemesis took of him for his mistakes. his last days were dreamlike in their passing. his last speech in the senate was read by one of his friends, as doctor ward had advised him. some said afterwards that his illness was that accursed "sleeping sickness" imported from africa with these same slaves: it were a strange thing had john calhoun indeed died of his error! at least he slept away. at least, too, he made his atonement. the south, following his doctrines, itself was long accursed of this same sleeping sickness; but in the providence of god it was not lost to us, and is ours for a long and splendid history. it was through john calhoun, a grave and somber figure of our history, that we got the vast land of texas. it was through him also--and not through clay nor jackson, nor any of the northern statesmen, who never could see a future for the west--that we got all of our vast northwest realm. within a few days after the palo alto ball, a memorandum of agreement was signed between minister pakenham and mr. buchanan, our secretary of state. this was done at the instance and by the aid of john calhoun. it was he--he and helena von ritz--who brought about that treaty which, on june fifteenth, of the same year, was signed, and gladly signed, by the minister from great britain. the latter had been fully enough impressed (such was the story) by the reports of the columns of our west-bound farmers, with rifles leaning at their wagon seats and plows lashed to the tail-gates. calhoun himself never ceased to regret that we could not delay a year or two years longer. in this he was thwarted by the impetuous war with the republic on the south, although, had that never been fought, we had lost california--lost also the south, and lost the union! under one form or other, one name of government or another, the flag of democracy eventually must float over all this continent. not a part, but all of this country must be ours, must be the people's. it may cost more blood and treasure now. some time we shall see the wisdom of john calhoun; but some time, too, i think, we shall see come true that prophecy of a strange and brilliant mentality, which in calhoun's presence and in mine said that all of these northern lands and all mexico as well must one day be ours--which is to say, the people's--for the sake of human opportunity, of human hope and happiness. our battles are but partly fought. but at least they are not, then, lost. for myself, the close of the mexican war found me somewhat worn by travel and illy equipped in financial matters. i had been discredited, i say, by my own government. my pay was withheld. elisabeth, by that time my wife, was a girl reared in all the luxury that our country then could offer. shall i say whether or not i prized her more when gladly she gave up all this and joined me for one more long and final journey out across that great trail which i had seen--the trail of democracy, of america, of the world? at last we reached oregon. it holds the grave of one of ours; it is the home of others. we were happy; we asked favor of no man; fear of no one did we feel. elisabeth has in her time slept on a bed of husks. she has cooked at a sooty fireplace of her own; and at her cabin door i myself have been the guard. we made our way by ourselves and for ourselves, as did those who conquered america for our flag. "the citizen standing in the doorway of his home, shall save the republic." so wrote a later pen. it was not until long after the discovery of gold in california had set us all to thinking that i was reminded of the strange story of the old german, von rittenhofen, of finding some pieces of gold while on one of his hunts for butterflies. i followed out his vague directions as best i might. we found gold enough to make us rich without our land. that claim is staked legally. half of it awaits an owner who perhaps will never come. there are those who will accept always the solemn asseverations of politicians, who by word of mouth or pen assert that this or that _party_ made our country, wrote its history. such as they might smile if told that not even men, much less politicians, have written all our story as a nation; yet any who smile at woman's influence in american history do so in ignorance of the truth. mr. webster and lord ashburton have credit for determining our boundary on the northeast--england called it ashburton's capitulation to the yankee. did you never hear the other gossip? england laid all that to ashburton's american wife! look at that poor, hot-tempered devil, yrujo, minister from spain with us, who saw his king's holdings on this continent juggled from hand to hand between us all. his wife was daughter of governor mckean in pennsylvania yonder. if she had no influence with her husband, so much the worse for her. in important times a generation ago m. genêt, of france, as all know, was the husband of the daughter of governor clinton of new york. did that hurt our chances with france? my lord oswald, of great britain, who negotiated our treaty of peace in --was not his worldly fortune made by virtue of his american wife? all of us should remember that marbois, napoleon's minister, who signed the great treaty for him with us, married his wife while he was a mere _chargé_ here in washington; and she, too, was an american. erskine, of england, when times were strained in , and later--and our friend for the most part--was not he also husband of an american? it was as john calhoun said--our history, like that of england and france, like that of rome and troy, was made in large part by women. of that strange woman, helena, baroness von ritz, i have never definitely heard since then. but all of us have heard of that great uplift of central europe, that ferment of revolution, most noticeable in germany, in . out of that revolutionary spirit there came to us thousands and thousands of our best population, the sturdiest and the most liberty-loving citizens this country ever had. they gave us scores of generals in our late war, and gave us at least one cabinet officer. but whence came that spirit of revolution in europe? _why_ does it live, grow, increase, even now? _why_ does it sound now, close to the oldest thrones? _where_ originated that germ of liberty which did its work so well? i am at least one who believes that i could guess something of its source. the revolution in hungary failed for the time. kossuth came to see us with pleas that we might aid hungary. but republics forget. we gave no aid to hungary. i was far away and did not meet kossuth. i should have been glad to question him. i did not forget helena von ritz, nor doubt that she worked out in full that strange destiny for which, indeed, she was born and prepared, to which she devoted herself, made clean by sacrifice. she was not one to leave her work undone. she, i know, passed on her torch of principle. elisabeth and i speak often of helena von ritz. i remember her still-brilliant, beautiful, fascinating, compelling, pathetic, tragic. if it was asked of her, i know that she still paid it gladly--all that sacrifice through which alone there can be worked out the progress of humanity, under that idea which blindly we attempted to express in our declaration; that idea which at times we may forget, but which eventually must triumph for the good of all the world. she helped us make our map. shall not that for which she stood help us hold it? at least, let me say, i have thought this little story might be set down; and, though some to-day may smile at flags and principles, i should like, if i may be allowed, to close with the words of yet another man of those earlier times: "the old flag of the union was my protector in infancy and the pride and glory of my riper years; and, by the grace of god, under its shadow i shall die!" n.t. proofreading team. [transcriber's note: because this is a personal narrative, inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, capitalization, and italicization have been preserved in cases where it is not clearly an error from the original printing.] [illustration: astoria, as it was in .] narrative of a voyage to the northwest coast of america in the years , , , and or the first american settlement on the pacific by gabriel franchere translated and edited by j.v. huntington redfield and nassau street, new york . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by j.s. redfield, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, in and for the southern district of new york. preface to the second edition. in , when the boundary question (that of the oregon territory in particular) was at its height, the hon. thomas h. benton delivered in the united states senate a decisive speech, of which the following is an extract:-- "now for the proof of all i have said. i happen to have in my possession the book of all others, which gives the fullest and most authentic details on all the points i have mentioned--a book written at a time, and under circumstances, when the author (himself a british subject and familiar on the columbia) had no more idea that the british would lay claim to that river, than mr. harmon, the american writer whom i quoted, ever thought of our claiming new caledonia. it is the work of mr. franchere, a gentleman of montreal, with whom i have the pleasure to be personally acquainted, and one of those employed by mr. astor in founding his colony. he was at the founding of astoria, at its sale to the northwest company, saw the place seized as a british conquest, and continued there after its seizure. he wrote in french: his work has not been done into english, though it well deserves it; and i read from the french text. he gives a brief and true account of the discovery of the columbia." i felt justly proud of this notice of my unpretending work, especially that the latter should have contributed, as it did, to the amicable settlement of the then pending difficulties. i have flattered myself ever since, that it belonged to the historical literature of the great country, which by adoption has become mine. the re-perusal of "astoria" by washington irving ( ) inspired me with an additional motive for giving my book in an english dress. without disparagement to mr. irving's literary, fame, i may venture to say that i found in his work inaccuracies, misstatements (unintentional of course), and a want of chronological order, which struck forcibly one so familiar with the events themselves. i thought i could show--or rather that my simple narration, of itself, plainly discovered--that some of the young men embarked in that expedition (which founded our pacific empire), did not merit the ridicule and contempt which captain thorn attempted to throw upon them, and which perhaps, through the genius of mr. irving, might otherwise remain as a lasting stigma on their characters. but the consideration which, before all others, prompts me to offer this narrative to the american reading public, is my desire to place before them, therein, a simple and connected account (which at this time ought to be interesting), of the early settlement of the oregon territory by one of our adopted citizens, the enterprising merchant john jacob astor. the importance of a vast territory, which at no distant day may add two more bright stars to our national banner, is a guarantee that my humble effort will be appreciated. * * * * * note by the editor. it has been the editor's wish to let mr. franchere speak for himself. to preserve in the translation the defoe-like simplicity of the original narrative of the young french canadian, has been his chief care. having read many narratives of travel and adventure in our northwestern wilderness, he may be permitted to say that he has met with none that gives a more vivid and picturesque description of it, or in which the personal adventures of the narrator, and the varying fortunes of a great enterprise, mingle more happily, and one may say, more dramatically, with the itinerary. the clerkly minuteness of the details is not without its charm either, and their fidelity speaks for itself. take it altogether, it must be regarded as a fragment of our colonial history saved from oblivion; it fills up a vacuity which mr. irving's classic work does not quite supply; it is, in fact, the only account by an eye-witness and a participator in the enterprise, of the first attempt to form a settlement on the pacific under the stars and stripes. the editor has thought it would be interesting to add mr. franchere's preface to the original french edition, which will be found on the next page. baltimore, _february , _. preface to the french edition. when i was writing my journal on the vessel which carried me to the northwest coast of north america, or in the wild regions of this continent, i was far from thinking that it would be placed one day before the public eye. i had no other end in writing, but to procure to my family and my friends a more exact and more connected detail of what i had seen or learned in the course of my travels, than it would have been possible for me to give them in a _viva voce_ narration. since my return to my native city, my manuscript has passed into various hands and has been read by different persons: several of my friends immediately advised me to print it; but it is only quite lately that i have allowed myself to be persuaded, that without being a learned naturalist, a skilful geographer, or a profound moralist, a traveller may yet interest by the faithful and succinct account of the situations in which he has found himself, the adventures which have happened to him, and the incidents of which he has been a witness; that if a simple ingenuous narrative, stripped of the merit of science and the graces of diction, must needs be less enjoyed by the man of letters or by the _savant_, it would have, in compensation, the advantage of being at the level of a greater number of readers; in fine, that the desire of affording an entertainment to his countrymen, according to his capacity, and without any mixture of the author's vanity or of pecuniary interest, would be a well-founded title to their indulgence. whether i have done well or ill in yielding to these suggestions, which i am bound to regard as those of friendship, or of good-will, it belongs to the impartial and disinterested reader, to decide. montreal, . contents. chapter i. departure from montreal.--arrival in new york.--description of that city.--names of the persons engaged in the expedition. chapter ii. departure from new york.--reflections of the author.--navigation, falling in with other ships, and various incidents, till the vessel comes in sight of the falkland isles. chapter iii. arrival at the falkland isles.--landing.--perilous situation of the author and some of his companions.--portrait of captain thorn.--cape horn.--navigation to the sandwich islands. chapter iv. accident.--view of the coast.--attempted visit of the natives.--their industry.--bay of karaka-koua.--landing on the island.--john young, governor of owahee. chapter v. bay of ohetity.--tamehameha, king of the island.--his visit to the ship.--his capital.--his naval force.--his authority.--productions of the country.--manners and customs.--reflections. chapter vi. departure from wahoo.--storm.--arrival at the mouth of the columbia.--reckless order of the captain.--difficulty of the entrance.--perilous situation of the ship.--unhappy fate of a part of the crew and people of the expedition. chapter vii. regrets of the author at the loss of his companions.--obsequies of a sandwich-islander.--first steps in the formation of the intended establishment.--new alarm.--encampment. chapter viii. voyage up the river.--description of the country.--meeting with strange indians. chapter ix. departure of the tonquin.--indian messengers.--project of an expedition to the interior.--arrival of mr. daniel thompson.--departure of the expedition.--designs upon us by the natives.--rumors of the destruction of the tonquin.--scarcity of provisions.--narrative of a strange indian.--duplicity and cunning of comcomly. chapter x. occupation at astoria.--return of a portion of the men of the expedition to the interior.--new expedition.--excursion in search of three deserters. chapter xi. departure of mr. r. stuart for the interior.--occupations at astoria.--arrival of messrs. donald m'kenzie and robert m'lellan.--account of their journey.--arrival of mr. wilson p. hunt. chapter xii. arrival of the ship beaver.--unexpected return of messrs. d. stuart, b. stuart, m'lelland, &c.--cause of that return.--ship discharging.--new expeditions.--hostile attitude of the natives.--departure of the beaver.--journeys of the author.--his occupations at the establishment. chapter xiii. uneasiness respecting the "beaver."--news of the declaration of war between great britain and the united states.--consequences of that intelligence.--different occurrences.--arrival of two canoes of the northwest company.--preparations for abandoning the country.--postponement of departure.--arrangement-with mr. j.g. m'tavish. chapter xiv. arrival of the ship "albatross."--reasons for the non-appearance of the beaver at astoria.--fruitless attempt of captain smith on a former occasion.--astonishment and regret of mr. hunt at the resolution of the partners.--his departure.--narrative of the destruction of the tonquin.--causes of that disaster.--reflections. chapter xv. arrival of a number of canoes of the northwest company.--sale of the establishment at astoria to that company.--canadian news.--arrival of the british sloop-of-war "raccoon."--accident on board that vessel.--the captain takes formal possession of astoria.--surprise and discontent of the officers and crew.--departure of the "raccoon." chapter xvi. expeditions to the interior.--return of messrs. john stuart and d. m'kenzie.--theft committed by the natives.--war party against the thieves. chapter xvii. description of tongue point.--a trip to the _willamet_.--arrival of w. hunt in the brig pedlar.--narrative of the loss of the ship lark.--preparations for crossing the continent. chapter xviii. situation of the columbia river.--qualities of its soil.--climate, &c.--vegetable and animal productions of the country. chapter xix. manners, customs, occupations, &c., of the natives on the river columbia. chapter xx. manners and customs of the natives continued.--their wars.--their marriages.--medicine men.--funeral ceremonies.--religious notions.--language. chapter xxi. departure from astoria or fort george.--accident.--passage of the dalles or narrows.--great columbian desert.--aspect of the country.--wallawalla and sha-aptin rivers.--rattlesnakes.--some details regarding the natives of the upper columbia. chapter xxii. meeting with the widow of a hunter.--her narrative.--reflections of the author.--priest's rapid.--river okenakan.--kettle falls.--pine moss.--scarcity of food.--rivers, lakes, &c.--accident.--a rencontre.--first view of the rocky mountains. chapter xxiii. course of the columbian river.--canoe river.--foot-march toward the rocky mountains.--passage of the mountains. chapter xxiv. arrival at the fort of the mountains.--description of this post.--some details in regard to the rocky mountains.--mountain sheep, &c.--continuation of the journey.--unhappy accident.--reflections.--news from canada.--hunter's lodge.--pembina and red deer rivers. chapter xxv. red deer lake.--antoine déjarlais.--beaver river.--n. nadeau.--moose river.--bridge lake.--saskatchawine river.--fort vermilion.--mr. hallet.--trading-houses.--beautiful country.--reflections. chapter xxvi. fort montée.--cumberland house.--lake bourbon.--great winipeg rapids.--lake winipeg.--trading-house.--lake of the woods.--rainy lake house, &c. chapter xxvii. arrival at fort william.--description of that post--news from the river columbia. chapter xxviii. departure from fort william.--navigation on lake superior.--michipicoton bay.--meeting a canoe.--batchawainon bay.--arrival at saut ste. marie.--occurrences there.--departure.--lake huron.--french river.--lake nipissing.--ottawa river.--kettle falls.--rideau river.--long-saut.--arrival in montreal.--conclusion. chapter xxix. present state of the countries visited by the author.--correction of mr. irving's statements respecting st. louis. appendix. mr. seton's adventures.--survivors of the expedition in .--author's protest against some expressions in mr. irving's "astoria."--editor's note. introduction. since the independence of the united states of america, the merchants of that industrious and enterprising nation have carried on an extremely advantageous commerce on the northwest coast of this continent. in the course of their voyages they have made a great number of discoveries which they have not thought proper to make public; no doubt to avoid competition in a lucrative business. in , captain gray, commanding the ship columbia of boston, discovered in latitude ° " north, the entrance of a great bay on the pacific coast. he sailed into it, and having perceived that it was the outlet or estuary of a large river, by the fresh water which he found at a little distance from the entrance, he continued his course upward some eighteen miles, and dropped anchor on the left bank, at the opening of a deep bay. there he made a map or rough sketch of what he had seen of this river (accompanied by a written description of the soundings, bearings, &c.); and having finished his traffic with the natives (the object of his voyage to these parts), he put out to sea, and soon after fell in with captain vancouver, who was cruising by order of the british government, to seek new discoveries. mr. gray acquainted him with the one he had just made, and even gave him a copy of the chart he had drawn up. vancouver, who had just driven off a colony of spaniards established on the coast, under the command of señor quadra (england and spain being then at war), despatched his first-lieutenant broughton, who ascended the river in boats some one hundred and twenty or one hundred and fifty miles, took possession of the country in the name of his britannic majesty, giving the river the name of the _columbia_, and to the bay where the american captain stopped, that of _gray's bay_. since that period the country had been seldom visited (till ), and chiefly by american ships. sir alexander mckenzie, in his second overland voyage, tried to reach the western ocean by the columbia river, and thought he had succeeded when he came out six degrees farther north, at the bottom of puget's sound, by another river.[a] in , the american government sent captains lewis and clark, with about thirty men, including some kentucky hunters, on an overland journey to the mouth of the columbia. they ascended the missouri, crossed the mountains at the source of that river, and following the course of the columbia, reached the shores of the pacific, where they were forced to winter. the report which they made of their expedition to the united states government created a lively sensation.[b] [footnote a: mckenzie's travels.] [footnote b: lewis and clark's report.] mr. john jacob astor, a new york merchant, who conducted almost alone the trade in furs south of the great lakes huron and superior, and who had acquired by that commerce a prodigious fortune, thought to augment it by forming on the banks of the columbia an establishment of which the principal or supply factory should be at the mouth of that river. he communicated his views to the agents of the northwest company; he was even desirous of forming the proposed establishment in concert with them; but after some negotiations, the inland or wintering partners of that association of fur-traders having rejected the plan, mr. astor determined to make the attempt alone. he needed for the success of his enterprise, men long versed in the indian trade, and he soon found them. mr. alexander m'kay (the same who had accompanied sir alexander m'kenzie in his travels overland), a bold and enterprising man, left the northwest company to join him; and soon after, messrs duncan m'dougal and donald m'kenzie (also in the service of the company) and messrs. david stuart and robert stuart, all of canada, did the same. at length, in the winter of , a mr. wilson price hunt of st. louis, on the mississippi, having also joined them, they determined that the expedition should be set on foot in the following spring. it was in the course of that winter that one of my friends made me acquainted in confidence with the plan of these gentlemen, under the injunction of strictest secrecy. the desire of seeing strange countries, joined to that of acquiring a fortune, determined me to solicit employment of the new association; on the th of may i had an interview with mr. a. m'kay, with whom the preliminaries were arranged; and on the th of the same month i signed an agreement as an apprenticed clerk for the term of five years. when the associates had engaged a sufficient number of canadian boatmen, they equipped a bark canoe under charge of messrs. hunt and m'kenzie, with a mr. perrault as clerk, and a crew of fourteen men. these gentlemen were to proceed to mackinaw, and thence to st. louis, hiring on the way as many men as they could to man the canoes, in which, from the last-mentioned port, they were to ascend the missouri to its source, and there diverging from the route followed by lewis and clark, reach the mouth of the columbia to form a junction with another party, who were to go round by way of cape horn. in the course of my narrative i shall have occasion to speak of the success of both these expeditions. narrative of a voyage to the northwest coast of america chapter i. departure from montreal.--arrival in new york.--description of that city.--names of the persons engaged in the expedition. we remained in montreal the rest of the spring and a part of the summer. at last, having completed our arrangements for the journey, we received orders to proceed, and on the th of july, accompanied by my father and brothers and a few friends, i repaired to the place of embarkation, where was prepared a birch bark canoe, manned by nine canadians, having mr. a. m'kay as commander, and a mr. a. fisher as passenger. the sentiments which i experienced at that moment would be as difficult for me to describe as they were painful to support; for the first time in my life i quitted the place of my birth, and was separated from beloved parents and intimate friends, having for my whole consolation the faint hope of seeing them again. we embarked at about five, p.m., and arrived at la prairie de la madeleine (on the opposite side of the st. lawrence), toward eight o'clock.[c] we slept at this village, and the next morning, very early, having secured the canoe on a wagon, we got in motion again, and reached st. john's on the river richelieu, a little before noon. here we relaunched our canoe (after having well calked the seams), crossed or rather traversed the length of lake champlain, and arrived at whitehall on the th. there we were overtaken by mr. ovid de montigny, and a mr. p.d. jeremie, who were to be of the expedition. [footnote c: this place is famous in the history of canada, and more particularly in the thrilling story of the indian missions.--ed.] having again placed our canoe on a wagon, we pursued our journey, and arrived on the st of august at lansingburg, a little village situated on the bank of the river hudson. here we got our canoe once more afloat, passed by troy, and by albany, everywhere hospitably received, our canadian boatmen, having their hats decorated with parti-colored ribands and feathers, being taken by the americans for so many wild indians, and arrived at new york on the d, at eleven o'clock in the evening. we had landed at the north end of the city, and the next day, being sunday, we re-embarked, and were obliged to make a course round the city, in order to arrive at our lodgings on long island. we sang as we rowed; which, joined to the unusual sight of a birch bark canoe impelled by nine stout canadians, dark as indians, and as gayly adorned, attracted a crowd upon the wharves to gaze at us as we glided along. we found on long island (in the village of brooklyn) those young gentlemen engaged in the service of the new company, who had left canada in advance of our party. the vessel in which we were to sail not being ready, i should have found myself quite isolated and a stranger in the great city of new york, but for a letter of introduction to mr. g----, given me on my setting out, by madame his sister. i had formed the acquaintance of this gentleman during a stay which he had made at montreal in ; but as i was then very young, he would probably have had some difficulty in recognising me without his sister's letter. he introduced me to several of his friends, and i passed in an agreeable manner the five weeks which elapsed between my arrival in new york and the departure of the ship. i shall not undertake to describe new york; i will only say, that the elegance of the buildings, public and private, the cleanliness of the streets, the shade of the poplars which border them, the public walks, the markets always abundantly provided with all sorts of commodities, the activity of its commerce, then in a flourishing condition, the vast number of ships of all nations which crowded the quays; all, in a word, conspired to make me feel the difference between this great maritime city and my native town, of whose steeples i had never lost sight before, and which was by no means at that time what it is now. new york was not then, and indeed is not at this time a fortified town; still there were several batteries and military works, the most considerable of which were seen on the _narrows_, or channel which forms the principal mouth of the hudson. the isles called _governor's island_, and _bedloe_ or _gibbet island_, were also well fortified. on the first, situated to the west of the city and about a mile from it, there were barracks sufficiently capacious for several thousand soldiers, and a moro, or castle, with three tiers of guns, all bomb-proof. these works have been strengthened during the last war. the market-places are eight in number; the most considerable is called _fly-market_. the _park_, the _battery_, and _vauxhall garden_, are the principal promenades. there were, in , thirty-two churches, two of which were devoted to the catholic worship; and the population was estimated at ninety thousand souls, of whom ten thousand were french. it is thought that this population has since been augmented ( ) by some thirty thousand souls. during my sojourn at new york, i lodged in brooklyn, on long island. this island is separated from the city by a sound, or narrow arm of the sea. there is here a pretty village, not far from which is a basin, where some gun-boats were hauled up, and a few war vessels were on the stocks. some barracks had been constructed here, and a guard was maintained. before leaving new york, it is well to observe that during our stay in that city, mr. m'kay thought it the part of prudence to have an interview with the minister plenipotentiary of his britannic majesty, mr. jackson,[d] to inform him of the object of our voyage, and get his views in regard to the line of conduct we ought to follow in case of war breaking out between the two powers; intimating to him that we were all british subjects, and were about to trade under the american flag. after some moments of reflection mr. jackson told him, "that we were going on a very hazardous enterprise; that he saw our object was purely commercial, and that all he could promise us, was, that in case of a war we should be respected as british subjects and traders." [footnote d: this gentleman was really _chargé d'affaires_.] this reply appeared satisfactory, and mr. m'kay thought we had nothing to apprehend on that side. the vessel in which we were to sail was called the _tonquin_, of about tons burden, commanded by captain thorn (a first-lieutenant of the american navy, on furlough for this purpose), with a crew of twenty-one men. the number of passengers was thirty-three. here follow the names of both. passengers. { messrs. alexander m'kay } { " duncan m'dougall, } partners { " david stuart, } all of canada. { " robert stuart, } { james lewis of new york, { russel farnham of massachusetts, { william w. matthews of new york, { alexander boss, } { donald m'gillis, } clerks { ovide de montigny, } { francis b. pillet, } all from canada. { donald m'lennan, } { william wallace, } { thomas mckay, } { gabriel franchere, } { oliver roy lapensée, joseph lapierre, { ignace lapensée, joseph nadeau, boatmen, { basile lapensée, j. b'te. belleau, etc. { jacques lafantaisie, antoine belleau, { benjamin roussel, louis bruslé, { michel laframboise, p.d. jeremie, { giles leclerc, all of canada. johann koaster, ship-carpenter, a russian, george bell, cooper, new york, job aitken, rigger and calker, from scotland, augustus roussil, blacksmith, canada, guilleaume perreault, a boy. these last were all mechanics, &c., destined for the establishment. crew. jonathan thorn, captain, new york state. ebenezer d. fox, st mate, of boston. john m. mumford, d mate, of massachusetts. james thorn, brother of the captain, new york. john anderson, boatswain, foreigner. egbert vanderhuff, tailor, new york. john weeks, carpenter, " stephen weeks, armorer, " john coles, new york, } john martin, a frenchman, } sailmakers. { john white, new york. { adam fisher, " { peter verbel, " sailors. { edward aymes, " { robert hill, albany, new york. { john adams, " { joseph johnson, englishman, { charles roberts, new york, a colored man as cook, a mulatto steward, and three or four others whose names i have forgotten. chapter ii. departure from new york.--reflections of the author.--navigation, falling in with other ships, and various incidents, till the vessel comes in sight of the falkland isles. all being ready for our departure, we went on board ship, and weighed anchor on the th of september, in the morning. the wind soon fell off, and the first day was spent in drifting down to staten island, where we came to anchor for the night. the next day we weighed anchor again; but there came on another dead calm, and we were forced to cast anchor near the lighthouse at sandy hook. on the th we weighed anchor for the third time, and by the help of a fresh breeze from the southwest, we succeeded in passing the bar; the pilot quitted us at about eleven o'clock, and soon after we lost sight of the coast. one must have experienced it one's self, to be able to conceive the melancholy which takes possession of the soul of a man of sensibility, at the instant that he leaves his country and the civilized world, to go to inhabit with strangers in wild and unknown lands. i should in vain endeavor to give my readers an idea, even faintly correct, of the painful sinking of heart that i suddenly felt, and of the sad glance which i involuntarily cast toward a future so much the more frightful to me, as it offered nothing but what was perfectly confused and uncertain. a new scene of life was unfolded before me, but how monotonous, and ill suited to diminish the dejection with which my mind was overwhelmed! for the first time in my life, i found myself under way upon the main sea, with nothing to fix my regards and arrest my attention but the frail machine which bore me between the abyss of waters and the immensity of the skies. i remained for a long time with my eyes fixed in the direction of that land which i no longer saw, and almost despaired of ever seeing again; i made serious reflections on the nature and consequences of the enterprise in which i had so rashly embarked; and i confess that if at that moment the offer had been made to release me from my engagement, i should have accepted the proposal with all my heart. it is true that the hopeless confusion and incumberment of the vessel's deck, the great number of strangers among whom i found myself, the brutal style which the captain and his subalterns used toward our young canadians; all, in a word, conspired to make me augur a vexatious and disagreeable voyage. the sequel will show that i did not deceive myself in that. we perceived very soon in the s.w., which was our weather-side, a vessel that bore directly toward us; she made a signal that was understood by our captain; we hove to, and stood on her bow. it turned out to be the american frigate _constitution_. we sent our boat on board of her, and sailed in company till toward five o'clock, when, our papers having been sent back to us, we separated. the wind having increased, the motion of the vessel made us sea-sick, those of us, i mean, who were for the first time at sea. the weather was fine, however; the vessel, which at first sailing was lumbered in such a manner that we could hardly get in or out of our berths, and scarcely work ship, by little and little got into order, so that we soon found ourselves more at ease. on the th we commenced to take flying fish. the th, we saw a great quantity of dolphins. we prepared lines and took two of the latter, which we cooked. the flesh of this fish appeared to me excellent. after leaving new york, till the th of october, we headed southeast. on that day we struck the trade winds, and bore s.s.e.; being, according to our observations, in latitude ° " and longitude ° ". on the th, in the morning, we came in sight of the cape-verd islands, bearing w.n.w., and distant about eight or nine miles, having the coast of africa to the e.s.e. we should have been very glad to touch at these islands to take in water; but as our vessel was an american bottom, and had on board a number of british subjects, our captain did not think fit to expose himself to meet the english ships-of-war cruising on these coasts, who certainly would not have failed to make a strict search, and to take from us the best part of our crew; which would infallibly have proved disastrous to the object for which we had shipped them. speaking of water, i may mention that the rule was to serve it out in rations of a quart a day; but that we were now reduced to a pint and a half. for the rest, our fare consisted of fourteen ounces of hard bread, a pound and a quarter of salt beef or one of pork, per day, and half a pint of souchong tea, with sugar, per man. the pork and beef were served alternately: rice and beans, each once a week; corn-meal pudding with molasses, ditto; on sundays the steerage passengers were allowed a bottle of teneriffe wine. all except the four partners, mr. lewis, acting as captain's clerk, and mr. t. m'kay, were in the steerage; the cabin containing but six berths, besides the captain's and first-mate's state-rooms. as long as we were near the coast of africa, we had light and variable winds, and extremely hot weather; on the th, we had a dead calm, and saw several sharks round the vessel; we took one which we ate. i found the taste to resemble sturgeon. we experienced on that day an excessive heat, the mercury being at ° of fahrenheit. from the th to the th we had on board a canary bird, which we treated with the greatest care and kindness, but which nevertheless quitted us, probably for a certain death. the nearer we approached to the equator the more we perceived the heat to increase: on the th, in latitude °, longitude ° west from greenwich, the mercury stood at °. we discovered on that day a sail bearing down upon us. the next morning she reappeared, and approached within gun-shot. she was a large brig, carrying about twenty guns: we sailed in company all day by a good breeze, all sail spread; but toward evening she dropped astern and altered her course to the s.s.e. on the th, at daybreak, the watch alarmed us by announcing that the same brig which had followed us the day before, was under our lee, a cable's length off, and seemed desirous of knowing who we were, without showing her own colors. our captain appeared to be in some alarm; and admitting that she was a better sailer than we, he called all the passengers and crew on deck, the drum beat to quarters, and we feigned to make preparations for combat. it is well to observe that our vessel mounted ten pieces of cannon, and was pierced for twenty; the forward port-holes were adorned with sham guns. whether it was our formidable appearance or no, at about ten a.m. the stranger again changed her course, and we soon lost sight of her entirely. nothing further remarkable occurred to us till the d, when we passed the line in longitude ° ". according to an ancient custom the crew baptized those of their number who had never before crossed the equator; it was a holyday for them on board. about two o'clock in the afternoon we perceived a sail in the s.s.w. we were not a little alarmed, believing that it was the same brig which we had seen some days before; for it was lying to, as if awaiting our approach. we soon drew near, and to our great joy discovered that she was a portuguese; we hailed her, and learned that she came from some part of south america, and was bound to pernambuco, on the coasts of brazil. very soon after we began to see what navigators call the _clouds of magellan_: they are three little white spots that one perceives in the sky almost as soon as one passes the equator: they were situated in the s.s.w. the st november, we began to see great numbers of aquatic birds. toward three o'clock p.m., we discovered a sail on our larboard, but did not approach sufficiently near to speak her. the d, we saw two more sails, making to the s.e. we passed the tropic of capricorn on the th, with a fine breeze, and in longitude ° ". we lost the trade-winds, and as we advanced south the weather became cold and rainy. the th, we had a calm, although the swell was heavy. we saw several turtles, and the captain having sent out the small boat, we captured two of them. during the night of the th and th, the wind changed to the n.e., and raised a terrible tempest, in which the gale, the rain, the lightning, and thunder, seemed to have sworn our destruction; the sea appeared all a-fire, while our little vessel was the sport of winds and waves. we kept the hatches closed, which did not prevent us from passing very uncomfortable nights while the storm lasted; for the great heats that we had experienced between the tropics, had so opened the seams of the deck that every time the waves passed over, the water rushed down in quantities upon our hammocks. the th, the wind shifted to the s.s.w., which compelled us to beat to windward. during the night we were struck by a tremendous sea; the helm was seized beyond control, and the man at the wheel was thrown from one side of the ship to the other, breaking two of his ribs, which confined him to his berth for a week. in latitude ° ", longitude °, the sea appeared to be covered with marine plants, and the change that we observed in the color of the water, as well as the immense number of gulls and other aquatic birds that we saw, proved to us that we were not far from the mouth of the _rio de la plata_. the wind continued to blow furiously till the st, when it subsided a little, and the weather cleared up. on the th, being in the th degree, and minutes of latitude, we saw a penguin. we began to feel sensibly the want of water: since passing the tropic of capricorn the daily allowance had been always diminishing, till we were reduced to three gills a day, a slender modicum considering that we had only salt provisions. we had indeed a still, which we used to render the sea-water drinkable; but we distilled merely what sufficed for the daily use of the kitchen, as to do more would have required a great quantity of wood or coal. as we were not more than one hundred and fifty leagues from the falkland isles, we determined to put in there and endeavor to replenish our casks, and the captain caused the anchors to be got ready. we had contrary winds from the th of november to the d december. on the evening of that day, we heard one of the officers, who was at the mast head, cry "land! land!" nevertheless, the night coming on, and the barren rocks which we had before us being little elevated above the ocean, we hove to. chapter iii. arrival at the falkland isles.--landing.--perilous situation of the author and some of his companions.--portrait of captain thorn.--cape horn.--navigation to the sandwich islands. on the th (dec.) in the morning, i was not the last to mount on deck, to feast my eyes with the sight of land; for it is only those who have been three or four months at sea, who know how to appreciate the pleasure which one then feels even at sight of such barren and bristling rocks as form the falkland isles. we drew near these rocks very soon, and entered between two of the islands, where we anchored on a good ground. the first mate being sent ashore to look for water, several of our gentlemen accompanied him. they returned in the evening with the disappointing intelligence that they had not been able to find fresh water. they brought us, to compensate for this, a number of wild geese and two seals. the weather appearing to threaten, we weighed anchor and put out to sea. the night was tempestuous, and in the morning of the th we had lost sight of the first islands. the wind blowing off land, it was necessary to beat up all that day; in the evening we found ourselves sufficiently near the shore, and hove to for the night. the th brought us a clear sky, and with a fresh breeze we succeeded in gaining a good anchorage, which we took to be port egmont, and where we found good water. on the th, we sent ashore the water casks, as well as the cooper to superintend filling them, and the blacksmiths who were occupied in some repairs required by the ship. for our part, having erected a tent near the springs, we passed the time while they were taking in water, in coursing over the isles: we had a boat for our accommodation, and killed every day a great many wild geese and ducks. these birds differ in plumage from those which are seen in canada. we also killed a great many seals. these animals ordinarily keep upon the rocks. we also saw several foxes of the species called _virginia_ fox: they were shy and yet fierce, barking like dogs and then flying precipitately. penguins are also numerous on the falkland isles. these birds have a fine plumage, and resemble the loon: but they do not fly, having only little stumps of wings which they use to help themselves in waddling along. the rocks were covered with them. it being their sitting season we found them on their nests, from which they would not stir. they are not wild or timid: far from flying at our approach, they attacked us with their bill, which is very sharp, and with their short wings. the flesh of the penguin is black and leathery, with a strong fishy taste, and one must be very hungry to make up one's mind to eat it. we got a great quantity of eggs by dislodging them from their nests. as the french and english had both attempted to form establishments on these rocks, we endeavored to find some vestige of them; the tracks which we met everywhere made us hope to find goats also: but all our researches were vain: all that we discovered was an old fishing cabin, constructed of whale bone, and some seal-skin moccasins; for these rocks offer not a single tree to the view, and are frequented solely by the vessels which pursue the whale fishery in the southern seas. we found, however, two head-boards with inscriptions in english, marking the spot where two men had been interred: as the letters were nearly obliterated, we carved new ones on fresh pieces of board procured from the ship. this pious attention to two dead men nearly proved fatal to a greater number of the living; for all the casks having been filled and sent on board, the captain gave orders to re-embark, and without troubling himself to inquire if this order had been executed or not, caused the anchor to be weighed on the morning of the th, while i and some of my companions were engaged in erecting the inscriptions of which i have spoken, others were cutting grass for the hogs, and messrs m'dougall and d. stuart had gone to the south side of the isle to look for game. the roaring of the sea against the rock-bound shore prevented them from hearing the gun, and they did not rejoin us till the vessel was already at sea. we then lost no time, but pushed off, being eight in number, with our little boat, only twenty feet keel. we rowed with all our might, but gained nothing upon the vessel. we were losing sight of the islands at last, and our case seemed desperate. while we paused, and were debating what course to pursue, as we had no compass, we observed the ship tacking and standing toward us. in fine after rowing for three hours and a half, in an excited state of feeling not easily described, we succeeded in regaining the vessel, and were taken on board at about three o'clock p.m. having related this trait of malice on the part of our captain, i shall be permitted to make some remarks on his character. jonathan thorn was brought up in the naval service of his country, and had distinguished himself in a battle fought between the americans and the turks at tripoli, some years before: he held the rank of first lieutenant. he was a strict disciplinarian, of a quick and passionate temper, accustomed to exact obedience, considering nothing but duty, and giving himself no trouble about the murmurs of his crew, taking counsel of nobody, and following mr. astor's instructions to the letter. such was the man who had been selected to command our ship. his haughty manners, his rough and overbearing disposition, had lost him the affection of most of the crew and of all the passengers: he knew it, and in consequence sought every opportunity to mortify us. it is true that the passengers had some reason to reproach themselves; they were not free from blame; but he had been the aggressor; and nothing could excuse the act of cruelty and barbarity of which he was guilty, in intending to leave us upon those barren rocks of the falkland isles, where we must inevitably have perished. this lot was reserved for us, but for the bold interference of mr. b. stuart, whose uncle was of our party, and who, seeing that the captain, far from waiting for us, coolly continued his course, threatened to blow his brains out unless he hove to and took us on board. [illustration: view of the falkland islands _boat and five passengers pulling after ship tonquin._] we pursued our course, bearing s.s.w., and on the th, in latitude ° ', longitude ° ', we found bottom at sixty-five fathoms, and saw a sail to the south. on the th, in the morning, we discovered before us the high mountains of _terra del fuego_, which we continued to see till evening: the weather then thickened, and we lost sight of them. we encountered a furious storm which drove us to the th degree and ' of latitude. on the th, we were only fifteen leagues from cape horn. a dead calm followed, but the current carried us within sight of the cape, five or six leagues distant. this cape, which forms the southern extremity of the american continent, has always been an object of terror to the navigators who have to pass from one sea to the other; several of whom to avoid doubling it, have exposed themselves to the long and dangerous passage of the straits of magellan, especially when about entering the pacific ocean. when we saw ourselves under the stupendous rocks of the cape, we felt no other desire but to get away from them as soon as possible, so little agreeable were those rocks to the view, even in the case of people who had been some months at sea! and by the help of a land breeze we succeeded in gaining an offing. while becalmed here, we measured the velocity of the current setting east, which we found to be about three miles an hour. the wind soon changed again to the s.s.w., and blew a gale. we had to beat. we passed in sight of the islands of diego ramirez, and saw a large schooner under their lee. the distance that we had run from new york, was about , miles. we had frightful weather till the th, when we found ourselves in ° ' of south latitude. although it was the height of summer in that hemisphere, and the days as long as they are at quebec on the st of june (we could read on deck at midnight without artificial light), the cold was nevertheless very great and the air very humid: the mercury for several days was but fourteen degrees above freezing point, by fahrenheit's thermometer. if such is the temperature in these latitudes at the end of december, corresponding to our june, what must it be in the shortest days of the year, and where can the patagonians then take refuge, and the inhabitants of the islands so improperly named the land of fire! the wind, which till the th had been contrary, hauled round to the south, and we ran westward. the next day being christmas, we had the satisfaction to learn by our noon-day observation that we had weathered the cape, and were, consequently, now in the pacific ocean. up to that date we had but one man attacked with scurvy, a malady to which those who make long voyages are subject, and which is occasioned by the constant use of salt provisions, by the humidity of the vessel, and the inaction. from the th of december till the st of january, we were favored with a fair wind and ran eighteen degrees to the north in that short space of time. though cold yet, the weather was nevertheless very agreeable. on the th, in latitude ° s., and longitude ° ' w., we took several _bonitas_, an excellent fish. we passed the equator on the d, in ° ' of west longitude. a great many porpoises came round the vessel. on the th arose a tempest which lasted till the th. the wind then shifted to the e.s.e. and carried us two hundred and twenty-four miles on our course in twenty-four hours. then we had several days of contrary winds; on the th of february it hauled to the s.e., and on the th we saw the peak of a mountain covered with snow, which the first mate, who was familiar with these seas, told me was the summit of _mona-roah_, a high mountain on the island of _ohehy_, one of those which the circumnavigator cook named the sandwich isles, and where he met his death in . we headed to the land all day, and although we made eight or nine knots an hour, it was not till evening that we were near enough to distinguish the huts of the islanders: which is sufficient to prove the prodigious elevation of _mona roah_ above the level of the sea. chapter iv. accident.--view of the coast.--attempted visit of the natives.--their industry.--bay of karaka-koua.--landing on the island.--john young, governor of owahee. we were ranging along the coast with the aid of a fine breeze, when the boy perrault, who had mounted the fore-rigging to enjoy the scenery, lost his hold, and being to windward where the shrouds were taut, rebounded from them like a ball some twenty feet from the ship's side into the ocean. we perceived his fall and threw over to him chairs, barrels, benches, hen-coops, in a word everything we could lay hands on; then the captain gave the orders to heave to; in the twinkling of an eye the lashings of one of the quarter-boats were cut apart, the boat lowered and manned: by this time the boy was considerably a-stern. he would have been lost undoubtedly but for a wide pair of canvass overalls full of tar and grease, which operated like a life-preserver. his head, however, was under when he was picked up, and he was brought on board lifeless, about a quarter of an hour after he fell into the sea. we succeeded, notwithstanding, in a short time, in bringing him to, and in a few hours he was able to run upon the deck. the coast of the island, viewed from the sea, offers the most picturesque _coup d'oeil_ and the loveliest prospect; from the beach to the mountains the land rises amphitheatrically, all along which is a border of lower country covered with cocoa-trees and bananas, through the thick foliage whereof you perceive the huts of the islanders; the valleys which divide the hills that lie beyond appear well cultivated, and the mountains themselves, though extremely high, are covered with wood to their summits, except those few peaks which glitter with perpetual snow. as we ran along the coast, some canoes left the beach and came alongside, with vegetables and cocoa-nuts; but as we wished to profit by the breeze to gain the anchorage, we did not think fit to stop. we coasted along during a part of the night; but a calm came on which lasted till the morrow. as we were opposite the bay of karaka-koua, the natives came out again, in greater numbers, bringing us cabbages, yams, _taro_, bananas, bread-fruit, water-melons, poultry, &c., for which we traded in the way of exchange. toward evening, by the aid of a sea breeze that rose as day declined, we got inside the harbor where we anchored on a coral bottom in fourteen fathoms water. the next day the islanders visited the vessel in great numbers all day long, bringing, as on the day before, fruits, vegetables, and some pigs, in exchange for which we gave them glass beads, iron rings, needles, cotton cloth, &c. some of our gentlemen went ashore and were astonished to find a native occupied in building a small sloop of about thirty tons: the tools of which he made use consisted of a half worn-out axe, an adze, about two-inch blade, made out of a paring chisel, a saw, and an iron rod which he heated red hot and made it serve the purpose of an auger. it required no little patience and dexterity to achieve anything with such instruments: he was apparently not deficient in these qualities, for his work was tolerably well advanced. our people took him on board with them, and we supplied him with suitable tools, for which he appeared extremely grateful. on the th, in the morning, while the ship's carpenter was engaged in replacing one of the cat-heads, two composition sheaves fell into the sea; as we had no others on board, the captain proposed to the islanders, who are excellent swimmers, to dive for them, promising a reward; and immediately two offered themselves. they plunged several times, and each time brought up shells as a proof that they had been to the bottom. we had the curiosity to hold our watches while they dove, and were astonished to find that they remained four minutes under the water. that exertion appeared to me, however, to fatigue them a great deal, to such a degree that the blood streamed from their nostrils and ears. at last one of them brought up the sheaves and received the promised recompense, which consisted of four yards of cotton. karaka-koua bay where we lay, may be three quarters of a mile deep, and a mile and a half wide at the entrance: the latter is formed by two low points of rock which appear to have run down from the mountains in the form of lava, after a volcanic eruption. on each point is situated a village of moderate size; that is to say, a small group of the low huts of the islanders. the bottom of the bay terminates in a bold _escarpment_ of rock, some four hundred feet high, on the top of which is seen a solitary cocoa-tree. on the evening of the th, i went ashore with some other passengers, and we landed at the group of cabins on the western point, of those which i have described. the inhabitants entertained us with a dance executed by nineteen young women and one man, all singing together, and in pretty good time. an old man showed us the spot where captain cook was killed, on the th of february, , with the cocoa-nut trees pierced by the balls from the boats which the unfortunate navigator commanded. this old man, whether it were feigned or real sensibility, seemed extremely affected and even shed tears, in showing us these objects. as for me, i could not help finding it a little singular to be thus, by mere chance, upon this spot, on the th of february, ; that is to say, thirty-two years after, on the anniversary of the catastrophe which has rendered it for ever celebrated. i drew no sinister augury from the coincidence, however, and returned to the ship with my companions as gay as i left it. when i say with my companions, i ought to except the boatswain, john anderson, who, having had several altercations with the captain on the passage, now deserted the ship, preferring to live with the natives rather than obey any longer so uncourteous a superior. a sailor also deserted; but the islanders brought him back, at the request of the captain. they offered to bring back anderson, but the captain preferred leaving him behind. we found no good water near karaka-koua bay: what the natives brought us in gourds was brackish. we were also in great want of fresh meat, but could not obtain it: the king of these islands having expressly forbidden his subjects to supply any to the vessels which touched there. one of the chiefs sent a canoe to tohehigh bay, to get from the governor of the island, who resided there, permission to sell us some pigs. the messengers returned the next day, and brought us a letter, in which the governor ordered us to proceed without delay to the isle of wahoo, where the king lives; assuring us that we should there find good water and everything else we needed. we got under way on the th and with a light wind coasted the island as far as tohehigh bay. the wind then dropping away entirely, the captain, accompanied by messrs. m'kay and m'dougall, went ashore, to pay a visit to the governor aforesaid. he was not a native, but a scotchman named john young, who came hither some years after the death of captain cook. this man had married a native woman, and had so gained the friendship and confidence of the king, as to be raised to the rank of chief and after the conquest of wahoo by king tamehameha, was made governor of owhyhee (hawaii) the most considerable of the sandwich islands, both by its extent and population. his excellency explained to our gentlemen the reason why the king had interdicted the trade in hogs to the inhabitants of all the islands: this reason being that his majesty wished to reserve to himself the monopoly of that branch of commerce, for the augmentation of his royal revenue by its exclusive profits. the governor also informed them that no rain had fallen on the south part of hawaii for three years; which explained why we found so little fresh water: he added that the north part of the island was more fertile than the south, where we were: but that there was no good anchorage: that part of the coast being defended by sunken rocks which form heavy breakers. in fine, the governor dismissed our gentlemen with a present of four fine fat hogs; and we, in return, sent him some tea, coffee, and chocolate, and a keg of madeira wine. the night was nearly a perfect calm, and on the th we found ourselves abreast of _mona-wororayea_ a snow-capped mountain, like _mona-roah_, but which appeared to me less lofty than the latter. a number of islanders came to visit us as before, with some objects of curiosity, and some small fresh fish. the wind rising on the th, we soon passed the western extremity of hawaii, and sailed by mowhee and tahooraha, two more islands of this group, and said to be, like the rest, thickly inhabited. the first presents a highly picturesque aspect, being composed of hills rising in the shape of a sugar loaf and completely covered with cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees. at last, on the st, we approached wahoo, and came to anchor opposite the bay of _ohetity_, outside the bar, at a distance of some two miles from the land. chapter v. bay of ohetity.--tamehameha, king of the islands.--his visit to the ship.--his capital.--his naval force.--his authority.--productions of the country.--manners and customs.--reflections. there is no good anchorage in the bay of ohetity, inside the bar or coral reef: the holding-ground is bad: so that, in case of a storm, the safety of the ship would have been endangered. moreover, with a contrary wind, it would have been difficult to get out of the inner harbor; for which reasons, our captain preferred to remain in the road. for the rest, the country surrounding the bay is even more lovely in aspect than that of karaka-koua; the mountains rise to a less elevation in the back-ground, and the soil has an appearance of greater fertility. _tamehameha_, whom all the sandwich isles obeyed when we were there in , was neither the son nor the relative of tierroboo, who reigned in owhyhee (hawaii) in , when captain cook and some of his people were massacred. he was, at that date, but a chief of moderate power; but, being skilful, intriguing, and full of ambition, he succeeded in gaining a numerous party, and finally possessed himself of the sovereignty. as soon as he saw himself master of owhyhee, his native island, he meditated the conquest of the leeward islands, and in a few years he accomplished it. he even passed into _atoudy_, the most remote of all, and vanquished the ruler of it, but contented himself with imposing on him an annual tribute. he had fixed his residence at wahoo, because of all the sandwich isles it was the most fertile, the most picturesque--in a word, the most worthy of the residence of the sovereign. as soon as we arrived, we were visited by a canoe manned by three white men, davis and wadsworth, americans, and manini, a spaniard. the last offered to be our interpreter during our stay; which was agreed to. tamehameha presently sent to us his prime-minister, _kraimoku_, to whom the americans have given the name of _pitt_, on account of his skill in the affairs of government. our captain, accompanied by some of our gentlemen, went ashore immediately, to be presented to tamehameha. about four o'clock, p.m., we saw them returning, accompanied by a double pirogue conveying the king and his suite. we ran up our colors, and received his majesty with a salute of four guns. tamehameha was above the middle height, well made, robust and inclined to corpulency, and had a majestic carriage. he appeared to me from fifty to sixty years old. he was clothed in the european style, and wore a sword. he walked a long time on the deck, asking explanations in regard to those things which he had not seen on other vessels, and which were found on ours. a thing which appeared to surprise him, was to see that we could render the water of the sea fresh, by means of the still attached to our caboose; he could not imagine how that could be done. we invited him into the cabin, and, having regaled him with some glasses of wine, began to talk of business matters: we offered him merchandise in exchange for hogs, but were not able to conclude the bargain that day. his majesty re-embarked in his double pirogue, at about six o'clock in the evening. it was manned by twenty-four men. a great chest, containing firearms, was lashed over the centre of the two canoes forming the pirogue; and it was there that tamehameha sat, with his prime-minister at his side. in the morning, on the d, we sent our water-casks ashore and filled them with excellent water. at about noon his sable majesty paid us another visit, accompanied by his three wives and his favorite minister. these females were of an extraordinary corpulence, and of unmeasured size. they were dressed in the fashion of the country, having nothing but a piece of _tapa_, or bark-cloth, about two yards long, passed round the hips and falling to the knees. we resumed the negotiations of the day before, and were more successful. i remarked that when the bargain was concluded, he insisted with great pertinacity that part of the payment should be in spanish dollars. we asked the reason, and he made answer that he wished to buy a frigate of his brother, king george, meaning the king of england. the bargain concluded, we prayed his majesty and his suite to dine with us; they consented, and toward evening retired, apparently well satisfied with their visit and our reception of them. in the meantime, the natives surrounded the ship in great numbers, with hundreds of canoes, offering us their goods, in the shape of eatables and the rude manufactures of the island, in exchange for merchandise; but, as they had also brought intoxicating liquors in gourds, some of the crew got drunk; the captain was, consequently, obliged to suspend the trade, and forbade any one to traffic with the islanders, except through the first-mate, who was intrusted with that business. i landed on the d, with messrs. pillet and m'gillis: we passed the night ashore, spending that day and the next morning in rambling over the environs of the bay, followed by a crowd of men, women, and children. ohetity, where tamehameha resides, and which, consequently, may be regarded as the capital of his kingdom, is--or at least was at that time--a moderate-sized city, or rather a large village. besides the private houses, of which there were perhaps two hundred, constructed of poles planted in the ground and covered over with matting, there were the royal palace, which was not magnificent by any means: a public store, of two stories, one of stone and the other of wood; two _morais_, or idol temples, and a wharf. at the latter we found an old vessel, the _lady bird_, which some american navigators had given in exchange for a schooner; it was the only large vessel which king tamehameha possessed; and, besides, was worth nothing. as for schooners he had forty of them, of from twenty to thirty tons burthen: these vessels served to transport the tributes in kind paid by his vassals in the other islands. before the europeans arrived among these savages, the latter had no means of communication between one isle and another, but their canoes, and as some of the islands are not in sight of each other, these voyages must have been dangerous. near the palace i found an indian from bombay, occupied in making a twelve inch cable, for the use of the ship which i have described. tamehameha kept constantly round his house a guard of twenty-four men. these soldiers wore, by way of uniform, a long blue coat with yellow; and each was armed with a musket. in front of the house, on an open square, were placed fourteen four-pounders, mounted on their carriages. the king was absolute, and judged in person the differences between his subjects. we had an opportunity of witnessing a proof of it, the day after our landing. a portuguese having had a quarrel with a native, who was intoxicated, struck him: immediately the friends of the latter, who had been the aggressor after all, gathered in a crowd to beat down the poor foreigner with stones; he fled as fast as he could to the house of the king, followed by a mob of enraged natives, who nevertheless stopped at some distance from the guards, while the portuguese, all breathless, crouched in a corner. we were on the esplanade in front of the palace royal, and curiosity to see the trial led us into the presence of his majesty, who having caused the quarrel to be explained to him, and heard the witnesses on both sides, condemned the native to work four days in the garden of the portuguese and to give him a hog. a young frenchman from bordeaux, preceptor of the king's sons, whom he taught to read, and who understood the language, acted as interpreter to the portuguese, and explained to us the sentence. i can not say whether our presence influenced the decision, or whether, under other circumstances, the portuguese would have been less favorably treated. we were given to understand that tamehameha was pleased to see whites establish themselves in his dominions, but that he esteemed only people with some useful trade, and despised idlers, and especially drunkards. we saw at wahoo about thirty of these white inhabitants, for the most part, people of no character, and who had remained on the islands either from indolence, or from drunkenness and licentiousness. some had taken wives in the country, in which case the king gave them a portion of land to cultivate for themselves. but two of the worst sort had found means to procure a small still, wherewith they manufactured rum and supplied it to the natives. the first navigators found only four sorts of quadrupeds on the sandwich islands:--dogs, swine, lizards, and rats. since then sheep have been carried there, goats, horned cattle, and even horses, and these animals have multiplied. the chief vegetable productions of these isles are the sugar cane, the bread-fruit tree, the banana, the water-melon, the musk-melon, the _taro_, the _ava_, the _pandanus_, the mulberry, &c. the bread-fruit tree is about the size of a large apple-tree; the fruit resembles an apple and is about twelve or fourteen inches in circumference; the rind is thick and rough like a melon: when cut transversely it is found to be full of sacs, like the inside of an orange; the pulp has the consistence of water-melon, and is cooked before it is eaten. we saw orchards of bread-fruit trees and bananas, and fields of sugar-cane, back of ohetity. the _taro_ grows in low situations, and demands a great deal of care. it is not unlike a white turnip,[e] and as it constitutes the principal food of the natives, it is not to be wondered at that they bestow so much attention on its culture. wherever a spring of pure water is found issuing out of the side of a hill, the gardener marks out on the declivity the size of the field he intends to plant. the ground is levelled and surrounded with a mud or stone wall, not exceeding eighteen inches in height, and having a flood gate above and below. into this enclosure the water of the spring is conducted, or is suffered to escape from it, according to the dryness of the season. when the root has acquired a sufficient size it is pulled up for immediate use. this esculent is very bad to eat raw, but boiled it is better than the yam. cut in slices, dried, pounded and reduced to a farina, it forms with bread fruit the principal food of the natives. sometimes they boil it to the consistence of porridge, which they put into gourds and allow to ferment; it will then keep a long time. they also use to mix with it, fish, which they commonly eat raw with the addition of a little salt, obtained by evaporation. [footnote e: bougainville calls it "calf-foot root."] the _ava_ is a plant more injurious than useful to the inhabitants of these isles; since they only make use of it to obtain a dangerous and intoxicating drink, which they also call _ava_. the mode of preparing this beverage is as follows: they chew the root, and spit out the result into a basin; the juice thus expressed is exposed to the sun to undergo fermentation; after which they decant it into a gourd; it is then fit for use, and they drink it on occasions to intoxication. the too frequent use of this disgusting liquor causes loss of sight, and a sort of leprosy, which can only be cured by abstaining from it, and by bathing frequently in the water of the sea. this leprosy turns their skin white: we saw several of the lepers, who were also blind, or nearly so. the natives are also fond of smoking: the tobacco grows in the islands, but i believe it has been introduced from abroad. the bark of the mulberry furnishes the cloth worn by both sexes; of the leaves of the _pandanus_ they make mats. they have also a kind of wax-nut, about the size of a dried plum of which they make candles by running a stick through several of them. lighted at one end, they burn like a wax taper, and are the only light they use in their huts at night. the men are generally well made and tall: they wear for their entire clothing what they call a _maro_; it is a piece of figured or white tapa, two yards long and a foot wide, which they pass round the loins and between the legs, tying the ends in a knot over the left hip. at first sight i thought they were painted red, but soon perceived that it was the natural _color_ of their skin. the women wear a petticoat of the same stuff as the _maro_, but wider and longer, without, however, reaching below the knees. they have sufficiently regular features, and but for the color, may pass, generally speaking, for handsome women. some to heighten their charms, dye their black hair (cut short for the purpose) with quick lime, forming round the head a strip of pure white, which disfigures them monstrously. others among the young wear a more becoming garland of flowers. for other traits, they are very lascivious, and far from observing a modest reserve, especially toward strangers. in regard to articles of mere ornament, i was told that they were not the same in all the island. i did not see them, either, clothed in their war dresses, or habits of ceremony. but i had an opportunity to see them paint or print their _tapa_, or bark cloth, an occupation in which they employ a great deal of care and patience. the pigments they use are derived from vegetable juices, prepared with the oil of the cocoa-nut. their pencils are little reeds or canes of bamboo, at the extremity of which they carve out divers sorts of flowers. first they tinge the cloth they mean to print, yellow, green, or some other color which forms the ground: then they draw upon it perfectly straight lines, without any other guide but the eye; lastly they dip the ends of the bamboo sticks in paint of a different tint from the ground, and apply them between the dark or bright bars thus formed. this cloth resembles a good deal our calicoes and printed cottons; the oils with which it is impregnated renders it impervious to water. it is said that the natives of _atowy_ excel all the other islanders in the art of painting the tapa. the sandwich-islanders live in villages of one or two hundred houses arranged without symmetry, or rather grouped together in complete defiance of it. these houses are constructed (as i have before said) of posts driven in the ground, covered with long dry grass, and walled with matting; the thatched roof gives them a sort of resemblance to our canadian barns or granges. the length of each house varies according to the number of the family which occupies it: they are not smoky like the wigwams of our indians, the fireplace being always outside in the open air, where all the cooking is performed. hence their dwellings are very clean and neat inside. their pirogues or canoes are extremely light and neat: those which are single have an outrigger, consisting of two curved pieces of timber lashed across the bows, and touching the water at the distance of five or six feet from the side; another piece, turned up at each extremity, is tied to the end and drags in the water, on which it acts like a skating iron on the ice, and by its weight keeps the canoe in equilibrium: without that contrivance they would infallibly upset. their paddles are long, with a very broad blade. all these canoes carry a lateen, or sprit-sail, which is made of a mat of grass or leaves, extremely well woven. i did not remain long enough with these people to acquire very extensive and exact notions of their religion: i know that they recognise a supreme being, whom they call _etoway_, and a number of inferior divinities. each village has one or more _morais_. these morais are enclosures which served for cemeteries; in the middle is a temple, where the priests alone have a right to enter: they contain several idols of wood, rudely sculptured. at the feet of these images are deposited, and left to putrify, the offerings of the people, consisting of dogs, pigs, fowls, vegetables, &c. the respect of these savages for their priests extends almost to adoration; they regard their persons as sacred, and feel the greatest scruple in touching the objects, or going near the places, which they have declared _taboo_ or forbidden. the _taboo_ has often been useful to european navigators, by freeing them from the importunities of the crowd. in our rambles we met groups playing at different games. that of draughts appeared the most common. the checker-board is very simple, the squares being marked on the ground with a sharp stick: the men are merely shells or pebbles. the game was different from that played in civilized countries, so that we could not understand it. although nature has done almost everything for the inhabitants of the sandwich islands--though they enjoy a perpetual spring, a clear sky, a salubrious climate, and scarcely any labor is required to produce the necessaries of life--they can not be regarded as generally happy: the artisans and producers, whom they call _tootoos_, are nearly in the same situation as the helots among the lacedemonians, condemned to labor almost incessantly for their lord or _eris_, without hope of bettering their condition, and even restricted in the choice of their daily food.[f] how has it happened that among a people yet barbarous, where knowledge is nearly equally distributed, the class which is beyond comparison the most numerous has voluntarily submitted to such a humiliating and oppressive yoke? the tartars, though infinitely less numerous than the chinese, have subjected them, because the former were warlike and the latter were not. the same thing has happened, no doubt, at remote periods, in poland, and other regions of europe and asia. if moral causes are joined to physical ones, the superiority of one caste and the inferiority of the other will be still more marked; it is known that the natives of hispaniola, when they saw the spaniards arrive on their coast, in vessels of an astonishing size to their apprehensions, and heard them imitate the thunder with their cannon, took them for beings of a superior nature to their own. supposing that this island had been extremely remote from every other country, and that the spaniards, after conquering it, had held no further communication with any civilized land, at the end of a century or two the language and the manners would have assimilated, but there would have been two castes, one of lords, enjoying all the advantages, the other of serfs, charged with all the burdens. this theory seems to have been realized anciently in hindostan; but if we must credit the tradition of the sandwich-islanders, their country was originally peopled by a man and woman, who came to owyhee in a canoe. unless, then, they mean that this man and woman came with their slaves, and that the _eris_ are descended from the first, and the _tootoos_ from the last, they ought to attribute to each other the same origin, and consequently regard each other as equals, and even as brothers, according to the manner of thinking that prevails among savages. the cause of the slavery of women among most barbarous tribes is more easily explained: the men have subjected them by the right of the strongest, if ignorance and superstition have not caused them to be previously regarded as beings of an inferior nature, made to be servants and not companions.[g] [footnote f: the _tootoos_ and all the women, the wives of the king and principal chiefs excepted, are eternally condemned to the use of fruits and vegetables; dogs and pigs being exclusively reserved for the table of the _eris_.] [footnote g: some indian tribes think that women have no souls, but die altogether like the brutes; others assign them a different paradise from that of men, which indeed they might have reason to prefer for themselves, unless their relative condition were to be ameliorated in the next world.] chapter vi. departure from wahoo.--storm.--arrival at the mouth of the columbia.--reckless order of the captain.--difficulty of the entrance.--perilous situation of the ship.--unhappy fate of a part of the crew and people of the expedition. having taken on board a hundred head of live hogs, some goats, two sheep, a quantity of poultry, two boat-loads of sugar-cane, to feed the hogs, as many more of yams, taro, and other vegetables, and all our water-casks being snugly stowed, we weighed anchor on the th of february, sixteen days after our arrival at karaka-koua. we left another man (edward aymes) at wahoo. he belonged to a boat's crew which was sent ashore for a load of sugar canes. by the time the boat was loaded by the natives the ebb of the tide had left her aground, and aymes asked leave of the coxswain to take a stroll, engaging to be back for the flood. leave was granted him, but during his absence, the tide haying come in sufficiently to float the boat, james thorn, the coxswain, did not wait for the young sailor, who was thus left behind. the captain immediately missed the man, and, on being informed that he had strolled away from the boat on leave, flew into a violent passion. aymes soon made his appearance alongside, having hired some natives to take him on board; on perceiving him, the captain ordered him to stay in the long-boat, then lashed to the side with its load of sugar-cane. the captain then himself got into the boat, and, taking one of the canes, beat the poor fellow most unmercifully with it; after which, not satisfied with this act of brutality, he seized his victim and threw him overboard! aymes, however, being an excellent swimmer, made for the nearest native canoe, of which there were, as usual, a great number around the ship. the islanders, more humane than our captain, took in the poor fellow, who, in spite of his entreaties to be received on board, could only succeed in getting his clothes, which were thrown into the canoe. at parting, he told captain thorn that he knew enough of the laws of his country, to obtain redress, should they ever meet in the territory of the american union. while we were getting under sail, mr. m'kay pointed out to the captain that there was one water-cask empty, and proposed sending it ashore to be filled, as the great number of live animals we had on board required a large quantity of fresh water. the captain, who feared that some of the men would desert if he sent them ashore, made an observation to that effect in answer to mr. m'kay, who then proposed sending me on a canoe which lay alongside, to fill the cask in question: this was agreed to by the captain, and i took the cask accordingly to the nearest spring. having filled it, not without some difficulty, the islanders seeking to detain me, and i perceiving that they had given me some gourds full of salt water, i was forced also to demand a double pirogue (for the canoe which had brought the empty cask, was found inadequate to carry a full one), the ship being already under full sail and gaining an offing. as the natives would not lend a hand to procure what i wanted, i thought it necessary to have recourse to the king, and in fact did so. for seeing the vessel so far at sea, with what i knew of the captain's disposition, i began to fear that he had formed the plan of leaving me on the island. my fears, nevertheless were ill-founded; the vessel made a tack toward the shore, to my great joy; and a double pirogue was furnished me, through the good offices of our young friend the french schoolmaster, to return on board with my cask. our deck was now as much encumbered as when left new york; for we had been obliged to place our live animals at the gangways, and to board over their pens, on which it was necessary to pass, to work ship. our own numbers were also augmented; for we had taken a dozen islanders for the service of our intended commercial establishment. their term of engagement was three years, during which we were to feed and clothe them, and at its expiration they were to receive a hundred dollars in merchandise. the captain had shipped another dozen as hands on the coasting voyage. these people, who make very good sailors, were eager to be taken into employment, and we might easily have carried off a much greater number. we had contrary winds till the d of march, when, having doubled the western extremity of the island, we made northing, and lost sight of these smiling and temperate countries, to enter very soon a colder region and less worthy of being inhabited. the winds were variable, and nothing extraordinary happened to us till the th, when, being arrived at the latitude of ° ' north, and in ° ' of west longitude, the wind shifted all of a sudden to the s.s.w., and blew with such violence, that we were forced to strike top-gallant masts and top-sails, and run before the gale with a double reef in our foresail. the rolling of the vessel was greater than in all the gales we had experienced previously. nevertheless, as we made great headway, and were approaching the continent, the captain by way of precaution, lay to for two nights successively. at last, on the d, in the morning, we saw the land. although we had not been able to take any observations for several days, nevertheless, by the appearance of the coast, we perceived that we were near the mouth of the river columbia, and were not more than three miles from land. the breakers formed by the bar at the entrance of that river, and which we could distinguish from the ship, left us no room to doubt that we had arrived at last at the end of our voyage. the wind was blowing in heavy squalls, and the sea ran very high: in spite of that, the captain caused a boat to be lowered, and mr. fox (first mate), basile lapensee, ignace lapensee, jos. nadeau, and john martin, got into her, taking some provisions and firearms, with orders to sound the channel and report themselves on board as soon as possible. the boat was not even supplied with a good sail, or a mast, but one of the partners gave mr. fox a pair of bed sheets to serve for the former. messrs m'kay and m'dougall could not help remonstrating with the captain on the imprudence of sending the boat ashore in such weather; but they could not move his obstinacy. the boat's crew pulled away from the ship; alas! we were never to see her again; and we already had a foreboding of her fate. the next day the wind seemed to moderate, and we approached very near the coast. the entrance of the river, which we plainly distinguished with the naked eye, appeared but a confused and agitated sea: the waves, impelled by a wind from the offing, broke upon the bar, and left no perceptible passage. we got no sign of the boat; and toward evening, for our own safety, we hauled off to sea, with all countenances extremely sad, not excepting the captain's, who appeared to me as much afflicted as the rest, and who had reason to be so. during the night, the wind fell, the clouds dispersed, and the sky became serene. on the morning of the th, we found that the current had carried us near the coast again, and we dropped anchor in fourteen fathoms water, north of cape disappointment. the _coup d'oeil_ is not so smiling by a great deal at this anchorage, as at the sandwich islands, the coast offering little to the eye but a continuous range of high mountains covered with snow. [illustration: entrance of the columbia river. _ship tonquin, crossing the bar, th march ._] although it was calm, the sea continued to break over the reef with violence, between cape disappointment and point adams. we sent mr. mumford (the second mate) to sound a passage; but having found the breakers too heavy, he returned on board about mid-day. messrs. m'kay and d. stuart offered their services to go ashore, to search for the boat's crew who left on the d; but they could not find a place to land. they saw indians, who made signs to them to pull round the cape, but they deemed it more prudent to return to the vessel. soon after their return, a gentle breeze sprang up from the westward, we raised anchor, and approached the entrance of the river. mr. aikin was then despatched in the pinnace, accompanied by john coles (sail-maker), stephen weeks (armorer), and two sandwich-islanders; and we followed under easy sail. another boat had been sent out before this one, but the captain judging that she bore too far south, made her a signal to return. mr. aikin not finding less than four fathoms, we followed him and advanced between the breakers, with a favorable wind, so that we passed the boat on our starboard, within pistol-shot. we made signs to her to return on board, but she could not accomplish it; the ebb tide carried her with such rapidity that in a few minutes we had lost sight of her amidst the tremendous breakers that surrounded us. it was near nightfall, the wind began to give way, and the water was so low with the ebb, that we struck six or seven times with violence: the breakers broke over the ship and threatened to submerge her. at last we passed from two and three quarters fathoms of water to seven, where we were obliged to drop anchor, the wind having entirely failed us. we were far, however, from being out of danger, and the darkness came to add to the horror of our situation: our vessel, though at anchor, threatened to be carried away every moment by the tide; the best bower was let go, and it kept two men at the wheel to hold her head in the right direction. however, providence came to our succor: the flood succeeded to the ebb, and the wind rising out of the offing, we weighed both anchors, in spite of the obscurity of the night, and succeeded in gaining a little bay or cove, formed at the entrance of the river by cape disappointment, and called _baker's bay_, where we found a good anchorage. it was about midnight, and all retired to take a little rest: the crew, above all, had great need of it. we were fortunate to be in a place of safety, for the wind rose higher and higher during the rest of the night, and on the morning of the th allowed us to see that this ocean is not always pacific. some natives visited us this day, bringing with them beaver-skins; but the inquietude caused in our minds by the loss of two boats' crews, for whom we wished to make search, did not permit us to think of traffic. we tried to make the savages comprehend, by signs, that we had sent a boat ashore three days previous, and that we had no news of her; but they seemed not to understand us. the captain, accompanied by some of our gentlemen, landed, and they set themselves to search for our missing people, in the woods, and along the shore n.w. of the cape. after a few hours we saw the captain return with weeks, one of the crew of the last boat sent out. he was stark naked, and after being clothed, and receiving some nourishment, gave us an account of his almost miraculous escape from the waves on the preceding night, in nearly the following terms:-- "after you had passed our boat;" said he, "the breakers caused by the meeting of the wind roll and ebb-tide, became a great deal heavier than when we entered the river with the flood. the boat, for want of a rudder, became very hard to manage, and we let her drift at the mercy of the tide, till, after having escaped several surges, one struck us midship and capsized us. i lost sight of mr. aiken and john coles: but the two islanders were close by me; i saw them stripping off their clothes, and i followed their example; and seeing the pinnace within my reach, keel upward, i seized it; the two natives came to my assistance; we righted her, and by sudden jerks threw out so much of the water that she would hold a man: one of the natives jumped in, and, bailing with his two hands, succeeded in a short time in emptying her. the other native found the oars, and about dark we were all three embarked. the tide having now carried us outside the breakers, i endeavored to persuade my companions in misfortune to row, but they were so benumbed with cold that they absolutely refused. i well knew that without clothing, and exposed to the rigor of the air, i must keep in constant exercise. seeing besides that the night was advancing, and having no resource but the little strength left me, i set to work sculling, and pushed off the bar, but so as not to be carried out too far to sea. about midnight, one of my companions died: the other threw himself upon the body of his comrade, and i could not persuade him to abandon it. daylight appeared at last; and, being near the shore, i headed in for it, and arrived, thank god, safe and sound, through the breakers, on a sandy beach. i helped the islander, who yet gave some signs of life, to get out of the boat, and we both took to the woods; but, seeing that he was not able to follow me, i left him to his bad fortune, and, pursuing a beaten path that i perceived, i found myself, to my great astonishment, in the course of a few hours, near the vessel." the gentlemen who went ashore with the captain divided themselves into three parties, to search for the native whom weeks had left at the entrance of the forest; but, after scouring the woods and the point of the cape all day, they came on board in the evening without having found him. chapter vii. regrets of the author at the loss of his companions.--obsequies of a sandwich islander.--first steps in the formation of the intended establishment.--new alarm.--encampment. the narrative of weeks informed us of the death of three of our companions, and we could not doubt that the five others had met a similar fate. this loss of eight of our number, in two days, before we had set foot on shore, was a bad augury, and was sensibly felt by all of us. in the course of so long a passage, the habit of seeing each other every day, the participation of the same cares and dangers, and confinement to the same narrow limits, had formed between all the passengers a connection that could not be broken, above all in a manner so sad and so unlooked for, without making us feel a void like that which is experienced in a well-regulated and loving family, when it is suddenly deprived by death, of the presence of one of its cherished members. we had left new york, for the most part strangers to one another; but arrived at the river columbia we were all friends, and regarded each other almost as brothers. we regretted especially the two brothers lapensée and joseph nadeau: these young men had been in an especial manner recommended by their respectable parents in canada to the care of mr. m'kay; and had acquired by their good conduct the esteem of the captain, of the crew, and of all the passengers. the brothers lapensée were courageous and willing, never flinching in the hour of danger, and had become as good seamen as any on board. messrs fox and aikin were both highly regarded by all; the loss of mr. fox, above all, who was endeared to every one by his gentlemanly behavior and affability, would have been severely regretted at any time, but it was doubly so in the present conjuncture: this gentleman, who had already made a voyage to the northwest, could have rendered important services to the captain and to the company. the preceding days had been days of apprehension and of uneasiness; this was one of sorrow and mourning. the following day, the same gentlemen who had volunteered their services to seek for the missing islander, resumed their labors, and very soon after they left us, we perceived a great fire kindled at the verge of the woods, over against the ship. i was sent in a boat and arrived at the fire. it was our gentlemen who had kindled it, to restore animation to the poor islander, whom they had at last found under the rocks, half dead with cold and fatigue, his legs swollen and his feet bleeding. we clothed him, and brought him on board, where, by our care, we succeeded in restoring him to life. toward evening, a number of the sandwich-islanders, provided with the necessary utensils, and offerings consisting of biscuit, lard, and tobacco, went ashore, to pay the last duties to their compatriot, who died in mr. aikin's boat, on the night of the th. mr. pillet and i went with them, and witnessed the obsequies, which took place in the manner following. arrived at the spot where the body had been hung upon a tree to preserve it from the wolves, the natives dug a grave in the sand; then taking down the body, and stretching it alongside the pit, they placed the biscuit under one of the arms, a piece of pork beneath the other, and the tobacco beneath the chin and the genital parts. thus provided for the journey to the other world, the body was deposited in the grave and covered with sand and stones. all the countrymen of the dead man then knelt on either side of the grave, in a double row, with their faces to the east, except one of them who officiated as priest; the latter went to the margin of the sea, and having filled his hat with water, sprinkled the two rows of islanders, and recited a sort of prayer, to which the others responded, nearly as we do in the litanies. that prayer ended, they rose and returned to the vessel, looking neither to the right hand nor to the left. as every one of them appeared to me familiar with the part he performed, it is more than probable that they observed, as far as circumstances permitted, the ceremonies practised in their country on like occasions. we all returned on board about sundown. the next day, the th, desirous of clearing the gangways of the live stock; we sent some men on shore to construct a pen, and soon after landed about fifty hogs, committing them to the care of one of the hands. on the th, the long boat was manned, armed and provisioned, and the captain, with messrs. m'kay and d. stuart, and some of the clerks, embarked on it, to ascend the river and choose an eligible spot for our trading establishment. messrs. boss and pillet left at the same time, to run down south, and try to obtain intelligence of mr. fox and his crew. in the meantime, having reached some of the goods most at hand, we commenced, with the natives who came every day to the vessel, a trade for beaver-skins, and sea-otter stones. messrs. ross and pillet returned on board on the st of april, without having learned anything respecting mr. fox and his party. they did not even perceive along the beach any vestiges of the boat. the natives who occupy point _adams_, and who are called _clatsops_, received our young gentlemen very amicably and hospitably. the captain and his companions also returned on the th, without having decided on a position for the establishment, finding none which appeared to them eligible. it was consequently resolved to explore the south bank, and messrs. m'dougal and d. stuart departed on that expedition the next day, promising to return by the th. the th came, and these gentlemen did not return. it rained almost all day. the day after, some natives came on board, and reported that messrs. m'dougal and stuart had capsized the evening before in crossing the bay. this news at first alarmed us; and, if it had been verified, would have given the finishing blow to our discouragement. still, as the weather was excessively bad, and we did not repose entire faith in the story of the natives--whom, moreover, we might not have perfectly understood--we remained in suspense till the th. on the morning of that day, we were preparing to send some of the people in search of our two gentlemen, when we perceived two large canoes, full of indians, coming toward the vessel: they were of the _chinook_ village, which was situated at the foot of a bluff on the north side of the river, and were bringing back messrs. m'dougal and stuart. we made known to these gentlemen the report we had heard on the th from the natives, and they informed us that it had been in fact well founded; that on the th, desirous of reaching the ship agreeably to their promise, they had quitted _chinook_ point, in spite of the remonstrances of the chief, _comcomly_, who sought to detain them by pointing out the danger to which they would expose themselves in crossing the bay in such a heavy sea as it was; that they had scarcely made more than a mile and a half before a huge wave broke over their boat and capsized it; that the indians, aware of the danger to which they were exposed, had followed them, and that, but for their assistance, mr. m'dougal, who could not swim, would inevitably have been drowned; that, after the chinooks had kindled a large fire and dried their clothes, they had been conducted by them back to their village, where the principal chief had received them with all imaginable hospitality, regaling them with every delicacy his wigwam afforded; that, in fine, if they had got back safe and sound to the vessel, it was to the timely succor and humane cares of the indians whom we saw before us that they owed it. we liberally rewarded these generous children of the forest, and they returned home well satisfied. this last survey was also fruitless, as messrs. m'dougal and stuart did not find an advantageous site to build upon. but, as the captain wished to take advantage of the fine season to pursue his traffic with the natives along the n.w. coast, it was resolved to establish ourselves on point _george_, situated on the south bank, about fourteen or fifteen miles from our present anchorage. accordingly, we embarked on the th, in the long-boat, to the number of twelve, furnished with tools, and with provisions for a week. we landed at the bottom of a small bay, where we formed a sort of encampment. the spring, usually so tardy in this latitude, was already far advanced; the foliage was budding, and the earth was clothing itself with verdure; the weather was superb, and all nature smiled. we imagined ourselves in the garden of eden; the wild forests seemed to us delightful groves, and the leaves transformed to brilliant flowers. no doubt, the pleasure of finding ourselves at the end of our voyage, and liberated from the ship, made things appear to us a great deal more beautiful than they really were. be that as it may, we set ourselves to work with enthusiasm, and cleared, in a few days, a point of land of its under-brush, and of the huge trunks of pine-trees that covered it, which we rolled, half-burnt, down the bank. the vessel came to moor near our encampment, and the trade went on. the natives visited us constantly and in great numbers; some to trade, others to gratify their curiosity, or to purloin some little articles if they found an opportunity. we landed the frame timbers which we had brought, ready cut for the purpose, in the vessel; and by the end of april, with the aid of the ship-carpenters, john weeks and johann koaster, we had laid the keel of a coasting-schooner of about thirty tons. chapter viii. voyage up the river.--description of the country.--meeting with strange indians. the indians having informed us that above certain rapids, there was an establishment of white men, we doubted not that it was a trading post of the northwest company; and to make sure of it, we procured a large canoe and a guide, and set out, on the d of may, messrs m'kay, r. stuart, montigny, and i, with a sufficient number of hands. we first passed a lofty head-land, that seemed at a distance to be detached from the main, and to which we gave the name of _tongue point_. here the river gains a width of some nine or ten miles, and keeps it for about twelve miles up. the left bank, which we were coasting, being concealed by little low islands, we encamped for the night on one of them, at the village of _wahkaykum_, to which our guide belonged. we continued our journey on the d: the river narrows considerably, at about thirty miles from its mouth, and is obstructed with islands, which are thickly covered with the willow, poplar, alder, and ash. these islands are, without exception, uninhabited and uninhabitable, being nothing but swamps, and entirely overflowed in the months of june and july; as we understood from _coalpo_, our guide, who appeared to be an intelligent man. in proportion as we advanced, we saw the high mountains capped with snow, which form the chief and majestic feature, though a stern one, of the banks of the columbia for some distance from its mouth, recede, and give place to a country of moderate elevation, and rising amphitheatrically from the margin of the stream. the river narrows to a mile or thereabouts; the forest is less dense, and patches of green prairie are seen. we passed a large village on the south bank, called _kreluit_, above which is a fine forest of oaks; and encamped for the night, on a low point, at the foot of an isolated rock, about one hundred and fifty feet high. this rock appeared to me remarkable on account of its situation, reposing in the midst of a low and swampy ground, as if it had been dropped from the clouds, and seeming to have no connection with the neighboring mountains. on a cornice or shelving projection about thirty feet from its base, the natives of the adjacent villages deposite their dead, in canoes; and it is the same rock to which, for this reason, lieutenant broughton gave the name of _mount coffin_. on the th, in the morning, we arrived at a large village of the same name as that which we had passed the evening before, _kreluit_, and we landed to obtain information respecting a considerable stream, which here discharges into the columbia, and respecting its resources for the hunter and trader in furs. it comes from the north, and is called _cowlitzk_ by the natives. mr. m'kay embarked with mr. de montigny and two indians, in a small canoe, to examine the course of this river, a certain distance up. on entering the stream, they saw a great number of birds, which they took at first for turkeys, so much they resembled them, but which were only a kind of carrion eagles, vulgarly called _turkey-buzzards_. we were not a little astonished to see mr. de montigny return on foot and alone; he soon informed us of the reason: having ascended the _kowlitzk_ about a mile and a half, on rounding a bend of the stream, they suddenly came in view of about twenty canoes, full of indians, who had made a rush upon them with the most frightful yells; the two natives and the guide who conducted their little canoe, retreated with the utmost precipitancy, but seeing that they would be overtaken, they stopped short, and begged mr. m'kay to fire upon the approaching savages, which he, being well acquainted with the indian character from the time he accompanied sir alexander m'kenzie, and having met with similar occurrences before, would by no means do; but displayed a friendly sign to the astonished natives, and invited them to land for an amicable talk; to which they immediately assented. mr. m'kay had sent mr. de montigny to procure some tobacco and a pipe, in order to strike a peace with these barbarians. the latter then returned to mr. m'kay, with the necessary articles, and in the evening the party came back to our camp, which we had fixed between the villages. we were then informed that the indians whom mr. m'kay had met, were at war with the _kreluits_. it was impossible, consequently, to close our eyes all night; the natives passing and repassing continually from one village to the other, making fearful cries, and coming every minute to solicit us to discharge our firearms; all to frighten their enemies, and let them see that they were on their guard. on the th, in the morning, we paid a visit to the hostile camp; and those savages, who had never seen white men, regarded us with curiosity and astonishment, lifting the legs of our trowsers and opening our shirts, to see if the skin of our bodies resembled that of our faces and hands. we remained some time with them, to make proposals of peace; and having ascertained that this warlike demonstration originated in a trifling offence on the part of the _kreluits_, we found them well disposed to arrange matters in an amicable fashion. after having given them, therefore, some looking-glasses, beads, knives, tobacco, and other trifles, we quitted them and pursued our way. having passed a deserted village, and then several islands, we came in sight of a noble mountain on the north, about twenty miles distant, all covered with snow, contrasting remarkably with the dark foliage of the forests at its base, and probably the same which was seen by broughton, and named by him _mount st. helen's_. we pulled against a strong current all this day, and at evening our guide made us enter a little river, on the bank of which we found a good camping place, under a grove of oaks, and in the midst of odoriferous wild flowers, where we passed a night more tranquil than that which had preceded it. on the morning of the th we ascended this small stream, and soon arrived at a large village called _thlakalamah_, the chief whereof, who was a young and handsome man, was called _keasseno_, and was a relative of our guide. the situation of this village is the most charming that can be, being built on the little river that we had ascended, and indeed at its navigable head, being here, but a torrent with numerous cascades leaping from rock to rock in their descent to the deep, limpid water, which then flows through a beautiful prairie, enamelled with odorous flowers of all colors, and studded with superb groves of oak. the freshness and beauty of this spot, which nature seemed to have taken pleasure in adorning and enriching with her most precious gifts, contrasted, in a striking manner, with the indigence and uncleanliness of its inhabitants; and i regretted that it had not fallen to the lot of civilized men. i was wrong no doubt: it is just that those should be most favored by their common mother, who are least disposed to pervert her gifts, or to give the preference to advantages which are factitious, and often very frivolous. we quitted with regret this charming spot, and soon came to another large village, which our guide informed us was called _kathlapootle_, and was situated at the confluence of a small stream, that seemed to flow down from the mountain covered with snow, which we had seen the day before: this river is called _cowilkt_. we coasted a pretty island, well timbered, and high enough above the level of the columbia to escape inundation in the freshets, and arrived at two villages called _maltnabah_. we then passed the confluence of the river _wallamat_, or _willamet_, above which the tide ceases to be felt in the columbia. our guide informed us that ascending this river about a day's journey, there was a considerable fall, beyond which the country abounded in deer, elk, bear, beaver, and otter. but here, at the spot where we were, the oaks and poplar which line both banks of the river, the green and flowery prairies discerned through the trees, and the mountains discovered in the distance, offer to the eye of the observer who loves the beauties of simple nature, a prospect the most lovely and enchanting. we encamped for the night on the edge of one of these fine prairies. on the th we passed several low islands, and soon discovered _mount hood_, a high mountain, capped with snow, so named by lieutenant broughton; and _mount washington_, another snowy summit, so called by lewis and clarke. the prospect which the former had before his eyes at this place, appeared to him so charming, that landing upon a point, to take possession of the country in the name of king george, he named it _pointe belle vue_. at two o'clock we passed _point vancouver_, the highest reached by broughton. the width of the river diminishes considerably above this point, and we began very soon to encounter shoals of sand and gravel; a sure indication that we were nearing the rapids. we encamped that evening under a ledge of rocks, descending almost to the water's edge. the next day, the th, we did not proceed far before we encountered a very rapid current. soon after, we saw a hut of indians engaged in fishing, where we stopped to breakfast. we found here an old blind man, who gave us a cordial reception. our guide said that he was a white man, and that his name was _soto_. we learned from the mouth of the old man himself, that he was the son of a spaniard who had been wrecked at the mouth of the river; that a part of the crew on this occasion got safe ashore, but were all massacred by the clatsops, with the exception of four, who were spared and who married native women; that these four spaniards, of whom his father was one, disgusted with the savage life, attempted to reach a settlement of their own nation toward the south, but had never been heard of since; and that when his father, with his companions, left the country, he himself was yet quite young.[h] these good people having regaled us with fresh salmon, we left them, and arrived very soon at a rapid, opposite an island, named _strawberry island_ by captains lewis and clarke, in . we left our men at a large village, to take care of the canoe and baggage; and following our guide, after walking about two hours, in a beaten path, we came to the foot of the fall, where we amused ourselves for some time with shooting the seals, which were here in abundance, and in watching the indians taking salmon below the cataract, in their scoop-nets, from stages erected for that purpose over the eddies. a chief, a young man of fine person and a good mien, came to us, followed by some twenty others, and invited us to his wigwam: we accompanied him, had roasted salmon for supper, and some mats were spread for our night's repose. [footnote h: these facts, if they were authenticated, would prove that the spaniards were the first who discovered the mouth of the columbia. it is certain that long before the voyages of captains gray and vancouver, they knew at least a part of the course of that river, which was designated in their maps under the name of _oregon_.] the next morning, having ascertained that there was no trading post near the falls, and coalpo absolutely refusing to proceed further, alleging that the natives of the villages beyond were his enemies, and would not fail to kill him if they had him in their power, we decided to return to the encampment. having, therefore, distributed some presents to our host (i mean the young chief with whom we had supped and lodged) and to some of his followers, and procured a supply of fresh salmon for the return voyage, we re-embarked and reached the camp on the th, without accidents or incidents worth relating. chapter ix. departure of the tonquin.--indian messengers.--project of an expedition to the interior.--arrival of mr. daniel thompson.--departure of the expedition.--designs upon us by the natives.--rumors of the destruction of the tonquin.--scarcity of provisions.--narrative of a strange indian.--duplicity and cunning of comcomly. having built a warehouse ( feet by ) to put under cover the articles we were to receive from the ship, we were busily occupied, from the th to the th, in stowing away the goods and other effects intended for the establishment. the ship, which had been detained by circumstances, much longer than had been anticipated, left her anchorage at last, on the st of june, and dropped down to baker's bay, there to wait for a favorable wind to get out of the river. as she was to coast along the north, and enter all the harbors, in order to procure as many furs as possible, and to touch at the columbia river before she finally left these seas for the united states, it was unanimously resolved among the partners, that mr. m'kay should join the cruise, as well to aid the captain, as to obtain correct information in regard to the commerce with the natives on that coast. mr. m'kay selected messrs. j. lewis and o. de montigny to accompany him; but the latter having represented that the sea made him sick, was excused; and mr. m'kay shipped in his place a young man named louis bruslé, to serve him in the capacity of domestic, being one of the young canadian sailors. i had the good fortune not to be chosen for this disastrous voyage, thanks to my having made myself useful at the establishment. mr. mumford (the second mate) owed the same happiness to the incompatibility of his disposition with that of the captain; he had permission to remain, and engaged with the company in place of mr. aikin as coaster, and in command of the schooner.[i] [footnote i: this schooner was found too small for the purpose. mr. astor had no idea of the dangers to be met at the mouth of the colombia, or he would have ordered the frame of a vessel of at least one hundred tons. the frames shipped in new york were used in the construction of this one only, which was employed solely in the river trade.] on the th of june, the ship got out to sea, with a good wind. we continued in the meantime to labor without intermission at the completion of the storehouse, and in the erection of a dwelling for ourselves, and a powder magazine. these buildings were constructed of hewn logs, and, in the absence of boards, tightly covered and roofed with cedar bark. the natives, of both sexes, visited us more frequently, and formed a pretty considerable camp near the establishment. on the th, some natives from up the river, brought us two strange indians, a man and a woman. they were not attired like the savages on the river columbia, but wore long robes of dressed deer-skin, with leggings and moccasins in the fashion of the tribes to the east of the rocky mountains. we put questions to them in various indian dialects; but they did not understand us. they showed us a letter addressed to "_mr. john stuart, fort estekatadene, new caledonia_." mr. pillet then addressing them in the _knisteneaux_ language, they answered, although they appeared not to understand it perfectly. notwithstanding, we learned from them that they had been sent by a mr. finnan m'donald, a clerk in the service of the northwest company, and who had a post on a river which they called _spokan_; that having lost their way, they had followed the course of the _tacousah-tesseh_ (the indian name of the columbia), that when they arrived at the falls, the natives made them understand that there were white men at the mouth of the river; and not doubting that the person to whom the letter was addressed would be found there, they had come to deliver it. we kept these messengers for some days, and having drawn from them important information respecting the country in the interior, west of the mountains, we decided to send an expedition thither, under the command of mr. david stuart; and the th july was fixed for its departure. all was in fact ready on the appointed day, and we were about to load the canoes, when toward midday, we saw a large canoe, with a flag displayed at her stern, rounding the point which we called _tongue point_. we knew not who it could be; for we did not so soon expect our own party, who (as the reader will remember) were to cross the continent, by the route which captains lewis and clarke had followed, in , and to winter for that purpose somewhere on the missouri. we were soon relieved of our uncertainty by the arrival of the canoe, which touched shore at a little wharf that we had built to facilitate the landing of goods from the vessel. the flag she bore was the british, and her crew was composed of eight canadian boatmen or _voyageurs_. a well-dressed man, who appeared to be the commander, was the first to leap ashore, and addressing us without ceremony, said that his name was david thompson, and that he was one of the partners of the northwest company. we invited him to our quarters, which were at one end of the warehouse, the dwelling-house not being yet completed. after the usual civilities had been extended to our visitor, mr. thompson said that he had crossed the continent during the preceding season; but that the desertion of a portion of his men had compelled him to winter at the base of the rocky mountains, at the head waters of the columbia. in the spring he had built a canoe, the materials for which he had brought with him across the mountains, and had come down the river to our establishment. he added that the wintering partners had resolved to abandon all their trading posts west of the mountains, not to enter into competition with us, provided our company would engage not to encroach upon their commerce on the east side: and to support what he said, produced a letter to that effect, addressed by the wintering partners to the chief of their house in canada, the hon. william m'gillivray. mr. thompson kept a regular journal, and travelled, i thought, more like a geographer than a fur-trader. he was provided with a sextant, chronometer and barometer, and during a week's sojourn which he made at our place, had an opportunity to make several astronomical observations. he recognised the two indians who had brought the letter addressed to mr. j. stuart, and told us that they were two women, one of whom had dressed herself as a man, to travel with more security. the description which he gave us of the interior of the country was not calculated to give us a very favorable idea of it, and did not perfectly accord with that of our two indian guests. we persevered, however, in the resolution we had taken, of sending an expedition thither; and, on the d mr. d. stuart set out, accompanied by messrs. pillet, boss, m'clellan and de montigny, with four canadian _voyageurs_, and the two indian women, and in company with mr. thompson and his crew. the wind being favorable, the little flotilla hoisted sail, and was soon out of our sight.[j] [footnote j: mr. thompson had no doubt been sent by the agents of the northwest company, to take possession of an eligible spot at the mouth of the columbia, with a view of forestalling the plan of mr. astor. he would have been there before us, no doubt, but for the desertion of his men. the consequence of this step would have been his taking possession of the country, and displaying the british flag, as an emblem, of that possession and a guarantee of protection hereafter. he found himself too late, however, and the stars and stripes floating over _astoria_. this note is not intended by the author as an after-thought: as the opinion it conveys was that which we all entertained at the time of that gentleman's visit.] the natives, who till then had surrounded us in great numbers, began to withdraw, and very soon we saw no more of them. at first we attributed their absence to the want of furs to trade with; but we soon learned that they acted in that manner from another motive. one of the secondary chiefs who had formed a friendship for mr. r. stuart, informed him, that seeing us reduced in number by the expedition lately sent off, they had formed the design of surprising us, to take our lives and plunder the post. we hastened, therefore, to put ourselves in the best possible state of defence. the dwelling house was raised, parallel to the warehouse; we cut a great quantity of pickets in the forest, and formed a square, with palisades in front and rear, of about feet by ; the warehouse, built on the edge of a ravine, formed one flank, the dwelling house and shops the other; with a little bastion at each angle north and south, on which were mounted four small cannon. the whole was finished in six days, and had a sufficiently formidable aspect to deter the indians from attacking us; and for greater surety, we organized a guard for day and night. toward the end of the month, a large assemblage of indians from the neighborhood of the straits _juan de fuca_, and _gray's harbor_, formed a great camp on baker's bay, for the ostensible object of fishing for sturgeon. it was bruited among these indians that the tonquin had been destroyed on the coast, and mr. m'kay (or the chief trader, as they called him) and all the crew, massacred by the natives. we did not give credence to this rumor. some days after, other indians from gray's harbor, called _tchikeylis_, confirmed what the first had narrated, and even gave us, as far as we could judge by the little we knew of their language, a very circumstantial detail of the affair, so that without wholly convincing us, it did not fail to make a painful impression on our minds, and keep us in an excited state of feeling as to the truth of the report. the indians of the bay looked fiercer and more warlike than those of our neighborhood; so we redoubled our vigilance, and performed a regular daily drill to accustom ourselves to the use of arms. to the necessity of securing ourselves against an attack on the part of the natives, was joined that of obtaining a stock of provisions for the winter: those which we had received from the vessel were very quickly exhausted, and from the commencement of the month of july we were forced to depend upon fish. not having brought hunters with us, we had to rely for venison, on the precarious hunt of one of the natives who had not abandoned us when the rest of his countrymen retired. this man brought us from time to time, a very lean and very dry doe-elk, for which we had to pay, notwithstanding, very dear. the ordinary price of a stag was a blanket, a knife, some tobacco, powder and ball, besides supplying our hunter with a musket. this dry meat, and smoke-dried fish, constituted our daily food, and that in very insufficient quantity for hardworking men. "we had no bread, and vegetables, of course, were quite out of the question. in a word our fare was not sumptuous. those who accommodated themselves best to our mode of living were the sandwich-islanders: salmon and elk were to them exquisite viands. on the th of august a number of chinooks visited us, bringing a strange indian, who had, they said, something interesting to communicate. this savage told us, in fact, that he had been engaged with ten more of his countrymen, by a captain _ayres_, to hunt seals on the islands in _sir francis drake's bay_, where these animals are very numerous, with a promise of being taken home and paid for their services; the captain had left them on the islands, to go southwardly and purchase provisions, he said, of the spaniards of monterey in california; but he had never returned: and they, believing that he had been wrecked, had embarked in a skiff which he had left them, and had reached the main land, from which they were not far distant; but their skiff was shattered to pieces in the surf, and they had saved themselves by swimming. believing that they were not far from the river columbia, they had followed the shore, living, on the way, upon shell-fish and frogs; at last they arrived among strange indians, who, far from receiving them kindly, had killed eight of them and made the rest prisoners; but the _klemooks_, a neighboring tribe to the _clatsops_, hearing that they were captives, had ransomed them. these facts must have occurred in march or april, . the indian who gave us an account of them, appeared to have a great deal of intelligence and knew some words of the english language. he added that he had been at the russian trading post at _chitka_, that he had visited the coast of california, the sandwich islands, and even china. about this time, old comcomly sent to _astoria_ for mr. stuart and me, to come and cure him of a swelled throat, which, he said, afflicted him sorely. as it was late in the day, we postponed till to-morrow going to cure the chief of the chinooks; and it was well we did; for, the same evening, the wife of the indian who had accompanied us in our voyage to the falls, sent us word that comcomly was perfectly well, the pretended _tonsillitis_ being only a pretext to get us in his power. this timely advice kept us at home. chapter x. occupations at astoria.--return of a portion of the men of the expedition to the interior.--new expedition.--excursion in search of three deserters. on the th of september our house was finished, and we took possession of it. the mason work had at first caused us some difficulty; but at last, not being able to make lime for want of lime-stones, we employed blue clay as a substitute for mortar. this dwelling-house was sufficiently spacious to hold all our company, and we had distributed it in the most convenient manner that we could. it comprised a sitting, a dining room, some lodging or sleeping rooms, and an apartment for the men and artificers, all under the same roof. we also completed a shop for the blacksmith, who till that time had worked in the open air. the schooner, the construction of which had necessarily languished for want of an adequate force at the ship-yard, was finally launched on the d of october, and named the _dolly_, with the formalities usual on such occasions. i was on that day at _young's bay_, where i saw the ruins of the quarters erected by captains lewis and clarke, in -' : they were but piles of rough, unhewn logs, overgrown with parasite creepers. on the evening of the th, messrs. pillet and m'lellan arrived, from the party of mr. david stuart, in a canoe manned by two of his men. they brought, as passengers, mr. régis bruguier, whom i had known in canada as a respectable country merchant, and an iroquois family. mr. bruguier had been a trader among the indians on the saskatchawine river, where he had lost his outfit: he had since turned trapper, and had come into this region to hunt beaver, being provided with traps and other needful implements. the report which these gentlemen gave of the interior was highly satisfactory: they had found the climate salubrious, and had been well received by the natives. the latter possessed a great number of horses, and mr. stuart had purchased several of these animals at a low price. ascending the river they had come to a pretty stream, which the natives called _okenakan_. mr. stuart had resolved to establish his post on the bank of this river, and having erected a log-house, he thought best to send back the above named persons, retaining with him, for the winter, only messrs. ross and de montigny, and two men.[k] [footnote k: one of these men bad been left with him by mr. thompson, in exchange for a sandwich-islander whom that gentleman proposed to take to canada, and thence to england.] meanwhile, the season being come when the indians quit the seashore and the banks of the columbia, to retire into the woods and establish their winter quarters along the small streams and rivers, we began to find ourselves short of provisions, having received no supplies from them for some time. it was therefore determined that mr. r. stuart should set out in the schooner with mr. mumford, for the threefold purpose, of obtaining all the provisions they could, cutting oaken staves for the use of the cooper, and trading with the indians up the river. they left with this design on the th. at the end of five days mr. mumford returned in a canoe of indians. this man having wished to assume the command, and to order (in the style of captain thorn) the person who had engaged him to obey, had been sent back in consequence to _astoria_. on the th of november we discovered that three of our people had absconded, viz., p.d. jeremie, and the two belleaux. they had leave to go out shooting for two days, and carried off with them firearms and ammunition, and a handsome light indian canoe. as soon as their flight was known, having procured a large canoe of the chinooks, we embarked, mr. matthews and i, with five natives, to pursue them, with orders to proceed as far as the falls, if necessary. on the th, having ascended the river to a place called _oak point_, we overtook the schooner lying at anchor, while mr. stuart was taking in a load of staves and hoop-poles. mr. farnham joined our party, as well as one of the hands, and thus reinforced, we pursued our way, journeying day and night, and stopping at every indian village, to make inquiries and offer a reward for the apprehension of our runaways. having reached the falls without finding any trace of them, and our provisions giving out, we retraced our steps, and arrived on the th at oak point, which we found mr. stuart ready to quit. meanwhile, the natives of the vicinity informed us that they had seen the marks of shoes imprinted on the sand, at the confluence of a small stream in the neighborhood. we got three small canoes, carrying two persons each, and having ascertained that the information was correct, after searching the environs during a part of the th, we ascended the small stream as far as some high lands which are seen from oak point, and which lie about eight or nine miles south of it. the space between these high lands and the ridge crowned with oaks on the bank of the columbia, is a low and swampy land, cut up by an infinity of little channels. toward evening we returned on our path, to regain the schooner; but instead of taking the circuitous way of the river, by which we had come, we made for oak point by the most direct route, through these channels; but night coming on, we lost ourselves. our situation became the most disagreeable that can be imagined. being unable to find a place where we could land, on account of the morass, we were obliged to continue rowing, or rather turning round, in this species of labyrinth, constantly kneeling in our little canoes, which any unlucky movement would infallibly have caused to upset. it rained in torrents and was dark as pitch. at last, after having wandered about during a considerable part of the night, we succeeded in gaining the edge of the mainland. leaving there our canoes, because we could not drag them (as we attempted) through the forest, we crossed the woods in the darkness, tearing ourselves with the brush, and reached the schooner, at about two in the morning, benumbed with cold and exhausted with fatigue. the th was spent in getting in the remainder of the lading of the little vessel, and on the morning of the th we raised anchor, and dropped down abreast of the kreluit village, where some of the indians offering to aid us in the search after our deserters, mr. stuart put mr. farnham and me on shore to make another attempt. we passed that day in drying our clothes, and the next day embarked in a canoe, with one _kreluit_ man and a squaw, and ascended the river before described as entering the columbia at this place. we soon met a canoe of natives, who informed us that our runaways had been made prisoners by the chief of a tribe which dwells upon the banks of the willamet river, and which they called _cathlanaminim_. we kept on and encamped on a beach of sand opposite _deer island_. there we passed a night almost as disagreeable as that of the th- th. we had lighted a fire, and contrived a shelter of mats; but there came on presently a violent gust of wind, accompanied with a heavy rain: our fire was put out, our mats were carried away, and we could neither rekindle the one nor find the others: so that we had to remain all night exposed to the fury of the storm. as soon as it was day we re-embarked, and set ourselves to paddling with all our might to warm ourselves. in the evening we arrived near the village where our deserters were, and saw one of them on the skirts of it. we proceeded to the hut of the chief, where we found all three, more inclined to follow us than to remain as slaves among these barbarians. we passed the night in the chief's lodge, not without some fear and some precaution; this chief having the reputation of being a wicked man, and capable of violating the rights of parties. he was a man of high stature and a good mien, and proud in proportion, as we discovered by the chilling and haughty manner in which he received us. farnham and i agreed to keep watch alternately, but this arrangement was superfluous, as neither of us could sleep a wink for the infernal thumping and singing made by the medicine men all night long, by a dying native. i had an opportunity of seeing the sick man make his last will and testament: having caused to be brought to him whatever he had that was most precious, his bracelets of copper, his bead necklace, his bow and arrows and quiver, his nets, his lines, his spear, his pipe, &c., he distributed the whole to his most intimate friends, with a promise on their part, to restore them, if he recovered. on the d, after a great deal of talk, and infinite quibbling on the part of the chief, we agreed with him for the ransom of our men. i had visited every lodge in the village and found but few of the young men, the greater part having gone on a fishing excursion; knowing, therefore, that the chief could not be supported by his warriors, i was resolved not be imposed upon, and as i knew where the firearms of the fugitives had been deposited, i would have them at all hazards; but we were obliged to give him all our blankets, amounting to eight, a brass kettle, a hatchet, a small pistol, much out of order, a powder-horn, and some rounds of ammunition: with these articles placed in a pile before him, we demanded the men's clothing, the three fowling-pieces, and their canoe, which he had caused to be hidden in the woods. nothing but our firmness compelled him to accept the articles offered in exchange; but at last, with great reluctance, he closed the bargain, and suffered us to depart in the evening with the prisoners and the property. we all five (including the three deserters) embarked in the large canoe, leaving our kreluit and his wife to follow in the other, and proceeded as far as the cowlitzk, where we camped. the next day, we pursued our journey homeward, only stopping at the kreluit village to get some provisions, and soon entered the group of islands which crowd the river above gray's bay. on one of these we stopped to amuse ourselves with shooting some ducks, and meanwhile a smart breeze springing up, we split open a double-rush mat (which had served as a bag), to make a sail, and having cut a forked sapling for a mast, shipped a few boulders to stay the foot of it, and spread our canvass to the wind. we soon arrived in sight of gray's bay, at a distance of fourteen or fifteen miles from our establishment. we had, notwithstanding, a long passage across, the river forming in this place, as i have before observed, a sort of lake, by the recession of its shores on either hand: but the wind was fair. we undertook, then, to cross, and quitted the island, to enter the broad, lake-like expanse, just as the sun was going down, hoping to reach astoria in a couple of hours. we were not long before we repented of our temerity: for in a short time the sky became overcast, the wind increased till it blew with violence, and meeting with the tide, caused the waves to rise prodigiously, which broke over our wretched canoe, and filled it with water. we lightened it as much as we could, by throwing overboard the little baggage we had left, and i set the men to baling with our remaining brass kettle. at last, after having been, for three hours, the sport of the raging billows, and threatened every instant with being swallowed up, we had the unexpected happiness of landing in a cove on the north shore of the river. our first care was to thank the almighty for having delivered us from so imminent a danger. then, when we had secured the canoe, and groped our way to the forest, where we made, with branches of trees, a shelter against the wind--still continuing to blow with violence, and kindled a great fire to warm us and dry our clothes. that did not prevent us from shivering the rest of the night, even in congratulating ourselves on the happiness of setting our foot on shore at the moment when we began quite to despair of saving ourselves at all. the morning of the th brought with it a clear sky, but no abatement in the violence of the wind, till toward evening, when we again embarked, and arrived with our deserters at the establishment, where they never expected to see us again. some indians who had followed us in a canoe, up to the moment when we undertook the passage across the evening before, had followed the southern shore, and making the portage of the isthmus of tongue point, had happily arrived at astoria. these natives, not doubting that we were lost, so reported us to mr. m'dougal; accordingly that gentleman was equally overjoyed and astonished at beholding us safely landed, which procured, not only for us, but for the culprits, our companions, a cordial and hearty reception. chapter xi. departure of mr. r. stuart for the interior.--occupations at astoria.--arrival of messrs. donald m'kenzie and robert m'lellan.--account of their journey.--arrival of mr. wilson p. hunt. the natives having given us to understand that beaver was very abundant in the country watered by the willamet, mr. r. stuart procured a guide, and set out, on the th of december, accompanied by messrs. pillet and m'gillis and a few of the men, to ascend that river and ascertain whether or no it would be advisable to establish a trading-post on its banks. mr. r. bruguier accompanied them to follow his pursuits as a trapper. the season at which we expected the return of the tonquin was now past, and we began to regard as too probable the report of the indians of gray's harbor. we still flattered ourselves, notwithstanding, with the hope that perhaps that vessel had sailed for the east indies, without touching at astoria; but this was at most a conjecture. the th, christmas-day, passed very agreeably: we treated the men, on that day, with the best the establishment afforded. although that was no great affair, they seemed well satisfied; for they had been restricted, during the last few months, to a very meagre diet, living, as one may say, on sun-dried fish. on the th, the schooner having returned from her second voyage up the river, we dismantled her, and laid her up for the winter at the entrance of a small creek. the weather, which had been raining, almost without interruption, from the beginning of october, cleared up on the evening of the st; and the st january, , brought us a clear and serene sky. we proclaimed the new year with a discharge of artillery. a small allowance of spirits was served to the men, and the day passed in gayety, every one amusing himself as well as he could. the festival over, our people resumed their ordinary occupations: while some cut timber for building, and others made charcoal for the blacksmith, the carpenter constructed a barge, and the cooper made barrels for the use of the posts we proposed to establish in the interior. on the th, in the evening, two canoes full of white men arrived at the establishment. mr. m'dougal, the resident agent, being confined to his room by sickness, the duty of receiving the strangers devolved on me. my astonishment was not slight, when one of the party called me by name, as he extended his hand, and i recognised mr. donald m'kenzie, the same who had quitted montreal, with mr. w.p. hunt, in the month of july, . he was accompanied by a mr. robert m'lellan, a partner, mr. john reed, a clerk, and eight _voyageurs_, or boatmen. after having reposed themselves a little from their fatigues, these gentlemen recounted to us the history of their journey, of which the following is the substance. messrs. hunt and m'kenzie, quitting canada, proceeded by way of mackinac and st. louis, and ascended the missouri, in the autumn of , to a place on that river called _nadoway_, where they wintered. here they were joined by mr. r. m'lellan, by a mr. crooks, and a mr. müller, traders with the indians of the south, and all having business relations with mr. astor. in the spring of , having procured two large keel-boats, they ascended the missouri to the country of the _arikaras_, or rice indians, where they disposed of their boats and a great part of their luggage, to a spanish trader, by name _manuel lisa_. having purchased of him, and among the indians, horses, they resumed their route, in the beginning of august, to the number of some sixty-five persons, to proceed across the mountains to the river columbia. wishing to avoid the _blackfeet_ indians, a warlike and ferocious tribe, who put to death all the strangers that fall into their hands, they directed their course southwardly, until they arrived at the th degree of latitude. thence they turned to the northwest, and arrived, by-and-by, at an old fort, or trading post, on the banks of a little river flowing west. this post, which was then deserted, had been established, as they afterward learned, by a trader named henry. our people, not doubting that this stream would conduct them to the columbia, and finding it navigable, constructed some canoes to descend it. having left some hunters (or trappers) near the old fort, with mr. miller, who, dissatisfied with the expedition, was resolved to return to the united states, the party embarked; but very soon finding the river obstructed with rapids and waterfalls, after having upset some of the canoes, lost one man by drowning, and also a part of their baggage, perceiving that the stream was impracticable, they resolved to abandon their canoes and proceed on foot. the enterprise was one of great difficulty, considering the small stock of provisions they had left. nevertheless, as there was no time to lose in deliberation, after depositing in a _cache_ the superfluous part of their baggage, they divided themselves into four companies, under the command of messrs. m'kenzie, hunt, m'lellan and crooks, and proceeded to follow the course of the stream, which they named _mad river_, on account of the insurmountable difficulties it presented. messrs. m'kenzie and m'lellan took the right bank, and messrs. hunt and crook the left. they counted on arriving very quickly at the columbia; but they followed this mad river for twenty days, finding nothing at all to eat, and suffering horribly from thirst. the rocks between which the river flows being so steep and abrupt as to prevent their descending to quench their thirst (so that even their dogs died of it), they suffered the torments of tantalus, with this difference, that he had the water which he could not reach above his head, while our travellers had it beneath their feet. several, not to die of this raging thirst, drank their own urine: all, to appease the cravings of hunger, ate beaver skins roasted in the evening at the camp-fire. they even were at last constrained to eat their moccasins. those on the or southeast bank, suffered, however, less than the others, because they occasionally fell in with indians, utterly wild indeed, and who fled at their approach, carrying off their horses. according to all appearances these savages had never seen white men. our travellers, when they arrived in sight of the camp of one of these wandering hordes, approached it with as much precaution, and with the same stratagem that they would have used with a troop of wild beasts. having thus surprised them, they would fire upon the horses, some of which would fall; but they took care to leave some trinkets on the spot, to indemnify the owners for what they had taken from them by violence. this resource prevented the party from perishing of hunger. mr. m'kenzie having overtaken mr. m'lellan, their two companies pursued the journey together. very soon after this junction, they had an opportunity of approaching sufficiently near to mr. hunt, who, as i have remarked, was on the other bank, to speak to him, and inform him of their distressed state. mr. hunt caused a canoe to be made of a horse-hide; it was not, as one may suppose, very large; but they succeeded, nevertheless, by that means, in conveying a little horse-flesh to the people on the north bank. it was attempted, even, to pass them across, one by one (for the skiff would not hold any more); several had actually crossed to the south side, when, unhappily, owing to the impetuosity of the current, the canoe capsized, a man was drowned, and the two parties lost all hope of being able to unite. they continued their route, therefore, each on their own side of the river. in a short time those upon the north bank came to a more considerable stream, which they followed down. they also met, very opportunely, some indians, who sold them a number of horses. they also encountered, in these parts, a young american, who was deranged, but who sometimes recovered his reason. this young man told them, in one of his lucid intervals, that he was from connecticut, and was named archibald pelton; that he had come up the missouri with mr. henry; that all the people at the post established by that trader were massacred by the blackfeet; that he alone had escaped, and had been wandering, for three years since, with the _snake_ indians.[l] our people took this young man with them. arriving at the confluence with the columbia, of the river whose banks they were following, they perceived that it was the same which had been called _lewis river_, by the american captain of that name, in . here, then, they exchanged their remaining horses for canoes, and so arrived at the establishment, safe and sound, it is true, but in a pitiable condition to see; their clothes being nothing but fluttering rags. [footnote l: a thoroughly savage and lazy tribe, inhabiting the plains of the columbia, between the d and th degrees of latitude.] the narrative of these gentlemen interested us very much. they added, that since their separation from messrs. hunt and crooks, they had neither seen nor heard aught of them, and believed it impossible that they should arrive at the establishment before spring. they were mistaken, however, for mr. hunt arrived on the th february, with thirty men, one woman, and two children, having left mr. crooks, with five men, among the _snakes_. they might have reached astoria almost as soon as mr. m'kenzie, but they had passed from eight to ten days in the midst of a plain, among some friendly indians, as well to recruit their strength, as to make search for two of the party, who had been lost in the woods. not finding them, they had resumed their journey, and struck the banks of the columbia a little lower down than the mouth of lewis river, where mr. m'kenzie had come out. the arrival of so great a number of persons would have embarrassed us, had it taken place a month sooner. happily, at this time, the natives were bringing in fresh fish in abundance. until the th of march, we were occupied in preparing triplicates of letters and other necessary papers, in order to send mr. astor the news of our arrival, and of the reunion of the two expeditions. the letters were intrusted to mr. john reed, who quitted astoria for st. louis, in company with mr. m'lellan--another discontented partner, who wished to disconnect himself with the association,--and mr. r. stuart, who was conveying two canoe-loads of goods for his uncle's post on the _okenakan_. messrs. farnham and m'gillis set out at the same time, with a guide, and were instructed to proceed to the _cache_,[m] where the overland travellers had hidden their goods, near old fort henry, on the mad river. i profited by this opportunity to write to my family in canada. two days after, messrs. m'kenzie and matthews set out, with five or six men, as hunters, to make an excursion up the willamet river. [footnote m: these _caches_ are famous in all the narratives of overland travel, whether for trade or discovery. the manner of making them is described by captains lewis and clarke, as follows: they choose a dry situation, then describing a circle of some twenty inches diameter, remove the sod as gently and carefully as possible. the hole is then sunk a foot deep or more, perpendicularly; it is then worked gradually wider as it descends, till it becomes six or seven feet deep, and shaped like a kettle, or the lower part of a large still. as the earth is dug out, it is handed up in a vessel, and carefully laid upon a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and usually thrown into the river, if there be one, or concealed so as to leave no trace of it. a floor of three or four inches thick is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay or a hide perfectly dry. the goods, after being well aired and dried, are laid down, and preserved from contact with the wall by a layer of other dried sticks, till all is stowed away. when the hole is nearly full, a hide is laid on top, and the earth is thrown upon this, and beaten down, until, with the addition of the sod first removed, the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains not the slightest appearance of an excavation. the first shower effaces every sign of what has been done, and such a cache is safe for years.--ed.] chapter xii arrival of the ship beaver.--unexpected return of messrs. d. stuart, r. stuart, m'lelland, &c.--cause of that return.--ship discharging.--new expeditions.--hostile attitude of the natives.--departure of the beaver.--journeys of the author.--his occupations at the establishment. from the departure of the last outfit under mr. m'kenzie, nothing remarkable took place at astoria, till the th of may. on that day we descried, to our great surprise and great joy, a sail in the offing, opposite the mouth of the river. forthwith mr. m'dougal was despatched in a boat to the cape, to make the signals. on the morning of the th, the weather being fine and the sea smooth, the boat pushed out and arrived safely alongside. soon after, the wind springing up, the vessel made sail and entered the river, where she dropped anchor, in baker's bay, at about p.m. toward evening the boat returned to the fort, with the following passengers: messrs. john clarke of canada (a wintering partner), alfred seton, george ehnainger, a nephew of mr. astor (clerks), and two men. we learned from these gentlemen that the vessel was the _beaver_, captain _cornelius sowles_, and was consigned to us; that she left new york on the th of october, and had touched, in the passage, at _massa fuero_ and the sandwich isles. mr. clarke handed me letters from my father and from several of my friends: i thus learned that death had deprived me of a beloved sister. on the morning of the th, we were strangely surprised by the return of messrs. d. stuart, r. stuart, r. m'lelland, crooks, reed, and farnham. this return, as sudden as unlooked for, was owing to an unfortunate adventure which befell the party, in ascending the river. when they reached the falls, where the portage is very long, some natives came with their horses, to offer their aid in transporting the goods. mr. r. stuart, not distrusting them, confided to their care some bales of merchandise, which they packed on their horses: but, in making the transit, they darted up a narrow path among the rocks, and fled at full gallop toward the prairie, without its being possible to overtake them. mr. stuart had several shots fired over their heads, to frighten them, but it had no other effect than to increase their speed. meanwhile our own people continued the transportation of the rest of the goods, and of the canoes; but as there was a great number of natives about, whom the success and impunity of those thieves had emboldened, mr. stuart thought it prudent to keep watch over the goods at the upper end of the portage, while messrs. m'lellan and reed made the rear-guard. the last named gentleman, who carried, strapped to his shoulders, a tin box containing the letters and despatches for new york with which he was charged, happened to be at some distance from the former, and the indians thought it a favorable opportunity to attack him and carry off his box, the brightness of which no doubt had tempted their cupidity. they threw themselves upon him so suddenly that he had no time to place himself on the defensive. after a short resistance, he received a blow on the head from a war club, which felled him to the ground, and the indians seized upon their booty. mr. m'lellan perceiving what was done, fired his carabine at one of the robbers and made him bite the dust; the rest took to flight, but carried off the box notwithstanding. mr. m'lellan immediately ran up to mr. reed; but finding the latter motionless and bathed in blood, he hastened to rejoin mr. stuart, urging him to get away from these robbers and murderers. but mr. stuart, being a self-possessed and fearless man, would not proceed without ascertaining if mr. reed were really dead, or if he were, without carrying off his body; and notwithstanding the remonstrances of mr. m'lellan, taking his way back to the spot where the latter had left his companion, had not gone two hundred paces, when he met him coming toward them, holding his bleeding head with both hands.[n] [footnote n: we were apprized of this unfortunate rencontre by natives from up the river, on the th of april, but disbelieved it. [it is curious to observe the want of military sagacity and precaution which characterized the operations of these traders, compared with the exact calculations of danger and the unfailing measures of defence, employed from the very outset by captains lewis and clarke in the same country. there was one very audacious attempt at plunder made upon the latter; but besides that it cost the indians a life or two, the latter lost property of their own far exceeding their booty. it is true that the american officers had a stronger force at their disposal than our merchants had, and that, too, consisting of experienced western hunters and veteran soldiers of the frontier; but it is not less interesting to note the difference, because it is easy to account for it.--j.v.h.]] the object of mr. reed's journey being defeated by the loss of his papers, he repaired, with the other gentlemen, to mr. david stuart's trading post, at okenakan, whence they had all set out, in the beginning of may, to return to astoria. coming down the river, they fell in with mr. r. crooks, and a man named _john day_. it was observed in the preceding chapter that mr. crooks remained with five men among some indians who were there termed _friendly_: but this gentleman and his companion were the only members of that party who ever reached the establishment: and they too arrived in a most pitiable condition, the savages having stripped them of everything, leaving them but some bits of deerskin to cover their nakedness. on the th, the schooner, which had been sent down the river to the beaver's anchorage, returned with a cargo (being the stores intended for astoria), and the following passengers: to wit, messrs. b. clapp, j.c. halsey, c.a. nichols, and r. cox, clerks; five canadians, seven americans (all mechanics), and a dozen sandwich-islanders for the service of the establishment. the captain of the beaver sounded the channel diligently for several days; but finding it scarcely deep enough for so large a vessel, he was unwilling to bring her up to astoria. it was necessary, in consequence, to use the schooner as a lighter in discharging the ship, and this tedious operation occupied us during the balance of this month and a part of june. captain sowles and mr. clarke confirmed the report of the destruction of the tonquin; they had learned it at owhyhee, by means of a letter which a certain captain ebbetts, in the employ of mr. astor, had left there. it was nevertheless resolved that mr. hunt should embark upon the "beaver," to carry out the plan of an exact commercial survey of the coast, which mr. m'kay had been sent to accomplish, and in particular to visit for that purpose the russian establishments at chitka sound. the necessary papers having been prepared anew, and being now ready to expedite, were confided to mr. r. stuart, who was to cross the continent in company with messrs. crooks and r. m'lellan, partners dissatisfied with the enterprise, and who had made up their minds to return to the united states. mr. clark, accompanied by messrs. pillet, donald, m'lellan, farnham and cox, was fitted out at the same time, with a considerable assortment of merchandise, to form a new establishment on the _spokan_ or clarke's river. mr. m'kenzie, with mr. seton, was destined for the borders of _lewis_ river: while mr. david stuart, reinforced by messrs. matthews and m'gillis, was to explore the region lying north of his post at okenakan. all these outfits being ready, with the canoes, boatmen, and hunters, the flotilla quitted astoria on the th of june, in the afternoon, having on board sixty-two persons. the sequel will show the result of the several expeditions. during the whole month of july, the natives (seeing us weakened no doubt by these outfits), manifested their hostile intentions so openly that we were obliged to be constantly on our guard. we constructed covered ways inside our palisades, and raised our bastions or towers another story. the alarm became so serious toward the latter end of the month that we doubled our sentries day and night, and never allowed more than two or three indians at a time within our gates. the beaver was ready to depart on her coasting voyage at the end of june, and on the st of july mr. hunt went on board: but westerly winds prevailing all that month, it was not till the th of august that she was able to get out of the river; being due again by the end of october to leave her surplus goods and take in our furs for market. the months of august and september were employed in finishing a house forty-five feet by thirty, shingled and perfectly tight, as a hospital for the sick, and lodging house for the mechanics. experience having taught us that from the beginning of october to the end of january, provisions were brought in by the natives in very small quantity, it was thought expedient that i should proceed in the schooner, accompanied by mr. clapp, on a trading voyage up the river to secure a cargo of dried fish. we left astoria on the st of october, with a small assortment of merchandise. the trip was highly successful: we found the game very abundant, killed a great quantity of swans, ducks, foxes, &c., and returned to astoria on the th, with a part of our venison, wild fowl, and bear meat, besides seven hundred, and fifty smoked salmon, a quantity of the _wapto_ root (so called by the natives), which is found a good substitute for potatoes, and four hundred and fifty skins of beaver and other animals of the furry tribe. the encouragement derived from this excursion, induced us to try a second, and i set off this time alone, that is, with a crew of five men only, and an indian boy, son of the old chief comcomly. this second voyage proved anything but agreeable. we experienced continual rains, and the game was much less abundant, while the natives had mostly left the river for their wintering grounds. i succeeded, nevertheless, in exchanging my goods for furs and dried fish, and a small supply of dried venison: and returned, on the th of november, to astoria, where the want of fresh provisions began to be severely felt, so that several of the men were attacked with scurvy. messrs. halsey and wallace having been sent on the d, with fourteen men, to establish a trading post on the willamet, and mr. m'dougal being confined to his room by sickness, mr. clapp and i were left with the entire charge of the post at astoria, and were each other's only resource for society. happily mr. clapp was a man of amiable character, of a gay, lively humor, and agreeable conversation. in the intervals of our daily duties, we amused ourselves with music and reading; having some instruments and a choice library. otherwise we should have passed our time in a state of insufferable ennui, at this rainy season, in the midst of the deep mud which surrounded us, and which interdicted the pleasure of a promenade outside the buildings. chapter xiii. uneasiness respecting the "beaver."--news of the declaration of war between great britain and the united states.--consequences of that intelligence.--different occurrences.--arrival of two canoes of the northwest company.--preparations for abandoning the country.--postponement of departure.--arrangement with mr. j.g. m'tavish. the months of october, november, and december passed away without any news of the "beaver," and we began to fear that there had happened to her, as to the tonquin, some disastrous accident. it will be seen, in the following chapter, why this vessel did not return to astoria in the autumn of . on the th of january, mr. m'kenzie arrived from the interior, having abandoned his trading establishment, after securing his stock of goods in a _cache_. before his departure he had paid a visit to mr. clark on the spokan, and while there had learned the news, which he came to announce to us, that hostilities had actually commenced between great britain and the united states. the news had been brought by some gentlemen of the northwest company, who handed to them a copy of the proclamation of the president to that effect. when we learned this news, all of us at astoria who were british subjects and canadians, wished ourselves in canada; but we could not entertain even the thought of transporting ourselves thither, at least immediately: we were separated from our country by an immense space; and the difficulties of the journey at this season were insuperable: besides, mr. astor's interests had to be consulted first. we held, therefore, a sort of council of war, to which the clerks of the factory were invited _pro formâ_, as they had no voice in the deliberations. having maturely weighed our situation; after having seriously considered that being almost to a man british subjects, we were trading, notwithstanding, under the american flag: and foreseeing the improbability, or rather, to cut the matter short, the impossibility that mr. astor could send us further supplies or reinforcements while the war lasted, as most of the ports of the united states would inevitably be blockaded by the british; we concluded to abandon the establishment in the ensuing spring, or at latest, in the beginning of the summer. we did not communicate these resolutions to the men, lest they should in consequence abandon their labor: but we discontinued, from that moment, our trade with the natives, except for provisions; as well because we had no longer a large stock of goods on hand, as for the reason that we had already more furs than we could carry away overland. so long as we expected the return of the vessel, we had served out to the people a regular supply of bread: we found ourselves in consequence, very short of provisions, on the arrival of mr. m'kenzie and his men. this augmentation in the number of mouths to be fed compelled us to reduce the ration of each man to four ounces of flour and half a pound of dried fish _per diem_: and even to send a portion of the hands to pass the rest of the winter with messrs. wallace and halsey on the willamet, where game was plenty. meanwhile, the sturgeon having begun to enter the river, i left, on the th of february, to fish for them; and on the th sent the first boat-load to the establishment; which proved a very timely succor to the men, who for several days had broken off work from want of sufficient food. i formed a camp near oak point, whence i continued to despatch canoe after canoe of fine fresh fish to astoria, and mr. m'dougal sent to me thither all the men who were sick of scurvy, for the re-establishment of their health. on the th of march, messrs. reed and seton, who had led a part of our men to the post on the willamet, to subsist them, returned to astoria, with a supply of dried venison. these gentlemen spoke to us in glowing terms of the country of the willamet as charming, and abounding in beaver, elk, and deer; and informed us that messrs. wallace and halsey had constructed a dwelling and trading house, on a great prairie, about one hundred and fifty miles from the confluence of that river with the columbia. mr. m'kenzie and his party quitted us again on the st, to make known the resolutions recently adopted at astoria, to the gentlemen who were wintering in the interior. on the th of april two birch-bark canoes, bearing the british flag, arrived at the factory. they were commanded by messrs. j.g. m'tavish and joseph laroque, and manned by nineteen canadian _voyageurs_. they landed on a point of land under the guns of the fort, and formed their camp. we invited these gentlemen to our quarters and learned from them the object of their visit. they had come to await the arrival of the ship _isaac todd_, despatched from canada by the northwest company, in october, , with furs, and from england in march, , with a cargo of suitable merchandise for the indian trade. they had orders to wait at the mouth of the columbia till the month of july, and then to return, if the vessel did not make her appearance by that time. they also informed us that the natives near lewis river had shown them fowling-pieces, gun-flints, lead, and powder; and that they had communicated this news to mr. m'kenzie, presuming that the indians had discovered and plundered his _cache_; which turned out afterward to be the case. the month of may was occupied in preparations for our departure from the columbia. on the th, messrs. wallace and halsey returned from their winter quarters with seventeen packs of furs, and thirty-two bales of dried venison. the last article was received with a great deal of pleasure, as it would infallibly be needed for the journey we were about to undertake. messrs. clarke, d. stuart and m'kenzie also arrived, in the beginning of june, with one hundred and forty packs of furs, the fruit of two years' trade at the post on the _okenakan_, and one year on the _spokan_.[o] [footnote o: the profits of the last establishment were slender; because the people engaged at it were obliged to subsist on horse-flesh, and they ate ninety horses during the winter.] the wintering partners (that is to say, messrs. clarke and david stuart) dissenting from the proposal to abandon the country as soon as we intended, the thing being (as they observed) impracticable, from the want of provisions for the journey and horses to transport the goods; the project was deferred, as to its execution, till the following april. so these gentlemen, having taken a new lot of merchandise, set out again for their trading posts on the th of july. but mr. m'kenzie, whose goods had been pillaged by the natives (it will be remembered), remained at astoria, and was occupied with the care of collecting as great a quantity as possible of dried salmon from the indians. he made seven or eight voyages up the river for that purpose, while we at the fort were busy in baling the beaver-skins and other furs, in suitable packs for horses to carry. mr. reed, in the meantime, was sent on to the mountain-passes where mr. miller had been left with the trappers, to winter, there, and to procure as many horses as he could from the natives for our use in the contemplated journey. he was furnished for this expedition with three canadians, and a half-breed hunter named _daion_, the latter accompanied by his wife and two children. this man came from the lower missouri with mr. hunt in -' . our object being to provide ourselves, before quitting the country, with the food and horses necessary for the journey; in order to avoid all opposition on the part of the northwest company, we entered into an arrangement with mr. m'tavish. this gentleman having represented to us that he was destitute of the necessary goods to procure wherewith to subsist his party on their way homeward, we supplied him from our warehouse, payment to be made us in the ensuing spring, either in furs or in bills of exchange on their house in canada. chapter xiv. arrival of the ship "albatross."--reasons for the non-appearance of the beaver at astoria.--fruitless attempt of captain smith on a former occasion.--astonishment and regret of mr. hunt at the resolution of the partners.--his departure.--narrative of the destruction of the tonquin.--causes of that disaster.--reflections. on the th of august, contrary to all expectation, we saw a sail at the mouth of the river. one of our gentlemen immediately got into the barge, to ascertain her nationality and object: but before he had fairly crossed the river, we saw her pass the bar and direct her course toward astoria, as if she were commanded by a captain to whom the intricacies of the channel were familiar. i had stayed at the fort with mr. clapp and four men. as soon as we had recognised the american flag, not doubting any longer that it was a ship destined for the factory, we saluted her with three guns. she came to anchor over against the fort, but on the opposite side of the river, and returned our salute. in a short time after, we saw, or rather we heard, the oars of a boat (for it was already night) that came toward us. we expected her approach with impatience, to know who the stranger was, and what news she brought us. soon we were relieved from our uncertainty by the appearance of mr. hunt, who informed us that the ship was called the _albatross_ and was commanded by captain _smith_. it will be remembered that mr. hunt had sailed from astoria on board the "beaver," on the th of august of the preceding year, and should have returned with that vessel, in the month of october of the same year. we testified to him our surprise that he had not returned at the time appointed, and expressed the fears which we had entertained in regard to his fate, as well as that of the beaver itself: and in reply he explained to us the reasons why neither he nor captain sowles had been able to fulfil the promise which they had made us. after having got clear of the river columbia, they had scudded to the north, and had repaired to the russian post of chitka, where they had exchanged a part of their goods for furs. they had made with the governor of that establishment, barnoff by name, arrangements to supply him regularly with all the goods of which he had need, and to send him every year a vessel for that purpose, as well as for the transportation of his surplus furs to the east indies. they had then advanced still further to the north, to the coast of _kamskatka_; and being there informed that some kodiak hunters had been left on some adjacent isles, called the islands of st. peter and st. paul, and that these hunters had not been visited for three years, they determined to go thither, and having reached those isles, they opened a brisk trade, and secured no less than eighty thousand skins of the south-sea seal. these operations had consumed a great deal of time; the season was already far advanced; ice was forming around them, and it was not without having incurred considerable dangers that they succeeded in making their way out of those latitudes. having extricated themselves from the frozen seas of the north, but in a shattered condition, they deemed it more prudent to run for the sandwich isles, where they arrived after enduring a succession of severe gales. here mr. hunt disembarked, with the men who had accompanied him, and who did not form a part of the ship's crew; and the vessel, after undergoing the necessary repairs, set sail for canton. mr. hunt had then passed nearly six months at the sandwich islands, expecting the annual ship from new york, and never imagining that war had been declared. but at last, weary of waiting so long to no purpose, he had bought a small schooner of one of the chiefs of the isle of wahoo, and was engaged in getting her ready to sail for the mouth of the columbia, when four sails hove in sight, and presently came to anchor in _ohetity bay_. he immediately, went on board of one of them, and learned that they came from the indies, whence they had sailed precipitately, to avoid the english cruisers. he also learned from the captain of the vessel he boarded, that the beaver had arrived in canton some days before the news of the declaration of war. this captain smith, moreover, had on board some cases of nankeens and other goods shipped by mr. astor's agent at canton for us. mr. hunt then chartered the albatross to take him with his people and the goods to the columbia. that gentleman had not been idle during the time that he sojourned at wahoo: he brought us barrels of salt pork or beef, nine tierces of rice, a great quantity of dried _taro_, and a good supply of salt. as i knew the channel of the river, i went on board the albatross, and piloted her to the old anchorage of the tonquin, under the guns of the fort, in order to facilitate the landing of the goods. captain smith informed us that in , a year before the founding of our establishment, he had entered the river in the same vessel, and ascended it in boats as far as oak point; and that he had attempted to form an establishment there; but the spot which he chose for building, and on which he had even commenced fencing for a garden, being overflowed in the summer freshet, he had been forced to abandon his project and re-embark. we had seen, in fact, at oak point, some traces of this projected establishment. the bold manner in which this captain had entered the river was now accounted for. captain smith had chartered his vessel to a frenchman named _demestre_, who was then a passenger on board of her, to go and take a cargo of sandal wood at the _marquesas_, where that gentleman had left some men to collect it, the year before. he could not, therefore, comply with the request we made him, to remain during the summer with us, in order to transport our goods and people, as soon as they could be got together, to the sandwich islands. mr. hunt was surprised beyond measure, when we informed him of the resolution we had taken of abandoning the country: he blamed us severely for having acted with so much precipitation, pointing out that the success of the late coasting voyage, and the arrangements we had made with the russians, promised a most advantageous trade, which it was a thousand pities to sacrifice, and lose the fruits of the hardships he had endured and the dangers he had braved, at one fell swoop, by this rash measure. nevertheless, seeing the partners were determined to abide by their first resolution, and not being able, by himself alone, to fulfil his engagements to governor barnoff, he consented to embark once more, in order to seek a vessel to transport our heavy goods, and such of us as wished to return by sea. he sailed, in fact, on the albatross, at the end of the month. my friend clapp embarked with him: they were, in the first instance, to run down the coast of california, in the hope of meeting there some of the american vessels which frequently visit that coast to obtain provisions from the spaniards. some days after the departure of mr. hunt, the old one-eyed chief comcomly came to tell us that an indian of _gray's harbor_, who had sailed on the tonquin in , and who was the only soul that had escaped the massacre of the crew of that unfortunate vessel, had returned to his tribe. as the distance from the river columbia to gray's harbor was not great, we sent for this native. at first he made considerable difficulty about following our people, but was finally persuaded. he arrived at astoria, and related to us the circumstances of that sad catastrophe, nearly as follows:[p] "after i had embarked on the tonquin," said he, "that vessel sailed for _nootka_.[q] having arrived opposite a large village called _newity_, we dropped anchor. the natives having invited mr. m'kay to land, he did so, and was received in the most cordial manner: they even kept him several days at their village, and made him lie, every night, on a couch of sea-otter skins. meanwhile the captain was engaged in trading with such of the natives as resorted to his ship: but having had a difficulty with one of the principal chiefs in regard to the price of certain goods, he ended by putting the latter out of the ship, and in the act of so repelling him, struck him on the face with the roll of furs which he had brought to trade. this act was regarded by that chief and his followers as the most grievous insult, and they resolved to take vengeance for it. to arrive more surely at their purpose, they dissembled their resentment, and came, as usual, on board the ship. one day, very early in the morning, a large pirogue, containing about a score of natives, came alongside: every man had in his hand a packet of furs, and held it over his head as a sign that they came to trade. the watch let them come on deck. a little after, arrived a second pirogue, carrying about as many men as the other. the sailors believed that these also came to exchange their furs, and allowed them to mount the ship's side like the first. very soon, the pirogues thus succeeding one another, the crew saw themselves surrounded by a multitude of savages, who came upon the deck from all sides. becoming alarmed at the appearance of things, they went to apprize the captain and mr. m'kay, who hastened to the poop. i was with them," said the narrator, "and fearing, from the great multitude of indians whom i saw already on the deck, and from the movements of those on shore, who were hurrying to embark in their canoes, to approach the vessel, and from the women being left in charge of the canoes of those who had arrived, that some evil design was on foot, i communicated my suspicions to mr. m'kay, who himself spoke to the captain. the latter affected an air of security, and said that with the firearms on board, there was no reason to fear even a greater number of indians. meanwhile these gentlemen had come on deck unarmed, without even their sidearms. the trade, nevertheless, did not advance; the indians offered less than was asked, and pressing with their furs close to the captain, mr. m'kay, and mr. lewis, repeated the word _makoke! makoke!_ "trade! trade!" i urged the gentlemen to put to sea, and the captain, at last, seeing the number of indians increase every moment, allowed himself to be persuaded: he ordered a part of the crew to raise the anchor, and the rest to go aloft and unfurl the sails. at the same time he warned the natives to withdraw, as the ship was going to sea. a fresh breeze was then springing up, and in a few moments more their prey would have escaped them; but immediately on receiving this notice, by a preconcerted signal, the indians, with a terrific yell, drew forth the knives and war-bludgeons they had concealed in their bundles of furs, and rushed upon the crew of the ship. mr. lewis was struck, and fell over a bale of blankets. mr. m'kay, however, was the first victim whom they sacrificed to their fury. two savages, whom, from the crown of the poop, where i was seated, i had seen follow this gentleman step by step, now cast themselves upon him, and having given him a blow on the head with a _potumagan_ (a kind of sabre which is described a little below), felled him to the deck, then took him up and flung him into the sea, where the women left in charge of the canoes, quickly finished him with their paddles. another set flung themselves upon the captain, who defended himself for a long time with his pocket-knife, but, overpowered by numbers, perished also under the blows of these murderers. i next saw (and that was the last occurrence of which i was witness before quitting the ship) the sailors who were aloft, slip down by the rigging, and get below through the steerage hatchway. they were five, i think, in number, and one of them, in descending, received a knife-stab in the back. i then jumped overboard, to escape a similar fate to that of the captain and mr. m'kay: the women in the canoes, to whom i surrendered myself as a slave, took me in, and bade me hide myself under some mats which were in the pirogues; which i did. soon after, i heard the discharge of firearms, immediately upon which the indians fled from the vessel, and pulled for the shore as fast as possible, nor did they venture to go alongside the ship again the whole of that day. the next day, haying seen four men lower a boat, and pull away from the ship, they sent some pirogues in chase: but whether those men were overtaken and murdered, or gained the open sea and perished there, i never could learn. nothing more was seen stirring on board the tonquin; the natives pulled cautiously around her, and some of the more daring went on board; at last, the savages, finding themselves absolute masters of the ship, rushed on board in a crowd to pillage her. but very soon, when there were about four or five hundred either huddled together on deck, or clinging to the sides, all eager for plunder, the ship blew up with a horrible noise. "i was on the shore," said the indian, "when the explosion took place, saw the great volume of smoke burst forth in the spot where the ship had been, and high in the air above, arms, legs, heads and bodies, flying in every direction. the tribe acknowledged a loss of over two hundred of their people on that occasion. as for me i remained their prisoner, and have been their slave for two years. it is but now that i have been ransomed by my friends. i have told you the truth, and hope you will acquit me of having in any way participated in that bloody affair." [footnote p: it being understood, of course, that i render into civilized expressions the language of this barbarian, and represent by words and phrases what he could only convey by gestures or by signs. [the _naïveté_ of those notes, and of the narrative in these passages, is amusing.--ed.]] [footnote q: a great village or encampment of indians, among whom the spaniards had sent missionaries under the conduct of signor quadra; but whence the latter were chased by captain vancouver, in , as mentioned in the introduction.] our indian having finished his discourse, we made him presents proportioned to the melancholy satisfaction he had given us in communicating the true history of the sad fate of our former companions, and to the trouble he had taken in coming to us; so that he returned apparently well satisfied with our liberality. according to the narrative of this indian, captain thorn, by his abrupt manner and passionate temper, was the primary cause of his own death and that of all on board his vessel. what appears certain at least, is, that he was guilty of unpardonable negligence and imprudence, in not causing the boarding netting to be rigged, as is the custom of all the navigators who frequent this coast, and in suffering (contrary to his instructions) too great a number of indians to come on board at once.[r] [footnote r: it is equally evident that even at the time when captain thorn was first notified of the dangerous crowd and threatening appearance of the natives, a display of firearms would have sufficed to prevent an outbreak. had he come on deck with mr. m'kay and mr. lewis, each armed with a musket, and a couple of pistols at the belt, it is plain from the timidity the savages afterward displayed, that he might have cleared the ship, probably without shedding a drop of blood.--ed.] captain smith, of the albatross, who had seen the wreck of the tonquin, in mentioning to us its sad fate, attributed the cause of the disaster to the rash conduct of a captain ayres, of boston. that navigator had taken off, as i have mentioned already, ten or a dozen natives of new-itty, as hunters, with a promise of bringing them back to their country, which promise he inhumanly broke by leaving them on some desert islands in sir francis drake's bay. the countrymen of these unfortunates, indignant at the conduct of the american captain, had sworn to avenge themselves on the first white men who appeared among them. chance willed it that our vessel was the first to enter that bay, and the natives but too well executed on our people their project of vengeance. whatever may, have been the first and principal cause of this misfortune (for doubtless it is necessary to suppose more than one), seventeen white men and twelve sandwich-islanders, were massacred: not one escaped from the butchery, to bring us the news of it, but the indian of _gray's harbor_. the massacre of our people was avenged, it is true, by the destruction of ten times the number of their murderers; but this circumstance, which could perhaps gladden the heart of a savage, was a feeble consolation (if it was any) for civilized men. the death of mr. alexander m'kay was an irreparable loss to the company, which would probably have been dissolved by the remaining partners, but for the arrival of the energetic mr. hunt. interesting as was the recital of the indian of gray's harbor throughout, when he came to the unhappy end of that estimable man, marks of regret were visibly painted on the countenances of all who listened. at the beginning of september, mr. m'kenzie set off, with messrs. wallace and seton, to carry a supply of goods to the gentlemen wintering in the interior, as well as to inform them of the arrangements concluded with mr. hunt, and to enjoin them to send down all their furs, and all the sandwich-islanders, that the former might be shipped for america, and the latter sent back to their country. note. it will never be known how or by whom the _tonquin_ was blown up. some pretend to say that it was the work of james lewis, but that is impossible, for it appears from the narrative of the indian that he was one of the first persons murdered. it will be recollected that five men got between decks from aloft, during the affray, and four only were seen to quit the ship afterward in the boat. the presumption was that the missing man must have done it, and in further conversation with the gray's harbor indian, he inclined to that opinion, and even affirmed that the individual was the ship's armorer, _weeks_. it might also have been accidental. there was a large quantity of powder in the run immediately under the cabin, and it is not impossible that while the indians were intent on plunder, in opening some of the kegs they may have set fire to the contents. or again, the men, before quitting the ship, may have lighted a slow train, which is the most likely supposition of all. chapter xv. arrival of a number of canoes of the northwest company.--sale of the establishment at astoria to that company.--canadian news.--arrival of the british sloop-of-war "raccoon."--accident on board that vessel.--the captain takes formal possession of astoria.--surprise and discontent of the officers and crew.--departure of the "raccoon." a few days after mr. m'kenzie left us, we were greatly surprised by the appearance of two canoes bearing the british flag, with a third between them, carrying the flag of the united states, all rounding tongue point. it was no other than mr. m'kenzie himself, returning with messrs. j.g. m'tavish and angus bethune, of the northwest company. he had met these gentlemen near the first rapids, and had determined to return with them to the establishment, in consequence of information which they gave him. those gentlemen were in _light_ canoes (i.e., without any lading), and formed the vanguard to a flotilla of eight, loaded with furs, under the conduct of messrs. john stuart and m'millan. mr. m'tavish came to our quarters at the factory, and showed mr. m'dougal a letter which had been addressed to the latter by mr. angus shaw, his uncle, and one of the partners of the northwest company. mr. shaw informed his nephew that the ship _isaac todd_ had sailed from london, with letters of _marque_, in the month of march, in company with the frigate _phoebe_, having orders from the government to seize our establishment, which had been represented to the lords of the admiralty as an important colony founded by the american government. the eight canoes left behind, came up meanwhile, and uniting themselves to the others, they formed a camp of about seventy-five men, at the bottom of a little bay or cove, near our factory. as they were destitute of provisions, we supplied them; but messrs. m'dougal and m'kenzie affecting to dread a surprise from this british force under our guns, we kept strictly on our guard; for we were inferior in point of numbers, although our position was exceedingly advantageous. as the season advanced, and their ship did not arrive, our new neighbors found themselves in a very disagreeable situation, without food, or merchandise wherewith to procure it from the natives; viewed by the latter with a distrustful and hostile eye, as being our enemies and therefore exposed to attack and plunder on their part with impunity; supplied with good hunters, indeed, but wanting ammunition to render their skill available. weary, at length, of applying to us incessantly for food (which we furnished them with a sparing hand), unable either to retrace their steps through the wilderness or to remain in their present position, they came to the conclusion of proposing to buy of us the whole establishment. placed, as we were, in the situation of expecting, day by day, the arrival of an english ship-of-war to seize upon all we possessed, we listened to their propositions. several meetings and discussions took place; the negotiations were protracted by the hope of one party that the long-expected armed force would arrive, to render the purchase unnecessary, and were urged forward by the other in order to conclude the affair before that occurrence should intervene; at length the price of the goods and furs in the factory was agreed upon, and the bargain was signed by both parties on the d of october. the gentlemen of the northwest company took possession of astoria, agreeing to pay the servants of the pacific fur company (the name which had been chosen by mr. astor), the arrears of their wages, to be deducted from the price of the goods which we delivered, to supply them with provisions, and give a free passage to those who wished to return to canada over land. the american colors were hauled down from the factory, and the british run up, to the no small chagrin and mortification of those who were american citizens. it was thus, that after having passed the seas, and suffered all sorts of fatigues and privations, i lost in a moment all my hopes of fortune. i could not help remarking that we had no right to expect such treatment on the part of the british government, after the assurances we had received from mr. jackson, his majesty's _chargé d'affaires_ previously to our departure from new york. but as i have just intimated, the agents of the northwest company had exaggerated the importance of the factory in the eyes of the british ministry; for if the latter had known what it really was--a mere trading-post--and that nothing but the rivalry of the fur-traders of the northwest company was interested in its destruction, they would never have taken umbrage at it, or at least would never have sent a maritime expedition to destroy it. the sequel will show that i was not mistaken in this opinion. the greater part of the servants of the pacific fur company entered the service of the company of the northwest: the rest preferred to return to their country, and i was of the number of these last. nevertheless, mr. m'tavish, after many ineffectual attempts to persuade me to remain with them, having intimated that the establishment could not dispense with my services, as i was the only person who could assist them in their trade, especially for provisions, of which they would soon be in the greatest need, i agreed with them (without however relinquishing my previous engagement with mr. astor's agents) for five months, that is to say, till the departure of the expedition which was to ascend the columbia in the spring, and reach canada by way of the rocky mountains and the rivers of the interior. messrs. john stuart and m'kenzie set off about the end of this month, for the interior, in order that the latter might make over to the former the posts established on the spokan and okenakan. on the th of november, messrs. alexander stuart and alexander henry, both partners of the n.w. company, arrived at the factory, in a couple of bark canoes manned by sixteen _voyageurs_. they had set out from _fort william_, on lake superior, in the month of july. they brought us canadian papers, by which we learned that the british arms so far had been in the ascendant. they confirmed also the news that an english frigate was coming to take possession of our quondam establishment; they were even surprised not to see the _isaac todd_ lying in the road. on the morning of the th, we saw a large vessel standing in under _cape disappointment_ (which proved in this instance to deserve its name); and soon after that vessel came to anchor in _baker's bay_. not knowing whether it was a friendly or a hostile sail, we thought it prudent to send on board mr. m'dougal in a canoe, manned by such of the men as had been previously in the service of the pacific fur company, with injunctions to declare themselves americans, if the vessel was american, and englishmen in the contrary case. while this party was on its way, mr. m'tavish caused all the furs which were marked with the initials of the n.w. company to be placed on board the two barges at the fort, and sent them up the river above tongue point, where they were to wait for a concerted signal, that was to inform them whether the new-comers were friends or foes. toward midnight, mr. halsey, who had accompanied mr. m'dougal to the vessel, returned to the fort, and announced to us that she was the british sloop-of-war _raccoon_, of guns, commanded by captain black, with a complement of men, fore and aft. mr. john m'donald, a partner of the n.w. company, was a passenger on the raccoon, with five _voyageurs_, destined for the company's service. he had left england in the frigate _phoebe_, which had sailed in company with the _isaac todd_ as far as rio janeiro; but there falling in with the british squadron, the admiral changed the destination of the frigate, despatching the sloops-of-war _raccoon_ and _cherub_ to convoy the isaac todd, and sent the phoebe to search for the american commodore porter, who was then on the pacific, capturing all the british whalers and other trading vessels he met with. these four vessels then sailed in company as far as cape horn, they parted, after agreeing on the island of _juan fernandez_ as a _rendezvous_. the three ships-of-war met, in fact, at that island; but after having a long time waited in vain for the _isaac todd_, commodore hillier (hillyer?) who commanded this little squadron, hearing of the injury inflicted by commodore porter, on the british commerce, and especially on the whalers who frequent these seas, resolved to go in quest of him in order to give him combat; and retaining the _cherub_ to assist him, detailed the raccoon to go and destroy the american establishment on the river columbia, being assured by mr. m'donald that a single sloop-of-war would be sufficient for that service. mr. m'donald had consequently embarked, with his people, on board the raccoon. this gentleman informed us that they had experienced frightful weather in doubling the cape, and that he entertained serious apprehensions for the safety of the isaac todd, but that if she was safe, we might expect her to arrive in the river in two or three weeks. the signal gun agreed upon, having been fired, for the return of the barges, mr. m'tavish came back to the port with the furs, and was overjoyed to learn the arrival of mr. m'donald. on the st of december the raccoon's gig came up to the fort, bringing mr. m'donald (surnamed _bras croche_, or crooked arm), and the first lieutenant, mr. sheriff. both these gentlemen were convalescent from the effects, of an accident which had happened to them in the passage between juan fernandez and the mouth of the columbia. the captain wishing to clean the guns, ordered them to be scaled, that is, fired off: during this exercise one of the guns hung fire; the sparks fell into a cartridge tub, and setting fire to the combustibles, communicated also to some priming horns suspended above; an explosion followed, which reached some twenty persons; eight were killed on the spot, the rest were severely burnt; messrs. m'donald and sheriff had suffered a great deal; it was with difficulty that their clothes had been removed; and when the lieutenant came ashore, he had not recovered the use of his hands. among the killed was an american named _flatt_, who was in the service of the northwest company and whose loss these gentlemen appeared exceedingly to regret. as there were goods destined for the company on board the raccoon, the schooner _dolly_ was sent to baker's bay to bring them up: but the weather was so bad, and the wind so violent that she did not return till the th, bringing up, together with the goods, captain black, a lieutenant of marines, four soldiers and as many sailors. we entertained our guests as splendidly as it lay in our power to do. after dinner, the captain caused firearms to be given to the servants of the company, and we all marched under arms to the square or platform, where a flag-staff had been erected. there the captain took a british union jack, which he had brought on shore for the occasion, and caused it to be run up to the top of the staff; then, taking a bottle of madeira wine, he broke it on the flag-staff, declaring in a loud voice, that he took possession of the establishment and of the country in the name of his britannic majesty; and changed the name of astoria to _fort george_. some few indian chiefs had been got together to witness this ceremony, and i explained to them in their own language what it signified. three rounds of artillery and musketry were fired, and the health of the king was drunk by the parties interested, according to the usage on like occasions. the sloop being detained by contrary winds, the captain caused an exact survey to be made of the entrance of the river, as well as of the navigable channel between baker's bay and fort george. the officers visited the fort, turn about, and seemed to me in general very much dissatisfied with their fool's errand, as they called it: they had expected to find a number of american vessels loaded with rich furs, and had calculated in advance their share in the booty of astoria. they had not met a vessel, and their astonishment was at its height when they saw that our establishment had been transferred to the northwest company, and was under the british flag. it will suffice to quote a single expression of captain black's, in order to show how much they were deceived in their expectations. the captain landed after dark; when we showed him the next morning the palisades and log bastions of the factory, he inquired if there was not another fort; on being assured that there was no other, he cried out, with an air of the greatest astonishment:--"what! is this the fort which was represented to me as so formidable! good god! i could batter it down in two hours with a four-pounder!" there were on board the raccoon two young men from canada, who had been impressed at quebec, when that vessel was there some years before her voyage to the columbia: one of them was named _parent_, a blacksmith, and was of quebec: the other was from upper canada, and was named m'donald. these young persons signified to us that they would be glad to remain at fort george: and as there was among our men some who would gladly have shipped, we proposed to the captain an exchange, but he would not consent to it. john little, a boat-builder from new york, who had been on the sick list a long time, was sent on board and placed under the care of the sloop's surgeon, mr. o'brien; the captain engaging to land him at the sandwich islands. p.d. jeremie also shipped himself as under clerk. the vessel hoisted sail, and got out of the river, on the st of december. from the account given in this chapter the reader will see with what facility the establishment of the pacific fur company could have escaped capture by the british force. it was only necessary to get rid of the land party of the northwest company--who were completely in our power--then remove our effects up the river upon some small stream, and await the result. the sloop-of-war arrived, it is true; but as, in the case i suppose, she would have found nothing, she would have left, after setting fire to our deserted houses. none of their boats would have dared follow us, even if the indians had betrayed to them our lurking-place. those at the head of affairs had their own fortunes to seek, and thought it more for their interest, doubtless, to act as they did, but that will not clear them in the eyes of the world, and the charge of treason to mr. astor's interests will always be attached to their characters. chapter xvi. expeditions to the interior.--return of messrs. john stuart and d. m'kenzie.--theft committed by the natives.--war party against the thieves. on the d of january, , two canoes laden with merchandise for the interior, were despatched under the command of mr. alexander stuart and mr. james keith, with fifteen men under them. two of the latter were charged with letters for the posts (of the northwest company) east of the mountains, containing instructions to the persons in superintendence there, to have in readiness canoes and the requisite provisions for a large party intending to go east the ensuing spring. i took this opportunity of advising my friends in canada of my intention to return home that season. it was the third attempt i had made to send news of my existence to my relatives and friends: the first two had miscarried and this was doomed to meet the same fate. messrs. j. stuart and m'kenzie, who (as was seen in a previous chapter) had been sent to notify the gentlemen in the interior of what had taken place at astoria, and to transfer the wintering posts to the northwest company, returned to fort george on the morning of the th. they stated that they had left messrs. clarke and d. stuart behind, with the loaded canoes, and also that the party had been attacked by the natives above the falls. as they were descending the river toward evening, between the first and second portages, they had espied a large number of indians congregated at no great distance in the prairie; which gave them some uneasiness. in fact, some time after they had encamped, and when all the people (_tout le monde_) were asleep, except mr. stuart, who was on guard, these savages had stealthily approached the camp, and discharged some arrows, one of which had penetrated the coverlet of one of the men, who was lying near the baggage, and had pierced the cartilage of his ear; the pain made him utter a sharp cry, which alarmed the whole camp and threw it into an uproar. the natives perceiving it, fled to the woods, howling and yelling like so many demons. in the morning our people picked up eight arrows round the camp: they could yet hear the savages yell and whoop in the woods: but, notwithstanding, the party reached the lower end of the portage unmolested. the audacity which these barbarians had displayed in attacking a party of from forty to forty-five persons, made us suppose that they would, much more probably, attack the party of mr. stuart, which was composed of but seventeen men. consequently, i received orders to get ready forthwith a canoe and firearms, in order to proceed to their relief. the whole was ready in the short space of two hours, and i embarked immediately with a guide and eight men. our instructions were to use all possible diligence to overtake messrs. stewart and keith, and to convey them to the upper end of the last portage; or to return with the goods, if we met too much resistance on the part of the natives. we travelled, then, all that day, and all the night of the th, and on the th, till evening. finding ourselves then at a little distance from the rapids, i came to a halt, to put the firearms in order, and let the men take some repose. about midnight i caused them to re-embark, and ordered the men to sing as they rowed, that the party whom we wished to overtake might hear us as we passed, if perchance they were encamped on some one of the islands of which the river is full in this part. in fact, we had hardly proceeded five or six miles, when we were hailed by some one apparently in the middle of the stream. we stopped rowing, and answered, and were soon joined by our people of the expedition, who were all descending the river in a canoe. they informed us that they had been attacked the evening before, and that mr. stuart had been wounded. we turned about, and all proceeded in company toward the fort. in the morning, when we stopped to breakfast, mr. keith gave me the particulars of the affair of the day preceding. having arrived at the foot of the rapids, they commenced the portage on the south bank of the river, which is obstructed with boulders, over which it was necessary to pass the effects. after they had hauled over the two canoes, and a part of the goods, the natives approached in great numbers, trying to carry off something unobserved. mr. stuart was at the upper end of the portage (the portage being about six hundred yards in length), and mr. keith accompanied the loaded men. an indian seized a bag containing articles of little value, and fled: mr. stuart, who saw the act, pursued the thief, and after some resistance on the latter's part, succeeded in making him relinquish his booty. immediately he saw a number of indians armed with bows and arrows; approaching him: one of them bent his bow and took aim; mr. stuart, on his part, levelled his gun at the indian, warning the latter not to shoot, and at the same instant received an arrow, which pierced his left shoulder. he then drew the trigger; but as it had rained all day, the gun missed fire, and before he could re-prime, another arrow, better aimed than the first, struck him in the left side and penetrated between two of his ribs, in the region of the heart, and would have proved fatal, no doubt, but for a stone-pipe he had fortunately in his side-pocket, and which was broken by the arrow; at the same moment his gun was discharged, and the indian fell dead. several others then rushed forward to avenge the death of their compatriot; but two of the men came up with their loads and their gun (for these portages were made arms in hand), and seeing what was going forward, one of them threw his pack on the ground, fired on one of the indians and brought him down. he got up again, however, and picked up his weapons, but the other man ran upon him, wrested from him his war-club, and despatched him by repeated blows on the head with it. the other savages, seeing the bulk of our people approaching the scene of combat, retired and crossed the river. in the meantime, mr. stuart extracted the arrows from his body, by the aid of one of the men: the blood flowed in abundance from the wounds, and he saw that it would be impossible for him to pursue his journey; he therefore gave orders for the canoes and goods to be carried back to the lower end of the portage. presently they saw a great number of pirogues full of warriors coming from the opposite side of the river. our people then considered that they could do nothing better than to get away as fast as possible; they contrived to transport over one canoe, on which they all embarked, abandoning the other and the goods, to the natives. while the barbarians were plundering these effects, more precious in their estimation than the apples of gold in the garden of the hesperides, our party retired and got out of sight. the retreat was, notwithstanding, so precipitate, that they left behind an indian from the lake of the two mountains, who was in the service of the company as a hunter. this indian had persisted in concealing himself behind the rocks, meaning, he said, to kill some of those thieves, and did not return in time for the embarkation. mr. keith regretted this brave man's obstinacy, fearing, with good reason, that he would be discovered and murdered by the natives. we rowed all that day and night, and reached the factory on the th, at sunrise. our first care, after having announced the misfortune of our people, was to dress the wounds of mr. stuart, which had been merely bound with a wretched piece of cotton cloth. the goods which had been abandoned, were of consequence to the company, inasmuch as they could not be replaced. it was dangerous, besides, to leave the natives in possession of some fifty guns and a considerable quantity of ammunition, which they might use against us.[s] the partners, therefore, decided to fit out an expedition immediately to chastise the robbers, or at least to endeavor to recover the goods. i went, by their order, to find the principal chiefs of the neighboring tribes, to explain to them what had taken place, and invite them to join us, to which they willingly consented. then, having got ready six canoes, we re-embarked on the th, to the number of sixty-two men, all armed from head to foot, and provided with a small brass field-piece. [footnote s: however, some cases of guns and kegs of powder were thrown into the falls, before the party retreated.] we soon reached the lower end of the first rapid: but the essential thing was wanting to our little force; it was without provisions; our first care then was to try to procure these. having arrived opposite a village, we perceived on the bank about thirty armed savages, who seemed to await us firmly. as it was not our policy to seem bent on hostilities, we landed on the opposite bank, and i crossed the river with five or six men, to enter into parley with them, and try to obtain provisions. i immediately became aware that the village was abandoned, the women and children having fled to the woods, taking with them all the articles of food. the young men, however, offered us dogs, of which we purchased a score. then we passed to a second village, where they were already informed of our coming. here we bought forty-five dogs and a horse. with this stock we formed an encampment on an island called _strawberry island_. seeing ourselves now provided with food for several days, we informed the natives touching the motives which had brought us, and announced to them that we were determined to put them all to death and burn their villages, if they did not bring back in two days the effects stolen on the th. a party was detached to the rapids, where the attack on mr. stuart had taken place. we found the villages all deserted. crossing to the north bank, we found a few natives, of whom we made inquiries respecting the nipissingue indian, who had been left behind, but they assured us that they had seen nothing of him.[t] [footnote t: this indian returned some time after to the factory, but in a pitiable condition. after the departure of the canoe, he had concealed himself behind a rock, and so passed the night. at daybreak, fearing to be discovered, he gained the woods and directed his steps toward the fort, across a mountainous region. he arrived at length at the bank of a little stream, which he was at first unable to cross. hunger, in the meantime, began to urge him; he might have appeased it with game, of which he saw plenty, but unfortunately he had lost the flint of his gun. at last, with a raft of sticks, he crossed the river, and arrived at a village, the inhabitants of which disarmed him, and made him prisoner. our people hearing where he was, sent to seek him, and gave some blankets for his ransom.] not having succeeded in recovering, above the rapids, any part of the lost goods, the inhabitants all protesting that it was not they, but the villages below, which had perpetrated the robbery, we descended the river again, and re-encamped on _strawberry island_. as the intention of the partners was to intimidate the natives, without (if possible) shedding blood, we made a display of our numbers, and from time to time fired off our little field-piece, to let them see that we could reach them from one side of the river to the other. the indian _coalpo_ and his wife, who had accompanied us, advised us to make prisoner one of the chiefs. we succeeded in this design, without incurring any danger. having invited one of the natives to come and smoke with us, he came accordingly: a little after, came another; at last, one of the chiefs, and he one of the most considered among them, also came. being notified secretly of his character by _coalpo_, who was concealed in the tent, we seized him forthwith, tied him to a stake, and placed a guard over him with a naked sword, as if ready to cut his head off on the least attempt being made by his people for his liberation. the other indians were then suffered to depart with the news for his tribe, that unless the goods were brought to us in twenty-four hours, their chief would be put to death. our stratagem succeeded: soon after we heard wailing and lamentation in the village, and they presently brought us part of the guns, some brass kettles, and a variety of smaller articles, protesting that this was all their share of the plunder. keeping our chief as a hostage, we passed to the other village, and succeeded in recovering the rest of the guns, and about a third of the other goods. although they had been the aggressors, yet as they had had two men killed and we had not lost any on our side, we thought it our duty to conform to the usage of the country, and abandon to them the remainder of the stolen effects, to cover, according to their expression, the bodies of their two slain compatriots. besides, we began to find ourselves short of provisions, and it would not have been easy to get at our enemies to punish them, if they had taken refuge in the woods, according to their custom when they feel themselves the weaker party. so we released our prisoner, and gave him a flag, telling him that when he presented it unfurled, we should regard it as a sign of peace and friendship: but if, when we were passing the portage, any one of the natives should have the misfortune to come near the baggage, we would kill him on the spot. we re-embarked on the th, and on the d reached the fort, where we made a report of our martial expedition. we found mr. stuart very ill of his wounds, especially of the one in the side, which was so much swelled that we had every reason to think the arrow had been poisoned. if we did not do the savages as much harm as we might have done, it was not from timidity but from humanity, and in order not to shed human blood uselessly. for after all, what good would it have done us to have slaughtered some of these barbarians, whose crime was not the effect of depravity and wickedness, but of an ardent and irresistible desire to ameliorate their condition? it must be allowed also that the interest, well-understood, of the partners of the northwest company, was opposed to too strongly marked acts of hostility on their part: it behooved them exceedingly not to make irreconciliable enemies of the populations neighboring on the portages of the columbia, which they would so often be obliged to pass and repass in future. it is also probable that the other natives on the banks, as well as of the river as of the sea, would not have seen with indifference, their countrymen too signally or too rigorously punished by strangers; and that they would have made common cause with the former to resist the latter, and perhaps even to drive them from the country. i must not omit to state that all the firearms surrendered by the indians on this occasion, were found loaded with ball, and primed, with a little piece of cotton laid over the priming to keep the powder dry. this shows how soon they would acquire the use of guns, and how careful traders should be in intercourse with strange indians, not to teach them their use. chapter xvii. description of tongue point.--a trip to the _willamet_.--arrival of w. hunt in the brig pedlar.--narrative of the loss of the ship lark.--preparations for crossing the continent. the new proprietors of our establishment, being dissatisfied with the site we had chosen, came to the determination to change it; after surveying both sides of the river, they found no better place than the head-land which we had named tongue point. this point, or to speak more accurately, perhaps, this cape, extends about a quarter of a mile into the river, being connected with the main-land by a low, narrow neck, over which the indians, in stormy weather, haul their canoes in passing up and down the river; and terminating in an almost perpendicular rock, of about or feet elevation. this bold summit was covered with a dense forest of pine trees; the ascent from the lower neck was gradual and easy; it abounded in springs of the finest water; on either side it had a cove to shelter the boats necessary for a trading establishment. this peninsula had truly the appearance of a huge tongue. astoria had been built nearer the ocean, but the advantages offered by tongue point more than compensated for its greater distance. its soil, in the rainy season, could be drained with little or no trouble; it was a better position to guard against attacks on the part of the natives, and less exposed to that of civilized enemies by sea or land in time of war. all the hands who had returned from the interior, added to those who were already at the fort, consumed, in an incredibly short space of time the small stock of provisions which had been conveyed by the pacific fur company to the company of the northwest. it became a matter of necessity, therefore, to seek some spot where a part, at least, could be sent to subsist. with these views i left the fort on the th february with a number of men, belonging to the old concern, and who had refused to enter the service of the new one, to proceed to the establishment on the _willamet_ river, under the charge of mr. alexander henry, who had with him a number of first-rate hunters. leaving the columbia to ascend the _willamet_, i found the banks on either side of that stream well wooded, but low and swampy, until i reached the first falls; having passed which, by making a portage, i commenced ascending a clear but moderately deep channel, against a swift current. the banks on either side were bordered with forest-trees, but behind that narrow belt, diversified with prairie, the landscape was magnificent; the hills were of moderate elevation, and rising in an amphitheatre. deer and elk are found here in great abundance; and the post in charge of mr. henry had been established with a view of keeping constantly there a number of hunters to prepare dried venison for the use of the factory. on our arrival at the columbia, considering the latitude, we had expected severe winter weather, such as is experienced in the same latitudes east; but we were soon undeceived; the mildness of the climate never permitted us to transport fresh provisions from the willamet to astoria. we had not a particle of salt; and the attempts we made to smoke or dry the venison proved abortive. having left the men under my charge with mr. henry, i took leave of that gentleman, and returned. at oak point i found messrs. keith and pillet encamped, to pass there the season of sturgeon-fishing. they informed me that i was to stay with them. accordingly i remained at oak point the rest of the winter, occupied in trading with the indians spread all along the river for some or miles above, in order to supply the factory with provisions. i used to take a boat with four or five men, visit every fishing station, trade for as much fish as would load the boat, and send her down to the fort. the surplus fish traded in the interval between the departure and return of the boat, was cut up, salted and barrelled for future use. the salt had been recently obtained from a quarter to be presently mentioned. about the middle of march messrs. keith and pillet both left me and returned to the fort. being now alone, i began seriously to reflect on my position, and it was in this interval that i positively decided to return to canada. i made inquiries of the men sent up with the boats for fish, concerning the preparations for departure, but whether they had been enjoined secrecy, or were unwilling to communicate, i could learn nothing of what was doing below. at last i heard that on the th february a sail had appeared at the mouth of the river. the gentlemen of the n.w. company at first flattered themselves that it was the vessel they had so long expected. they were soon undeceived by a letter from mr. hunt, which was brought to the fort by the indians of _baker's bay_. that gentleman had purchased at the marquesas islands a brig called _the pedlar_: it was on that vessel that he arrived, having for pilot captain northrop, formerly commander of the ship _lark_. the latter vessel had been outfitted by mr. astor, and despatched from new york, in spite of the blockading squadron, with supplies for the _ci-devant_ pacific fur company; but unhappily she had been assailed by a furious tempest and capsized in lat. ° n., and three or four hundred miles from the sandwich islands. the mate who was sick, was drowned in the cabin, and four of the crew perished at the same time. the captain had the masts and rigging cut away, which caused the vessel to right again, though full of water. one of the hands dived down to the sail-maker's locker, and got out a small sail, which they attached to the bowsprit. he dived a second time, and brought up a box containing a dozen bottles of wine. for thirteen days they had no other sustenance but the flesh of a small shark, which they had the good fortune to take, and which they ate raw, and for drink, a gill of the wine each man _per diem_. at last the trade winds carried them upon the island of _tahouraka_, where the vessel went to pieces on the reef. the islanders saved the crew, and seized all the goods which floated on the water. mr. hunt was then at _wahoo_, and learned through some islanders from _morotoi_, that some americans had been wrecked on the isle of _tahouraka_. he went immediately to take them off, and gave the pilotage of his own vessel to captain northrop. it may be imagined what was the surprise of mr. hunt when he saw astoria under the british flag, and passed into stranger hands. but the misfortune was beyond remedy, and he was obliged to content himself with taking on board all the americans who were at the establishment, and who had not entered the service of the company of the northwest. messrs. halsey, seton, and farnham were among those who embarked. i shall have occasion to inform the reader of the part each of them played, and how they reached their homes. when i heard that mr. hunt was in the river, and knowing that the overland expedition was to set out early in april, i raised camp at oak point, and reached the fort on the d of that month. but the brig _pedlar_ had that very day got outside the river, after several fruitless attempts, in one of which she narrowly missed being lost on the bar. i would gladly have gone in her, had i but arrived a day sooner. i found, however, all things prepared for the departure of the canoes, which was to take place on the th. i got ready the few articles i possessed, and in spite of the very advantageous offers of the gentlemen of the n.w. company, and their reiterated persuasions, aided by the crafty m'dougal, to induce me to remain, at least one year more, i persisted in my resolution to leave the country. the journey i was about to undertake was a long one: it would be accompanied with great fatigues and many privations, and even by some dangers; but i was used to privations and fatigues; i had braved dangers of more than one sort; and even had it been otherwise, the ardent desire of revisiting my country, my relatives, and my friends, the hope of finding myself, in a few months, in their midst, would have made me overlook every other consideration. i am about, then, to quit the banks of the river columbia, and conduct the reader through the mountain passes, over the plains, the forests, and the lakes of our continent: but i ought first to give him at least an idea of the manners and customs of the inhabitants, as well as of the principal productions of the country that i now quit, after a sojourn of three years. this is what i shall try to do in the following chapters.[u] [footnote u: some of my readers would, no doubt, desire some scientific details on the botany and natural history of this country. that is, in fact, what they ought to expect from a man who had travelled for his pleasure, or to make discoveries: but the object of my travels was not of this description; my occupations had no relation with science; and, as i have said in my preface, i was not, and am not now, either a naturalist or a botanist.] chapter xviii. situation of the columbia river.--qualities of its soil.--climate, &c.--vegetable and animal productions of the country. the mouth of the columbia river is situated in ° ' north latitude, and ° or ° of longitude west of the meridian of greenwich. the highest tides are very little over nine or ten feet, at its entrance, and are felt up stream for a distance of twenty-five or thirty leagues. during the three years i spent there, the cold never was much below the freezing point; and i do not think the heat ever exceeded °. westerly winds prevail from the early part of spring, and during a part of the summer; that wind generally springs up with the flood tide, and tempers the heat of the day. the northwest wind prevails during the latter part of summer and commencement of autumn. this last is succeeded by a southeast wind, which blows almost without intermission from the beginning of october to the end of december, or commencement of january. this interval is the rainy season, the most disagreeable of the year. fogs (so thick that sometimes for days no object is discernible for five or six hundred yards from the beach), are also very prevalent. the surface of the soil consists (in the valleys) of a layer of black vegetable mould, about five or six inches thick at most; under this layer is found another of gray and loose, but extremely cold earth; below which is a bed of coarse sand and gravel, and next to that pebble or hard rock. on the more elevated parts, the same black vegetable mould is found, but much thinner, and under it is the trap rock. we found along the seashore, south of point adams, a bank of earth white as chalk, which we used for white-washing our walls. the natives also brought us several specimens of blue, red and yellow earth or clay, which they said was to be found at a great distance south; and also a sort of shining earth, resembling lead ore.[v] we found no limestone, although we burnt several kilns, but never could get one ounce of lime. [footnote v: plumbago.] we had brought with us from new york a variety of garden seeds, which were put in the ground in the month of may, , on a rich piece of land laid out for the purpose on a sloping ground in front of our establishment. the garden had a fine appearance in the month of august; but although the plants were left in the ground until december, not one of them came to maturity, with the exception of the radishes, the turnips, and the potatoes. the turnips grew to a prodigious size; one of the largest we had the curiosity to weigh and measure; its circumference was thirty-three inches, its weight fifteen and a half pounds. the radishes were in full blossom in the month of december, and were left in the ground to perfect the seeds for the ensuing season, but they were all destroyed by the ground mice, who hid themselves under the stumps which we had not rooted out, and infested our garden. with all the care we could bestow on them during the passage from new york, only twelve potatoes were saved, and even these so shrivelled up, that we despaired of raising any from the few sprouts that still gave signs of life. nevertheless we raised one hundred and ninety potatoes the first season, and after sparing a few plants for our inland traders, we planted about fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the second year; about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome crop of fifty bushels in the year . it would result from these facts, that the soil on the banks of the river, as far as tide water, or for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, is very little adapted for agriculture; at all events, vegetation is very slow. it may be that the soil is not everywhere so cold as the spot we selected for our garden, and some other positions might have given a better reward for our labor: this supposition is rendered more than probable when we take into consideration the great difference in the indigenous vegetables of the country in different localities. the forest trees most common at the mouth of the river and near our establishment, were cedar, hemlock, white and red spruce, and alder. there were a few dwarf white and gray ashes; and here and there a soft maple. the alder grows also to a very large size; i measured some of twelve to fifteen inches diameter; the wood was used by us in preference, to make charcoal for the blacksmith's forge. but the largest of all the trees that i saw in the country, was a white spruce: this tree, which had lost its top branches, and bore evident marks of having been struck by lightning, was a mere, straight trunk of about eighty to one hundred feet in height; its bark whitened by age, made it very conspicuous among the other trees with their brown bark and dark foliage, like a huge column of white marble. it stood on the slope of a hill immediately in the rear of our palisades. seven of us placed ourselves round its trunk, and we could not embrace it by extending our arms and touching merely the tips of our fingers; we measured it afterward in a more regular manner, and found it forty-two feet in circumference. it kept the same size, or nearly the same, to the very top. we had it in contemplation at one time to construct a circular staircase to its summit, and erect a platform thereon for an observatory, but more necessary and pressing demands on our time made us abandon the project. a short distance above astoria, the oak and ash are plentiful, but neither of these is of much value or beauty. from the middle of june to the middle of october, we had abundance of wild fruit; first, strawberries, almost white, small but very sweet; then raspberries, both red and orange color. these grow on a bush sometimes twelve feet in height: they are not sweet, but of a large size. the months of july and august furnish a small berry of an agreeable, slightly acid flavor; this berry grows on a slender bush of some eight to nine feet high, with small round leaves; they are in size like a wild cherry: some are blue, while others are of a cherry red: the last being smaller; they have no pits, or stones in them, but seeds, such as are to be seen in currants. i noticed in the month of august another berry growing in bunches or grapes like the currant, on a bush very similar to the currant bush: the leaves of this shrub resemble those of the laurel: they are very thick and always green. the fruit is oblong, and disposed in two rows on the stem: the extremity of the berry is open, having a little speck or tuft like that of an apple. it is not of a particularly fine flavor, but it is wholesome, and one may eat a quantity of it, without inconvenience. the natives make great use of it; they prepare it for the winter by bruising and drying it; after which it is moulded into cakes according to fancy, and laid up for use. there is also a great abundance of cranberries, which proved very useful as an antiscorbutic. we found also the whortleberry, chokecherries, gooseberries, and black currants with wild crab-apples: these last grow in clusters, are of small size and very tart. on the upper part of the river are found blackberries, hazel-nuts, acorns, &c. the country also possesses a great variety of nutritive roots: the natives make great use of those which have the virtue of curing or preventing the scurvy. we ate freely of them with the same intention, and with the same success. one of these roots, which much resembles a small onion, serves them, in some sort, in place of cheese. having gathered a sufficient quantity, they bake them with red-hot stones, until the steam ceases to ooze from the layer of grass and earth with which the roots are covered; then they pound them into a paste, and make the paste into loaves, of five or six pounds weight: the taste is not unlike liquorice, but not of so sickly a sweetness. when we made our first voyage up the river the natives gave us square biscuits, very well worked, and printed with different figures. these are made of a white root, pounded, reduced to paste, and dried in the sun. they call it _chapaleel_: it is not very palatable; nor very nutritive. but the principal food of the natives of the columbia is fish. the salmon-fishery begins in july: that fish is here of an exquisite flavor, but it is extremely fat and oily; which renders it unwholesome for those who are not accustomed to it, and who eat too great a quantity: thus several of our people were attacked with diarrhoea in a few days after we began to make this fish our ordinary sustenance; but they found a remedy in the raspberries of the country which have an astringent property. the months of august and september furnish excellent sturgeon. this fish varies exceedingly in size; i have seen some eleven feet long; and we took one that weighed, after the removal of the eggs and intestines, three hundred and ninety pounds. we took out nine gallons of roe. the sturgeon does not enter the river in so great quantities as the salmon. in october and november we had salmon too, but of a quite different species--lean, dry and insipid. it differs from the other sort in form also; having very long teeth, and a hooked nose like the beak of a parrot. our men termed it in derision "seven bark salmon," because it had almost no nutritive substance. february brings a small fish about the size of a sardine. it has an exquisite flavor, and is taken in immense quantities, by means of a scoop net, which the indians, seated in canoes, plunge into the schools: but the season is short, not even lasting two weeks. the principal quadrupeds of the country are the elk, the black and white tailed deer; four species of bear, distinguished chiefly by the color of the fur or _poil_, to wit, the black, brown, white and grisly bear; the grisly bear is extremely ferocious; the white is found on the seashore toward the north; the wolf, the panther, the catamount, the lynx, the raccoon, the ground hog, opossum, mink, fisher, beaver, and the land and sea otter.[w] the sea otter has the handsomest fur that is known; the skin surpasses that of the land variety in size and in the beauty of the _poil_; the most esteemed color is the silver gray, which is highly prized in the indies, and commands a great price. [footnote w: horses are abundant up the river; but they are not indigenous to the country. they will be spoken of in a future chapter.] the most remarkable birds are the eagle, the turkey-buzzard, the hawk, pelican, heron, gull, cormorant, crane, swan, and a great variety of wild ducks and geese. the pigeon, woodcock, and pheasant, are found in the forests as with us. chapter xix. manners, customs, occupations, &c., of the natives on the river columbia. the natives inhabiting on the columbia, from the mouth of that river to the falls, that is to say, on a space extending about miles from east to west, are, generally speaking, of low stature, few of them passing five feet six inches, and many not even five feet. they pluck out the beard, in the manner of the other indians of north america; but a few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon their chins. on arriving among them we were exceedingly surprised to see that they had almost all flattened heads. this configuration is not a natural deformity, but an effect of art, caused by compression of the skull in infancy. it shocks strangers extremely, especially at first sight; nevertheless, among these barbarians it is an indispensable ornament: and when we signified to them how much this mode of flattening the forehead appeared to us to violate nature and good taste, they answered that it was only slaves who had not their heads flattened. the slaves, in fact, have the usual rounded head, and they are not permitted to flatten the foreheads of their children, destined to bear the chains of their sires. the natives of the columbia procure these slaves from the neighboring tribes, and from the interior, in exchange for beads and furs. they treat them with humanity while their services are useful, but as soon as they become incapable of labor, neglect them and suffer them to perish of want. when dead, they throw their bodies, without ceremony, under the stump of an old decayed tree, or drag them to the woods to be devoured by the wolves and vultures. the indians of the columbia are of a light copper color, active in body, and, above all, excellent swimmers. they are addicted to theft, or rather, they make no scruple of laying hands on whatever suits them in the property of strangers, whenever they can find an opportunity. the goods and effects of european manufacture are so precious in the eyes of these barbarians, that they rarely resist the temptation of stealing them. these savages are not addicted to intemperance, unlike, in that respect the other american indians, if we must not also except the patagonians, who, like the flatheads, regard intoxicating drinks as poisons, and drunkenness as disgraceful. i will relate a fact in point: one of the sons of the chief comcomly being at the establishment one day, some of the gentlemen amused themselves with making him drink wine, and he was very soon drunk. he was sick in consequence, and remained in a state of stupor for two days. the old chief came to reproach us, saying that we had degraded his son by exposing him to the ridicule of the slaves, and besought us not to induce him to take strong liquors in future. the men go entirely naked, not concealing any part of their bodies. only in winter they throw over the shoulders a panther's skin, or else a sort of mantle made of the skins of wood-rats sewed together. in rainy weather i have seen them wear a mantle of rush mats, like a roman toga, or the vestment which a priest wears in celebrating mass; thus equipped, and furnished with a conical hat made from fibrous roots and impermeable, they may call themselves rain-proof. the women, in addition to the mantle of skins, wear a petticoat made of the cedar bark, which they attach round the girdle, and which reaches to the middle of the thigh. it is a little longer behind than before, and is fabricated in the following manner: they strip off the fine bark of the cedar, soak it as one soaks hemp, and when it is drawn out into fibres, work it into a fringe; then with a strong cord they bind the fringes together. with so poor a vestment they contrive to satisfy the requirements of modesty; when they stand it drapes them fairly enough; and when they squat down in their manner, it falls between their legs, leaving nothing exposed but the bare knees and thighs. some of the younger women twist the fibres of bark into small cords, knotted at the ends, and so form the petticoat, disposed in a fringe, like the first, but more easily kept clean and of better appearance. cleanliness is not a virtue among these females, who, in that respect, resemble the other indian women of the continent. they anoint the body and dress the hair with fish oil, which does not diffuse an agreeable perfume. their hair (which both sexes wear long) is jet black; it is badly combed, but parted in the middle, as is the custom of the sex everywhere, and kept shining by the fish-oil before-mentioned. sometimes, in imitation of the men, they paint the whole body with a red earth mixed with fish-oil. their ornaments consist of bracelets of brass, which they wear indifferently on the wrists and ankles; of strings of beads of different colors (they give a preference to the blue), and displayed in great profusion around the neck, and on the arms and legs; and of white shells, called _haiqua_, which are their ordinary circulating medium. these shells are found beyond the straits of _juan de fuca_, and are from one to four inches long, and about half an inch in diameter: they are a little curved and naturally perforated: the longest are most valued. the price of all commodities is reckoned in these shells; a fathom string of the largest of them is worth about ten beaver-skins. although a little less slaves than the greater part of the indian women elsewhere, the women on the columbia are, nevertheless, charged with the most painful labors; they fetch water and wood, and carry the goods in their frequent changes of residence; they clean the fish and cut it up for drying; they prepare the food and cook the fruits in their season. among their principal occupations is that of making rush mats, baskets for gathering roots, and hats very ingeniously wrought. as they want little clothing, they do not sew much, and the men have the needle in hand oftener than they. the men are not lazy, especially during the fishing season. not being hunters, and eating, consequently, little flesh-meat (although they are fond of it), fish makes, as i have observed, their principal diet. they profit, therefore, by the season when it is to be had, by taking as much as they can; knowing that the intervals will be periods of famine and abstinence, unless they provide sufficiently beforehand. their canoes are all made of cedar, and of a single trunk: we saw some which were five feet wide at midships, and thirty feet in length; these are the largest, and will carry from to men; the smallest will carry but two or three. the bows terminate in a very elongated point, running out four or five feet from the water line. it constitutes a separate piece, very ingeniously attached, and serves to break the surf in landing, or the wave on a rough sea. in landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern on. their oars or paddles are made of ash, and are about five feet long, with a broad blade, in the shape of an inverted crescent, and a cross at the top, like the handle of a crutch. the object of the crescent shape of the blade is to be able to draw it, edge-wise, through the water without making any noise, when they hunt the sea-otter, an animal which can only be caught when it is lying asleep on the rocks, and which has the sense of hearing very acute. all their canoes are painted red, and fancifully decorated. their houses, constructed of cedar, are remarkable for their form and size: some of them are one hundred feet in length by thirty or forty feet in width. they are constructed as follows: an oblong square of the intended size of the building is dug out to the depth of two or three feet; a double row of cedar posts is driven into the earth about ten feet apart; between these the planks are laid, overlapping each other to the requisite height. the roof is formed by a ridge-pole laid on taller posts, notched to receive it, and is constructed with rafters and planks laid clapboard-wise, and secured by cords for want of nails. when the house is designed for several families, there is a door for each, and a separate fireplace; the smoke escapes through an aperture formed by removing one of the boards of the roof. the door is low, of an oval shape, and is provided with a ladder, cut out of a log, to descend into the lodge. the entrance is generally effected stern-foremost. the kitchen utensils consist of plates of ash-wood, bowls of fibrous roots, and a wooden kettle: with these they succeed in cooking their fish and meat in less time than we take with the help of pots and stewpans. see how they do it! having heated a number of stones red-hot, they plunge them, one by one, in the vessel which is to contain the food to be prepared; as soon as the water boils, they put in the fish or meat, with some more heated stones on top, and cover up the whole with small rush mats, to retain the steam. in an incredibly short space of time the article is taken out and placed on a wooden platter, perfectly done and very palatable. the broth is taken out also, with a ladle of wood or horn. it will be asked, no doubt, what instruments these savages use in the construction of their canoes and their houses. to cause their patience and industry to be admired as much as they deserve, it will be sufficient for me to mention that we did not find among them a single hatchet: their only tools consisted of an inch or half-inch chisel, usually made of an old file, and of a mallet, which was nothing but an oblong stone. with these wretched implements, and wedges made of hemlock knots, steeped in oil and hardened by the fire, they would undertake to cut down the largest cedars of the forest, to dig them out and fashion them into canoes, to split them, and get out the boards wherewith to build their houses. such achievements with such means, are a marvel of ingenuity and patience. chapter xx. manners and customs of the natives continued.--their wars.--their marriages.--medicine men.--funeral ceremonies.--religious notions.--language. the politics of the natives of the columbia are a simple affair: each village has its chief, but that chief does not seem to exercise a great authority over his fellow-citizens. nevertheless, at his death, they pay him great honors: they use a kind of mourning, which consists in painting the face with black, in lieu of gay colors; they chant his funeral song or oration for a whole month. the chiefs are considered in proportion to their riches: such a chief has a great many wives, slaves, and strings of beads--he is accounted a great chief. these barbarians approach in that respect to certain civilized nations, among whom the worth of a man is estimated by the quantity of gold he possesses. as all the villages form so many independent sovereignties, differences sometimes arise, whether between the chiefs or the tribes. ordinarily, these terminate by compensations equivalent to the injury. but when the latter is of a grave character, like a murder (which is rare), or the abduction of a woman (which is very common), the parties, having made sure of a number of young braves to aid them, prepare for war. before commencing hostilities, however, they give notice of the day when they will proceed to attack the hostile village; not following in that respect the custom of almost all other american indians, who are wont to burst upon their enemy unawares, and to massacre or carry off men, women, and children; these people, on the contrary, embark in their canoes, which on these occasions are paddled by the women, repair to the hostile village, enter into parley, and do all they can to terminate the affair amicably: sometimes a third party becomes mediator between the first two, and of course observes an exact neutrality. if those who seek justice do not obtain it to their satisfaction, they retire to some distance, and the combat begins, and is continued for some time with fury on both sides; but as soon as one or two men are killed, the party which has lost these, owns itself beaten and the battle ceases. if it is the people of the village attacked who are worsted, the others do not retire without receiving presents. when the conflict is postponed till the next day (for they never fight but in open daylight, as if to render nature witness of their exploits), they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of homer and virgil. the women and children are always removed from the village before the action. their combats are almost all maritime: for they fight ordinarily in their pirogues, which they take care to careen, so as to present the broadside to the enemy, and half lying down, avoid the greater part of the arrows let fly at them. but the chief reason of the bloodlessness of their combats is the inefficiency of their offensive weapons, and the excellence of their defensive armor. their offensive arms are merely a bow and arrow, and a kind of double-edged sabre, about two and a half feet long, and six inches wide in the blade: they rarely come to sufficiently close quarters to make use of the last. for defensive armor they wear a cassock or tunic of elk-skin double, descending to the ankles, with holes for the arms. it is impenetrable by their arrows, which can not pierce two thicknesses of leather; and as their heads are also covered with a sort of helmet, the neck is almost the only part in which they can be wounded. they have another kind of corslet, made like the corsets of our ladies, of splinters of hard wood interlaced with nettle twine. the warrior who wears this cuirass does not use the tunic of elk-skin; he is consequently less protected, but a great deal more free; the said tunic being very heavy and very stiff. it is almost useless to observe that, in their military expeditions, they have their bodies and faces daubed with different paints, often of the most extravagant designs. i remember to have seen a war-chief, with one exact half of his face painted white and the other half black. their marriages are conducted with a good deal of ceremony. when a young man seeks a girl in marriage, his parents make the proposals to those of the intended bride, and when it has been agreed upon what presents the future bridegroom is to offer to the parents of the bride, all parties assemble at the house of the latter, whither the neighbors are invited to witness the contract. the presents, which consist of slaves, strings of beads, copper bracelets, _haiqua_ shells, &c., are distributed by the young man, who, on his part receives as many, and sometimes more, according to the means or the munificence of the parents of his betrothed. the latter is then led forward by the old matrons and presented to the young man, who takes her as his wife, and all retire to their quarters. the men are not very scrupulous in their choice, and take small pains to inform themselves what conduct a young girl has observed before her nuptials; and it must be owned that few marriages would take place, if the youth would only espouse maidens without reproach on the score of chastity; for the unmarried girls are by no means scrupulous in that particular, and their parents give them, on that head, full liberty. but once the marriage is contracted, the spouses observe toward each other an inviolable fidelity; adultery is almost unknown among them, and the woman who should be guilty of it would be punished with death. at the same time, the husband may repudiate his wife, and the latter may then unite herself in marriage to another man. polygamy is permitted, indeed is customary; there are some who have as many as four or five wives; and although it often happens that the husband loves one better than the rest, they never show any jealousy, but live, together in the most perfect concord.[x] [footnote x: this appears improbable, and is, no doubt, overstated; but so far as it is true, only shows the degradation of these women, and the absence of moral love on both sides. the indifference to virgin chastity described by mr. f., is a characteristic of barbarous nations in general, and is explained by the principle stated in the next note below; the savage state being essentially one in which the supernatural bond of human fellowship is snapped: it is (as it has been called) the state of _nature_, in which continence is practically impossible; and what men can not have, that they soon cease to prize. the same utter indifference to the past conduct of the girls they marry is mentioned by mayhew as existing among the costermongers and street population of london, whom he well likens to the barbarous tribes lying on the outskirts of more ancient nations.--ed.] there are charlatans everywhere, but they are more numerous among savages than anywhere else, because among these ignorant and superstitious people the trade is at once more profitable and less dangerous. as soon as a native of the columbia is indisposed, no matter what the malady, they send for the medicine man, who treats the patient in the absurd manner usually adopted by these impostors, and with such violence of manipulation, that often a sick man, whom a timely bleeding or purgative would have saved, is carried off by a sudden death. they deposite their dead in canoes, on rocks sufficiently elevated not to be overflowed by the spring freshets. by the side of the dead are laid his bow, his arrows, and some of his fishing implements; if it is a woman, her beads and bracelets: the wives, the relatives and the slaves of the defunct cut their hair in sign of grief, and for several days, at the rising and setting of the sun, go to some distance from the village to chant a funeral song. these people have not, properly speaking, a public worship.[y] i could never perceive, during my residence among them, that they worshipped any idol. they had, nevertheless, some small sculptured figures; but they appeared to hold them in light esteem, offering to barter them for trifles. [footnote y: it is coleridge who observes that _every tribe is barbarous_ which has no recognised public worship or cult, and no regular priesthood as opposed to self-constituted conjurors. it is, in fact, by public worship alone that human society is organized and vivified; and it is impossible to maintain such worship without a sacerdotal order, however it be constituted. _no culture without a cult_, is the result of the study of the races of mankind. hence those who would destroy religion are the enemies of civilization.--ed.] having travelled with one of the sons of the chief of the chinooks (comcomly), an intelligent and communicative young man, i put to him several questions touching their religious belief, and the following is, in substance, what he told me respecting it: men, according to their ideas, were created by a divinity whom they name _etalapass_; but they were imperfect, having a mouth that was not opened, eyes that were fast closed, hands and feet that were not moveable; in a word, they were rather statues of flesh, than living men. a second divinity, whom they call _ecannum_, less powerful, but more benign than the former, having seen men in their state of imperfection, took a sharp stone and laid open their mouths and eyes; he gave agility, also, to their feet, and motion to their hands. this compassionate divinity was not content with conferring these first benefits; he taught men to make canoes, paddles, nets, and, in a word, all the tools and instruments they use. he did still more: he threw great rocks into the river, to obstruct the ascent of the salmon, in order that they might take as many as they wanted. the natives of the columbia further believe, that the men who have been good citizens, good fathers, good husbands, and good fishermen, who have not committed murder, &c., will be perfectly happy after their death, and will go to a country where they will find fish, fruit, &c., in abundance; and that, on the contrary, those who have lived wickedly, will inhabit a country of fasting and want, where they will eat nothing but bitter roots, and have nothing to drink but salt water. if these notions in regard to the origin and future destiny of man are not exactly conformed to sound reason or to divine revelation, it will be allowed that they do not offer the absurdities with which the mythologies of many ancient nations abound.[z] the article which makes skill in fishing a virtue worthy of being compensated in the other world, does not disfigure the salutary and consoling dogma of the immortality of the soul, and that of future rewards and punishments, so much as one is at first tempted to think; for if we reflect a little, we shall discover that the skilful fisherman, in laboring for himself, labors also for society; he is a useful citizen, who contributes, as much as lies in his power, to avert from his fellow-men the scourge of famine; he is a religious man, who honors the divinity by making use of his benefits. surely a great deal of the theology of a future life prevalent among civilized men, does not excel this in profundity. [footnote z: it seems clear that this indian mythology is a form of the primitive tradition obscured by symbol. the creation of man by the supreme divinity, but in an imperfect state ("his eyes not yet opened"), his deliverance from that condition by an inferior but more beneficent deity (the satan of the bible), and the progress of the emancipated and enlightened being, in the arts of industry, are clearly set forth. thus the devil has his cosmogony as well as the almighty, and his tradition in opposition to the divine.--ed.] it is not to be expected that men perfectly ignorant, like these indians, should be free from superstitions: one of the most ridiculous they have, regards the method of preparing and eating fish. in the month of july, , the natives brought us at first a very scanty supply of the fresh salmon, from the fear that we would cut the fish crosswise instead of lengthwise; being persuaded that if we did so, the river would be obstructed, and the fishing ruined. having reproached the chief on that account, they brought us a greater quantity, but all cooked, and which, not to displease them, it was necessary to eat before sunset. re-assured at last by our solemn promises not to cut the fish crosswise, they supplied us abundantly during the remainder of the season. in spite of the vices that may be laid to the charge of the natives of the columbia, i regard them as nearer to a state of civilization than any of the tribes who dwell east of the rocky mountains. they did not appear to me so attached to their customs that they could not easily adopt those of civilized nations: they would dress themselves willingly in the european mode, if they had the means. to encourage this taste, we lent pantaloons to the chiefs who visited us, when they wished to enter our houses, never allowing them to do it in a state of nudity. they possess, in an eminent degree, the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity: the chiefs, above all, are distinguished for their good sense and intelligence. generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and a tenacious memory. thus old comcomly recognised the mate of the _albatross_ as having visited the country sixteen years before, and recalled to the latter the name of the captain under whom he had sailed at that period. the _chinook_ language is spoken by all the nations from the mouth of the columbia to the falls. it is hard and difficult to pronounce, for strangers; being full of gutturals, like the gaelic. the combinations _thl_, or _tl_, and _lt_, are as frequent in the chinook as in the mexican.[aa] [footnote aa: there can not be a doubt that the existing tribes on the n.w. coast, have reached that country from the _south_, and not from the north. they are the _debris_ of the civilization of central america, expelled by a defecating process that is going on in all human societies, and so have sunk into barbarism.--ed.] chapter xxi. departure from astoria or fort george.--accident.--passage of the dalles or narrows.--great columbian desert.--aspect of the country.--wallawalla and shaptin rivers.--rattlesnakes.--some details regarding the natives of the upper columbia. we quitted fort george (or astoria, if you please) on monday morning, the th of april, , in ten canoes, five of which were of bark and five of cedar wood, carrying each seven men as crew, and two passengers, in all ninety persons, and all well armed. messrs. j.g. m'tavish, d. stuart, j. clarke, b. pillet, w. wallace, d. m'gillis, d. m'kenzie, &c., were of the party. nothing remarkable occurred to us as far as the first falls, which we reached on the th. the portage was effected immediately, and we encamped on an island for the night. our numbers had caused the greater part of the natives to take to flight, and those who remained in the villages showed the most pacific dispositions. they sold us four horses and thirty dogs, which were immediately slaughtered for food. we resumed our route on the th, at an early hour. the wind was favorable, but blew with violence. toward evening, the canoe in which mr. m'tavish was, in doubling a point of rock, was run under by its press of sail, and sunk. happily the river was not deep at this place; no one was drowned; and we succeeded in saving all the goods. this accident compelled us to camp at an early hour. on the th, we arrived at a rapid called the _dalles_: this is a channel cut by nature through the rocks, which are here almost perpendicular: the channel is from to feet wide, and about two miles long. the whole body of the river rushes through it, with great violence, and renders navigation impracticable. the portage occupied us till dusk. although we had not seen a single indian in the course of the day, we kept sentinels on duty all night: for it was here that messrs. stuart and reed were attacked by the natives. on the th, we made two more portages, and met indians, of whom we purchased horses and wood. we camped early on a sandy plain, where we passed a bad night; the wind, which blew violently, raised clouds of sand, which incommoded us greatly, and spoiled every mouthful of food we took. on the th and th, we passed what are called the great plains of the columbia. from the top of the first rapid to this point, the aspect of the country becomes more and more _triste_ and disagreeable; one meets at first nothing but bare hills, which scarcely offer a few isolated pines, at a great distance from each other; after that, the earth, stripped of verdure, does not afford you the sight of a single shrub; the little grass which grows in that arid soil, appears burnt by the rigor of the climate. the natives who frequent the banks of the river, for the salmon fishery, have no other wood but that which they take floating down. we passed several rapids, and a small stream called utalah, which flows from the southeast. on the th, we found the river narrowed; the banks rose on either side in elevations, without, however, offering a single tree. we reached the river _wallawalla_, which empties into the columbia on the southeast. it is narrow at its confluence, and is not navigable for any great distance. a range of mountains was visible to the s.e., about fifty or sixty miles off. behind these mountains the country becomes again flat and sandy, and is inhabited by a tribe called the _snakes_. we found on the left bank of the _wallawalla_, an encampment of indians, consisting of about twenty lodges. they sold us six dogs and eight horses, the greater part extremely lean. we killed two of the horses immediately: i mounted one of the six that remained; mr. ross took another; and we drove the other four before us. toward the decline of day we passed the river _lewis_, called, in the language of the country, the _sha-ap-tin_. it comes from the s.e., and is the same that lewis and clarke descended in . the _sha-ap-tin_ appeared to me to have little depth, and to be about yards wide, at its confluence. the country through which we were now passing, was a mingling of hills, steep rocks, and valleys covered with wormwood; the stems of which shrub are nearly six inches thick, and might serve for fuel. we killed six rattlesnakes on the th, and on the th saw a great many more among the rocks. these dangerous reptiles appeared to be very numerous in this part of the country. the plains are also inhabited by a little quadruped, only about eight or nine inches in length, and approaching the dog in form. these animals have the hair, or _poil_, of a reddish brown, and strong fore-paws, armed with long claws which serve them to dig out their holes under the earth. they have a great deal of curiosity: as soon as they hear a noise they come out of their holes and bark. they are not vicious, but, though easily tamed, can not be domesticated. the natives of the upper columbia, beginning at the falls, differ essentially in language, manners, and habits, from those of whom i have spoken in the preceding chapters. they do not dwell in villages, like the latter, but are nomads, like the tartars and the arabs of the desert: their women are more industrious, and the young girls more reserved and chaste than those of the populations lower down. they do not go naked, but both sexes wear habits made of dressed deer-skin, which they take care to rub with chalk, to keep them clean and white. they are almost always seen on horseback, and are in general good riders; they pursue the deer and penetrate even to missouri, to kill buffalo, the flesh of which they dry, and bring it back on their horses, to make their principal food during the winter. these expeditions are not free from danger; for they have a great deal to apprehend from the _black-feet_, who are their enemies. as this last tribe is powerful and ferocious, the _snakes_, the _pierced-noses_ or _sha-ap-tins_, the _flatheads_, &c., make common cause against them, when the former go to hunt east of the mountains. they set out with their families, and the cavalcade often numbers two thousand horses. when they have the good fortune not to encounter the enemy, they return with the spoils of an abundant chase; they load a part of their horses with the hides and beef, and return home to pass the winter in peace. sometimes, on the contrary, they are so harassed by the blackfeet, who surprise them in the night and carry off their horses, that they are forced to return light-handed, and then they have nothing to eat but roots, all the winter. these indians are passionately fond of horseraces: by the bets they make on these occasions they sometimes lose all that they possess. the women ride, as well as the men. for a bridle they use a cord of horse-hair, which they attach round the animal's mouth; with that he is easily checked, and by laying the hand on his neck, is made to wheel to this side or that. the saddle is a cushion of stuffed deer-skin, very suitable for the purpose to which it is destined, rarely hurting the horse, and not fatiguing the rider so much as our european saddles. the stirrups are pieces of hard wood, ingeniously wrought, and of the same shape as those which are used in civilized countries. they are covered with a piece of deer-skin, which is sewed on wet, and in drying stiffens and becomes hard and firm. the saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the mexican ladies. they procure their horses from the herds of these animals which are found in a wild state in the country extending between the northern latitudes and the gulf of mexico, and which sometimes count a thousand or fifteen hundred in a troop. these horses come from new mexico, and are of spanish race. we even saw some which had been marked with a hot iron by spaniards. some of our men, who had been at the south, told me that they had seen among the indians, bridles, the bits of which were of silver. the form of the saddles used by the females, proves that they have taken their pattern from the spanish ones destined for the same use. one of the partners of the n.w. company (mr. m'tavish) assured us that he had seen among the _spokans_, an old woman who told him that she had seen men ploughing the earth; she told him that she had also seen churches, which she made him understand by imitating the sound of a bell and the action of pulling a bell-rope; and further to confirm her account, made the sign of the cross. that gentleman concluded that she had been made prisoner and sold to the spaniards on the _del norte_; but i think it more probable it was nearer, in north california, at the mission of _san carlos_ or _san francisco_. as the manner of taking wild horses should not be generally known to my readers, i will relate it here in few words. the indian who wishes to capture some horses, mounts one of his fleetest coursers, being armed with a long cord of horsehair, one end of which is attached to his saddle, and the other is a running noose. arrived at the herd, he dashes into the midst of it, and flinging his cord, or _lasso_, passes it dexterously over the head of the animal he selects; then wheeling his courser, draws the cord after him; the wild horse, finding itself strangling, makes little resistance; the indian then approaches, ties his fore and hind legs together, and leaves him till he has taken in this manner as many as he can. he then drives them home before him, and breaks them in at leisure. chapter xxii. meeting with the widow of a hunter.--her narrative.--reflections of the author.--priest's rapid.--river okenakan.--kettle falls.--pine moss.--scarcity of food.--rivers, lakes, &c.--accident.--a rencontre.--first view of the rocky mountains. on the th, the fatigue i had experienced the day before, on horseback, obliged me to re-embark in my canoe. about eight o'clock, we passed a little river flowing from the n.w. we perceived, soon after, three canoes, the persons in which were struggling with their paddles to overtake us. as we were still pursuing our way, we heard a child's voice cry out in french--"_arrêtez donc, arrêtez donc_"--(stop! stop!). we put ashore, and the canoes having joined us, we perceived in one of them the wife and children of a man named _pierre dorion_, a hunter, who had been sent on with a party of eight, under the command of mr. j. reed, among the _snakes_, to join there the hunters left by messrs. hunt and crooks, near fort henry, and to secure horses and provisions for our journey. this woman informed us, to our no small dismay, of the tragical fate of all those who composed that party. she told us that in the month of january, the hunters being dispersed here and there, setting their traps for the beaver, jacob regner, gilles leclerc, and pierre dorion, her husband, had been attacked by the natives. leclerc, having been mortally wounded, reached her tent or hut, where he expired in a few minutes, after having announced to her that her husband had been killed. she immediately took two horses that were near the lodge, mounted her two boys upon them, and fled in all haste to the wintering house of mr. reed, which was about five days' march from the spot where her husband fell. her horror and disappointment were extreme, when she found the house--a log cabin--deserted, and on drawing nearer, was soon convinced, by the traces of blood, that mr. reed also had been murdered. no time was to be lost in lamentations, and she had immediately fled toward the mountains south of the _wallawalla_, where, being impeded by the depth of the snow, she was forced to winter, having killed both the horses to subsist herself and her children. but at last, finding herself out of provisions, and the snow beginning to melt, she had crossed the mountains with her boys, hoping to find some more humane indians, who would let her live among them till the boats from the fort below should be ascending the river in the spring, and so reached the banks of the columbia, by the wallawalla. here, indeed, the natives had received her with much hospitality, and it was the indians of wallawalla who brought her to us. we made them some presents to repay their care and pains, and they returned well satisfied. the persons who lost their lives in this unfortunate wintering party, were mr. john reed, (clerk), jacob regner, john hubbough, pierre dorion (hunters), gilles leclerc, françois landry, j.b. turcotte, andré la chapelle and pierre de launay, (_voyageurs_).[ab] we had no doubt that this massacre was an act of vengeance, on the part of the natives, in retaliation for the death of one of their people, whom mr. john clark had hanged for theft the spring before. this fact, the massacre on the tonquin, the unhappy end of captain cook, and many other similar examples, prove how carefully the europeans, who have relations with a barbarous people, should abstain from acting in regard to them on the footing of too marked an inequality, and especially from punishing their offences according to usages and codes, in which there is too often an enormous disproportion between the crime and the punishment. if these pretended exemplary punishments seem to have a good effect at first sight, they almost always produce terrible consequences in the sequel. [footnote ab: turcotte died of _king's evil_. de launay was a half-breed, of violent temper, who had taken an indian woman to live with him; he left mr. reed in the autumn, and was never heard of again.] on the th, we passed _priest's rapid_, so named by mr. stuart and his people, who saw at this spot, in , as they were ascending the river, a number of savages, one of whom was performing on the rest certain aspersions and other ceremonies, which had the air of being coarse imitations of the catholic worship. for our part, we met here some indians of whom we bought two horses. the banks of the river at this place are tolerably high, but the country back of them is flat and uninteresting. on the th, we arrived at a place where the bed of the river is extremely contracted, and where we were obliged to make a portage. messrs. j. stuart and clarke left us here, to proceed on horseback to the spokan trading house, to procure there the provisions which would be necessary for us, in order to push on to the mountains. on the st, we lightened of their cargoes, three canoes, in which those who were to cross the continent embarked, to get on with greater speed. we passed several rapids, and began to see mountains covered with snow. on the d, we began to see some pines on the ridge of the neighboring hills; and at evening we encamped under _trees_, a thing which had not happened to us since the th. on the d, toward , a.m., we reached the trading post established by d. stuart, at the mouth of the river _okenakan_. the spot appeared to us charming, in comparison with the country through which we had journeyed for twelve days past: the two rivers here meeting, and the immense prairies covered with a fine verdure, strike agreeably the eye of the observer; but there is not a tree or a shrub to diversify the scene, and render it a little less naked and less monotonous. we found here messrs. j. m'gillivray and ross, and mr. o. de montigny, who had taken service with the n.w. company, and who charged me with a letter for his brother. toward midday we re-embarked, to continue our journey. after having passed several dangerous rapids without accident, always through a country broken by shelving rocks, diversified with hills and verdant prairies, we arrived, on the th, at the portage of the _chaudieres_ or kettle falls. this is a fall where the water precipitates itself over an immense rock of white marble, veined with red and green, that traverses the bed of the river from n.w. to s.e. we effected the portage immediately, and encamped on the edge of a charming prairie. we found at this place some indians who had been fasting, they assured us, for several days. they appeared, in fact, reduced to the most pitiable state, having nothing left but skin and bones, and scarcely able to drag themselves along, so that not without difficulty could they even reach the margin of the river, to get a little water to wet their parched lips. it is a thing that often happens to these poor people, when their chase has not been productive; their principal nourishment consisting, in that case, of the pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of biscuit. i had the curiosity to taste this bread, and i thought i had got in my mouth a bit of soap. yet some of our people, who had been reduced to eat this glue, assured me that when fresh made it had a very good taste, seasoned with meat.[ac] we partly relieved these wretched natives from our scanty store. [footnote ac: the process of boiling employed by the indians in this case, extracts from the moss its gelatine, which serves to supply the waste of those tissues into which that principle enters; but as the moss contains little or none of the proximates which constitute the bulk of the living solids and fluids, it will not, of course, by itself, support life or strength.--ed.] on the th, while we were yet encamped at kettle falls, messrs. j. stuart and clarke arrived from the post at spokan. the last was mounted on the finest-proportioned gray charger, full seventeen hands high, that i had seen in these parts: mr. stuart had got a fall from his, in trying to urge him, and had hurt himself severely. these gentlemen not having brought us the provisions we expected, because the hunters who had been sent for that purpose among the _flatheads_, had not been able to procure any, it was resolved to divide our party, and that messrs. m'donald, j. stuart, and m'kenzie should go forward to the post situated east of the mountains, in order to send us thence horses and supplies. these gentlemen quitted us on the st of may. after their departure we killed two horses and dried the meat; which occupied us the rest of that day and all the next. in the evening of the d, mr. a. stuart arrived at our camp. he had recovered from his wounds (received in the conflict with the natives, before related), and was on his way to his old wintering place on _slave lake_, to fetch his family to the columbia. we resumed our route on the morning of the d of may, and went to encamp that evening at the upper-end of a rapid, where we began to descry mountains covered with forests, and where the banks of the river themselves were low and thinly timbered. on the th, after having passed several considerable rapids, we reached the confluence of _flathead_ river. this stream comes from the s.e., and falls into the columbia in the form of a cascade: it may be one hundred and fifty yards wide at its junction. on the morning of the th, we arrived at the confluence of the _coutonais_ river. this stream also flows from the south, and has nearly the same width as the _flathead_. shortly after passing it, we entered a lake or enlargement of the river, which we crossed to encamp at its upper extremity. this lake may be thirty or forty miles, and about four wide at its broadest part: it is surrounded by lofty hills, which for the most part have their base at the water's edge, and rise by gradual and finely-wooded terraces, offering a sufficiently pretty view. on the th, after we had run through a narrow strait or channel some fifteen miles long, we entered another lake, of less extent than the former but equally picturesque. when we were nearly in the middle of it, an accident occurred which, if not very disastrous, was sufficiently singular. one of the men, who had been on the sick-list for several days, requested to be landed for an instant. not being more than a mile from the shore, we acceded to his request, and made accordingly for a projecting head-land; but when we were about three hundred or four hundred yards from the point, the canoe struck with force against the trunk of a tree which was planted in the bottom of the lake, and the extremity of which barely reached the surface of the water.[ad] it needed no more to break a hole in so frail a vessel; the canoe was pierced through the bottom and filled in a trice; and despite all our efforts we could not get off the tree, which had penetrated two or three feet within her; perhaps that was our good fortune, for the opening was at least a yard long. one of the men, who was an expert swimmer, stripped, and was about to go ashore with an axe lashed to his back, to make a raft for us, when the other canoe, which had been proceeding up the lake, and was a mile ahead, perceived our signals of distress, and came to our succor. they carried us to land, where it was necessary to encamp forthwith, as well to dry ourselves as to mend the canoe. [footnote ad: a _snag_ of course, of the nature of which the young canadian seems to have been ignorant.] on the th, mr. a. stuart, whom we had left behind at kettle falls, came up with us, and we pursued our route in company. toward evening we met natives, camped on the bank of the river: they gave us a letter from which we learned that mr. m'donald and his party had passed there on the th. the women at this camp were busy spinning the coarse wool of the mountain sheep: they had blankets or mantles, woven or platted of the same material, with a heavy fringe all round: i would gladly have purchased one of these, but as we were to carry all our baggage on our backs across the mountains, was forced to relinquish the idea. having bought of these savages some pieces of dried venison, we pursued our journey. the country began to be ascending; the stream was very rapid; and we made that day little progress. on the th we began to see snow on the shoals or sand-banks of the river: the atmosphere grew very cold. the banks on either side presented only high hills covered to the top with impenetrable forests. while the canoes were working up a considerable rapid, i climbed the hills with mr. m'gillis, and we walked on, following the course of the river, some five or six miles. the snow was very deep in the ravines or narrow gorges which are found between the bases of the hills. the most common trees are the norway pine and the cedar: the last is here, as on the borders of the sea, of a prodigious size. on the th and th, as we advanced but slowly, the country presented the same aspect as on the th. toward evening of the th, we perceived a-head of us a chain of high mountains entirely covered with snow. the bed of the river was hardly more than sixty yards wide, and was filled with dry banks composed of coarse gravel and small pebble. chapter xxiii. course of the columbia river.--canoe river.--foot-march toward the rocky mountains.--passage of the mountains. on the th, that is to say, one month, day for day, after our departure from the falls, we quitted the columbia, to enter a little stream to which mr. thompson had given, in , the name of _canoe_ river, from the fact that it was on this fork that he constructed the canoes which carried him to the pacific. the columbia, which in the portion above the falls (not taking into consideration some local sinuosities) comes from the n.n.e., takes a bend here so that the stream appears to flow from the s.e.[ae] some boatmen, and particularly mr. regis bruguier, who had ascended that river to its source, informed me that it came out of two small lakes, not far from the chain of the rocky mountains, which, at that place, diverges considerably to the east. according to arrowsmith's map, the course of the _tacoutche tessé_, from its mouth in the pacific ocean, to its source in the rocky mountains, is about twelve hundred english miles, or four hundred french leagues of twenty-five to a degree; that is to say, from two hundred and forty to two hundred and eighty miles from west to east, from its mouth to the first falls: seven hundred and fifty miles nearly from s.s.w. to n.n.e., from the first rapids to the bend at the confluence of _canoe_ river; and one hundred and fifty or one hundred and eighty miles from that confluence to its source. we were not provided with the necessary instruments to determine the latitude, and still less the longitude, of our different stations; but it took us four or five days to go up from the factory at astoria to the falls, and we could not have made less than sixty miles a day: and, as i have just remarked, we occupied an entire month in getting from the falls to canoe river: deducting four or five days, on which we did not travel, there remain twenty-five days march; and it is not possible that we made less than thirty miles a day, one day with another. [footnote ae: mr. franchere uniformly mentions the direction from which a stream appears to flow, not that toward which it runs; a natural method on the part of one who was ascending the current.] we ascended canoe river to the point where it ceases to be navigable, and encamped in the same place where mr. thompson wintered in -' . we proceeded immediately to secure our canoes, and to divide the baggage among the men, giving each fifty pounds to carry, including his provisions. a sack of _pemican_, or pounded meat, which we found in a _cache_, where it had been left for us, was a great acquisition, as our supplies were nearly exhausted. on the th we began our foot march to the mountains, being twenty-four in number, rank and file. mr. a. stuart remained at the portage to bestow in a place of safety the effects which we could not carry, such as boxes, kegs, camp-kettles, &c. we traversed first some swamps, next a dense bit of forest, and then we found ourselves marching up the gravelly banks of the little _canoe_ river. fatigue obliged us to camp early. on the th we pursued our journey, and entered into the valleys between the mountains, where there lay not less than four or five feet of snow. we were obliged to ford the river ten or a dozen times in the course of the day, sometimes with the water up to our necks. these frequent fordings were rendered necessary by abrupt and steep rocks or bluffs, which it was impossible to get over without plunging into the wood for a great distance. the stream being very swift, and rushing over a bed of stones, one of the men fell and lost a sack containing our last piece of salt pork, which we were preserving as a most precious treasure. the circumstances in which we found ourselves made us regard this as a most unfortunate accident. we encamped that night at the foot of a steep mountain, and sent on mr. pillet and the guide, m'kay, to hasten a supply of provisions to meet us. on the morning of the th we began to climb the mountain which we had before us. we were obliged to stop every moment, to take breath, so stiff was the ascent. happily it had frozen hard the night before, and the crust of the snow was sufficient to bear us. after two or three hours of incredible exertions and fatigues, we arrived at the _plateau_ or summit, and followed the footprints of those who had preceded us. this mountain is placed between two others a great deal more elevated, compared with which it is but a hill, and of which, indeed, it is only, as it were, the valley. our march soon became fatiguing, on account of the depth of the snow, which, softened by the rays of the sun, could no longer bear us as in the morning. we were obliged to follow exactly the traces of those who had preceded us, and to plunge our legs up to the knees in the holes they had made, so that it was as if we had put on and taken off, at every step, a very large pair of boots. at last we arrived at a good hard bottom, and a clear space, which our guide said was a little lake frozen over, and here we stopped for the night. this lake, or rather these lakes (for there are two) are situated in the midst of the valley or _cup_ of the mountains. on either side were immense glaciers, or ice-bound rocks, on which the rays of the setting sun reflected the most beautiful prismatic colors. one of these icy peaks was like a fortress of rock; it rose perpendicularly some fifteen or eighteen hundred feet above the level of the lakes, and had the summit covered with ice. mr. j. henry, who first discovered the pass, gave this extraordinary rock the name of _m'gillivray's rock_, in honor of one of the partners of the n.w. company. the lakes themselves are not much over three or four hundred yards in circuit, and not over two hundred yards apart. canoe river, which, as we have already seen, flows to the west, and falls into the columbia, takes its rise in one of them; while the other gives birth to one of the branches of the _athabasca_, which runs first eastward, then northward, and which, after its junction with the _unjighah_, north of the lake of the mountains, takes the name of _slave_ river, as far the lake of that name, and afterward that of _m'kenzie_ river, till it empties into, or is lost in, the frozen ocean. having cut a large pile of wood, and having, by tedious labor for nearly an hour, got through the ice to the clear water of the lake on which we were encamped, we supped frugally on pounded maize, arranged our bivouac, and passed a pretty good night, though it was bitterly cold. the most common wood of the locality was cedar and stunted pine. the heat of our fire made the snow melt, and by morning the embers had reached the solid ice: the depth from the snow surface was about five feet. on the th, we continued our route, and soon began to descend the mountain. at the end of three hours, we reached the banks of a stream--the outlet of the second lake above mentioned--here and there frozen over, and then again tumbling down over rock and pebbly bottom in a thousand fantastic gambols; and very soon we had to ford it. after a tiresome march, by an extremely difficult path in the midst of woods, we encamped in the evening under some cypresses. i had hit my right knee against the branch of a fallen tree on the first day of our march, and now began to suffer acutely with it. it was impossible, however, to flinch, as i must keep up with the party or be left to perish. on the th, our path lay through thick swamps and forest; we recrossed the small stream we had forded the day before, and our guide conducted us to the banks of the _athabasca_, which we also forded. as this passage was the last to be made, we dried our clothes, and pursued our journey through a more agreeable country than on the preceding days. in the evening we camped on the margin of a verdant plain, which, the guide informed us, was called _coro prairie_. we had met in the course of the day several buffalo tracks, and a number of the bones of that quadruped bleached by time. our flesh-meat having given out entirely, our supper consisted in some handfuls of corn, which we parched in a pan. we resumed our route very early on the th, and after passing a forest of trembling poplar or aspen, we again came in sight of the river which we had left the day before. arriving then at an elevated promontory or cape, our guide made us turn back in order to pass it at its most accessible point. after crossing it, not without difficulty, we soon came upon fresh horse-prints, a sure indication that there were some of those animals in our neighborhood. emerging from the forest, each took the direction which he thought would lead soonest to an encampment. we all presently arrived at an old house which the traders of the n.w. company had once constructed, but which had been abandoned for some four or five years. the site of this trading post is the most charming that can be imagined: suffice to say that it is built on the bank of the beautiful river _athabasca_, and is surrounded by green, and smiling prairies and superb woodlands. pity there is nobody there to enjoy these rural beauties and to praise, while admiring them, the author of nature. we found there mr. pillet, and one of mr. j. m'donald's party, who had his leg broken by the kick of a horse. after regaling ourselves with _pemican_ and some fresh venison, we set out again, leaving two of the party to take care of the lame man, and went on about eight or nine miles farther to encamp. on the th, we had rain. i took the lead, and after having walked about ten or twelve miles, on the slope of a mountain denuded of trees, i perceived some smoke issuing from a tuft of trees in the bottom of a valley, and near the river. i descended immediately, and reached a small camp, where i found two men who were coming to meet us with four horses. i made them fire off two guns as a signal to the rest of our people who were coming up in the rear, and presently we heard it repeated on the river, from which we were not far distant. we repaired thither, and found two of the men, who had been left at the last ford, and who, having constructed a bark canoe, were descending the river. i made one of them disembark, and took his place, my knee being so painful that i could walk no further. meanwhile the whole party came up; they loaded the horses, and pursued their route. in the course of the day my companion (an iroquois) and i, shot seven ducks. coming, at last, to a high promontory called _millet's rock_, we found some of our foot-travellers with messrs. stewart and clarke, who were on horseback, all at a stand, doubting whether it would answer to wade round the base of the rock, which dipped in the water. we sounded the stream for them, and found it fordable. so they all passed round, thereby avoiding the inland path, which is excessively fatiguing by reason of the hills, which it is necessary perpetually to mount and descend. we encamped, to the number of seven, at the entrance of what at high water might be a lake, but was then but a flat of blackish sand, with a narrow channel in the centre. here we made an excellent supper on the wild ducks, while those who were behind had nothing to eat. chapter xxiv. arrival at the fort of the mountains.--description of this post.--some details in regard to the rocky mountains.--mountain sheep, &c.--continuation of the journey.--unhappy accident.--reflections.--news from canada.--hunter's lodge.--pembina and red deer rivers. on the th we raised our camp and followed the shore of the little dry lake, along a smooth sandy beach, having abandoned our little bark canoe, both because it had become nearly unserviceable, and because we knew ourselves to be very near the rocky mountains house. in fact, we had not gone above five or six miles when we discerned a column of smoke on the opposite side of the stream. we immediately forded across, and arrived at the post, where we found messrs. m'donald, stuart, and m'kenzie, who had preceded us only two days. the post of the rocky mountains, in english, _rocky mountains house_, is situated on the shore of the little lake i have mentioned, in the midst of a wood, and is surrounded, except on the water side, by steep rocks, inhabited only by the mountain sheep and goat. here is seen in the west the chain of the rocky mountains, whose summits are covered with perpetual snow. on the lake side, _millet's rock_, of which i have spoken above, is in full view, of an immense height, and resembles the front of a huge church seen in perspective. the post was under the charge of a mr. decoigne. he does not procure many furs for the company, which has only established the house as a provision depôt, with the view of facilitating the passage of the mountains to those of its _employés_ who are repairing to, or returning from, the columbia. people speak so often of the rocky mountains, and appear to know so little about them, that the reader will naturally desire me to say here a word on that subject. if we are to credit travellers, and the most recent maps, these mountains extend nearly in a straight line, from the th or th degree of north latitude, to the mouth of the _unjighah_, or _m'kenzie's river_, in the arctic ocean, in latitude ° or ° n. this distance of thirty degrees of latitude, or seven hundred and fifty leagues, equivalent to two thousand two hundred and fifty english miles or thereabouts, is, however, only the mean side of a right-angled triangle, the base of which occupies twenty-six degrees of longitude, in latitude ° or °, that is to say, is about sixteen hundred miles long, while the chain of mountains forms the _hypotenuse_; so that the real, and as it were diagonal, length of the chain, across the continent, must be very near three thousand miles from s.e. to n.w. in such a vast extent of mountains, the perpendicular height and width of base must necessarily be very unequal. we were about eight days in crossing them; whence i conclude, from our daily rate of travel, that they may have, at this point, i.e., about latitude °, a base of two hundred miles. the geographer pinkerton is assuredly mistaken, when he gives these mountains an elevation of but three thousand feet above the level of the sea; from my own observations i would not hesitate to give them six thousand; we attained, in crossing them, an elevation probably of fifteen hundred feet above the valleys, and were not, perhaps, nearer than half way of their total height, while the valleys themselves must be considerably elevated above the level of the pacific, considering the prodigious number of rapids and falls which are met in the columbia, from the first falls to canoe river. be that as it may, if these mountains yield to the andes in elevation and extent, they very much surpass in both respects the apalachian chain, regarded until recently as the principal mountains of north america: they give rise, accordingly, to an infinity of streams, and to the greatest rivers of the continent.[af] [footnote af: this is interesting, as the rough calculation of an unscientific traveller, unprovided with instruments, and at that date. the real height of the rocky mountains, as now ascertained, averages twelve thousand feet; the highest known peak is about sixteen thousand.--ed.] they offer a vast and unexplored field to natural history: no botanist, no mineralogist, has yet examined them. the first travellers called them the glittering mountains, on account of the infinite number of immense rock crystals, which, they say, cover their surface, and which, when they are not covered with snow, or in the bare places, reflect to an immense distance the rays of the sun. the name of rocky mountains was given them, probably, by later travellers, in consequence of the enormous isolated rocks which they offer here and there to the view. in fact, millet's rock, and _m'gillivray's_ above all, appeared to me wonders of nature. some think that they contain metals, and precious stones. with the exception of the mountain sheep and goat, the animals of the rocky mountains, if these rocky passes support any, are not better known than their vegetable and mineral productions. the mountain sheep resorts generally to steep rocks, where it is impossible for men or even for wolves to reach them: we saw several on the rocks which surround the mountain house. this animal has great curved horns, like those of the domestic ram: its wool is long, but coarse; that on the belly is the finest and whitest. the indians who dwell near the mountains, make blankets of it, similar to ours, which they exchange with the indians of the columbia for fish, and other commodities. the ibex, or mountain goat, frequents, like the sheep, the top and the declivities of the rocks: it differs from the sheep in having hair instead of wool, and straight horns projecting backward, instead of curved ones. the color is also different. the natives soften the horns of these animals by boiling, and make platters, spoons, &c., of them, in a very artistic manner. mr. decoigne had not sufficient food for us, not having expected so many people to arrive at once. his hunters were then absent on _smoke_ river (so called by some travellers who saw in the neighborhood a volcanic mountain belching smoke), in quest of game. we were therefore compelled to kill one of the horses for food. we found no birch bark either to make canoes, and set the men to work in constructing some of wood. for want of better materials, we were obliged to use poplar. on the d, the three men whom we had left at the old-house, arrived in a little canoe made of two elk-skins sewed together, and stretched like a drum, on a frame of poles. on the th, four canoes being ready, we fastened them together two and two, and embarked, to descend the river to an old post called _hunter's lodge_, where mr. decoigne, who was to return with us to canada, informed us that we should find some bark canoes _en cache_, placed there for the use of the persons who descend the river. the water was not deep, and the stream was rapid; we glided along, so to speak, for ten or a dozen leagues, and encamped, having lost sight of the mountains. in proportion as we advanced, the banks of the river grew less steep, and the country became more agreeable. on the th, having only a little _pemican_ left, which we wished to keep, we sent forward a hunter in the little elk-skin canoe, to kill some game. about ten o'clock, we found him waiting for us with two moose that he had killed. he had suspended the hearts from the branch of a tree as a signal. we landed some men to help him in cutting up and shipping the game. we continued to glide safely down. but toward two o'clock, p.m., after doubling a point, we got into a considerable rapid, where, by the maladroitness of those who managed the double pirogue in which i was, we met with a melancholy accident. i had proposed to go ashore, in order to lighten the canoes, which were loaded to the water's edge; but the steersman insisted that we could go down safe, while the bow-man was turning the head of the pirogue toward the beach; by this manoeuvre we were brought athwart the stream, which was carrying us fast toward the falls; just then our frail bark struck upon a sunken rock; the lower canoe broke amid-ships and filled instantly, and the upper one being lighted, rolled over, precipitating us all into the water. two of our men, olivier roy lapensée and andré bélanger, were drowned; and it was not without extreme difficulty that we succeeded in saving messrs. pillet and wallace, as well as a man named _j. hurteau_. the latter was so far gone that we were obliged to have recourse to the usual means for the resuscitation of drowned persons. the men lost all their effects; the others recovered but a part of theirs; and all our provisions went. toward evening, in ascending the river (for i had gone about two miles below, to recover the effects floating down), we found the body of lapensée. we interred it as decently as we could, and planted at his grave a cross, on which i inscribed with the point of my knife, his name and the manner and date of his death. bélanger's body was not found. if anything could console the shades of the departed for a premature and unfortunate end, it would be, no doubt, that the funeral rites have been paid to their remains, and that they themselves have given their names to the places where they perished: it is thus that the shade of palinurus rejoiced in the regions below, at learning from the mouth of the sibyl, that the promontory near which he was drowned would henceforth be called by his name: _gaudet cognomine terra_. the rapid and the point of land where the accident i have described took place, will bear, and bears already, probably, the name of _lapensée_.[ag] [footnote ag: mr. franchere, not having the fear of the _abbé gaume_ before his eyes, so wrote in his journal of ; finding consolation in a thought savoring, we confess, more of virgil than of the catechism. it is a classic term that calls to our mind rough captain _thorn's_ sailor-like contempt for his literary passengers so comically described by mr. _irving_. half of the humor as well as of the real interest of mr. franchere's charming narrative, is lost by one who has never read "astoria."] on the th, a part of our people embarked in the three canoes which remained, and the others followed the banks of the river on foot. we saw in several places some veins of bituminous coal, on the banks between the surface of the water and that of the plain, say thirty feet below the latter; the veins had a dip of about °. we tried some and found it to burn well. we halted in the evening near a small stream, where we constructed some rafts, to carry all our people. on the th, i went forward in the little canoe of skins, with the two hunters. we soon killed an elk, which we skinned and suspended the hide, besmeared with blood, from the branch of a tree at the extremity of a point, in order that the people behind, as they came up, might perceive and take in the fruit of our chase. after fortifying ourselves with a little food, we continued to glide down, and encamped for the night near a thick wood where our hunters, from the tracks they observed, had hopes of encountering and capturing some bears. this hope was not realized. on the th, a little after quitting camp, we killed a swan. while i was busy cooking it, the hunters having plunged into the wood, i heard a rifle-shot, which seemed to me to proceed from a direction opposite to that which they had taken. they returned very soon running, and were extremely surprised to learn that it was not i who had fired it. nevertheless, the canoes and rafts having overtaken us, we continued to descend the river. very soon we met a bark canoe, containing two men and a woman, who were ascending the river and bringing letters and some goods for the _rocky mountains house_. we learned from these letters addressed to mr. decoigne, several circumstances of the war, and among others the defeat of captain barclay on lake erie. we arrived that evening at _hunter's lodge_, where we found four new birch-bark canoes. we got ready two of them, and resumed our journey down, on the st. mr. pillet set out before us with the hunters, at a very early hour. they killed an elk, which they left on a point, and which we took in. the country through which we passed that day is the most charming possible; the river is wide, handsome, and bordered with low outjutting points, covered with birch and poplar. on the st of june, in the evening, we encamped at the confluence of the river _pembina_. this stream comes from the south, and takes its rise in one of the spurs of the great chain of the rocky mountains; ascending it for two days, and crossing a neck of land about seventy-five miles, one reaches fort augustus, a trading post on the _saskatchawine_ river. messrs. m'donald and m'kenzie had taken this route, and had left for us half a sack of pemican in a _cache_, at the mouth of the river _pembina_. after landing that evening, mr. stuart and i amused ourselves with angling, but took only five or six small fish. on the d, we passed the confluence of _little slave lake_ river. at eight o'clock in the morning, we met a band or family of indians, of the _knisteneaux_ tribe. they had just killed a buffalo, which we bought of them for a small brass-kettle. we could not have had a more seasonable _rencontre_, for our provisions were all consumed. on the d, we reached _little red elk_ river, which we began to ascend, quitting the _athabasca_, or _great red elk_. this stream was very narrow in its channel, and obstructed with boulders: we were obliged to take to the shore, while some of the men dragged along the canoes. their method was to lash poles across, and wading themselves, lift the canoes over the rocks--a laborious and infinitely tedious operation. the march along the banks was not less disagreeable: for we had to traverse points of forest where the fire had passed, and which were filled with fallen trees. wallace and i having stopped to quench our thirst at a rill, the rest got in advance of us; and we lost our way in a labyrinth of buffalo tracks which we mistook for the trail, so that we wandered about for three hours before we came up with the party, who began to fear for our safety, and were firing signal-guns to direct us. as the river now grew deeper, we all embarked in the canoes, and about evening overtook our hunters, who had killed a moose and her two calves. we continued our journey on the th, sometimes seated in our canoes, sometimes marching along the river on foot, and encamped in the evening, excessively fatigued. chapter xxv. red deer lake.--antoine déjarlais.--beaver river.--n. nadeau.--moose river.--bridge lake.--saskatchawine river.--fort vermilion.--mr. hallet.--trading-houses.--beautiful country.--reflections. the th of june brought us to the beautiful sheet of water called _red deer lake_, irregular in shape, dotted with islands, and about forty miles in length by thirty in its greatest width. we met, about the middle of it, a small canoe conducted by two young women. they were searching for gulls' and ducks' eggs on the islands, this being the season of laying for those aquatics. they told us that their father was not far distant from the place where we met them. in fact, we presently saw him appear in a canoe with his two boys, rounding a little isle. we joined him, and learned that his name was antoine déjarlais; that he had been a guide in the service of the northwest company, but had left them since . on being made acquainted with our need of provisions, he offered us a great quantity of eggs, and made one of our men embark with his two daughters in their little canoe, to seek some more substantial supplies at his cabin, on the other side of the lake. he himself accompanied us as far as a portage of about twenty-five yards formed at the outlet of the lake by a beaver dam. having performed the portage, and passed a small pond or marsh, we encamped to await the return of our man. he arrived the next morning, with déjarlais, bringing us about fifty pounds of dried venison and from ten to twelve pounds of tallow. we invited our host to breakfast with us: it was the least we could do after the good offices he had rendered us. this man was married to an indian woman, and lived with his family, on the produce of his chase; he appeared quite contented with his lot. nobody at least disputed with him the sovereignty of red deer lake, of which he had; as it were, taken possession. he begged me to read for him two letters which he had had in his possession for two years, and of which he did not yet know the contents. they were from one of his sisters, and dated at _verchères_, in canada. i even thought that i recognised the handwriting of mr. l.g. labadie, teacher of that parish. at last, having testified to this good man, in suitable terms, our gratitude for the services he had rendered us, we quitted him and prosecuted our journey. after making two portages, we arrived on the banks of beaver river, which was here but a rivulet. it is by this route that the canoes ordinarily pass to reach little slave lake and the athabasca country, from the head of lake superior, via., _cumberland house_, on _english river_. we were obliged by the shallowness of the stream, to drag along our canoes, walking on a bottom or beach of sand, where we began to feel the importunity of the mosquitoes. one of the hunters scoured the woods for game but without success. by-and-by we passed a small canoe turned bottom up and covered with a blanket. soon after we came to a cabin or lodge, where we found an old canadian hunter named _nadeau_. he was reduced to the last stage of weakness, having had nothing to eat for two days. nevertheless, a young man who was married to one of his daughters, came in shortly after, with the good news that he had just killed a buffalo; a circumstance which determined us to encamp there for the night. we sent some of our men to get in the meat. nadeau gave us half of it, and told us that we should find, thirty miles lower down, at the foot of a pine tree, a _cache_, where he had deposited ten swan-skins, and some of martin, with a net, which he prayed us to take to the next trading-post. we quitted this good fellow the next morning, and pursued our way. arriving at the place indicated, we found the _cache_, and took the net, leaving the other articles. a short distance further, we came to moose river, which we had to ascend, in order to reach the lake of that name. the water in this river was so low that we were obliged entirely to unload the canoes, and to lash poles across them, as we had done before, that the men might carry them on their shoulders over the places where they could not be floated. having distributed the baggage to the remainder of the hands, we pursued our way through the woods, under the guidance of mr. decoigne. this gentleman, who had not passed here for nineteen years, soon lost his way, and we got separated into small parties, in the course of the afternoon, some going one way, and some another, in search of moose lake. but as we had outstripped the men who carried the baggage and the small stock of provision that old nadeau had given us, mr. wallace and i thought it prudent to retrace our steps and keep with the rear-guard. we soon met mr. pillet and one of the hunters. the latter, ferreting the woods on both sides of a trail that he had discovered, soon gave a whoop, to signify that we should stop. presently emerging from the underwood, he showed us a horsewhip which he had found, and from which and from other unmistakeable signs, he was confident the trail would lead either to the lake or a navigable part of the river. the men with the baggage then coming up, we entered the thicket single file, and were conducted by this path, in a very short time, to the river, on the banks of which were visible the traces of an old camping ground. the night was coming on; and soon after, the canoes arrived, to our great satisfaction; for we had begun to fear that they had already passed. the splashing of their paddles was a welcome sound, and we who had been wise enough to keep behind, all encamped together. very early on the th, i set out accompanied by one of the hunters, in quest of messrs. d. stuart, clarke and decoigne, who had gone on ahead, the night previous. i soon found mm. clarke and m'gillis encamped on the shore of the lake. the canoes presently arrived and we embarked; mm. stuart and decoigne rejoined us shortly after, and informed us that they had bivouacked on the shore of lac _puant_, or stinking lake, a pond situated about twelve miles e.n.e. from the lake we were now entering. finding ourselves thus reunited, we traversed the latter, which is about eighteen miles in circuit, and has very pretty shores. we encamped, very early, on an island, in order to use old nadeau's fishing net. i visited it that evening and brought back three carp and two water-hens. we left it set all night, and the next morning found in it twenty white-fish. leaving camp at an early hour, we gained the entrance of a small stream that descends between some hills of moderate elevation, and there stopped to breakfast. i found the white-fish more delicious in flavor, even than the salmon. we had again to foot it, following the bank of this little stream. it was a painful task, as we were obliged to open a path through thick underbrush, in the midst of a rain that lasted all day and kept us drenched. two men being left in each canoe, conveyed them up the river about thirty miles, as far as long lake--a narrow pond, on the margin of which we spent the night. on the th, we got through this lakelet, and entered another small stream, which it was necessary to navigate in the same manner as the preceding, and which conducted us to bridge lake. the latter received its name from a sort of bridge or causeway, formed at its southern extremity, and which is nothing more than a huge beaver dam. we found here a lodge, where were a young man and two women, who had charge of some horses appertaining to one of the hudson's bay trading houses. we borrowed of them half a dozen pack horses, and crossed the bridge with them. after surmounting a considerable hill, we reached an open, level, and dry prairie, which conducted us in about two hours to an ancient trading-post on the banks of the _saskatchawine_. knowing that we were near a factory, we made our toilets as well as we could, before arriving. toward sundown, we reached fort vermilion, which is situated on the bank of a river, at the foot of a superb hill. we found at this post some ninety persons, men, women, and children; these people depend for subsistence on the chase, and fishing with hooks and lines, which is very precarious. mr. hallet, the clerk in charge was absent, and we were dismayed to hear that there were no provisions on the place: a very disagreeable piece of news for people famished as we were. we had been led to suppose that if we could only reach the plains of the saskatchawine, we should be in the land of plenty. mr. hallet, however, was not long in arriving: he had two quarters of buffalo meat brought out, which had been laid in ice, and prepared us supper. mr. hallet was a polite sociable man, loving his ease passably well, and desirous of living in these wild countries, as people do in civilized lands. having testified to him our surprise at seeing in one of the buildings a large _cariole_, like those of canada, he informed us that having horses, he had had this carriage made in order to enjoy a sleigh-ride; but that the workmen having forgot to take the measure of the doors of the building before constructing it, it was found when finished, much too large for them, and could never be got out of the room where it was; and it was like to remain there a long time, as he was not disposed to demolish the house for the pleasure of using the cariole. by the side of the factory of the northwest company, is another belonging to the company of hudson's bay. in general these trading-houses are constructed thus, one close to the other, and surrounded with a common palisade, with a door of communication in the interior for mutual succor, in case of attack on the part of the indians. the latter, in this region, particularly the black-feet, _gros-ventres_, and those of the yellow river, are very ferocious: they live by the chase, but bring few furs to the traders; and the latter maintain these posts principally to procure themselves provisions. on the. th, after breakfasting at fort vermilion, we resumed our journey, with six or seven pounds of tallow for our whole stock of food. this slender supply brought us through to the evening of the third day, when we had for supper two ounces of tallow each. on the th, in the morning, we killed a wild goose, and toward midday, collected some flag-root and _choux-gras_, a wild herb, which we boiled with the small game: we did not forget to throw into the pot the little tallow we had left, and made a delicious repast. toward the decline of day, we had the good luck to kill a buffalo. on the th, mm. clarke and decoigne having landed during our course, to hunt, returned presently with the agreeable intelligence that they had killed three buffaloes. we immediately encamped, and sent the greater part of the men to cut up the meat and jerk it. this operation lasted till the next evening, and we set forward again in the canoes on the th, with about six hundred pounds of meat half cured. the same evening we perceived from our camp several herds of buffaloes, but did not give chase, thinking we had enough meat to take us to the next post. the river _saskatchawine_ flows over a bed composed of sand and marl, which contributes not a little to diminish the purity and transparency of its waters, which, like those of the missouri, are turbid and whitish. except for that it is one of the prettiest rivers in the world. the banks are perfectly charming, and offer in many places a scene the fairest, the most smiling, and the best diversified that can be seen or imagined: hills in varied forms, crowned with superb groves; valleys agreeably embrowned, at evening and morning, by the prolonged shadow of the hills, and of the woods which adorn them; herds of light-limbed antelopes, and heavy colossal buffalo--the former bounding along the slopes of the hills, the latter trampling under their heavy feet the verdure of the plains; all these champaign beauties reflected and doubled as it were, by the waters of the river; the melodious and varied song of a thousand birds, perched on the tree-tops; the refreshing breath of the zephyrs; the serenity of the sky; the purity and salubrity of the air; all, in a word, pours contentment and joy into the soul of the enchanted spectator. it is above all in the morning, when the sun is rising, and in the evening when he is setting, that the spectacle is really ravishing. i could not detach my regards from that superb picture, till the nascent obscurity had obliterated its perfection. then, to the sweet pleasure that i had tasted, succeeded a _triste_, not to say, a sombre, melancholy. how comes it to pass, i said to myself, that so beautiful a country is not inhabited by human creatures? the songs, the hymns, the prayers, of the laborer and the artisan, shall they never be heard in these fine plains? wherefore, while in europe, and above all in england, so many thousands of men do not possess as their own an inch of ground, and cultivate the soil of their country for proprietors who scarcely leave them whereon to support existence;--wherefore--do so many millions of acres of apparently fat and fertile land, remain uncultivated and absolutely useless? or, at least, why do they support only herds of wild animals? will men always love better to vegetate all their lives on an ungrateful soil, than to seek afar fertile regions, in order to pass in peace and plenty, at least the last portion of their days? but i deceive myself; it is not so easy as one thinks, for the poor man to better his condition: he has not the means of transporting himself to distant countries, or he has not those of acquiring a property there; for these untilled lands, deserted, abandoned, do not appertain to whoever wishes to establish himself upon them and reduce them to culture; they have owners, and from these must be purchased the right of rendering them productive! besides one ought not to give way to illusions: these countries, at times so delightful, do not enjoy a perpetual spring; they have their winter, and a rigorous one; a piercing cold is then spread through the atmosphere; deep snows cover the surface; the frozen rivers flow only for the fish; the trees are stripped of their leaves and hung with icicles; the verdure of the plains has disappeared; the hills and valleys offer but a uniform whiteness; nature has lost all her beauty; and man has enough to do, to shelter himself from the injuries of the inclement season. chapter xxvi. fort montée--cumberland house.--lake bourbon.--great winipeg rapids.--lake winipeg.--trading-house.--lake of the woods.--rainy lake house, &c. on the th of june (a day which its next anniversary was to render for ever celebrated in the annals of the world), we re-embarked at an early hour: and the wind rising, spread sail, a thing we had not done before, since we quitted the river columbia. in the afternoon the clouds gathered thick and black, and we had a gust, accompanied with hail, but of short duration; the weather cleared up again, and about sundown we arrived at _le fort de la montêe_, so called, on account of its being a depôt, where the traders going south, leave their canoes and take pack-horses to reach their several posts. we found here, as at fort vermilion, two trading-houses joined together, to make common cause against the indians; one belonging to the hudson's bay company, the other to the company of the northwest: the hudson's bay house being then under the charge of a mr. prudent, and the n.w. company's under a mr. john m'lean. mr. de roche blave, one of the partners of the last company having the superintendence of this district, where he had wintered, had gone to lake superior to attend the annual meeting of the partners. there were cultivated fields around the house; the barley and peas appeared to promise an abundant harvest. mr. m'lean received us as well as circumstances permitted; but that gentleman having no food to give us, and our buffalo meat beginning to spoil, we set off the next morning, to reach cumberland house as quick as possible. in the course of the day, we passed two old forts, one of which had been built by the french before the conquest of canada. according to our guide, it was the most distant western post that the french traders ever had in the northwestern wilderness. toward evening we shot a moose. the aspect of the country changes considerably since leaving _montée_; the banks of the river rise more boldly, and the country is covered with forests. on the th, we saw some elms--a tree that i had not seen hitherto, since my departure from canada. we reached fort cumberland a little before the setting of the sun. this post, called in english _cumberland house_, is situated at the outlet of the _saskatchawine_, where it empties into _english lake_, between the d and th degrees of north latitude. it is a depot for those traders who are going to slave lake or the athabasca, or are returning thence, as well as for those destined for the rocky mountains. it was under the orders of mr. j.d. campbell, who having gone down to fort william, however, had left it in charge of a mr. harrison. there are two factories, as at vermilion and la montée. at this place the traders who resort every year to fort william, leave their half-breed or indian wives and families, as they can live here at little expense, the lake abounding in fish. messrs. clarke and stuart, who were behind, arrived on the d, and in the evening we had a dance. they gave us four sacs of pemican, and we set off again, on the d, at eight a.m. we crossed the lake, and entered a small river, and having made some eighty or ninety miles under sail, encamped on a low shore, where the mosquitoes tormented us horribly all night. on the th, we passed _muddy_ lake, and entered lake _bourbon_, where we fell in with a canoe from _york_ factory, under the command of a mr. kennedy, clerk of the hudson's bay company. we collected some dozens of gulls' eggs, on the rocky islands of the lake: and stopping on one of the last at night, having a little flour left, mr. decoigne and i amused ourselves in making fritters for the next day's breakfast: an occupation, which despite the small amount of materials, employed us till we were surprised by the daybreak; the night being but brief at this season in that high latitude. at sunrise on the th, we were again afloat, passed lake _travers_, or _cross_ lake, which empties into lake winipeg by a succession of rapids; shot down these cascades without accident, and arrived, toward noon, at the great rapid _ouénipic_ or winipeg, which is about four miles long. we disembarked here, and the men worked down the canoes. at the foot of this rapid, which is the inlet of winipeg, we found an old canadian fisherman, who called himself _king of the lake_. he might fairly style himself king of the fish, which are abundant and which he alone enjoyed. having made a boil, and regaled ourselves with excellent sturgeon, we left this old man, and entered the great lake winipeg, which appeared to me like a sea of fresh water. this lake is now too well known to need a particular description: i will content myself with saying that it visibly yields in extent only to lake superior and great slave lake: it has for tributaries several large rivers, and among others the saskatchawine, the winipeg, in the east; and red river in the south; and empties into hudson's bay by the _nelson_, n.n.e., and the _severn_, e.n.e. the shores which it bathes are generally very low; it appears to have little depth, and is dotted with a vast number of islands, lying pretty close to land. we reached one called _egg island_, whence it was necessary to cross to the south to reach the main; but the wind was so violent that it was only at decline of day that we could perform the passage. we profited by the calm, to coast along all day and a part of the night of the th; but to pay for it, remained in camp on the th, till evening: the wind not suffering us to proceed. the wind having appeared to abate somewhat after sunset, we embarked, but were soon forced to land again. on the th, we passed the openings of several deep bays, and the isles of _st. martin_, and camped at the bottom of a little bay, where the mosquitoes did not suffer us to close our eyes all night. we were rejoiced when dawn appeared, and were eager to embark, to free ourselves from these inconvenient guests. a calm permitted us that day to make good progress with our oars, and we camped at _buffalo strait_. we saw that day two indian wigwams. the th brought us to winipeg river, which we began to ascend, and about noon reached port _bas de la rivière_. this trading post had more the air of a large and well-cultivated farm, than of a fur traders' factory: a neat and elegant mansion, built on a slight eminence, and surrounded with barns, stables, storehouses, &c., and by fields of barley, peas, oats, and potatoes, reminded us of the civilized countries which we had left so long ago. messrs. crébassa and kennedy, who had this post in charge, received us with all possible hospitality, and supplied us with all the political news which had been learned through the arrival of canoes from canada. they also informed us that messrs m'donald and de rocheblave had passed, a few days before our arrival, having been obliged to go up red river to stop the effusion of blood, which would probably have taken place but for their intervention, in the colony founded on that river by the earl of selkirk. mr. miles m'donnell, the governor of that colony, or rather of the _assiniboyne_ district, had issued a proclamation forbidding all persons whomsoever, to send provisions of any kind out of the district. the hudson's bay traders had conformed to this proclamation, but those of the northwest company paid no attention to it, thinking it illegal, and had sent their servants, as usual to get provisions up the river. mr. m'donnell having heard that several hundred sacks of pemican[ah] were laid up in a storehouse under the care of a mr. pritchard, sent to require their surrender: pritchard refused to deliver them, whereupon mr. m'donnell had them carried off by force. the traders who winter on little slave lake, english river, the athabasca country, &c., learning this, and being aware that they would not find their usual supply at _bas de la rivière_, resolved to go and recover the seized provisions by force, if they were not peaceably given up. things were in this position when messrs, de rocheblave and m'donald arrived. they found the canadian _voyageurs_ in arms, and ready to give battle to the colonists, who persisted in their refusal to surrender the bags of pemican. the two peacemakers visited the governor, and having explained to him the situation in which the traders of the northwest company would find themselves, by the want of necessary provisions to enable them to transport their peltries to fort william, and the exasperation of their men, who saw no other alternative for them, but to get possession of those provisions or to perish of hunger, requested him to surrender the same without delay. mr. m'donnell, on his part, pointed out the misery to which the colonists would be reduced by a failure in the supply of food. in consequence of these mutual representations, it was agreed that one half of the pemican should be restored, and the other half remain for the use of the colonists. thus was arranged, without bloodshed, the first difficulty which occurred between the rival companies of the northwest, and of hudson's bay. [footnote ah: _pemican_, of which i have already spoken several times, is the indian name for the dried and pounded meat which the natives sell to the traders. about fifty pounds of this meat is placed in a trough (_un grand vaisseau fait d'un tronc d'arbre_), and about an equal quantity of tallow is melted and poured over it; it is thoroughly mixed into one mass, and when cold, is put up in bags made of undressed buffalo hide, with the hair outside, and sewed up as tightly as possible. the meat thus impregnated with tallow, hardens, and will keep for years. it is eaten without any other preparation; but sometimes wild pears or dried berries are added, which render the flavor more agreeable.] having spent the st of july in repairing our canoes, we re-embarked on the d, and continued to ascend winipeg river, called also _white river_, on account of the great number of its cascades, which being very near each other, offer to the sight an almost continuous foam. we made that day twenty-seven portages, all very short. on the d, and th, we made nine more, and arrived on the th, at the _lake of the woods_. this lake takes its name from the great number of woody islands with which it is dotted. our guide pointed out to me one of these isles, telling me that a jesuit father had said mass there, and that it was the most remote spot to which those missionaries had ever penetrated. we encamped on one of the islands. the next day the wind did not allow us to make much progress. on the th, we gained the entrance of _rainy lake river_. i do not remember ever to have seen elsewhere so many mosquitoes as on the banks of this river. having landed near a little rapid to lighten the canoes, we had the misfortune, in getting through the brush, to dislodge these insects from under the leaves where they had taken refuge from the rain of the night before; they attached themselves to us, followed us into the canoes, and tormented us all the remainder of the day. on the th, at sunset, we reached _rainy lake house_. this fort is situated about a mile from a considerable rapid. we saw here cultivated fields and domestic animals, such as horses, oxen, cows, &c. the port is a depôt for the wintering parties of the athabasca, and others still more remote, who bring to it their peltries and return from it with their outfits of merchandise. mr. john dease, to whose charge the place had been confided, received us in the most friendly manner possible; and after having made an excellent supper, we danced a part of the evening. we took leave of mr. dease on the th, well provided for the journey, and passing round rainy lake falls, and then traversing the lake itself, which i estimated to be forty miles long, we encamped at the entrance of a small river. on the next day we pursued our way, now thridding streams impeded with wild rice, which rendered our progress difficult, now traversing little lakes, now passing straits where we scarcely found water to float our canoes. on the th, we encamped near _dog portage (portage des chiens_), where, from not having followed the advice of mr. dease, who had counselled us to take along a bag of pemican, we found ourselves absolutely without food. chapter xxvii. arrival at fort william.--description of the fort.--news from the river columbia. starving men are early-risers. we set out on the th before day, and effected the portage, which is long and difficult. at the foot of the rapid we found a sort of _restaurant_ or _cabaret_, kept by a man named _boucher_. we treated the men to a little _eau de vie_, and breakfasted on some detestable sausages, poisoned with salt. after this wretched repast, we set out again, and passed toward noon, the _mountain portage_. here the river _kaministiquia_ flings itself over a rock of immense height, and forms a fall scarcely less curious to see than that of niagara. below, the succession of falls and rapids is constant, so that we made no fewer than thirty-six portages in the course of the day. nevertheless we pursued our laborious way with good cheer, and without a murmur from our canadian boatmen, who kept their spirits up by singing their _voyageur_ songs. at last, at about nine o'clock in the evening, we arrived at fort william. fort william is situated on lake superior, at the mouth of the _kaministiquia_ river, about forty-five miles north of old _grand portage_. it was built in , when the two rival canadian companies were united, and was named in honor of mr. (now the honorable) william m'gillivray, principal agent of the northwest company. the proprietors, perceiving that the old fort of _grand portage_ was on the territory claimed by the american government, resolved to demolish it and build another on the british territory. no site appeared more advantageous than the present for the purposes intended; the river is deep, of easy access, and offers a safe harbor for shipping. it is true they had to contend with all the difficulties consequent on a low and swampy soil; but by incredible labor and perseverance they succeeded in draining the marshes and reducing the loose and yielding soil to solidity. fort william has really the appearance of a fort, with its palisade fifteen feet high, and that of a pretty village, from the number of edifices it encloses. in the middle of a spacious square rises a large building elegantly constructed, though of wood, with a long piazza or portico, raised about five feet from the ground, and surmounted by a balcony, extending along the whole front. in the centre is a saloon or hall, sixty feet in length by thirty in width, decorated with several pieces of painting, and some portraits of the leading partners. it is in this hall that the agents, partners, clerks, interpreters, and guides, take their meals together, at different tables. at each extremity of the apartment are two rooms; two of these are destined for the two principal agents; the other two to the steward and his department. the kitchen and servants' rooms are in the basement. on either side of this edifice, is another of the same extent, but of less elevation; they are each divided by a corridor running through its length, and contain each, a dozen pretty bed-rooms. one is destined for the wintering partners, the other for the clerks. on the east of the square is another building similar to the last two, and intended for the same use, and a warehouse where the furs are inspected and repacked for shipment. in the rear of these, are the lodging-house of the guides, another fur-warehouse, and finally, a powder magazine. the last is of stone, and has a roof covered with tin. at the angle is a sort of bastion, or look-out place, commanding a view of the lake. on the west side is seen a range of buildings, some of which serve for stores, and others for workshops; there is one for the equipment of the men, another for the fitting out of the canoes, one for the retail of goods, another where they sell liquors, bread, pork, butter, &c., and where a treat is given to the travellers who arrive. this consists in a white loaf, half a pound of butter, and a gill of rum. the _voyageurs_ give this tavern the name of _cantino salope_. behind all this is another range, where we find the counting-house, a fine square building, and well-lighted; another storehouse of stone, tin-roofed; and a _jail_, not less necessary than the rest. the _voyageurs_ give it the name of _pot au beurre_--the butter-tub. beyond these we discover the shops of the carpenter, the cooper, the tinsmith, the blacksmith, &c.; and spacious yards and sheds for the shelter, reparation, and construction of canoes. near the gate of the fort, which is on the south, are the quarters of the physician, and those of the chief clerk. over the gate is a guard-house. as the river is deep at its entrance, the company has had a wharf constructed, extending the whole length of the fort, for the discharge of the vessels which it keeps on lake superior, whether to transport its furs from fort william to the _saut ste. marie_, or merchandise and provisions from _saut ste. marie_ to fort william. the land behind the fort and on both sides of it, is cleared and under tillage. we saw barley, peas, and oats, which had a very fine appearance. at the end of the clearing is the burying-ground. there are also, on the opposite bank of the river, a certain number of log-houses, all inhabited by old canadian _voyageurs_, worn out in the service of the company, without having enriched themselves. married to women of the country, and incumbered with large families of half-breed children, these men prefer to cultivate a little indian corn and potatoes, and to fish, for a subsistence, rather than return to their native districts, to give their relatives and former acquaintance certain proofs of their misconduct or their imprudence. fort william is the grand depôt of the northwest company for their interior posts, and the general _rendezvous_ of the partners. the agents from montreal and the wintering partners assemble here every summer, to receive the returns of the respective outfits, prepare for the operations of the ensuing season, and discuss the general interests of their association. the greater part of them were assembled at the time of our arrival. the wintering hands who are to return with their employers, pass also a great part of the summer here; they form a great encampment on the west side of the fort, outside the palisades. those who engage at montreal to go no further than fort william or _rainy lake_, and who do not _winter_, occupy yet another space, on the east side. the winterers, or _hivernants_, give to these last the name of _mangeurs de lard_, or pork-eaters. they are also called _comers-and-goers_. one perceives an astonishing difference between these two camps, which are composed sometimes of three or four hundred men each; that of the pork-eaters is always dirty and disorderly, while that of the winterers is clean and neat. to clear its land and improve its property, the company inserts a clause in the engagement of all who enter its service as canoe-men, that they shall work for a certain number of days during their stay at fort william. it is thus that it has cleared and drained the environs of the fort, and has erected so many fine buildings. but when a hand has once worked the stipulated number of days, he is for ever after exempt, even if he remain in the service twenty or thirty years, and should come down to the fort every summer. they received us very courteously at fort william, and i perceived by the reception given to myself in particular, that thanks to the chinook dialect of which i was sufficiently master, they would not have asked better than to give me employment, on advantageous terms. but i felt a great deal more eagerness to arrive in montreal, than desire to return to the river columbia. a few days after we reached fort william, mr. keith made his appearance there from fort george, or astoria, with the news of the arrival of the "isaac todd" in the columbia river. this vessel, which was a dull sailer, had been kept back a long time by contrary winds in doubling cape horn, and had never been able to rejoin the vessels-of-war, her consorts, from which she was then separated. when she reached the _rendezvous_ at the island of juan fernandez, finding that the three ships-of-war had sailed, the captain and passengers, as they were short of provisions, determined to range the coast. entering the harbor of _monterey_,[ai] on the coast of california, in order to obtain provisions, they learned that there was an english vessel-of-war in distress, in the bay of _san francisco_.[aj] they repaired thither accordingly, and found, to their great surprise, that it was the sloop _raccoon_. this vessel, in getting out of the river columbia, had touched on the bar, with such violence, that a part of her false keel was carried away; and she had with difficulty made san francisco, with seven feet of water in the hold, although her crew had been constantly at the pumps. captain black, finding it impossible to repair his ship, had decided to abandon her, and to cross the continent to the gulf of mexico, thence to reach some of the british west india islands. however, on the arrival of the isaac todd, means were found to careen the vessel and repair the damage. the isaac todd then pursued her voyage and entered the columbia on the th of april, thirteen months after her departure from england. [footnote ai: a spanish mission or presidency, in about the th degree of latitude.] [footnote aj: another spanish presidency, in about the th degree of latitude, and the first european establishment to be met with south of the columbia. [these now obsolete notes are interesting as indicative of the period when they were written.--ed.]] chapter xxviii. departure from fort william.--navigation on lake superior.--michipicoton bay.--meeting a canoe.--batchawainon bay.--arrival at saut ste marie.--occurrences there.--departure.--lake huron.--french river.--lake nipissing.--ottawa river.--kettle falls.--rideau river.--long-saut.--arrival in montreal--conclusion. on the th of july, in the evening, mr. d. stuart notified me that he should start the next morning for montreal, in a light canoe. i immediately wrote to my relatives: but the next morning mr. stuart told me that i was to be myself the bearer of my letters, by embarking with him. i got ready my effects, and toward evening we quitted fort william, with fourteen stout _voyageurs_ to man our large canoe, and were soon floating on the bosom of the largest body of fresh water on the surface of the globe. we counted six passengers, namely, messrs. d. stuart, d. m'kenzie, j. m'donald, j. clarke, myself, and a little girl of eight or nine years, who came from kildonan, on red river. we passed the first night on one of the islands in _thunder bay_, so named on account of the frequent storms, accompanied with lightning and thunder, which burst over it at certain seasons of the year. on the d and d, we continued to range the southern coast of lake superior. the navigation of this superb lake would be extremely agreeable but for the thick fogs which reign during a part of the day, and do not permit a rapid progress. on the th, we dined at a small trading establishment called _le pic_, where we had excellent fish. on the th, we crossed _michipicoton bay_, which, at its entrance, may be nine miles wide, and twenty fathoms deep. as we were nearing the eastern point, we met a small canoe, having on board captain m'cargo, and the crew of one of the schooners owned by the company. mr. m'cargo informed us that he had just escaped from _saut ste. marie_, whither the americans had sent a detachment of one hundred and fifty men; and that having been obliged to abandon his schooner, he had set fire to her. in consequence of this news it was resolved that the canoe on which we were proceeding, should return to fort william. i embarked, with mr. stuart and two men, in captain m'cargo's canoe, while he and his crew took our places. in the haste and confusion of this exchange, which was made on the lake, they gave us a ham, a little tea and sugar, and a bag containing about twenty-five pounds of flour, but forgot entirely a kettle, knives, forks, and so on, all articles which mr. m'cargo had not time to take when he left _saut ste. marie_. we subsisted miserably in consequence for two days and a half that we continued to coast the lake before reaching any post. we moistened in the bag a little flour, and having kneaded it, made cakes, which we baked on flat stones by our camp fire. on the th, we reached batchawainon, where we found some women, who prepared us food and received us well. it is a poor little post, situated at the bottom of a sandy cove, which offers nothing agreeable to the eye. mr. frederic goedike, who resided here, was gone to see what had taken place at saut ste. marie. he returned the next day, and told us that the americans had come, with a force of one hundred and fifty men, under the command of major holmes; and that after having pillaged that they all considered worth taking, of the property of the n.w. company and that of a mr. johnston, they had set fire to the houses, warehouses, &c., belonging to the company and to that gentleman, and retired, without molesting any other person.[ak] our canoe arrived from fort william in the evening, with that of mr. m'gillivray; and on the morrow we all repaired to saut ste. marie, where we saw the ruins which the enemy had left. the houses, stores, and saw-mills of the company were still smoking. [footnote ak: the n.w. company having raised a regiment composed of their own servants, and known as the _voyageur corps_, and having also instigated to war, and armed, the indian tribes, over which they had influence, had brought on themselves this act of retaliation. mr. johnston also had engaged actively in the war against the united states.] the schooner was at the foot of the rapids; the americans had run her down, but she grounded on a ledge of rocks, whence they could not dislodge her, and so they had burnt her to the water's edge. _le saut de ste. marie_, or as it is shortly called, _saut ste. marie_, is a rapid at the outlet of lake superior, and may be five hundred or six hundred yards wide; its length may be estimated at three quarters of a mile, and the descent of the water at about twenty feet. at the lower extremity the river widens to about a mile, and here there are a certain number of houses. the north bank belongs to great britain; the southern to the united states. it was on the american side that mr. johnston lived. before the war he was collector of the port for the american government. on the same side resided a mr. nolin, with his family, consisting of three half-breed boys and as many girls, one of whom was passably pretty. he was an old indian trader, and his house and furniture showed signs of his former prosperity. on the british side we found mr. charles ermatinger, who had a pretty establishment: he dwelt temporarily in a house that belonged to nolin, but he was building another of stone, very elegant, and had just finished a grist mill. he thought that the last would lead the inhabitants to sow more grain than they did. these inhabitants are principally old canadian boatmen, married to half-breed or indian women. the fish afford them subsistence during the greater part of the year, and provided they secure potatoes enough to carry them through the remainder, they are content. it is to be regretted that these people are not more industrious, for the land is very fertile. on the st of august, an express was sent to _michilimackinac_ (mackinaw) to inform the commandant thereof what had happened at _saut ste. marie_. while expecting the return of the messenger, we put ourselves in a state of defence, in case that by chance the americans should make another irruption. the thing was not improbable, for according to some expressions which fell from one of their number who spoke french, their objects was to capture the furs of the northwest company, which were expected to arrive shortly from the interior. we invited some indians, who were camped on _pine point_, at some distance from the _saut_, to help us in case of need; which they promised to do. meanwhile we had no provisions, as everything had been carried off by the american forces, and were obliged to subsist on such brook trout as we could take with hook and line, and on wild raspberries. on the th, the express returned, without having been able to accomplish his mission: he had found the island of mackinaw so completely blockaded by the enemy, that it was impossible to reach it, without running the greatest risk of being made prisoner. on the th, we heard distinctly the discharges of artillery which our people were firing off at michilimackinac, although the distance was nearly sixty miles. we thought it was an attempt of the enemy to retake that post, but we afterward learned that it was only a royal salute in honor of the birthday of the prince regent. we learned, however, during our stay at saut ste. marie, that the americans had really made a descent upon the island, but were compelled to retire with a considerable loss. on the th, some of the partners arrived from fort william, preceding the flotilla which was coming down richly laden with furs. they sent on mr. decoigne in a light canoe, with letters to montreal, to order provisions to meet this brigade. on the st, the canoe on which i was a passenger, was sent to the mouth of _french_ river, to observe the motions of the enemy. the route lay between a range of low islands, and a shelvy beach, very monotonous and dreary. we remained at the entrance of the aforesaid river till the th, when the fleet of loaded canoes, forty-seven in number, arrived there. the value of the furs which they carried could not be estimated at less than a million of dollars: an important prize for the americans, if they could have laid their hands upon it. we were three hundred and thirty-five men, all well armed; a large camp was formed, with a breast-work of fur-packs, and we kept watch all night. the next morning we began to ascend french river, and were soon out of reach of the dreaded foe. french river flows from the n.e. and empties into lake huron, about one hundred and twenty miles from saut ste. marie. we reached lake nipissing, of which it is the outlet, the same evening, and encamped. we crossed that lake on the th, made a number of portages, and encamped again, not far from _mattawan_. on the th we entered, at an early hour, the river _ottawa_, and encamped, in the evening, at the _portage des deux joachims_. this is a grand river, but obstructed by many falls and rapids on its way to join the st. lawrence; which caused us to make many portages, and so we arrived on the st at _kettle falls_. the rock which here arrests the course of the _ottawa_, extends from shore to shore, and so completely cuts off the waters, that at the time we passed none was seen falling over, but sinking by subterranean channels, or fissures in the rock, it boiled up below, from seven or eight different openings, not unlike water in a huge caldron, whence the first explorers of the country gave it the name of _chaudière_ or caldron falls. mr. p. wright resided in this place, where he had a fine establishment and a great number of men employed in cultivating the land, and getting out lumber. we left the _chaudières_ a little before sunset, and passed very soon the confluence of the _rideau_ or _curtain river_. this river, which casts itself into the ottawa over a rock twenty-five by thirty feet high, is divided in the middle of the fall by a little island, which parts the waters into two white sheets, resembling a double curtain open in the middle and spreading out below. the _coup d'oeil_ is really picturesque; the rays of the setting sun, which struck the waters obliquely as we passed, heightened exceedingly their beauty, and rendered it worthy of a pencil more skilful than mine. we voyaged till midnight, when we stopped to let our men take a little repose. this rest was only for two hours. at sunrise on the st september, we reached _long-saut_, where, having procured guides, we passed that dangerous rapid, and set foot on shore near the dwelling-house of a mr. m'donell, who sent us milk and fruits for our breakfast. toward noon we passed the lake of the two mountains, where i began to see the mountain of my native isle. about two o'clock, we passed the rapids of st. ann.[al] soon after we came opposite _saut st. louis_ and the village of _caughnawago_, passed that last rapid of so many, and landed at montreal, a little before sunset. [footnote al: "far-famed and so well described," adds mr. franchere, in his own translation, but i prefer to leave the expression in its original striking simplicity, as he wrote it before he had heard of moore. every reader remembers:-- "soon as the woods on shore grow dim, we'll sing at st. ann's our parting hymn." _canadian boatman's song_.] i hastened to the paternal roof, where the family were not less surprised than overjoyed at beholding me. not having heard of me, since i had sailed from new york, they had believed, in accordance with the common report, that i had been murdered by the savages, with mr. m'kay and the crew of the tonquin: and certainly, it was by the goodness of providence that i found myself thus safe and sound, in the midst of my relations and friends, at the end of a voyage accompanied by so many perils, and in which so many of my companions had met with an untimely death. chapter xxix. present state of the countries visited by the author.--correction of mr. irving's statements respecting st. louis. the last chapter closes the original french narrative of my travels around and across the continent, as published thirty-three years ago. the translation follows that narrative as exactly as possible, varying from it only in the correction of a few not very important errors of fact. it speaks of places and persons as i spoke of them then. i would not willingly lose the verisimilitude of this natural and unadorned description, in order to indulge in any new turns of style or more philosophical reflections. but since that period many changes have occurred in the scenes which i so long ago visited and described. though they are well known, i may be pardoned for alluding to them. the natives of the sandwich islands, who were in a state of paganism at that time, have since adopted a form of christianity, have made considerable progress in imitating the civilization of europe, and even, at this moment, begin to entertain the idea of annexation to the united states. it appears, however, that the real natives are rapidly dwindling away by the effects of their vices, which an exotic and ill-assimilated civilization has rather increased than diminished, and to which religion has not succeeded in applying a remedy. at the mouth of the columbia, whole tribes, and among them, the _clatsops_, have been swept away by disease. here again, licentious habits universally diffused, spread a fatal disorder through the whole nation, and undermining the constitutions of all, left them an easy prey to the first contagion or epidemic sickness. but missionaries of various christian sects have labored among the indians of the columbia also; not to speak of the missions of the catholic church, so well known by the narrative of father de smet and others; and numbers have been taught to cultivate the soil, and thus to provide against the famines to which they were formerly exposed from their dependence on the precarious resources of the chase; while others have received, in the faith of christ, the true principle of national permanence, and a living germ of civilization, which may afterward be developed. emigration has also carried to the oregon the axe of the settler, as well as the canoe and pack of the fur-trader. the fertile valleys and prairies of the willamet--once the resort of the deer, the elk, and the antelope, are now tilled by the industrious husbandman. oregon city, so near old "astoria," whose first log fort i saw and described, is now an archiepiscopal see, and the capital of a territory, which must soon be a state of the union. of the regions east of the mountains described in my itinerary, little can be said in respect to improvement: they remain in the same wild state. the interest of the hudson's bay company, as an association of fur-traders, is opposed to agricultural improvements, whose operation would be to drive off and extinguish the wild animals that furnish their commerce with its object. but on lake superior steamboats have supplanted the birch-bark canoe of the indian and the fur-trader, and at saut ste. marie, especially on the american side, there is now every sign of prosperity. how remote and wild was the region beyond, through which i passed, may be estimated by the fact that in thirty-eight years the onward-rolling wave of our population has but just reached its confines. canada, although it has not kept pace with the united states, has yet wonderfully advanced in forty years. the valley of the ottawa, that great artery of the st. lawrence, where i thought it worth while to notice the residence of an enterprising farmer and lumber merchant, is now a populous district, well cultivated, and sprinkled with villages, towns, and cities. the reader, in perusing my first chapter, found a description of the city of new york in , and of the neighboring village of brooklyn. it would be superfluous to establish a comparison at this day. at that time, it will be observed, the mere breaking out of war between america and england was thought to involve the sacrifice of an american commercial establishment on the pacific, on the ground of its supplies being necessarily cut off (it was supposed), and of the united states government being unable to protect it from hostile attack. at present it suffices to remark that while new york, then so inconsiderable a port, is now perhaps the third city in the world, the united states also, are, undoubtedly, a first-rate power, unassailable at home, and formidable abroad, to the greatest nations. as in my preface i alluded to mr. irving's "astoria," as reflecting, in my opinion, unjustly, upon the young men engaged in the first expedition to the mouth of the columbia, it may suffice here to observe, without entering into particulars, that my narrative, which i think answers for its own fidelity, clearly shows that some of them, at least did not want courage, activity, zeal for the interests of the company, while it existed, and patient endurance of hardship. and although it forms no part of the narrative or my voyage, yet as subsequent visits to the west and an intimate knowledge of st. louis, enable me to correct mr. irving's poetical rather than accurate description of that place, i may well do it here. st. louis now bids fair to rival ere long the "queen of the west;" mr. irving describes her as a small trading place, where trappers, half-breeds, gay, frivolous canadian boatmen, &c., &c., congregated and revelled, with that lightness and buoyancy of spirit inherited from their french forefathers; the indolent creole of st. louis caring for little more than the enjoyment of the present hour; a motley population, half-civilized, half-barbarous, thrown, on his canvas, into one general, confused (i allow highly _picturesque_) mass, without respect of persons: but it is fair to say, with due homage to the talent of the sketcher, who has verged slightly on caricature in the use of that humor-loving pencil admired by all the world, that st. louis even then contained its noble, industrious, and i may say, princely merchants; it could boast its _chouteaus_, _soulands_, _céré_, _chéniers_, _vallées_, and _la croix_, with other kindred spirits, whose descendants prove the worth of their sires by their own, and are now among the leading business men, as their fathers were the pioneers, of the flourishing st. louis. with these remarks, which i make simply as an act of justice in connection with the general subject of the founding of "astoria," but in which i mean to convey no imputation on the intentional fairness of the accomplished author to whom i have alluded, i take a respectful leave of my readers. appendix.[am] in chapter xvii. i promised the reader to give him an account of the fate of some of the persons who left astoria before, and after its sale or transfer to the british. i will now redeem that pledge. [footnote am: we have thought it best to give this appendix, excepting some abbreviations rendered necessary to avoid repetition of what has been stated before, in mr. franchere's own words, particularly as a specimen of his own english style may be justly interesting to the reader.] messrs. ramsay crooks, r. m'lelland, and robert stuart, after enduring all sorts of fatigue, dangers and hair-breadth escapes with their lives--all which have been so graphically described by washington irving in his "astoria," finally reached st. louis and new york. mr. clapp went to the marquesas islands, where he entered into the service of his country in the capacity of midshipman under commodore porter--made his escape from there in company with lieutenant gamble of the marine corps, by directions of the commodore, was captured by the british, landed at buenos ayres, and finally reached new york. d. m'dougall, as a reward for betraying the trust reposed in him by mr. astor, was made a partner of the northwest company, crossed the mountains, and died a miserable death at _bas de la rivière_, winipeg. donald m'kenzie, his coadjutor, went back to the columbia river, where he amassed a considerable fortune, with which he retired, and lived in chautauque county in this state, where he died a few years since unknown and neglected:--he was a very selfish man, who cared for no one but himself. it remains only to speak of messrs. j.c. halsey, russell, farnham, and alfred seton, who, it will be remembered, embarked with mr. hunt on the "pedlar," in feb. . leaving the river about the st of april, they proceeded to the russian establishment at sitka, norfolk sound, where they fell in with two or three more american vessels, which had come to trade with the natives or to avoid the british cruisers. while there, a sail under british colors appeared, and mr. hunt sent mr. seton to ascertain who she was. she turned out to be the "forester," captain pigott, a repeating signal ship and letter-of-marque, sent from england in company of a fleet intended for the south seas. on further acquaintance with the captain, mr. seton (from whom i derive these particulars) learned a fact which has never before been published, and which will show the solicitude and perseverance of mr. astor. after despatching the "lark" from new york, fearing that she might be intercepted by the british, he sent orders to his correspondent in england to purchase and fit out a british bottom, and despatch her to the columbia to relieve the establishment. when mr. hunt learned this fact, he determined to leave mr. halsey at sitka, and proceeding himself northward, landed mr. farnham on the coast of _kamskatka_, to go over land with despatches for mr. astor. mr. farnham accomplished the journey, reached hamburg, whence he sailed for the west indies, and finally arrived at new york, having made the entire circuit of the globe. the "pedlar" then sailed to the southeast, and soon reached the coast of california, which she approached to get a supply of provisions. nearing one of the harbors, they descried a vessel at anchor inside, showing american colors. hauling their wind, they soon came close to the stranger, which, to their surprise, turned out to be the spanish corvette "santa barbara," which sent boats alongside the "pedlar," and captured her, and kept possession of the prize for some two months, during which they dropped down to _san blas_. here mr. hunt proposed to mr. seton to cross the continent and reach the united states the best way he could. mr. seton, accordingly, went to the isthmus of darien, where he was detained several months by sickness, but finally reached carthagena, where a british fleet was lying in the roads, to take off the english merchants, who in consequence of the revolutionary movements going on, sought shelter under their own flag. here mr. seton, reduced to the last stage of destitution and squalor, boldly applied to captain bentham, the commander of the squadron, who, finding him to be a gentleman, offered him every needful assistance, gave him a berth in his own cabin, and finally landed him safely on the island of jamaica, whence he, too, found his way to new york. of all those engaged in the expedition there are now but four survivors--ramsay crooks, esq. the late president of the american fur company; alfred seton, esq., vice-president of the sun mutual insurance company; both of new york city; benjamin pillet of canada; and the author, living also in new york. all the rest have paid the debt of nature, but their names are recorded in the foregoing pages. notwithstanding the illiberal remarks made by captain thorn on the persons who were on board the ill-fated tonquin, and reproduced by mr. irving in his "astoria"--these young men who were represented as "bar keepers or billiard markers, most of whom had fled from justice, &c."--i feel it a duty to say that they were for the most part, of good parentage, liberal education and every way were qualified to discharge the duties of their respective stations. the remarks on the general character of the voyageurs employed as boat-men and mechanics, and the attempt to cast ridicule on their "braggart and swaggering manners" come with a bad grace from the author of "astoria," when we consider that in that very work mr. irving is compelled to admit their indomitable energy, their fidelity to their employers, and their cheerfulness under the most trying circumstances in which men can be placed. with respect to captain thorn, i must confess that though a stern commander and an irritable man, he paid the strictest attention to the health of his crew. his complaints of the squalid appearance of the canadians and mechanics who were on board, can be abated of their force by giving a description of the accommodation of these people. the tonquin was a small ship; its forecastle was destined for the crew performing duty before the mast. the room allotted for the accommodation of the twenty men destined for the establishment, was abaft the forecastle; a bulk-head had been let across, and a door led from the forecastle into a dark, unventilated, unwholesome place, where they were all heaped together, without means of locomotion, and consequently deprived of that exercise of the body so necessary to health. add to that, we had no physician on board. in view of these facts, can the complaints of the gallant captain be sustained? of course mr. irving was ignorant of these circumstances, as well as of many others which he might have known, had some one suggested to him to ask a few questions of persons who were within his reach at the time of his publication. i have (i need scarcely say) no personal animosity against the unfortunate captain; he always treated me, individually, as well as i could expect; and if, in the course of my narrative, i have been severe on his actions, i was impelled by a sense of justice to my friends on board, as well as by the circumstance that such explanations of his general deportment were requisite to convey the historical truth to my readers. the idea of a conspiracy against him on board is so absurd that it really does not deserve notice. the threat, or rather the proposal made to him by mr. m'kay, in the following words--"if you say fight, fight it is"--originated in a case where one of the sailors had maltreated a canadian lad, who came to complain to mr. m'kay. the captain would not interpose his authority, and said in my presence, "let them fight out their own battles:"--it was upon that answer that mr. m'kay gave vent to the expression quoted above. i might go on with a long list of inaccuracies, more or less grave or trivial, in the beautifully written work of mr. irving, but it would be tedious to go through the whole of them. the few remarks to which i have given place above, will suffice to prove that the assertion made in the preface was not unwarranted. it is far from my intention to enter the lists with a man of the literary merit and reputation of mr. irving, but as a narrator of events of which i was an eyewitness, i felt bound to tell the truth, although that truth might impugn the historical accuracy of a work which ranks as a classic in the language. at the same time i entirely exonerate mr. irving from any intention of prejudicing the minds of his readers, as he doubtless had only in view to support the character of his friend: that sentiment is worthy of a generous heart, but it should not be gratified, nor would he wish to gratify it, i am sure, at the expense of the character of others. note by the editor. perhaps even contrary to the wish of mr. franchere, i have left the above almost word for word as he wrote it. it is a part of the history of the affairs related as well in mr. irving's astoria as in the present volume, that the reclamations of one of the clerks on that famous and unfortunate voyage of the tonquin, against the disparaging description of himself and his colleagues given in the former work, should be fairly recorded. at the same time, i can not help stating my own impression that a natural susceptibility, roused by those slighting remarks from captain thorn's correspondence, to which mr. irving as an historian gives currency, has somewhat blinded my excellent friend to the tone of banter, so characteristic of the chronicler of the knickerbockers, in which all these particulars are given, more as traits of the character of the stern old sea-captain, with his hearty contempt for land-lubbers and literary clerks, than as a dependable account of the persons on board his ship, some of whom might have been, and as we see by the present work, were, in fact, very meritorious characters, for whose literary turn, and faithful journalizing (which seems to have especially provoked the captain's wrath), now at the end of more than forty years, we have so much reason to be thankful. certainly mr. irving himself, who has drawn frequently on mr. franchere's narrative, could not, from his well-known taste in such matters, be insensible to the defoe-like simplicity thereof, nor to the picturesque descriptions, worthy of a professional pen, with which it is sprinkled. the end. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) the log school-house on the columbia a tale of the pioneers of the great northwest by hezekiah butterworth author of the zigzag books illustrated [illustration] new york d. appleton and company [illustration: _gretchen at the potlatch feast._] preface. a year or more ago one of the librarians in charge of the young people's books in the boston public library called my attention to the fact that there were few books of popular information in regard to the pioneers of the great northwest. the librarian suggested that i should write a story that would give a view of the heroic lives of the pioneers of oregon and washington. soon after this interview i met a distinguished educator who had lately returned from the columbia river, who told me the legend of the old chief who died of grief in the grave of his son, somewhat in the manner described in this volume. the legend had those incidental qualities that haunt a susceptible imagination, and it was told to me in such a dramatic way that i could not put it out of my mind. a few weeks after hearing this haunting legend i went over the rocky mountains by the canadian pacific railway, and visited the columbia river and the scenes associated with the indian story. i met in washington, yesler, denney, and hon. elwood evans, the historian; visited the daughter of seattle, the chief, "old angeline"; and gathered original stories in regard to the pioneers of the puget sound country from many sources. in this atmosphere the legend grew upon me, and the outgrowth of it is this volume, which, amid a busy life of editorial and other work, has forced itself upon my experience. h.b. worcester street, boston, july , contents. chapter i. gretchen's violin ii. the chief of the cascades iii. "boston tilicum" iv. mrs. woods's tame bear, little "roll over" v. the nest of the fishing eagle vi. the mountain lion vii. the "smoke-talk" viii. the black eagle's nest of the falls of the missouri ix. gretchen's visit to the old chief of the cascades x. mrs. woods meets little "roll over" again xi. marlowe mann's new robinson crusoe xii. old joe meek and mr. spaulding xiii. a warning xiv. the potlatch xv. the traumerei again xvi. a silent tribe xvii. a desolate home and a desolate people xviii. the lifted cloud--the indians come to the schoolmaster historical notes. i. vancouver ii. the oregon trail iii. governor stevens iv. seattle the chief v. whitman's ride for oregon vi. mount saint helens list of illustrations. gretchen at the potlatch feast e. j. austen (frontispiece) indians spearing fish at salmon falls "here were mountains grander than olympus." the north puyallup glacier, mount tacoma in the midst of this interview mrs. woods appeared at the door of the cabin a. e. pope the eagle soared away in the blue heavens, and the flag streamed after him in his talons e.j. austen the mountain lion d. carter beard an indian village on the columbia afar loomed mount hood a castellated crag arose solitary and solemn at the cascades of the columbia multnomah falls in earlier years. redrawn by walter c. greenough the old chief stood stoical and silent. e. j. austen middle block-house at the cascades chapter i. gretchen's violin. an elderly woman and a german girl were walking along the old indian trail that led from the northern mountains to the columbia river. the river was at this time commonly called the oregon, as in bryant's poem: "where rolls the oregon, and no sound is heard save its own dashings." the girl had a light figure, a fair, open face, and a high forehead with width in the region of ideality, and she carried under her arm a long black case in which was a violin. the woman had lived in one of the valleys of the oregon for several years, but the german girl had recently arrived in one of the colonies that had lately come to the territory under the missionary agency of the rev. jason lee. there came a break in the tall, cool pines that lined the trail and that covered the path with glimmering shadows. through the opening the high summits of mount st. helens glittered like a city of pearl, far, far away in the clear, bright air. the girl's blue eyes opened wide, and her feet stumbled. "there, there you go again down in the hollow! haven't you any eyes? i would think you had by the looks of them. well, gretchen, they were placed right in the front of your head so as to look forward; they would have been put in the top of your head if it had been meant that you should look up to the sky in that way. what is it you see?" "oh, mother, i wish i was--an author." "an author! what put that into your simple head? you meant to say you would like to be a poet, but you didn't dare to, because you know i don't approve of such things. people who get such flighty ideas into their loose minds always find the world full of hollows. no, gretchen, i am willing you should play on the violin, though some of the methody do not approve of that; and that you should finger the musical glasses in the evening--they have a religious sound and soothe me, like; but the reading of poetry and novels i never did countenance, except methody hymns and the 'fool of quality,' and as for the writing of poetry, it is a boston notion and an ornary habit. nature is all full of poetry out here, and what this country needs is pioneers, not poets." there came into view another opening among the pines as the two went on. the sun was ascending a cloudless sky, and far away in the cerulean arch of glimmering splendors the crystal peaks and domes of st. helens appeared again. the girl stopped. "what now?" said the woman, testily. "look--yonder!" "look yonder--what for? that's nothing but a mountain, a great waste of land all piled up to the sky, and covered with a lot of ice and snow. i don't see what they were made for, any way--just to make people go round, i suppose, so that the world will not be too easy for them." "oh, mother, i do not see how you can feel so out here! i never dreamed of anything so beautiful!" "feel so out here! what do you mean? haven't i always been good to you? didn't i give you a good home in lynn after your father and mother died? wasn't i a mother to you? didn't i nurse you through the fever? didn't i send for you to come way out here with the immigrants, and did you ever find a better friend in the world than i have been to you?" "yes, mother, but--" "and don't i let you play the violin, which the methody elder didn't much approve of?" "yes, mother, you have always been good to me, and i love you more than anybody else on earth." there swept into view a wild valley of giant trees, and rose clear above it, a scene of overwhelming magnificence. "oh, mother, i can hardly look at it--isn't it splendid? it makes me feel like crying." the practical, resolute woman was about to say, "well, look the other way then," but she checked the rude words. the girl had told her that she loved her more than any one else in the world, and the confession had touched her heart. "well, gretchen, that mountain used to make me feel so sometimes when i first came out here. i always thought that the mountains would look _peakeder_ than they do. i didn't think that they would take up so much of the land. i suppose that they are all well enough in their way, but a pioneer woman has no time for sentiments, except hymns. i don't feel like you now, and i don't think that i ever did. i couldn't learn to play the violin and the musical glasses if i were to try, and i am sure that i should never go out into the woodshed to try to rhyme _sun_ with _fun_; no, gretchen, all such follies as these i should _shun_. what difference does it make whether a word rhymes with one word or another?" to the eye of the poetic and musical german girl the dead volcano, with its green base and frozen rivers and dark, glimmering lines of carbon, seemed like a fairy tale, a celestial vision, an ascent to some city of crystal and pearl in the sky. to her foster mother the stupendous scene was merely a worthless waste, as to wordsworth's unspiritual wanderer: "a primrose by the river's brim, a yellow primrose was to him, and it was nothing more." she was secretly pleased at gretchen's wonder and surprise at the new country, but somehow she felt it her duty to talk querulously, and to check the flow of the girl's emotions, which she did much to excite. her own life had been so circumscribed and hard that the day seemed to be too bright to be speaking the truth. she peered into the sky for a cloud, but there was none, on this dazzling oregon morning. the trail now opened for a long way before the eyes of the travelers. far ahead gleamed the pellucid waters of the columbia, or oregon. half-way between them and the broad, rolling river a dark, tall figure appeared. "gretchen?" "what, mother?" "gretchen, look! there goes the yankee schoolmaster. came way out here over the mountains to teach the people of the wilderness, and all for nothing, too. that shows that people have souls--some people have. walk right along beside me, proper-like. you needn't ever tell any one that i ain't your true mother. if i ain't ashamed of you, you needn't be ashamed of me. i wish that you were my own girl, now that you have said that you love me more than anybody else in the world. that remark kind o' touched me. i know that i sometimes talk hard, but i mean well, and i have to tell you the plain truth so as to do my duty by you, and then i won't have anything to reflect upon. "just look at him! straight as an arrow! they say that his folks are rich. come out here way over the mountains, and is just going to teach school in a log school-house--all made of logs and sods and mud-plaster, adobe they call it--a graduate of harvard college, too." a long, dark object appeared in the trees covered with bark and moss. behind these trees was a waterfall, over which hung the crowns of pines. the sunlight sifted through the odorous canopy, and fell upon the strange, dark object that lay across the branching limbs of two ancient trees. gretchen stopped again. "mother, what is that?" "a grave--an indian grave." the indians bury their dead in the trees out here, or used to do so. a brown hawk arose from the mossy coffin and winged its way wildly into the sunny heights of the air. it had made its nest on the covering of the body. these new scenes were all very strange to the young german girl. the trail was bordered with young ferns; wild violets lay in beds of purple along the running streams, and the mountain phlox with its kindling buds carpeted the shelving ways under the murmuring pines. the woman and girl came at last to a wild, open space; before them rolled the oregon, beyond it stretched a great treeless plain, and over it towered a gigantic mountain, in whose crown, like a jewel, shone a resplendent glacier. just before them, on the bluffs of the river, under three gigantic evergreens, each of which was more than two hundred feet high, stood an odd structure of logs and sods, which the builders called the sod school-house. it was not a sod school-house in the sense in which the term has been applied to more recent structures in the treeless prairie districts of certain mid-ocean states; it was rudely framed of pine, and was furnished with a pine desk and benches. along the river lay a plateau full of flowers, birds, and butterflies, and over the great river and flowering plain the clear air glimmered. like some sun-god's abode in the shadow of ages, st. helens still lifted her silver tents in the far sky. eagles and mountain birds wheeled, shrieking joyously, here and there. below the bluffs the silent salmon-fishers awaited their prey, and down the river with paddles apeak drifted the bark canoes of cayuses and umatillas. [illustration: _indians spearing fish at salmon falls._] a group of children were gathered about the open door of the new school-house, and among them rose the tall form of marlowe mann, the yankee schoolmaster. he had come over the mountains some years before in the early expeditions organized and directed by dr. marcus whitman, of the american board of missions. whether the mission to the cayuses and walla wallas, which dr. whitman established on the bend of the columbia, was then regarded as a home or foreign field of work, we can not say. the doctor's solitary ride of four thousand miles, in order to save the great northwest territory to the united states, is one of the most poetic and dramatic episodes of american history. it has proved to be worth to our country more than all the money that has been given to missionary enterprises. should the puget sound cities become the great ports of asia, and the ships of commerce drift from seattle and tacoma over the japan current to the flowery isles and china; should the lumber, coal, minerals, and wheat-fields of washington, oregon, montana, and idaho at last compel these cities to rival new york and boston, the populous empire will owe to the patriotic missionary zeal of dr. whitman a debt which it can only pay in honor and love. dr. whitman was murdered by the indians soon after the settlement of the walla walla country by the pioneers from the eastern states. mr. mann's inspiration to become a missionary pioneer on the oregon had been derived from a boston schoolmaster whose name also the northwest should honor. an inspired soul with a prophet's vision usually goes before the great movements of life; solitary men summon the march of progress, then decrease while others increase. hall j. kelley was a teacher of the olden time, well known in boston almost a century ago. he became possessed with the idea that oregon was destined to become a great empire. he collected all possible information about the territory, and organized emigration schemes, the first of which started from st. louis in , and failed. he talked of oregon continually. the subject haunted him day and night. it was he who inspired rev. jason lee, the pioneer of the willamette valley. lee interested senator linn, of missouri, in oregon, and this senator, on december , , introduced the bill into congress which organized the territory. some of the richly endowed new schools of oregon would honor history by a monumental recognition of the name of hall j. kelley, the old schoolmaster, whose dreams were of the columbia, and who inspired some of his pupils to become resolute pioneers. boston was always a friend to washington and oregon. where the old schoolmaster now rests we do not know. probably in a neglected grave amid the briers and mosses of some old cemetery on the atlantic coast. when marlowe mann came to the northwest he found the indian tribes unquiet and suspicious of the new settlements. one of the pioneers had caused a sickness among some thievish indians by putting emetic poison in watermelons. the indians believed these melons to have been conjured by the white doctor, and when other sickness came among them, they attributed it to the same cause. the massacre at waülaptu and the murder of whitman grew in part out of these events. mr. mann settled near the old chief of the cascades. he sought the indian friendship of this chief, and asked him for his protection. "people fulfill the expectation of the trust put in them--indians as well as children," he used to say. "a boy fulfills the ideals of his mother--what the mother believes the boy will be, that he will become. treat a thief as though he were honest, and he will be honest with you. we help people to be better by believing in what is good in them. i am going to trust the friendship of the old chief of the cascades, and he will never betray it." it was summer, and there was to be a great indian potlatch feast under the autumn moon. the potlatch is a feast of gifts. it is usually a peaceful gathering of friendly tribes, with rude music and gay dances; but it bodes war and massacre and danger if it end with the dance of the evil spirits, or the devil dance, as it has been known--a dance which the english government has recently forbidden among the northwestern tribes. the indians were demanding that the great fall potlatch should end with this ominous dance of fire and besmearings of blood. the white people everywhere were disturbed by these reports, for they feared what might be the secret intent of this wild revel. the settlers all regarded with apprehension the october moon. the tall schoolmaster watched the approach of mrs. woods and gretchen with a curious interest. the coming of a pupil with no books and a violin was something unexpected. he stepped forward with a courtly grace and greeted them most politely, for wherever marlowe mann might be, he never forgot that he was a gentleman. "this is my gal what i have brought to be educated," said mrs. woods, proudly. "they think a great deal of education up around boston where i came from. where did you come from?" "from boston." "so i have been told--from harvard college. can i speak with you a minute in private?" "yes, madam. step aside." "i suppose you are kinder surprised that i let my gal there, gretchen, bring her violin with her; but i have a secret to tell ye. gretchen is a kind of a poet, makes rhymes, she does; makes _fool_ rhyme with _school_, and such things as that. now, i don't take any interest in such things. but she does play the violin beautiful. learned of a german teacher. now, do you want to know why i let her bring her violin? well, i thought it might _help_ you. you've got a hard lot of scholars to deal with out here, and there are injuns around, too, and one never knows what they may do. "well, schoolmaster, you never heard nothin' like that violin. it isn't no evil spirit that is in gretchen's violin; it's an angel. i first noticed it one day when husband and i had been havin' some words. we have words sometimes. i have a lively mind, and know how to use words when i am opposed. well, one day when husband and i had been havin' words, which we shouldn't, seein' we are methody, gretchen began to cry, and went and got her violin, and began to play just like a bird. and my high temper all melted away, and my mind went back to the old farm in new england, and i declare, schoolmaster, i just threw my apron over my head and began to cry, and i told gretchen never to play that tune again when i was talking to husband for his good. "well, one day there came a lot of injuns to the house and demanded fire-water. i am methody, and don't keep any such things in the house. husband is a sober, honest man. now, i've always noticed that an injun is a coward, and i think the best way to get along with injuns is to appear not to fear them. so i ordered the stragglers away, when one of them swung his tommyhawk about my head, and the others threatened to kill me. how my heart did beat! gretchen began to cry; then she ran all at once for her violin and played the very same tune, and the injuns just stood like so many dumb statues and listened, and, when the tune was over, one of them said 'spirits,' and they all went away like so many children. "now, i thought you would like to hear my gal play between schools, and, if ever you should get into any trouble with your scholars or injuns or anybody, just call upon gretchen, and she will play that tune on the violin." "what wonderful tune is it, madam?" "i don't know. i don't know one tune from another, though i do sing the old methody hymns that i learned in lynn when i am about my work. i don't know whether she knows or not. she learned it of a german." "i am glad that you let her bring the instrument. i once played the violin myself in the orchestra of the boston handel and haydn society." "did you? then you like it. i have a word or two more to say about gretchen. she's a good gal, and shows her bringing up. teach her reading, writing, and figures. you needn't teach her no grammar. i could always talk without any grammar, in the natural way. i was a bound-girl, and never had much education. i have had my ups and downs in life, like all the rest of the world. you will do the best you can for gretchen, won't you?" "yes, my dear madam, and for every one. i try to make every one true to the best that is in them. i am glad to have gretchen for a scholar. i will speak to her by and by." how strange was the scene to gretchen! she remembered the winding rhine, with its green hills and terraced vineyards and broken-walled castles; basel and the singing of the student clubs in the gardens on summer evenings; the mountain-like church at strasburg; and the old streets of mayence. she recalled the legends and music of the river of song--a river that she had once thought to be the most beautiful on earth. but what were the hills of the rhine to the scenery that pierced the blue sky around her, and how light seemed the river itself to the majestic flow of the columbia! yet the home-land haunted her. would she go back again? how would her real parents have felt had they known that she would have found a home here in the wilderness? why had providence led her steps here? her mother had been a pious lutheran. had she been led here to help in some future mission to the indian race? "dreaming?" said mrs. woods. "well, i suppose it can't be helped. if a body has the misfortune to be kiting off to the clouds, going up like an eagle and coming down like a goose, it can't be helped. there are a great many things that can't be helped in this world, and all we can do is to make the best of them. some people were born to live in the skies, and it makes it hard for those who have to try to live with them. job suffered some things, but--i won't scold out here--i have my trials; but it may be they are all for the best, as the scripture says." these forbearing remarks were not wholly meant for gretchen's reproval. mrs. woods liked to have the world know that she had her trials, and she was pleased to find so many ears on this bright morning open to her experiences. she liked to say to gretchen things that were meant for other ears; there was novelty in the indirection. she also was accustomed to quote freely from the scriptures and from the methodist hymnbook, which was almost her only accomplishment. she had led a simple, hard-working life in her girlhood; had become a follower of jason lee during one of the old-time revivals of religion; had heard of the methodist emigration to oregon, and wished to follow it. she hardly knew why. though rough in speech and somewhat peculiar, she was a kind-hearted and an honest woman, and very industrious and resolute. mr. lee saw in her the spirit of a pioneer, and advised her to join his colony. she married mr. woods, went to the dalles of the columbia, and afterward to her present home upon a donation claim. chapter ii. the chief of the cascades. marlowe mann was a graduate of harvard in the classic period of the college. he had many scholarly gifts, and as many noble qualities of soul as mental endowments. he was used to the oratory of henry ware and young edward everett, and had known charles sumner and wendell phillips at college, when the greek mind and models led the young student in his fine development, and made him a pericles in his dreams. but the young student of this heroic training, no matter how well conditioned his family, usually turned from his graduation to some especial mission in life. "i must put myself into a cause," said young wendell phillips. charles sumner espoused the struggle of the negro for freedom, and said: "to this cause do i offer all i have." marlowe mann was a member of the historic old south church, like phillips in his early years. there was an enthusiasm for missions in the churches of boston then, and he began to dream of oregon and the mysterious empire of the great northwest, as pictured by the old schoolmaster, kelley; just at this time came dr. whitman to the east, half frozen from his long ride, and asked to lead an emigration to walla walla, to save the northern empire to the territory of the states. he heard the doctor's thrilling story of how he had unfurled the flag over the open bible on the crags that looked down on the valleys of the oregon, and his resolution was made. he did not follow dr. whitman on the first expedition of colonists, but joined him a year or two afterward. he built him a log-cabin on the columbia, and gave his whole soul to teaching, missionary work among the indians, and to bringing emigrants from the east. the country thrilled him--its magnificent scenery, the grandeur of the columbia, the vastness of the territory, and the fertility of the soil. here were mountains grander than olympus, and harbors and water-courses as wonderful as the Ægean. he was almost afraid to map the truth in his extensive correspondence with the east, lest it should seem so incredible as to defeat his purpose. [illustration: _the north puyallup glacier, mount tacoma._] when the log school-house was building, mr. mann had gone to the old chief of the cascades and had invited him to send his indian boy to the school. he had shown him what an advantage it would be to the young chief to understand more thoroughly chinook and english. he was wise and politic in the matter as well as large-hearted, for he felt that the school might need the friendliness of the old chief, and in no way could it be better secured. "the world treats you as you treat the world," he said; "and what you are to the world, the world is to you. tell me only what kind of a neighborhood you come from, and i will tell you what kind of a neighborhood you are going to; we all see the world in ourselves. i will educate the boy, and his father will protect the school. the indian heart is hot and revengeful, but it is honest and true. i intend to be honest with the indians in all things, and if there should occur a dance of the evil spirits at the potlatch, no harm will ever come to the log school-house; and i do not believe that such a dance with evil intent to the settlers will ever take place. human nature is all one book everywhere." as he stood there that morning, with uncovered head, an unexpected event happened. the children suddenly said: "look!" and "umatilla!" out of the forest came an aged indian, of gigantic stature--umatilla, one of the chiefs of the cascades; and beside him walked his only son, the light of the eagle's plume, or, as he had been named by the english, benjamin. umatilla, like massasoit, of the early colonial history of plymouth, was a remarkable person. surrounded by warlike tribes, he had been a man of peace. he was a lover of nature, and every shining cloud to his eye was a chariot. he personified everything, like the ancient greeks. he talked in poetic figures; to him the sky was alive, every event had a soul, and his mind had dwelt upon the great truths of nature until he had become more of a philosopher than a ruler. he had been the father of a large family, but six of his sons had died of the plague, or rather of the treatment which the medicine-men had used in the disease, which was to sweat the victims in hot earthen ovens, and then plunge them into the columbia. his whole heart in his old age was fixed upon his only son, benjamin. the two were seldom separated. to make the boy happy was the end of the old chief's life. the two approached the courtly schoolmaster. "white master," said the old chief, "i have brought to you the light of the eagle's plume. he is my heart, and will be the heart of my people when my suns are all passed over and my stars gone out. will you teach him to be a good chief? i want him to know english, and how to worship the master of life. will you take him to your school lodge?" the tall master bowed low, and took the indian boy by the hand. the boy was a princely youth. his figure would have held the eye of a sculptor in long admiration. the chisel of a phidias could hardly have exceeded such a form. his features were like the roman, his eye quick and lustrous, and his lips noble and kindly. he wore a blanket over his shoulders, gathered in a long sash, ornamented with shells, about his loins, and a crest of eagle plumes and shells on his head indicated his rank and dignity. he could speak some words of chinook, and english imperfectly. he had mingled much with the officers of the hudson bay company, and so had learned many of the customs of civilization. "i am honored," said the courtly, tall schoolmaster, "in having such a youth for my pupil. chief of the umatillas, i thank thee. all that is good in me will i give to your noble boy. i live with my eye upon the future; the work of my life is to lead people to follow their better natures and to be true to their best selves. there is a good angel in all men here"--he put his hand on his heart--"it leads men away from evil; it seeks the way of life; its end is yonder with the infinite. chief of the umatillas, i will try to teach the young man to follow it. do you understand?" the aged chief bowed. he caught the meaning of the thought, if not of the rather formal words. he comprehended the idea that the tall schoolmaster believed goodness to be immortal. the regions of the cascades were indeed beautiful with their ancient forests and gleaming mountain walls, but he had been taught to believe that the great master of life had provided eternal scenes that transcended these for those who were worthy to receive them. an unexpected turn came to this stately and pacific interview. mrs. woods was piqued at the deference that the tall schoolmaster had shown to the chief and his son. she walked about restlessly, cut a rod from one of the trees with a large knife which she always carried with her, and at last called the master aside again. "say, mister, here. you ain't going to take that young injun into your school, are you? there'll be trouble, now, if you do. know injuns--you don't. you are young, but 'tain't best for you to eat all your apples green. i've always been very particular about the company i keep, if i was born poor and have had to work hard, and never studied no foreign languages. i warn you!" she raised her voice, and benjamin heard what she had said. he suspected her ill-will toward him from her manner, but he comprehended the meaning of her last words. he at first looked puzzled and grieved, then suddenly his thin lips were pressed together; the passion of anger was possessing him, soon to be followed by the purpose of revenge. mrs. woods saw that she had gone too far in the matter, and that her spirit and meaning had been discovered by the son of the chief. the danger to which she had exposed herself made her nervous. but she began to act on her old principle never to show fear in the presence of an indian. "here, mister, i must go now," she said, in a loud voice. "take this rod, and govern your school like a man. if i were a teacher, i'd make my scholars smart in more ways than one." she held out the rod to the master. there was a movement in the air like a flash. benjamin, with noiseless feet, had slipped up behind her. he had conceived the idea that the offer of the rod somehow meant enmity to him. he seized the rod from behind the woman, and, sweeping it through the air, with kindled eye and glowing cheeks, wheeled before the master. "boston tilicum, don't you dare!" "boston tilicum" was the chinook for an american, and the chinook or trade language had become common to all the tribes on the columbia. the early american traders on the northern pacific coast were from boston. he raised the rod aloft defiantly like a young champion, and presented a heroic figure, which excited the tremulous admiration and wonder of the little group. he then pointed it toward mrs. woods, and said contemptuously in chinook: "cloochman!" (woman). the scene changed to the comical. mrs. woods snatched off her broad sun-bonnet, revealing her gray hair, and assumed an appearance of defiance, though her heart was really trembling with fear. "i ain't afraid of no injuns," she said, "and i don't take any impudence from anybody. i've had to fight the whole world all my life, and i've always conquered. there--now--there!" she whipped the rod out of the young indian's hand. benjamin's eyes blazed. "closche nanitch" (look out), he said. "i am an umatilla. siwash (indian) will remember. there are hawks in the sky." "kamooks" (dog), returned mrs. woods, defiantly. "kamooks." she would have said "cultus" had she dared. "cultus" is the most insulting word that can be applied to an indian, and, when it is used, it invites the most deadly revenge. the word had come to her lips, but she had not the courage to invoke the consequences of such a taunt. but the young indian further excited her. he shook the rod at her, and her passion mastered her prudence. she struggled with herself, and was silent for a few moments. but, suddenly catching the young indian's eye, which had in it a savage triumph, she exclaimed: "cultus umatilla--" the old chief stepped forward and lifted his hands. "pil-pil" (blood), said benjamin. "there are hawks in the air--" "be still!" said the chief. "--they whet their beaks," continued benjamin. "potlatch!" the whole company were filled with excitement or terror. gretchen trembled, and began to cry. three indians were seen coming down the trail, and the sight seemed to fill benjamin with a mysterious delight. mrs. woods saw them with secret fear, and the master with apprehension. several of the children began to cry, and there was a look of pain, terror, or distress on all the faces. suddenly gretchen stepped apart from the group and lifted to her shoulder her violin. a hunting strain rose on the bright morning air. it seemed like the flight of a singing bird. the chief's arms dropped. the music arose like a sweet memory of all that is good and beautiful. the three indians stopped to listen. the music became more sweet and entrancing. the anger went out of benjamin's face, and there came better feelings into his soul. the music breathed of the rhine, of vineyards and festivals, but he understood it not; to him it recalled the mysterious legends of the umatillas, the mysteries of life, and the glory of the heroes who slept on the island of the dead or amid the sweetly sighing branches of the trees. the air was the _traumerei_. when the music ceased there was a long silence. in it mrs. woods turned away slowly, with a word of advice to gretchen that under other circumstances would have appeared amusing: "behave yourself like a lady," she said, "and remember your bringing up. good-morning to ye all." the little group watched her as she moved safely away. a little black bear crossed her path as she was entering the wood, and stopped on the way. but her steps were growing rapid, and, as she did not seem to regard him as a matter of any consequence, he turned and ran. the company smiled, and so the peril of the morning seemed to pass away. the scene would have been comical but for the painful look in the kindly face of the old chief of the cascades. he had come toward the school-house with high hopes, and what had happened caused him pain. the word "potlatch," spoken by the indian boy, had caused his brow to cloud and his face to turn dark. "we will all go into the house," said the master. "umatilla, will you not honor us with a visit this morning?" "no--me come this afternoon for the boy; me wait for him outside. boston tilicum, let me speak to you a little. i am a father." "yes, and a good father." "i am a father--you no understand--boston tilicum--father. i want you to teach him like a father--not you understand?" "yes, i understand." "father--teacher--you, boston tilicum." "yes, i understand, and i will be a father teacher to your benjamin." "i die some day. you understand?" "yes, i understand." "you understand, boston tilicum, you understand. what i want my boy to become that i am for my boy. that you be." "yes, umatilla, i believe an indian's word--you may trust mine. i will be to your boy what you may have him become. the indian is true to his friends. i believe in _you_. i will be true." the old chief drew his blanket round him proudly. "boston tilicum," said he, "if ever the day of trouble comes, i will protect you and the log school-house. you may trust my word. indian speak true." the tall schoolmaster bowed. "nika atte cepa" (i like you much), said the chief. "potlatch shall no harm you. klahyam klahhye--am!" (good-by). mrs. woods hurried homeward and tried to calm her excited mind by singing a very heroic old hymn: "come on, my partners in distress, my comrades in the wilderness, who still your bodies feel." the blue skies gleamed before her, and overhead wheeled a golden eagle. to her it was an emblem, a good omen, and her spirit became quiet and happy amid all the contradictions of her rough life. she sat down at last on the log before her door, with the somewhat strange remark: "i do hate injuns; _nevertheless_--" mrs. woods was accustomed to correct the wrong tendencies of her heart and tongue by this word "nevertheless," which she used as an incomplete sentence. this "nevertheless" seemed to express her better self; to correct the rude tendencies of her nature. had she been educated in her early days, this tendency to self-correction would have made her an ideal woman, but she owed nearly all her intellectual training to the sermons of the rev. jason lee, which she had heard in some obscure corner of a room, or in methodist chapel, or under the trees. her early experience with the indians had not made her a friend to the native races, notwithstanding the missionary labors of the rev. jason lee. the first indian that made her a visit on the donation claim did not leave a favorable impression on her mind. this indian had come to her door while she was engaged in the very hard work of sawing wood. he had never seen a saw before, and, as it seemed to him to be a part of the woman herself, he approached her with awe and wonder. that the saw should eat through the wood appeared to him a veritable miracle. mrs. woods, unaware of her visitor, paused to take breath, looked up, beheld the tall form with staring eyes, and started back. "medicine-woman--conjure!" said the indian, in chinook. mrs. woods was filled with terror, but a moment's thought recalled her resolution. she lifted her hand, and, pointing to the saw in the wood, she said, with a commanding tone: "saw!" the indian obeyed awkwardly, and wondering at the progress of the teeth of the saw through the wood. it was a hot day; the poor indian soon became tired, and stopped work with a beating heart and bursting veins. "saw--saw!" said mrs. woods, with a sweep of her hands, as though some mysterious fate depended upon the order. the saw went very hard now, for he did not know how to use it, and the wood was hard, and the indian's only thought seemed to be how to escape. mrs. woods held him in her power by a kind of mental magnetism, like that which queen margaret exercised over the robber. "water!" at last gasped the indian. "saw--saw!" said mrs. woods; then turned away to bring him water. when she looked around again, an unexpected sight met her eyes. the indian was flying away, taking the saw with him. she never beheld either again, and it was a long time before any indian appeared at the clearing after this odd event, though mrs. woods ultimately had many adventures among the wandering siwashes. a saw was no common loss in these times of but few mechanical implements in oregon, and mrs. woods did not soon forgive the indian for taking away what he probably regarded as an instrument of torture. "i do hate injuns!" she would often say; but quite likely would soon after be heard singing one of the hymns of the missionaries at the dalles: "o'er columbia's wide-spread forests haste, ye heralds of the lamb; teach the red man, wildly roaming, faith in immanuel's name," which, if poor poetry, was very inspiring. chapter iii. boston tilicum. marlowe mann--"boston tilicum," as the siwashes called all the missionaries, teachers, and traders from the east--sat down upon a bench of split log and leaned upon his desk, which consisted of two split logs in a rough frame. a curious school confronted him. his pupils numbered fifteen, representing germany, england, sweden, new england, and the indian race. "the world will some day come to the yankee schoolmaster," he used to say to the bowery halls of old cambridge; and this prophecy, which had come to him on the banks of the charles, seemed indeed to be beginning to be fulfilled on the columbia. he opened the school in the same serene and scholarly manner as he would have done in a school in cambridge. "he is not a true gentleman who is not one under all conditions and circumstances," was one of his views of a well-clothed character; and this morning he addressed the school with the courtesy of an old college professor. "i have come here," he said, "with but one purpose, and that is to try to teach you things which will do you the most good in life. that is always the best which will do the most good; all else is inferior. i shall first teach you to obey your sense of right in all things. this is the first principle of a true education. you will always know the way of life if you have this principle for your guide. "conscience is the first education. a man's spiritual nature is his highest nature, and his spiritual concerns transcend all others. if a man is spiritually right, he is the master of all things. i would impress these truths on your minds, and teach them at the beginning. i have become willing to be poor, and to walk life's ways alone. the pilot of the argo never returned from colchis, but the argo itself returned with the golden fleece. it may be so with my work; if so, i will be content. i have selected for our scripture lesson the 'incorruptible seed.'" he rose and spoke like one before an august assembly; and so it was to him, with his views of the future of the great empire of the northwest. a part of the pupils could not comprehend all that he said any more than they had understood the allusion to the pilot of the argo; but his manner was so gracious, so earnest, so inspired, that they all felt the spirit of it, and some had come to regard themselves as the students of some great destiny. "older domes than the pyramids are looking down upon you," he said, "and you are born to a higher destiny than were ever the children of the pharaohs." "with the exception of gretchen, not one of the pupils fully understood the picturesque allusion. like the reference to the pilot of the argo, it was poetic mystery to them; and yet it filled them with a noble curiosity to know much and a desire to study hard, and to live hopefully and worthily. like the outline of some unknown mountain range, it allured them to higher outlooks and wider distances. "he talked to us so grandly," said gretchen to mrs. woods one evening, "that i did not know half that he was saying; but it made me feel that i might be somebody, and i do intend to be. it is a good thing to have a teacher with great expectations." "yes," said mrs. woods, "when there is so little to expect. people don't take a lot of nothing and make a heap of something in this world. it is all like a lot of feathers thrown against the wind. _nevertheless_ it makes one happier to have prospects, if they are far away. i used to; but they never came to nothing, unless it was to bring me way out here." the log school-house was a curious place. the children's benches consisted of split logs on pegs, without backs. the sides of the building were logs and sods, and the roof was constructed of logs and pine boughs. all of the children were barefooted, and several had but poor and scanty clothing. yet the very simplicity of the place had a charm. benjamin sat alone, apart from the rest. it was plain to be seen that he was brooding over the painful event of the morning. gretchen had grown cheerful again, but the bitter expression on the young indian's face seemed to deepen in intensity. mr. mann saw it. to quiet his agitation, he began his teaching by going to him and sitting down beside him on the rude bench and opening to him the primer. "you understand english?" said mr. mann. "a little. i can talk chinook." in the chinook vocabulary, which was originally the trade language of all the tribes employed by the hudson bay company in collecting furs, most of the words resemble in sound the objects they represent. for example, a wagon in chinook is chick-chick, a clock is ding-ding, a crow is kaw-kaw, a duck, quack-quack, a laugh, tee-hee; the heart is tum-tum, and a talk or speech or sermon, wah-wah. the language was of english invention; it took its name from the chinook tribes, and became common in the northwest. nearly all of the old english and american traders in the northwest learned to talk chinook, and to teach chinook was one of the purposes of the school. "can you tell me what that is?" asked mr. mann, pointing to the letter a in the primer. "fox-trap." "no; that is the letter a." "how do you know?" our digger of greek roots from cambridge was puzzled. he could not repeat the story of cadmus to this druid of the forest or make a learned talk on arbitrary signs. he answered happily, however, "wise men said so." "me understand." "that is the letter b." "yes, aha! boston tilicum, you let her be. old woman no good; me punish her. knock-sheet--stick her" (club her). mr. mann saw at once the strange turn that the young indian's mind had taken. he was puzzled again. "no, benjamin; i will teach you what to do." "teach me how to club her? you are good! boston tilicum, we will be brothers--you and i. she wah-wah, but she is no good." "that is c." "aha! _she_ heap wah-wah, but _she_ no good." "now, that is a, b, and that is c. try to remember them, and i will come soon and talk with you again." "you wah-wah?" "yes," said mr. mann, doubtful of the indian's thought. "she wah-wah?" "yes." "you heap wah-wah. you good. she heap wah-wah. she no good. potlatch come; dance. she wah-wah no more. i wah-wah." mr. mann was pained to see the revengeful trend of the indian's thought. the hints of the evil intention of the potlatch troubled him, but his faith in the old chief and the influence of his own integrity did not falter. gretchen was the most advanced scholar in the school. her real mother had been an accomplished woman, and had taken great pains with her education. she was well instructed in the english branches, and had read five books of virgil in latin. her reading had not been extensive, but it had embraced some of the best books in the english language. her musical education had been received from a german uncle, who had been instructed by herr wieck, the father of clara schumann. he had been a great lover of schumann's dreamy and spiritual music, and had taught her the young composer's pieces for children, and among them romance and the traumerei. he had taught her to play the two tone poems together in changing keys, beginning with the traumerei and returning again to its beautiful and haunting strains. gretchen interpreted these poems with all the color of true feeling, and under her bow they became enchantment to a musical ear and a delight to even as unmusical a soul as mrs. woods. gretchen's chief literary pleasure had been the study of the german poets. she had a poetic mind, and had learned to produce good rhymes. the songs of uhland, heine, and schiller delighted her. she had loved to read the strange stories of hoffman, and the imaginative works of baron fouqué. she used to aspire to be an author or poet, but these aspirations had received no countenance from mrs. woods, and yet the latter seemed rather proud to regard her ward as possessing a superior order of mind. "if there is anything that i do despise," mrs. woods used to say, "it is books spun out of the air, all about nothin'! dreams were made for sleep, and the day was made for work. i haven't much to be proud of in this world. i've always been a terror to lazy people and to injuns, and if any one were to write my life they'd have some pretty stirring stories to tell. i have no doubt that i was made for something." although mrs. woods boasted that she was a terror to indians, she had been very apprehensive of danger since the whitman colony massacre. she talked bravely and acted bravely according to her view of moral courage, but with a fearful heart. she dreaded the approaching potlatch, and the frenzy that calls for dark deeds if the dance of the evil spirits should conclude the approaching feast. there was a sullen look in benjamin's face as he silently took his seat in the log school-house the next morning. mr. mann saw it, and instinctively felt the dark and mysterious atmosphere of it. he went to him immediately after the opening exercises, and said: "you haven't spoken to me this morning; what troubles you?" the boy's face met the sympathetic eye of the master, and he said: "i was happy on the morning when i came--sun; _she_ hate indian, talk against him to you; make me unhappy--shade; think i will have my revenge--_pil-pil_; then music make me happy; you make me happy; night come, and i think of her--she hate indian--shade. me will have my revenge--_pil-pil_. she say i have no right here; she have no right here; the land all belong to umatilla; then to me; i no have her here. look out for the october moon--potlatch--dance--_pil-pil_." "i will be a friend to you, benjamin." "yes, boston tilicum, we will be friends." "and i will teach you how to be noble--like a king. you felt good when i was kind to you?" "yes, boston tilicum." "and when the music played?" "yes, boston tilicum." "then you must be good to her; that will make her feel good toward you. do you see?" there came a painful look into the young indian's face. "i good to her, make her good? she good to me make me good? she no good to me. she say i no right here. the land belong to umatilla. she must go. you stay. look out for the october moon. she wah-wah no more." "it is noble to be good; it makes others good." "then why isn't _she_ good? she make me ugly; you make me good. i think i will punish her--_pil-pil_; then you speak kind, and the music play, then i think i will punish her not. then dark thoughts come back again; clouds come again; hawks fly. what me do? me am two selves; one self when i think of you, one when i think of her. she say i have no right. she have no right. all right after potlatch. i wah-wah; she wah-wah no more." "be good yourself, benjamin. be kind to her; make her kind. you do right." the young indian hesitated, then answered: "i do as you say. you are friend. i'll do as i feel when the music play. i try. so you say." the cloud passed. the teacher paid the indian boy special attention that morning. at noon gretchen played von weber's wild hunt of lutzow, which drove napoleon over the rhine. the rhythm of the music picturing the heroic cavalry enchanted benjamin, and he said: "play it over again." after the music came a foot-race among the boys, which benjamin easily won. the afternoon passed quietly, until in the cool, lengthening shadows of the trail the resolute form of mrs. woods appeared. benjamin saw her, and his calm mood fled. he looked up at the master. "i is come back again--my old self again. she say i no business here; she no business here. she wah-wah." the master laid his hand on the boy's shoulder kindly and bent his face on his. "i do as you say," the boy continued. "i will not speak till my good self come again. i be still. no wah-wah." he dropped his eyes upon a page in the book, and sat immovable. he was a noble picture of a struggle for self-control in a savage and untutored heart. mrs. woods asked for gretchen at the door, and the master excused the girl, thanking her for the music that had delighted the school at the noon-hour. as she was turning to go, mrs. woods cast a glance toward benjamin, and said to the master in an undertone: "he's tame now--quiet as a purring cat. the cat don't lick cream when the folks are around. but he'll make trouble yet. an injun is a injun. i hate injuns, though parson lee says i am all wrong. when you have seen as many of 'em as i have, you'll know more than you do now." benjamin did not comprehend the words, but he felt that the woman had said something injurious to him. the suspicion cut him to the quick. his black eye sparkled and his cheek burned. the scholars all seemed to be sorry at the impression that mrs. woods's muttered words had left in his mind. he had struggled for two days to do his best--to follow his best self. school closed. benjamin rose like a statue. he stood silent for a time and looked at the slanting sun and the dreamy afternoon glories of the glaciers, then moved silently out of the door. the old chief met him in the opening, and saw the hurt and troubled look in his face. "what have you been doing to my boy?" he said to the master. "has he not been good?" "very good; i like him," said mr. mann. "he is trying to be good here," pointing to his heart. "the good in him will grow. i will help him." the old chief and the boy walked away slowly out of the shadows of the great trees and up the cool trail. the tall master followed them with his eye. in the departing forms he saw a picture of the disappearing race. he knew history well, and how it would repeat itself on the great plateau and amid the giant forests of the oregon. he felt that the old man was probably one of the last great chiefs of the umatillas. on one of the peninsulas of the oregon, the so-called islands of the dead, the old warriors of the tribes were being gathered by the plagues that had come to the territories and tribal regions ever since the hudson bay company established its posts on the west of the mountains, and astoria had been planted on the great river, and settlers had gathered in the mountain-domed valley of the willamette. wherever the white sail went in the glorious rivers, pestilence came to the native tribes. the indian race was perceptibly vanishing. only one son of seven was left to umatilla. what would be the fate of this boy? the master went home troubled over the event of the afternoon. he was asking the indian to be better than his opponent, and she was a well-meaning woman and nominally a christian. his first thought was to go to mrs. woods and ask her to wholly change her spirit and manners, and, in fact, preach to her the same simple doctrine of following only one's better self that he had taught to the young prince. but he well knew that she had not a teachable mind. he resolved to try to reach the same result through gretchen, whom she upbraided with her tongue but loved in her heart. mrs. woods had come to regard it as her appointed mission to abuse people for their good. she thought it tended toward their spiritual progress and development. she often said that she felt "called to set things right, and not let two or three people have their own way in everything"--a view of life not uncommon among people of larger opportunities and better education. benjamin came to school the next morning silent and sullen, and the master went to him again in the same spirit as before. "she say i no right here," he said. "she suffer for it. she wah-wah. look out for the october moon." "no, you are a better indian now." "yes; sometimes." "the better indian harms no one--one's good self never does evil. you are to be your good self, and please me." the young indian was silent for a time. he at last said, slowly: "but me know who will." "do what, benjamin?" "make her suffer--punish." "who?" "i know a bad indian who will. he say so." "you must not let him. you are son of a chief." "i will try. i no wah-wah now." at noon benjamin was light-hearted, and led the sports and games. he was very strong, and one of his lively feats was to let three or four children climb upon his back and run away with them until they tumbled off. he seemed perfectly happy when he was making the others happy, and nothing so delighted him as to be commended. he longed to be popular, not from any selfish reason, but because to be liked by others was his atmosphere of contentment. he was kindly above most indians, a trait for which his father was famous. he was even kindly above many of the white people. the next morning he came to school in good humor, and a curious incident occurred soon after the school began. a little black bear ventured down the trail toward the open door, stopping at times and lifting up its head curiously and cautiously. it at last ventured up to the door, put its fore feet on the door-sill, and looked into the room. "kill it!" cried one of the boys, a recent emigrant, in the alarm. "kill it!" "what harm it do?" said the indian boy. "me drive it away." the young indian started toward the door as at play, and shook his head at the young bear, which was of the harmless kind so well known in the northwest, and the bear turned and ran, while the indian followed it toward the wood. the odd event was quite excusable on any ground of rule and propriety in the primitive school. "it no harm; let it go," said the boy on his return; and the spirit of the incident was good and educational in the hearts of the school. the charm of his life was gretchen's violin. it transfigured him; it changed the world to him. his father was a forest philosopher; the boy caught a like spirit, and often said things that were a revelation to mr. mann. "why do you like the violin so much?" said the latter to him one day. "it brings to me the thing longed for--the thing i long to know." "why, what is that?" "i can't tell it--i feel it here--i sense it--i shall know--something better--yonder--the thing we long for, but do not know. don't you long for it? don't you feel it?" the tall schoolmaster said "yes," and was thoughtful. the poor indian had tried to express that something beyond his self of which he could only now have a dim conception, and about which even science is dumb. mr. mann understood it, but he could hardly have expressed it better. the boy learned the alphabet quickly, and began to demand constant attention in his eagerness to learn. mr. mann found that he was giving more than the allotted time to him. to meet the case, he appointed from time to time members of the school "monitors," as he called them, to sit beside him and help him. one day he asked gretchen to do this work. the boy was delighted to be instructed by the mistress of the violin, and she was as pleased with the honor of such monitorial duties to the son of a chief. but an unexpected episode grew out of all this mutual good-will and helpful kindness. benjamin was so grateful to gretchen for the pains that she took with his studies that he wished to repay her. he had a pretty little cayuse pony which he used to ride; one day after school he caused it to be brought to the school-house, and, setting gretchen upon it, he led it by the mane up the trail toward her home, a number of the pupils following them. on the way the merry-making party met mrs. woods. she was as astonished as though she had encountered an elephant, and there came into her face a look of displeasure and anger. "what kind of doings are these, i would like to know?" she exclaimed, in a sharp tone, standing in the middle of the way and scanning every face. "riding out with an injun, gretchen, are you? that's what you are doing. girl, get off that horse and come with me! that is the kind of propriety that they teach out in these parts, is it? and the master came from harvard college, too! one would think that this world was just made to enjoy one's self in, just like a sheep pasture, where the lambs go hopping and skipping, not knowing that they were born to be fleeced." she hurried gretchen away excitedly, and the school turned back. benjamin was disappointed, and looked more hurt than ever before. on the way he met his old father, who had come out to look for him, and the rest of the scholars dispersed to their homes. that evening, after a long, vivid twilight, such as throws its splendor over the mountain ranges in these northern latitudes, mrs. woods and gretchen were sitting in their log-house just within the open door. mr. woods was at the block-house at walla walla, and the cabin was unprotected. the light was fading in the tall pines of the valleys, and there was a deep silence everywhere, undisturbed by so much as a whisper of the chinook winds. mrs. woods's thoughts seemed far away--doubtless among the old meadows, orchards, and farm-fields of new england. gretchen was playing the musical glasses. suddenly mrs. woods's thoughts came back from their far-away journeys. she had seen something that disturbed her. she sat peering into a tract of trees which were some three hundred feet high--one of the great tree cathedrals of the northwestern forests. suddenly she said: "gretchen, there are injuns in the pines. watch!" gretchen looked out, but saw nothing. the shadows deepened. "i have twice seen injuns passing from tree to tree and hiding. why are they there? there--look!" a sinewy form in the shadows of the pines appeared and disappeared. gretchen saw it. "they mean evil, or they would not hide. gretchen, what shall we do?" mrs. woods closed the door and barred it, took down the rifle from the side of the room, and looked out through a crevice in the split shutter. there was a silence for a time; then mrs. woods moved and said: "they are coming toward the house, passing from one tree to another. they mean revenge--i feel it--revenge on me, and benjamin--he is the leader of it." the flitting of shadowy forms among the pines grew alarming. nearer and nearer they came, and more and more excited became mrs. woods's apprehensions. gretchen began to cry, through nervous excitement, and with the first rush of tears came to her, as usual, the thought of her violin. she took up the instrument, tuned it with nervous fingers, and drew the bow across the strings, making them shriek as with pain, and then drifted into the air the music of the traumerei. "fiddling, gretchen--fiddling in the shadow of death? i don't know but what you are right--that tune, too!" the music trembled; the haunting strain quivered, rose and descended, and was repeated over and over again. "there is no movement in the pines," said mrs. woods. "it is growing darker. play on. it does seem as though that strain was stolen from heaven to overcome evil with." gretchen played. an hour passed, and the moon rose. then she laid down the violin and listened. "oh, gretchen, he is coming! i know that form. it is benjamin. he is coming alone. what shall we do? he is--right before the door!" gretchen's eye fell upon the musical glasses, which were among the few things that she had brought from the east and which had belonged to her old german home. she had tuned them early in the evening by pouring water into them, as she had been taught to do in her old german village, and she wet her fingers and touched them to the tender forest hymn: "now the woods are all sleeping." "he has stopped," said mrs. woods. "he is listening--play." the music filled the cabin. no tones can equal in sweetness the musical glasses, and the trembling nerves of gretchen's fingers gave a spirit of pathetic pleading to the old german forest hymn. over and over again she played the air, waiting for the word of mrs. woods to cease. "he is going," said mrs. woods, slowly. "he is moving back toward the pines. he has changed his mind, or has gone for his band. you may stop now." mrs. woods watched by the split shutter until past midnight. then she laid down on the bed, and gretchen watched, and one listened while the other slept, by turns, during the night. but no footstep was heard. the midsummer sun blazed over the pines in the early morning; birds sang gayly in the dewy air, and gretchen prepared the morning meal as usual, then made her way to the log school-house. she found benjamin there. he met her with a happy face. "bad indian come to your cabin last night," said he. "he mean evil; he hate old woman. she wah-wah too much, and he hate. bad indian hear music--violin; he be pleased--evil hawks fly out of him. good indian come back. one is tied to the other. one no let the other go. what was that low music i hear? baby music! chinook wind in the bushes! quail--mother-bird singing to her nest! i love that music. "say, you play at potlatch, frighten away the hawks; mother-birds sing. no devil dance. say, i have been good; no harm old wah-wah. will you--will you play--play that tin-tin at potlatch under the big moon?" a great thought had taken possession of the young indian's mind, and a great plan--one worthy of a leader of a peace congress. gretchen saw the plan in part, but did not fully comprehend it. she could only see that his life had become a struggle between good and evil, and that he was now following some good impulse of his better nature. chapter iv. mrs. woods's tame bear. mrs. woods was much alone during this summer. her husband was away from home during the working days of the week, at the saw and shingle mill on the columbia, and during the same days gretchen was much at school. the summer in the mountain valleys of washington is a long serenity. the deep-blue sky is an ocean of intense light, and the sunbeams glint amid the cool forest shadows, and seem to sprinkle the plains with gold-dust like golden snow. notwithstanding her hard practical speech, which was a habit, mrs. woods loved nature, and, when her work was done, she often made little journeys alone into the mountain woods. in one of these solitary excursions she met with a little black cub and captured it, and, gathering it up in her apron like a kitten, she ran with it toward her cabin, after looking behind to see if the mother bear was following her. had she seen the mother of the cunning little black creature in her apron pursuing her, she would have dropped the cub, which would have insured her escape from danger. but the mother bear did not make an early discovery of the loss in her family. she was probably out berrying, and such experiences of stolen children were wholly unknown to the bear family in washington before this time. the indians would not have troubled the little cub. the black bear of the cascades is quite harmless, and its cubs, like kittens, seem to have a sense of humor unusual among animals. for a white child to see a cub is to desire it to tame for a pet, and mrs. woods felt the same childish instincts when she caught up the little creature, which seemed to have no fear of anything, and ran away with it toward her home. it was saturday evening when she returned, and she found both mr. woods and gretchen waiting to meet her at the door. they were surprised to see her haste and the pivotal turning of her head at times, as though she feared pursuit from some dangerous foe. out of breath, she sank down on the log that served for a step, and, opening her apron cautiously, said: "see here." "where did you get that?" said mr. woods. "i stole it." "what are you going to do with it?" "raise it." "what for?" "for company. i haven't any neighbors." "but what do you want it for?" "it is so cunning. it just rolled over in the trail at my feet, and i grabbed it and ran." "but what if the mother-bear should come after it?" asked gretchen. "i would shoot her." "that would be a strange way to treat your new neighbors," said mr. woods. mr. woods put a leather strap around the neck of the little bear, and tied the strap to a log in the yard. the little thing began to be alarmed at these strange proceedings, and to show a disposition to use its paws in resistance, but it soon learned not to fear its captors; its adoption into the shingle-maker's family was quite easily enforced, and the pet seemed to feel quite at home. there was some difficulty at first in teaching the cub to eat, but hunger made it a tractable pupil of the berry dish, and mrs. "woods was soon able to say: "there it is, just as good as a kitten, and i would rather have it than to have a kitten. it belongs to these parts." poor mrs. woods! she soon found that her pet did "belong to these parts," and that its native instincts were strong, despite her moral training. she lost her bear in a most disappointing way, and after she supposed that it had become wholly devoted to her. she had taught it to "roll over" for its dinner, and it had grown to think that all the good things of this world came to bears by their willingness to roll over. whenever any member of the family appeared at the door, the cub would roll over like a ball, and expect to be fed, petted, and rewarded for the feat. "i taught it that," mrs. woods used to say. "i could teach it anything. it is just as knowing as it is cunning, and lots of company for me out here in the mountains. it thinks more of me than of its old mother. you can educate anything." as the cub grew, mrs. woods's attachment to it increased. she could not bear to see its freedom restrained by the strap and string, and so she untied the string from the log and let it drag it about during the day, only fastening it at night. "there is no danger of its running away," said she; "it thinks too much of me and the berry dish. i've tamed it completely; it's as faithful to its home as a house-cat, and a great deal more company than a cat or dog or any other dumb animal. the nicest bird to tame is a blue-jay, and the best animal for company is a cub. i do believe that i could tame the whole race of bears if i only had 'em." mrs. woods had a pet blue-jay that she had taken when young from its nest, and it would do many comical things. it seemed to have a sense of humor, like a magpie, and to enjoy a theft like that bird. she finally gave it the freedom of the air, but it would return at her call for food and eat from her hand. the blue-jay is naturally a very wild bird, but when it is tamed it becomes very inquisitive and social, and seems to have a brain full of invention and becomes a very comical pet. mrs. woods called her pet bear little roll over. one day a visitor appeared at the emigrant's cabin. a black she-bear came out of the woods, and, seeing the cub, stood up on her haunches in surprise and seemed to say, "how came you here?" it was evidently the mother of the cub. the cub saw its mother and rolled over several times, and then stood up on its haunches and looked at her, as much as to say, "where did you come from, and what brought you here?" in the midst of this interesting interview mrs. woods appeared at the door of the cabin. she saw the mother-bear. true to her new england instincts, she shook her homespun apron and said: "shoo!" she also saw that the little bear was greatly excited, and under the stress of temptation. "here," said she, "roll over." the cub did so, but in the direction of its mother. mrs. woods hurried out toward it to prevent this ungrateful gravitation. the mother-bear seemed much to wonder that the cub should be found in such forbidden associations, and began to make signs by dipping her fore paws. the cub evidently understood these signs, and desired to renew its old-time family relations. "here," said mrs. woods, "you--you--you mind now; roll over--roll over." [illustration: _in the midst of this interview mrs. woods appeared at the door of the cabin._] the cub did so, true to its education in one respect, but it did not roll in the direction of its foster-mother, but rolled toward its own mother. it turned over some five or more times, then bounded up and ran toward the she-bear. the latter dropped her fore feet on the earth again, and the two bears, evidently greatly delighted to find each other, quickly disappeared in the woods. as the cub was about to enter the bushes it turned and gave a final glance at mrs. woods and rolled over. this was too much for mrs. woods's heart. she said: "after all i have done for ye, too! oh, little roll over, little roll over, i wouldn't have thought it of you!" she surveyed the empty yard, threw her apron over her head, as stricken people used to do in lynn in the hour of misfortune, and sat down on the log at the door and cried. "i never have had any confidence in injuns," she said, "since my saw walked off. but i did have some respect for bears. i wonder if i shall ever meet that little cre'tur' again, and, if i do, if it will roll over. this world is all full of disappointments, and i have had my share. maybe i'll get it back to me yet. nevertheless--" mrs. woods often talked of little roll over and its cunning ways; she hoped she would some time meet it again, and wondered how it would act if she should find it. chapter v. the nest of the fishing eagle. benjamin continued to attend the school, but it was evident that he did so with an injured heart, and chiefly out of love for the old chief, his father. he had a high regard for his teacher, whose kindness was unfailing, and he showed a certain partiality for gretchen; but he was as a rule silent, and there were dark lines on his forehead that showed that he was unhappy. he would not be treated as an inferior, and he seemed to feel that he was so regarded by the scholars. he began to show a peculiar kind of contempt for all of the pupils except gretchen. he pretended not to see them, hear them, or to be aware of their presence or existence. he would pass through a group of boys as though the place was vacant, not so much as moving his eye from the direct path. he came and went, solitary and self-contained, proud, cold, and revengeful. but this indifference was caused by sensitiveness and the feeling that he had been slighted. the dark lines relaxed, and his face wore a kindly glow whenever his teacher went to his desk--if the split-log bench for a book-rest might be so called. "i would give my life for gretchen and you," he said one day to mr. mann; and added: "i would save them all for you." there was a cluster of gigantic trees close by the school-house, nearly two hundred feet high. the trees, which were fir, had only dry stumps of limbs for a distance of nearly one hundred feet from the ground. at the top, or near the top, the green leaves or needles and dead boughs had matted together and formed a kind of shelf or eyrie, and on this a pair of fishing eagles had made their nest. the nest had been there many years, and the eagles had come back to it during the breeding season and reared their young. for a time after the opening of the school none of the pupils seemed to give any special attention to this high nest. it was a cheerful sight at noon to see the eagles wheel in the air, or the male eagle come from the glimmering hills and alight beside his mate. one afternoon a sudden shadow like a falling cloud passed by the half-open shutter of the log school-house and caused the pupils to start. there was a sharp cry of distress in the air, and the master looked out and said: "attend to your books, children; it is only the eagle." but again and again the same swift shadow, like the fragment of a storm-cloud, passed across the light, and the wild scream of the bird caused the scholars to watch and to listen. the cry was that of agony and affright, and it was so recognized by benjamin, whose ear and eye were open to nature, and who understood the voices and cries of the wild and winged inhabitants of the trees and air. he raised his hand. "may i go see?" the master bowed silently. the boy glided out of the door, and was heard to exclaim: "look! look! the nest--the nest!" the master granted the school a recess, and all in a few moments were standing without the door peering into the tall trees. the long dry weather and withering sun had caused the dead boughs to shrink and to break beneath the great weight of the nest that rested upon them. the eagle's nest was in ruins. it had fallen upon the lower boughs, and two young half-fledged eaglets were to be seen hanging helplessly on a few sticks in mid-air and in danger of falling to the ground. it was a bright afternoon. the distress of the two birds was pathetic, and their cries called about them other birds, as if in sympathy. the eagles seldom descended to any point near the plain in their flight, but mounted, as it were, to the sun, or floated high in the air; but in their distress this afternoon they darted downward almost to the ground, as though appealing for help for their young. while the school was watching this curious scene the old chief of the umatillas came up the cool highway or trail, to go home with benjamin after school. the eagles seemed to know him. as he joined the pitying group, the female eagle descended as in a spasm of grief, and her wing swept his plume. she uttered a long, tremulous cry as she passed and ascended to her young. "she call," said the old chief. "she call me." "i go," said benjamin, with a look at his father. "yes, go--she call. she call--the god overhead he call. go!" a slender young pine ran up beside one of the giant trees, tall and green. in a moment benjamin was seen ascending this pine to a point where he could throw himself upon the smallest of the great trees and grasp the ladder of the lower dead branches. up and up he went in the view of all, until he had reached a height of some hundred and fifty feet. the eagles wheeled around him, describing higher circles as he ascended. he reached the young eagles at last, but passed by them. what was he going to do? there was a shelf of green boughs above him, which would bear the weight of a nest. he went up to them at a distance of nearly two hundred feet. he then began to gather up the fallen sticks of the old nest, and to break off new sticks and to construct a new nest. the old chief watched him with pride, and, turning to the master, said: "ah-a--that is my boy. he be me. i was he once--it is gone now--what i was." when benjamin had made a nest he descended, and at the peril of his own life, on the decayed limbs, he rescued the two young eagles that were hanging with heads downward and open beaks. he carried them up to the new nest and placed them in it, and began to descend. but a withered bough that he grasped was too slender for his weight, and broke. he grasped another, but that too gave way. he tried to drop into the top of the tall young pine below him, but, in his effort to get into position to do so, limb after limb of dead wood broke, and he came falling to the earth, amid the startled looks of the chief and the cries of the children. the ground was soft, and his body lay for a time half imbedded in it. he was senseless, and blood streamed from his nose and reddened his eyes. the old chief seized his arm and tried to raise him, but the effort brought no sign of life, and his body was lowered slowly back again by the agonized father, who sat down and dropped his head on his son's breast. mr. mann brought water and wet the boy's lips and bathed his brow. he then placed his hand over the boy's heart and held it there. there was a long silence. the old chief watched the teacher's hand. he seemed waiting for a word of hope; but mr. mann did not speak. the old chief lifted his head at last, and said; appealingly: "boston tilicum, you do not know how i feel! you do not know--the birds know--_you_ do not know!" the teacher rubbed the boy's breast and arms, and said: "he will revive." "what, boston tilicum?" "he will _live_." "my boy?" "yes." the dark face brightened. the old man clasped the boy's hand and drew it to his breast. the children attempted to brush the earth out of the young hero's dark, matted hair, but the old chief said, mysteriously: "no touch him! he is mine." at last a convulsive movement passed over the boy's body. the teacher again pressed his hand on the heart of his pupil, and he quickly exclaimed: "it beats." the fiery sun gleamed from the snowy mountains. there were cool murmurs of winds in the trees, and they sent forth a resinous odor into the air. the balm dropped down like a messenger of healing. presently the boy's eyes opened and gazed steadily into the blue air. the eagles were wheeling about the trees. the boy watched them, as though nothing had passed. they were making narrowing circles, and at last each alighted on the new nest beside their young. he turned his face slowly toward his father. "saved!" he said. "they are happy. i fell. let's go." he rose up. as he did so the male eagle rose from his nest and, uttering a glad scream, wheeled in the sky and made his way through the crimson haze toward the fishing grounds of the lower columbia. the chief's eye followed him for a time; then the old man turned a happy face on the schoolmaster and children and said: "i know how he feels--the manitou overhead--he made the hearts of all; yours--the birds--mine. he is glad!" there was something beautiful and pathetic in the old chief's sense of the common heart and feeling of all conscious beings. the very eagles seemed to understand it; and master mann, as he turned away from the school-house that day, said to gretchen: "i myself am being taught. i am glad to learn all this large life. i hope that you will one day become a teacher." gretchen went home that afternoon with a glad heart. benjamin did not return to the school again for several days, and when he came back it seemed to be with a sense of humiliation. he seemed to feel somehow that he ought not to have fallen from the tree. the fourth of july came, and master mann had invited the school to come together on the holiday for patriotic exercises. he had one of the pupils read the declaration of independence on the occasion, and gretchen played the president's march on the violin. he himself made an historical address, and then joined in some games out of doors under the trees. he brought to the school-house that day an american flag, which he hung over the desk during the exercises. when the school went out to play he said: "i wish i could hang the flag from a pole, or from the top of one of the trees." benjamin's face brightened. "i will go," he said; "i will go _up_." "hang it on the eagle's nest," said one of the pupils. "the eagle is the national bird." mr. mann saw that to suspend the national emblem from the eagle's nest would be a patriotic episode of the day, and he gave the flag to benjamin, saying: "beware of the rotten limbs." "i no woman," said benjamin; and, waving the flag, he moved like a squirrel up the trees. he placed the flag on the nest, while the eagles wheeled around him, screaming wildly. he descended safely, and made the incident an object lesson, as mr. mann repeated the ode to the american eagle, found at that time in many reading-books. while mr. mann was doing so, and had reached the line-- "bird of columbia, well art thou," etc., one of the eagles swept down to the nest and seized the banner in his talons. he rose again into the air and circled high, then with a swift, strong curve of the wings, came down to the nest again, and, seizing the flag, tore it from the nest and bore it aloft to the sky. [illustration: _the eagle soared away in the blue heavens, and the flag streamed after him in his talons._] it was a beautiful sight. the air was clear, the far peaks were serene, and the glaciers of mount hood gleamed like a glory of crystallized light. the children cheered. the bird soared away in the blue heavens, and the flag streamed after him in his talons. he dropped the flag at last over a dark, green forest. the children cheered again. it was miles away. "i go find it," said benjamin; and he darted away from the place and was not seen until the next day, when he returned, bringing the flag with him. marlowe mann never forgot that fourth of july on the columbia. chapter vi. the mountain lion. one morning, as mrs. woods sat in her door picking over some red whortleberries which she had gathered in the timber the day before, a young cow came running into the yard, as if for protection. mrs. woods started up, and looked in the direction from which the animal had come running, but saw nothing to cause the alarm. the cow looked backward, and lowed. mrs. woods set down her dish of red berries, took her gun, and went out toward the timber where the cow had been alarmed. there was on the edge of the timber a large fir that the shingle-maker had felled when he first built his house or shack, but had not used, owing to the hardness of the grain. it lay on the earth, but still connected with its high stump, forming a kind of natural fence. around it were beds of red phlox, red whortleberry bushes, and wild sunflowers. the horny stump and fallen tree had been made very interesting to mrs. woods in her uneventful life by a white squirrel that often had appeared upon it, and made a pretty picture as it sat eating in the sun, its head half covered with its bushy tail. white squirrels were not common in the timber, and this was the only one that mrs. woods had ever seen. "i wish that i could contrive to catch that there white squirrel," she said to gretchen one day; "it would be a sight of company for me when you are gone. the bear used me mean, but i kind o' like all these little children of natur'. but i don't want no injuns, and no more bears unless _he_ comes back again. the schoolmaster may like injuns, and you may, but i don't. think how i lost my saw; injun and all went off together. i can seem to see him now, goin'." as mrs. woods drew near the fallen tree she looked for the white squirrel, which was not to be seen. suddenly the bushes near the stump moved, and she saw the most evil-looking animal that she had ever met drawing back slowly toward the fallen tree. it was long, and seemed to move more like an immense serpent than an animal. it had a catlike face, with small ears and spiteful eyes, and a half-open mouth displaying a red tongue and sharp teeth. its face was sly, malicious, cruel, and cowardly. it seemed to be such an animal as would attack one in the dark. it was much larger than a dog or common black bear. mrs. woods raised her gun, but she thought that she was too far from the house to risk an encounter with so powerful an animal. so she drew back slowly, and the animal did the same defiantly. she at last turned and ran to the house. "gretchen," she said, "what do you think i have seen?" "the white squirrel." "no; a tiger!" "but there are no tigers here; so the chief said." "but i have just seen one, and it had the meanest-looking face that i ever saw on any living creature. it was all snarls. that animal is dangerous. i shall be almost afraid to be alone now." "i shall be afraid to go to school." "no, gretchen, you needn't be afraid. i'll go with you mornin's and carry the gun. i like to walk mornin's under the trees, the air does smell so sweet." that night, just as the last low tints of the long twilight had disappeared and the cool, dewy airs began to move among the pines, a long, deep, fearful cry was heard issuing from the timber. mrs. woods started up from her bed and called, "gretchen!" the girl had been awakened by the cry, which might have been that of a child of a giant in pain. "did you hear that?" asked mrs. woods. "let's get up and go out," said gretchen. presently the same long, clear, pitiable cry, as if some giant distress, was repeated. "it seems human," said mrs. woods. "it makes me want to know what it is. yes, let us get up and go out." the cry was indeed pleading and magnetic. it excited pity and curiosity. there was a strange, mysterious quality about it that drew one toward it. it was repeated a third time and then ceased. there was a family by the name of bonney who had taken a donated claim some miles from the woodses on the columbia. they had two boys who attended the school. early the next morning one of these boys, named arthur, came over to the woodses in great distress, with a fearful story. "something," he said, "has killed all of our cattle. they all lie dead near the clearing, just as though they were asleep. they are not injured, as we can see; they are not shot or bruised, nor do they seem to be poisoned--they are not swelled--they look as though they were alive--but they are cold--they are just dead. did you hear anything in the timber last night?" "yes," said mrs. woods. "wasn't it mysterious? lost your cattle, boy? i am sorry for your folks. mabbie (may be) 'tis injuns." "no; father says that he can find no injury on them." "'tis awful mysterious like," said mrs. woods, "cattle dyin' without anything ailin' 'em! i've always thought this was a good country, but i don't know. tell your folks i'm sorry for 'em. can i do anything for you? i'll come over and see ye in the course of the day." that night the same strange, wild, pleading cry was repeated in the timber. "there's something very strange about that sound," said mrs. woods. "it makes me feel as though i must run toward it. it draws me. it makes me feel curi's. it has haunted me all day, and now it comes again." "do you suppose that the cry has had anything to do with the death of mr. bonney's cattle?" asked gretchen. "i don't know--we don't understand this country fully yet. there's something very mysterious about the death of those cattle. you ought to have seen 'em. they all lie there dead, as though they had just lost their breath, and that was all." the next night was silent. but, on the following morning, a boy came to the school with a strange story. he had been driving home his father's cows on the evening before, when an animal had dropped from a great tree on the neck of one of the cows, which struggled and lowed for a few minutes, then fell, and was found dead. the boy and the other cattle had run away on the sudden appearance of the animal. the dead cow presented the same appearance as the cows of mr. bonney had done. when the old chief appeared at the school-house with benjamin that morning, the school gathered around him and asked him what these things could mean. he replied, in broken chinook, that there was a puma among them, and that this animal sucked the blood of its victims. the puma or cougar or panther, sometimes spelled _painter_, is the american lion. it is commonly called the mountain lion in the northwest. it belongs to the cat family, and received the name of lion from its tawny color. when its appetite for blood has been satisfied, and its face is in repose, it is a very beautiful animal; but when seeking its prey it presents a mean, cowardly, stealthy appearance, and its face is a picture of cruelty and evil. it will destroy as many as fifty sheep in a night, sucking their blood and leaving them as though they had died without any external injury. this terrible animal is easily tamed if captured young, and, strange to say, becomes one of the most affectionate and devoted of pets. it will purr about the feet and lick the hands of its master, and develop all the attractive characteristics of the domestic cat. "we must have a puma-hunt," said the chief, "now--right away." "not to-day?" said the teacher. "yes," said the chief, "now--he eat your children. find boy dead some day, just like cow. he drop down from a tree on a papoose. benjamin and i will go hunt." [illustration: _the mountain lion._] the two disappeared. for several days they did not return. but, one morning, a party of indians in hunting-gear came riding up to the school-house, full of gay spirits and heroic pride. behind them came the old chief on foot, moving slowly, as though tired, and with him was benjamin. the indian boy had a brown skin of an animal on his shoulder--a raw hide with very beautiful fur. the old chief came into the school-room with an air of pride, and stood for a few minutes silent before the master. his face, though wrinkled, was really beautiful and noble, in the light of the happy intelligence that awaited communication. he at last looked each pupil in the face and then said: "we have killed the puma. school no fear now." he took the skin of the animal from benjamin's shoulder, and held it up before the eyes of all. "boston tilicum, who killed the animal?" he said. "it was you?" asked the teacher. "no--not me, not me, no!" "the braves?" "no--not the braves. no." the old chief paused, and then said: "boston tilicum, it was benjamin. treat him well. he is good to me--he mean well. he likes you--he die for you. tell the boys it was benjamin." he turned away slowly, with a bearing of pride. the indian boy gave the puma's skin to the master, and took his seat in silence. there was a spirit in the strange scene that was touching, and the master's lip quivered as he took the old chief's hand that bright morning, as a parting sign of gratitude and good-will. he felt the innate brotherhood of all human hearts, and returned to his desk happy in his calling and work; and seeing that the natural rights of all men were secured; and that the human heart has the same impulses everywhere, as he had never seen these truths before. that night gretchen told the story of the puma to mrs. woods, who had learned the leading incidents of it in the afternoon as she came to meet the girl in the trail, on the way from school. chapter vii. the smoke-talk. one day in september mrs. woods was at work in her cabin, and gretchen was at school. mrs. woods was trying to sing. she had a hard, harsh voice always, and the tune was a battle-cry. the hymn on which she was exercising her limited gifts was not one of the happy tunes of methodism, which early settlers on the columbia loved to sing. it was a very censorious rhyme and took a very despondent view of the human heart: "the pure testimony poured forth from the spirit cuts like a two-edgèd sword; and hypocrites now are most sorely tormented because they're condemnèd by the word." she made the word "hypocrites" ring through the solitary log-cabin--she seemed to have the view that a large population of the world were of this class of people. she paused in her singing and looked out of the door. "there's one honest woman alive," she remarked to herself. "thank heaven, _i_ never yet feared the face of clay!" a tall, dark form met her eye--a great shadow in the scintillant sunlight. it was an aged indian, walking with a staff. he was coming toward the cabin. "umatilla!" she said. "what can he want of me?" the old chief approached, and bowed and sat down on a log that answered for a door-step. "i walk with a staff now," he said. "my bow has drifted away on the tide of years--it will never come back again. i am old." "you have been a good man," said mrs. woods, yielding to an impulse of her better nature. she presently added, as though she had been too generous, "and there aren't many good injuns--nor white folks either for that matter." "i have come to have a smoke-talk with you," said the old chief, taking out his pipe and asking mrs. woods to light it. "listen! i want to go home. when a child is weary, i take him by the hand and point him to the smoke of his wigwam. he goes home and sleeps. i am weary. the great spirit has taken me by the hand; he points to the smoke of the wigwam. there comes a time when all want to go home. i want to go home. umatilla is going home. i have _not_ spoken." the smoke from his pipe curled over his white head in the pure, clear september air. he was eighty or more years of age. he had heard the traditions of juan de fuca, the greek pilot, who left his name on the straits of the puget sea. he had heard of the coming of vancouver in his boyhood, the english explorer who named the seas and mountains for his lieutenants and friends, puget, baker, ranier, and townsend. he had known the forest lords of the hudson bay company, and of astoria; had seen the sail of gray as it entered the columbia, and had heard the preaching of jason lee. the murder of whitman had caused him real sorrow. umatilla was a man of peace. he had loved to travel up and down the columbia, and visit the great bluffs of the puget sea. he lived for a generation at peace with all the tribes, and now that he was old he was venerated by them all. "you are a good old injun," said mrs. woods, yielding to her better self again. "i don't say it about many people. i do think you have done your best--considering." "i am not what i want to be," said umatilla. "it is what we want to be that we shall be one day; don't you think so? the great spirit is going to make me what i want to be--he will make us all what we want to be. my desires are better than i--i will be my desires by and by. my staff is in my hand, and i am going home. the old warriors have gone home. they were thick as the flowers of the field, thick as the stars of the night. my boys are gone home--they were swift as the hawks in the air. benjamin is left to the umatillas. he is no butcher-bird; no forked tongue--he will remember the shade of his father. my heart is in his heart. i am going home. i have _not_ spoken." he puffed his pipe again, and watched an eagle skimming along on the great over-sea of september gold. the indian language is always picturesque, and deals in symbols and figures of speech. it is picture-speaking. the indians are all poets in their imaginations, like children. this habit of personification grows in the indian mind with advancing years. every old indian speaks in poetic figures. umatilla had not yet "spoken," as he said; he had been talking in figures, and merely approaching his subject. there was a long pause. he then laid down his pipe. he was about to speak: "woman, open your ears. the great spirit lives in women, and old people, and little children. he loves the smoke of the wigwam, and the green fields of the flowers, and the blue gardens of stars. and he loves music--it is his voice, the whisper of the soul. "he spoke in the pine-tops, on the lips of the seas, in the shell, in the reed and the war-drum. then _she_ came. he speaks through _her_. i want _her_ to speak for me. my people are angry. there are butcher-birds among them. they hate you--they hate the cabin of the white man. the white men take away their room, overthrow their forests, kill their deer. there is danger in the air. "the october moon will come. it will grow. it will turn into a sun on the border of the night. then come potlatch. my people ask for the dance of the evil one. i no consent--it means graves. "let me have _her_ a moon--she play on the air. she play at the potlatch for me. she stand by my side. the great spirit speak through her. indians listen. they will think of little ones, they will think of departed ones, they will think of the hunt--they will see graves. then the night will pass. then the smoke will rise again from white man's cabin. then i die in peace, and go home to the great spirit and rest. will you let me have her? i _have_ spoken." mrs. woods comprehended the figurative speech. the old chief wished to take gretchen to his wigwam for a month, and have her play the violin on the great night of the potlatch. he hoped that the influence of the music would aid him in preventing the dance of the evil spirits, and a massacre of the white settlers. what should she say? "i will talk with gretchen," she said. "you mean well. i can trust you. we will see." he rose slowly, leaning on his staff, and emptied his pipe. it required a resolute will now to cause his withered limbs to move. but his steps became free after a little walking, and he moved slowly away. poor old chief of the cascades! it was something like another sermon on the mount that he had spoken, but he knew not how closely his heart had caught the spirit of the divine teacher. when gretchen came home from school, mrs. woods told her what had happened, and what the old chief had asked. mr. woods had returned from the block-houses. he said: "gretchen, go! your _traumerei_ will save the colony. go!" gretchen sat in silence for a moment. she then said: "i can trust umatilla. i will go. i want to go. something unseen is leading me--i feel it. i do not know the way, but i can trust my guide. i have only one desire, if i am young, and that is to do right. but is it right to leave you, mother?" "mother!" how sweet that word sounded to poor mrs. woods! she had never been a mother. tears filled her eyes--she forced them back. "yes, gretchen--go. i've always had to fight my way through the world, and i can continue to do so. i've had some things to harden my heart; but, no matter what you may do, gretchen, i'll always be a mother to _you_. you'll always find the latch-string on the outside. you ain't the wust girl that ever was, if i did have a hand in bringing you up. yes--go." "your heart is right now," said gretchen; "and i want to speak to you about benjamin. he told me a few days ago that he hated you, but that no one should ever harm you, because he loved the master." "he did, did he?" said mrs. woods, starting up. "well, i hate him, and i'll never forgive him for tellin' you such a thing as that." "but, mother, don't you love _the_ master, and won't you be friendly and forgiving to benjamin, for _his_ sake? i wish you would. it would give you power; i want you to do so." "i'll think about it, gretchen. i don't feel quite right about these things, and i'm goin' to have a good talk with father lee. the boy has some good in him." "i wish you would tell him that." "why?" "sympathy makes one grow so." "that's so, gretchen. only praise a dog for his one good quality, and it will make a good dog of him. i 'spect 'tis the same with folks. but my nature don't break up easy. i shall come out right some time. i tell you i'm goin' to have a talk with father lee. it is his preachin' that has made me what i am, and may be i'll be better by and by." mrs. woods, with all her affected courage, had good reason to fear an indian outbreak, and to use every influence to prevent it. the very mention of the potlatch filled her with recent terror. she well knew the story of the destruction of whitman and a part of his missionary colony. _that_ was a terrible event, and it was a scene like that that the new settlers feared, at the approaching potlatch; and the thought of that dreadful day almost weakened the faith of mr. mann in the indians. we must tell you the old-time history of the tragedy which was now revived in the new settlement. _the conjured melons._ most people who like history are familiar with the national story of marcus whitman's "ride for oregon"[a]--that daring horseback trip across the continent, from the columbia to the missouri, which enabled him to convince the united states government not only that oregon could be reached, but that it was worth possessing. exact history has robbed this story of some of its romance, but it is still one of the noblest wonder-tales of our own or any nation. monuments and poetry and art must forever perpetuate it, for it is full of spiritual meaning. lovers of missionary lore have read with delight the ideal romance of the two brides who agreed to cross the rocky mountains with their husbands, whitman and spaulding; how one of them sang, in the little country church on departing, the whole of the hymn-- "yes, my native land, i love thee," when the voices of others failed from emotion. they have read how the whole party knelt down on the great divide, beside the open bible and under the american flag, and took possession of the great empire of the northwest in faith and in imagination, and how history fulfilled the dream. at the time of the coming of the missionaries the cayuse indians and nez-percés occupied the elbow of the columbia, and the region of the musical names of the wallula, the walla walla, and waülaptu. they were a superstitious, fierce, and revengful race. they fully believed in witchcraft or conjuring, and in the power to work evil through familiar spirits. everything to them and the neighboring tribes had its good or evil spirit, or both--the mountains, the rivers, the forest, the sighing cedars, and the whispering firs. the great plague of the tribes on the middle columbia was the measles. the disease was commonly fatal among them, owing largely to the manner of treatment. when an indian began to show the fever which is characteristic of the disease, he was put into and inclosed in a hot clay oven. as soon as he was covered with a profuse perspiration he was let out, to leap into the cold waters of the columbia. usually the plunge was followed by death. there was a rule among these indians, in early times, that if the "medicine-man" undertook a case and failed to cure, he forfeited his own life. the killing of the medicine-man was one of the dramatic and fearful episodes of the columbia. returning from the east after his famous ride, whitman built up a noble mission station at waülaptu. he was a man of strong character, and of fine tastes and ideals. the mission-house was an imposing structure for the place and time. it had beautiful trees and gardens, and inspiring surroundings. mrs. whitman was a remarkable woman, as intelligent and sympathetic as she was heroic. the colony became a prosperous one, and for a time occupied the happy valley of the west. one of the vices of the cayuse indians and their neighbors was stealing. the mission station may have overawed them for a time into seeming honesty, but they began to rob its gardens at last, and out of this circumstance comes a story, related to me by an old territorial officer, which may be new to most readers. i do not vouch for it, but only say that the narrator of the principal incidents is an old territorial judge who lives near the place of the whitman tragedy, and who knew many of the survivors, and has a large knowledge of the indian races of the columbia. to his statements i add some incidents of another pioneer: "the thieving cayuses have made 'way with our melons again," said a young farmer one morning, returning from the gardens of the station. "one theft will be followed by another. i know the cayuses. is there no way to stop them?" one of the missionary fraternity was sitting quietly among the trees. it was an august morning. the air was a living splendor, clear and warm, with now and then a breeze that rippled the leaves like the waves of the sea. he looked up from his book, and considered the question half-seriously, half-humorously. "i know how we used to prevent boys from stealing melons in the east," said he. "how?" "put some tartar emetic in the biggest one. in the morning it would be gone, but the boys would never come after any more melons." the young farmer understood the remedy, and laughed. "and," added he, "the boys didn't have much to say about melons after they had eaten _that_ one. the subject no longer interested them. i guess the indians would not care for more than one melon of that kind." "i would like to see a wah-wah of indian thieves over a melon like that!" said the gardener. "i declare, i and the boys will do it!" he went to his work, laughing. that day he obtained some of the emetic from the medical stores of the station, and plugged it into three or four of the finest melons. next morning he found that these melons were gone. the following evening a tall indian came slowly and solemnly to the station. his face had a troubled look, and there was an air of mystery about his gait and attitude. he stopped before one of the assistant missionaries, drew together his blanket, and said: "some one here no goot. you keep a conjurer in the camp. indian kill conjurer. conjurer ought die; him danger, him no goot." the laborers gathered round the stately indian. they all knew about the nauseating melons, and guessed why he had come. all laughed as they heard his solemn words. the ridicule incensed him. "you one conjurer," he said, "he conjure melons. one moon, two moons, he shall die." the laborers laughed again. "half moon, more moons, he shall suffer--half moon, more moons," that is, sooner or later. the missionary's face grew serious. the tall indian saw the change of expression. "braves sick." he spread out his blanket and folded it again like wings. "braves double up _so_"--he bent over, opening and folding his blanket. "braves conjured; melon conjured--white man conjure. indian kill him." there was a puzzled look on all faces. "braves get well again," said the missionary, incautiously. "then you _know_," said the indian. "you know--you conjure. make sick--make well!" he drew his blanket again around him and strode away with an injured look in his face, and vanished into the forests. "i am sorry for this joke," said the missionary; "it bodes no good." november came. the nights were long, and there was a perceptible coolness in the air, even in this climate of april days. joe stanfield, a half-breed canadian and a member of whitman's family, was observed to spend many of the lengthening evenings with the cayuses in their lodges. he had been given a home by whitman, to whom he had seemed for a time devoted. joe lewis, an indian who had come to whitman sick and half-clad, and had received shelter and work from him, seems to have been on intimate terms with stanfield, and the two became bitter enemies to the mission and sought to turn the cayuses against it, contrary to all the traditions of indian gratitude. in these bright autumn days of a great calamity fell upon the indians of the columbia. it was the plague. this disease was the terror of the northwestern tribes. the cayuses caught the infection. many sickened and died, and whitman was appealed to by the leading indians to stay the disease. he undertook the treatment of a number of cases, but his patients died. the hunter's moon was now burning low in the sky. the gathering of rich harvests of furs had begun, and british and american fur-traders were seeking these treasures on every hand. but at the beginning of these harvests the cayuses were sickening and dying, and the mission was powerless to stay the pestilence. a secret council of cayuses and half-breeds was held one night under the hunter's moon near walla walla, or else on the umatilla. five crows, the warrior, was there with joe lewis, of whitman's household, and joe stanfield, alike suspicious and treacherous, and old mungo, the interpreter. sitkas, a leading indian, may have been present, as the story i am to give came in part from him. joe lewis was the principal speaker. addressing the cayuses, he said: "the moon brightens; your tents fill with furs. but death, the robber, is among you. who sends death among you? the white chief (whitman). and why does the white chief send among you death, the robber, with his poison? that he may possess your furs." "then why do the white people themselves have the disease?" asked a cayuse. none could answer. the question had turned joe lewis's word against him, when a tall indian arose and spread his blanket open like a wing. he stood for a time silent, statuesque, and thoughtful. the men waited seriously to hear what he would say. it was the same indian who had appeared at the mission after the joke of the plugged melons. "brothers, listen. the missionaries are conjurers. they conjured the melons at waülaptu. they made the melons sick. i went to missionary chief. he say, 'i make the melons well.' i leave the braves sick, with their faces turned white, when i go to the chief. i return, and they are well again. the missionaries conjure the melons, to save their gardens. they conjure you now, to get your furs." the evidence was conclusive to the cayuse mind. the missionaries were conjurers. the council resolved that all the medicine-men in the country should be put to death, and among the first to perish should be whitman, the conjurer. such in effect was the result of the secret council or councils held around waülaptu. whitman felt the change that had come over the disposition of the tribes, but he did not know what was hidden behind the dark curtain. his great soul was full of patriotic fire, of love to all men, and zeal for the gospel. he was nothing to himself--the cause was everything. he rode hither and thither on the autumn days and bright nights, engaged in his great work. he went to oregon city for supplies. "mr. mckinley," he said to a friend, "a cayuse chief has told me that the indians are about to kill all the medicine-men, and myself among them. i think he was jesting." "dr. whitman," said mckinley, "a cayuse chief never jests." he was right. the fateful days wore on. the splendid nights glimmered over mount hood, and glistened on the serrated mountain tents of eternal snow. the indians continued to sicken and die, and the universal suspicion of the tribes fell upon whitman. suddenly there was a war-cry! the mission ran with blood. whitman and his wife were the first to fall. then horror succeeded horror, and many of the heroic pioneers of the columbia river perished. "the jesuits have been accused of causing the murder of whitman," said one historian of washington to me. "they indignantly deny it. i have studied the whole subject for years with this opinion, that the indian outbreak and its tragedies had its origin, and largely gathered its force, from the terrible joke of the conjured melons. "that was the evidence that must have served greatly to turn the indian mind against one of the bravest men that america has produced, and whose name will stand immortal among the heroes of washington and oregon." i give this account as a local story, and not as exact history; but this tradition was believed by the old people in washington. when any one in the new settlement spoke of the potlatch, this scene came up like a shadow. would it be repeated? footnotes: [footnote a: see historical notes.] chapter viii. the black eagle's nest. in the log school-house, lewis and clarke's expedition was used as a reading-book. master mann had adopted it because it was easy to obtain, and served as a sort of local geography and history. in this book is an account of a great black eagle's nest, on the falls of the missouri; and the incident seemed intensely to interest the picturesque mind of benjamin. "let us go see," said benjamin, one day after this poetic part of lewis and clarke's narrative had been read. "what do you mean?" asked mr. mann. "i carry canoe, and we go and find him!" "what?" "the black eagle's nest." "why?" "i'll get a plume--wear it here. please father. i love to please father." there was to be a few weeks' vacation in a part of september and october, and benjamin's suggestion led mr. mann to plan an excursion to the falls of the missouri at that time. the old chief would be glad to have benjamin go with him and help hunt, and carry the canoe. they would follow the salmon river out of the columbia, to a point near the then called jefferson river, and so pass the mountains, and launch themselves on the missouri, whence the way would be easy to the falls. the dream of this expedition seemed to make benjamin perfectly happy. he had already been over a part of this territory, with his father, on a visit to the friendly tribes. the mid-autumn in the valleys of the columbia and missouri rivers is serene, and yet kindles, with a sort of fiery splendor. the perfect days of america are here. master mann and benjamin started on their expedition with a few indians, who were to see them to the jefferson river and there leave them. the yankee schoolmaster had a prophetic soul, and he felt that he was treading the territory of future empires. launched on the missouri, the thought of what the vast plains might become overwhelmed him at times, and he would lie silent in his boat, and pray and dream. the soul of the indian boy seemed as bright as the golden air of the cloudless days, during most of the time on the salmon river, and while passing through the mountains. but he would sometimes start up suddenly, and a shade would settle on his face. master mann noticed these sudden changes of mood, and he once said to him: "what makes you turn sad, benjamin?" "potlatch." "but that is a dance." "hawks." "i think not, benjamin!" "you do not know. they have a bitter heart. my father does not sleep. it is you that keeps him awake. he loves you; you love me and treat me well; he loves you, and want to treat you well--see. _she_ make trouble. indians meet at night--talk bitter. they own the land. they have rights. they threaten. father no sleep. sorry." _the falls of the missouri._ the falls of the missouri are not only wonderful and beautiful, but they abound with grand traditions. before we follow our young explorer to the place, let us give you, good reader, some views of this part of montana as it was and as it now appears. we recently looked out on the island that once lifted the great black eagle's nest over the plunging torrent of water--the nest famous, doubtless, among the indians, long before the days of lewis and clarke. we were shown, in the city of great falls, a mounted eagle, which, it was claimed, came from this nest amid the mists and rainbows. the fall near this island, in the surges, is now known as the black eagle's fall. this waterfall has not the beauty or the grandeur of the other cataracts--the rainbow falls and the great falls--a few miles distant. but it gathers the spell of poetic tradition about it, and strongly appeals to the sense of the artist and the poet. the romancer would choose it for his work, as the black eagles chose it for their home. near it is one of the most lovely fountains in the world, called the giant spring. "close beside the great missouri, ere it takes its second leap, is a spring of sparkling water like a river broad and deep." the spring pours out of the earth near the fall in a great natural fountain, emerald-green, clear as crystal, bordered with water-cresses, and mingles its waters with the clouded surges of the missouri. if a person looks down into this fountain from a point near enough for him to touch his nose to the water, all the fairy-like scenes of the silver springs and the waukulla spring in florida appear. the royal halls and chambers of undine meet the view, with gardens of emeralds and gem-bearing ferns. it kindles one's fancy to gaze long into these crystal caverns, and a practical mind could hardly resist here the poetic sense of fouqué that created undine. the black eagle falls, with its great nest and marvelous fountains, was a favorite resort of the blackfeet indians and other indian tribes. it is related in the old traditions that the piegans, on one of their expeditions against the crows, rested here, and became enchanted with the fountain: "hither came the warrior piegans on their way to fight the crow; stood upon its verge, and wondered what could mean the power below." the piegans were filled with awe that the fountain rose and fell and gurgled, as if in spasms of pain. they sent for a native medicine-man. "why is the fountain troubled?" they asked. "this," said the indian prophet, "is the pure stream that flows through the earth to the sun. it asks for offerings. we cast the spoils of war into it, and it carries them away to the sun's _tepee_, and the sun is glad, and so shines for us all." the blackfeet worshiped the sun. the sun river, a few miles above this cataract, was a medicine or sacred river in the tribal days, and it was in this region of gleaming streams and thundering waterfalls that the once famous sun-dances were held. there was a barbarous splendor about these sun-dances. the tribes gathered for the festival in the long, bright days of the year. they wore ornaments of crystal, quartz, and mica, such as would attract and reflect the rays of the sun. the dance was a glimmering maze of reflections. as it reached its height, gleaming arrows were shot into the air. above them, in their poetic vision, sat the sun in his _tepee_. they held that the thunder was caused by the wings of a great invisible bird. often, at the close of the sun-dance on the sultry days, the clouds would gather, and the thunder-bird would shake its wings above them and cool the air. delightful times were these old festivals on the missouri. at evening, in the long northern twilights, they would recount the traditions of the past. some of the old tales of the blackfeet, piegans, and chippewas, are as charming as those of la fontaine. the rainbow falls are far more beautiful than those of the black eagle. they are some six miles from the new city of great falls. a long stairway of two hundred or more steps conducts the tourist into their very mist-land of rocks and surges. here one is almost deafened by the thunder. when the sun is shining, the air is glorious with rainbows, that haunt the mists like a poet's dream. the great fall, some twelve miles from the city, plunges nearly a hundred feet, and has a roar like that of niagara. it is one of the greatest water-powers of the continent. the city of great falls is leaping into life in a legend-haunted region. its horizon is a borderland of wonders. afar off gleam the highwood mountains, with roofs of glistening snow. buttes (hills with level tops) rise like giant pyramids here and there, and one may almost imagine that he is in the land of the pharaohs. bench lands diversify the wide plains. ranches and great flocks are everywhere; armies of cattle; creeks shaded with cottonwood and box-elder; birds and flowers; and golden eagles gleaming in the air. the rockies wall the northern plains. the belt mountain region near great falls is a wonder-land, like the garden of the gods in colorado, or the goblin land near the yellowstone. it would seem that it ought to be made a state park. here one fancies one's self to be amid the ruins of castles, cathedrals, and fortresses, so fantastic are the shapes of the broken mountain-walls. it is a land of birds and flowers; of rock roses, wild sunflowers, golden-rods; of wax-wings, orioles, sparrows, and eagles. here roams the stealthy mountain lion. this region, too, has its delightful legends. one of these legends will awaken great curiosity as the state of montana grows, and she seems destined to become the monarch of states. in sieur de la verendrye, the french governor of quebec, sent out an expedition, under his sons and brother, that discovered the rocky mountains, which were named _la montana roches_. on the th of may, , this expedition visited the upper missouri, and planted on an eminence, probably in the near region of great falls, a leaden plate bearing the arms of france, and raised a monument above it, which the verendryes named _beauharnois_. it is stated that this monument was erected on a river-bluff, between bowlders, and that it was twenty feet in diameter. there are people who claim to have discovered this monument, but they fail to produce the leaden plate with the arms of france that the explorers buried. the search for this hidden plate will one day begin, and the subject is likely greatly to interest historical societies in montana, and to become a very poetic mystery. into this wonder-land of waterfalls, sun-dances, and legends, our young explorers came, now paddling in their airy canoe, now bearing the canoe on their backs around the falls. mr. mann's white face was a surprise to the native tribes that they met on the way, but benjamin's brightness and friendly ways made the journey of both easy. they came to the black eagle falls. the great nest still was there. it was as is described in the book of the early explorers. it hung over the mists of the rapids, and, strangely enough, there were revealed three black plumes in the nest. benjamin beheld these plumes with a kind of religious awe. his eyes dilated as he pointed to them. "they are for me," he said. "one for me, one for father, and one for you. i'll get them all." he glided along a shelf of rocks toward the little island, and mounted the tree. the black eagles were yet there, though their nest was empty. he passed up the tree under the wings of the eagles, and came down with a handful of feathers. "the book was true," said he. they went to medicine river, now called the sun river, and there witnessed a sun-dance. it was a scene to tempt a brilliant painter or poet. the chiefs and warriors were arrayed in crystals, quartz, and every bright product of the earth and river that would reflect the glory of the sun. they returned from where the city of great falls is now, back to the mountains and to the tributaries of the columbia. benjamin appeared before his father, on his return, with a crest of black eagle's plumes, and this crest the young indian knight wore until the day of his death. "i shall wear mine always," he said to his father. "you wear yours." "yes," said his father, with a face that showed a full heart. "both together," said benjamin. "both together," replied umatilla. "always?" said benjamin. "always," answered the chief. the indians remembered these words. somehow there seemed to be something prophetic in them. wherever, from that day, umatilla or young eagle's plume was seen, each wore the black feather from the great eagle's nest, amid the mists and rainbows or mist-bows of the falls of the missouri. it was a touch of poetic sentiment, but these indian races of the columbia lived in a region that was itself a school of poetry. the potlatch was sentiment, and the sun-dance was an actual poem. many of the tents of skin abounded with picture-writing, and the stories told by the night fires were full of picturesque figures. gretchen's poetic eye found subjects for verse in all these things, and she often wrote down her impressions, and read them to practical mrs. woods, who affected to ignore such things, but yet seemed secretly delighted with them. "you have _talons_" she used to say, "but they don't amount to anything, anyway. nevertheless--" the expedition to the falls of the missouri, and the new and strange sights which benjamin saw there, led him to desire to make other trips with the schoolmaster, to whom he became daily more and more attached. in fact, the indian boy came to follow his teacher about with a kind of jealous watchfulness. he seemed to be perfectly happy when the latter was with him, and, when absent from him, he talked of him more than of any other person. in the middle of autumn the sky was often clouded with wild geese, which in v-shaped flocks passed in long processions overhead, _honking_ in a trumpet-like manner. sometimes a flock of snowy geese would be seen, and the laughing goose would be heard. "where do they go?" said mr. mann one day to benjamin. the boy told him of a wonderful island, now known as whidby, where there were great gatherings of flocks of geese in the fall. "let's go see," said he. "the geese are thicker than the bushes there--the ponds are all alive with them there--honk--honk--honk! let's go see." "when the school is over for the fall we will go," said mr. mann. the indian boy's face beamed with delight. he dreamed of another expedition like that to the wonderful falls. he would there show the master the great water cities of the wild geese, the emigrants of the air. the thought of it made him dance with delight. often at nightfall great flocks of the canada geese would follow the columbia towards the sea. benjamin would watch them with a heart full of anticipation. it made him supremely happy to show the master the wonderful things of the beautiful country, and the one ambition of his heart now was to go to the lakes of the _honks_. chapter ix. gretchen's visit to the old chief of the cascades. "go to the chief's lodge, gretchen, and stay until the potlatch, and i will come to visit you." such were the words of mrs. woods, as her final decision, after long considering the chief's request. the forest lodge of the old chief of the cascades was picturesque without and within. outwardly, it was a mere tent of skins and curious pictography, under the shadows of gigantic trees, looking down on the glistening waters of the columbia; inwardly, it was a museum of relics of the supposed era of the giant-killers, and of the deep regions of the tooth and claw; of potlatches, masques and charms of _medas_ and _wabenoes_; of curious pipes; of odd, curious feathers, and beautiful shells and feather-work and pearls. but, though all things here were rude and primitive, the old chief had a strong poetic sense, and the place and the arrangement of everything in it were very picturesque in its effect, and would have delighted an artist. on a hill near were grave-posts, and a sacred grove, in which were bark coffins in trees. near by was an open field where the indian hunters were accustomed to gather their peltries, and where visiting bands of indians came to be hospitably entertained, and feasts were given _à la mode de sauvage_. from the plateau of the royal lodge ran long forest trails and pathways of blazed trees; and near the opening to the tent rose two poles, to indicate the royal rank of the occupant. these were ornamented with ideographic devices of a historical and religious character. the family of umatilla consisted of his squaw, an old woman partly demented, and benjamin, who was now much of the time away with the schoolmaster. the old chief was very kind to his unfortunate wife, and treated her like a child or a doll. benjamin was about to take as his bride an indian girl whom the english called fair cloud, and she was a frequent visitor at the tent. to this patriarchal family gretchen came one day, bringing her violin. fair cloud was there to receive her, and the crazy old squaw seemed to be made happy by the sight of her white face, and she did all that she could in her simple way to make her welcome. she gave her ornaments of shells, and pointed out to her a wabeno-tree, in whose tops spirits were supposed to whisper, and around which indian visitors sometimes danced in the summer evenings. the indian maid was eager to hear the violin, but the old chief said: "it is the voice of the merciful; let it be still--the god should not speak much." he seemed to wish to reserve the influence of the instrument for the potlatch, to make it an object of wonder and veneration for a time, that its voice might be more magical when it should be heard. there was a kind of tambourine, ornamented with fan-like feathers, in the lodge. fair cloud used to play upon it, or rather shake it in a rhythmic way. there was also a war-drum in the lodge, and an indian called blackhoof used to beat it, and say: "i walk upon the sky, my war-drum 'tis you hear; when the sun goes out at noon, my war-drum 'tis you hear! "when forkèd lightnings flash, my war-drum 'tis you hear. i walk upon the sky, and call the clouds; be still, my war-drum 'tis you hear!" the tribes of the oregon at this time were numerous but small. they consisted chiefly of the chinooks, vancouvers, the walla wallas, the yacomars, the spokans, the cayuses, the nez-percés, the skagits, the cascades, and many tribes that were scarcely more than families. they were for the most part friendly with each other, and they found in the oregon or columbia a common fishing-ground, and a water-way to all their territories. they lived easily. the woods were full of game, and the river of salmon, and berries loaded the plateaus. red whortleberries filled the woodland pastures and blackberries the margins of the woods. the climate was an almost continuous april; there was a cloudy season in winter with rainy nights, but the japanese winds ate up the snows, and the ponies grazed out of doors in mid-winter, and spring came in february. it was almost an ideal existence that these old tribes or families of indians lived. [illustration: _an indian village on the columbia._] among the early friends of these people was dick trevette, whose tomb startles the tourist on the columbia as he passes mamaloose, or the island of the dead. he died in california, and his last request was that he might be buried in the indian graveyard on the columbia river, among a race whose hearts had always been true to him. the old chief taught gretchen to fish in the columbia, and the withered crone cooked the fish that she caught. strange visitors came to the lodge, among them an indian girl who brought her old, withered father strapped upon her back. the aged indian wished to pay his last respects to umatilla. indians of other tribes came, and they were usually entertained at a feast, and in the evening were invited to dance about the whispering tree. the song for the reception of strangers, which was sung at the dance, was curious, and it was accompanied by striking the hand upon the breast over the heart at the words "here, here, here": "you resemble a friend of mine, a friend i would have in my heart-- here, here, _here_. "my heart is linked to thine; you are like a friend of mine-- here, here, _here_. "are we not brothers, then; shall we not meet again-- here, here, _here_? "mi, yes, we brothers be, so my fond heart sings to thee-- here, here, _here_. "ah! yes, we brothers be; will you not answer me-- here, here, _here_?" gretchen was happy in the new kind of life. she did not fear the indians; in fact, the thing that she feared most was the promised visit of mrs. woods. she was sure that her foster-mother's spirit would change toward the indians, but the change had not yet come. one evening the schoolmaster came to call. he was bent upon a mission, as always. the family gave him a seat outside of the tent, and gathered around him, and they talked until the stars came out and were mirrored in the columbia. one of the first questions asked by the old chief was, "is eagle's plume (benjamin) brave?" (a good scholar). "yes, brave at times; he must learn to be brave always. he must always keep his better self. the world would be good if people would learn to keep their better selves. do you see?" "yes." "a chief should conquer himself first; obey the will of the great manitou--do you see?" "yes, but how can we know his will?" "it is his will that we be our best minds. forgive, and so make bad people good, and return good for bad. do you see?" "yes, boy, do you see?" (to benjamin). "yes, yes, i see what white man means. but white man do not so. he cheat--he kill." "_boston tilicum_, what do you say?" asked the chief. "white man does not follow his best heart when he cheats and kills. it is wrong. all men should be brothers--see?" "yes, i have tried to be a brother. i have no shed blood--i live in peace--like yonder river. the stars love to shine on the peaceful river. benjamin will learn. i go away when the swallows go, and no more come when the swallows bring the spring on their wings again. teach benjamin to be his good self all the time; make him good _here_." all the indian visitors who came to the place examined the violin cautiously, and the indian hunters seemed to regard gretchen with suspicion. when any asked her to play for them, the old chief would answer: "not now, but at the potlatch--then it speak and you will hear; you will hear what it says." but, of all the people that came to the lodge, no one could have been more curious than mrs. woods. she had been living in terror of the threatened events of the october feast, and yet she wished to make the indians believe that she was indifferent to their ill-will, and that she possessed some hidden power that gave her security. she approached the lodge slowly on the occasion of her visit, picking red whortleberries by the way. benjamin watched her nervous motions, and felt that they implied a want of respect, and he grew silent and looked stoical. gretchen went out to meet her, and brought her to the old chief. [illustration: _afar loomed mount hood._] it was a beautiful day, one of those long dreams of golden splendor that glorify the banks of the oregon. eccentric victor trevette and his indian wife were at the lodge, and the company were joined by the rev. jason lee, who had come up the columbia in the interests of the mission in the willamette valley. seattle[b] was there, from the willamette, then young, and not yet the titular chief of governor stevens.[c] it was a company of diverse spirits--trevette, the reputed gambler, but the true friend of the indian races; lee, who had beheld oregon in his early visions, and now saw the future of the mountain-domed country in dreams; sharp-tongued but industrious and warm-hearted mrs. woods; the musical german girl, with memories of the rhine; and the indian chief and his family. the columbia rolled below the tall palisades, the opposite bank was full of cool shadows of overhanging rocks, sunless retreats, and dripping cascades of glacier-water. afar loomed mount hood in grandeur unsurpassed, if we except tacoma, inswathed in forests and covered with crystal crowns. the chinook winds were blowing coolly, coming from the kuro siwo, or placid ocean-river from japan; odoriferous, as though spice-laden from the flowery isles of the yellow sea. warm in winter, cool in summer, like the gulf winds of floridian shores, the good angel of the puget sea territories is the chinook wind from far asia, a mysterious country, of which the old chief and his family knew no more than of the blessed isles. "it is a day of the great manitou," said the old chief. "he lights the sun, and lifts his wings for a shadow, and breathes on the earth. he fills our hearts with peace. i am glad." "i only wish my people in the east knew how wonderful this country is," said jason lee. "i am blamed and distrusted because i leave my mission work to see what great resources here await mankind. i do it only for the good of others--something within me impels me to do it, yet they say i neglect my work to become a political pioneer. as well might they censure joshua." "as a missionary," said the old hunter, "you would teach the indians truth; as a pioneer, you would bring colonies here to rob them of their lands and rights. i can respect the missionary, but not the pioneer. see the happiness of all these tribal families. benjamin is right--mrs. woods has no business here." "adventurer," said mrs. woods, rising upon her feet, "i am a working-woman--i came out here to work and improve the country, and you came here to live on your injun wife. the world belongs to those who work, and not to the idle. it is running water that freshens the earth. husband and i built our house with our own hands, and i made my garden with my own hands, and i have defended my property with my own hands against bears and injuns, and have kept husband to work at the block-house to earn money for the day of trouble and helplessness that is sure some day to come to us all. i raise my own garden-sass and all other sass. i'm an honest woman, that's what i am, and have asked nothing in the world but what i have earned, and don't you dare to question my rights to anything i possess! i never had a dollar that i did not earn, and that honestly, and what is mine is mine." "be careful, woman," said the hunter. "it will not be yours very long unless you have a different temper and tongue. there are black wings in the sky, and you would not be so cool if you had heard the things that have come to my ears." mrs. woods was secretly alarmed. she felt that her assumed boldness was insincere, and that any insincerity is weakness. she glanced up a long ladder of rods or poles which were hung with potlatch masks--fearful and merciless visages, fit to cover the faces of crime. she had heard that umatilla would never put on a mask himself, although he allowed the custom at the tribal dances. mrs. woods dropped her black eyes from the ominous masks to the honest face of the chief. "there," said she, lifting her arm, "there sits an honest man. he never covered his heart with a mask--he never covered his face with a mask. he has promised me protection. he has promised to protect the school. i can trust a man who never wears a mask. most people wear masks--death takes the masks away; when death comes to umatilla, he will find great umatilla only, fearless and noble--honest and true, but no mask. he never wore a mask." "but, woman," said umatilla, "you are wearing a mask; you are afraid." "yes, but i can trust your word." "you seek to please me for your own good." "yes--but, umatilla, i can trust your word." "the word of umatilla was never broken. death will come to umatilla for his mask, and will go away with an empty hand. i have tried to make my people better.--brother lee, you have come here to instruct me--i honor you. listen to an old indian's story. sit down all. i have something that i would say to you." the company sat down and listened to the old chief. they expected that he would speak in a parable, and he did. he told them in chinook the story of _the wolf brother._ an old indian hunter was dying in his lodge. the barks were lifted to admit the air. the winds of the seas came and revived him, and he called his three children to him and made his last bequests. "my son," he said, "i am going out into the unknown life whence i came. give yourself to those who need you most, and always be true to your younger brother." "my daughter," he said, "be a mother to your younger brother. give him your love, or for want of it he may become lonely and as savage as the animals are." the two older children promised, and the father died at sunset, and went into the unknown life whence he came. the old indian had lived apart from the villages of men for the sake of peace; but now, after his death, the oldest son sought the villages and he desired to live in them. "my sister," he said, "can look out for my little brother. i must look out for myself." but the sister tired of solitude, and longed to go to the villages. so one day she said to her little brother: "i am going away to find our brother who has taken up his abode in the villages. i will come back in a few moons. stay you here." but she married in the villages, and did not return. the little brother was left all alone, and lived on roots and berries. he one day found a den of young wolves and fed them, and the mother-wolf seemed so friendly that he visited her daily. so he made the acquaintance of the great wolf family, and came to like them, and roam about with them, and he no longer was lonesome or wished for the company of men. one day the pack of wolves came near the villages, and the little boy saw his brother fishing and his sister weaving under a tree. he drew near them, and they recognized him. "come to us, little brother," said they, sorry that they had left him to the animals. "no--no!" said he. "i would rather be a wolf. the wolves have been kinder to me than you. "my brother, my brother, i am turning-- am turning into a wolf. you made me so! "my sister, my sister, i am turning-- i am turning into a wolf. you made me so!" "o little brother, forgive me," said the sister; "forgive me!" "it is too late now. see, i _am_ a wolf!" he howled, and ran away with the pack of wolves, and they never saw him again. * * * * * "jason lee, be good to my people when i am gone, lest they become like the little brother. "victor trevette, be good to my people when i am gone, lest they become like the little brother." the tall form of marlowe mann now appeared before the open entrance of the lodge. the yankee schoolmaster had been listening to the story. the old chief bent his eye upon him, and said, "and, boston tilicum, do you be good to benjamin when i am gone, so that he shall not become like the little brother." "you may play, gretchen, now--it is a solemn hour; the voices of the gods should speak." gretchen took her violin. standing near the door of the tent, she raised it to her arm, and the strains of some old german music rose in the glimmering air, and drifted over the columbia. "i think that there are worlds around this," said the old chief. "the great spirit is good." the sun was going down. high in the air the wild fowls were flying, with the bright light yet on their wings. the glaciers of mount hood were flushed with crimson--a sea of glass mingled with fire. it was a pastoral scene; in it the old history of oregon was coming to an end, after the mysteries of a thousand years, and the new history of civilization was beginning. evening came, and the company dispersed, but the old chief and gretchen sat down outside of the tent, and listened to the murmuring music of the dalles of the columbia, and breathed the vital air. the columbia is a mile wide in some places, but it narrows at the dalles, or shelves and pours over the stone steps the gathered force of its many tides and streams. across the river a waterfall filled the air with misty beauty, and a castellated crag arose solitary and solemn--the remnant of some great upheaval in the volcanic ages. [illustration: _a castellated crag arose solitary and solemn._] the red ashes of the sunset lingered after the fires of the long day had gone down, and the stars came out slowly. the old chief was sad and thoughtful. "sit down by my feet, my child," he said to gretchen, or in words of this meaning. "i have been thinking what it is that makes the music in the violin. let us talk together, for something whispers in the leaves that my days are almost done." "let me get the violin and play to you, father; we are alone." "yes, yes; get the music, child, and you shall play, and we will talk. you shall sit down at my feet and play, and we will talk. go, my little spirit." gretchen brought her violin, and sat down at his feet and tuned it. she then drew her bow, and threw on the air a haunting strain. "stop there, little spirit. it is beautiful. but what made it beautiful?" "my bow--don't you see?" gretchen drew her bow, and again lifted the same haunting air. "no--no--my girl--not the bow--something behind the bow." "the strings?" "no--no--something behind the strings." "my fingers--so?" "no--no--something behind the fingers." "my head--_here_?" "no--something behind that." "my heart?" "no--no--something behind that." "i?" "yes--you, but something behind that. i have not seen it, my girl--your spirit. it is that that makes the music; but there is something behind that. i can feel what i can not see. i am going away, girl--going away to the source of the stream. then i will know everything good is beautiful--it is good that makes you beautiful, and the music beautiful. it is good that makes the river beautiful, and the stars. i am going away where all is beautiful. when i am gone, teach my poor people." gretchen drew his red hand to her lips and kissed it. the chief bent low his plumed head and said: "that was so beautiful, my little spirit, that i am in a haste to go. one moon, and i will go. play." gretchen obeyed. when the strain died, the two sat and listened to the murmuring of the waters, as the river glided down the shelves, and both of them felt that the spirit of eternal goodness with a father's love watched over everything. the old chief rose, and said again: "when i am gone to my fathers, teach my poor people." he added: "the voice of the good spirits ask it--the all-good asks it--i shall go away--to the land whence the light comes. you stay--teach. you will?" "yes," said gretchen--a consciousness of her true calling in life coming upon her, as in an open vision--"i will be their teacher." the old chief seemed satisfied, and said: "it is well; i am going away." much of the chief's talk was acted. if he wished to speak of a star, he would point to it; and he would imitate a bird's call to designate a bird, and the gurgle of water when speaking of a running stream. he spoke chinook freely, and to see him when he was speaking was to learn from his motions his meaning. footnotes: [footnote b: see historical notes.] [footnote c: see historical notes.] chapter x. mrs. woods meets little roll over again. one day rev. jason lee came up from the cascades, in a boat, to visit mr. and mrs. woods on their donation claim. mr. lee at this tine was inspired with missionary zeal for the indians, and he remembered mrs. woods kindly as an ignorant but earnest and teachable woman, whom the influence of his preaching had brought to his spiritual flock. he knew her needs of counsel and help, he pitied her hard and lonely life, and he came to visit her from time to time. he had once given her a copy of wesley's hymns, and these hymns she had unconsciously learned, and delighted to quote on all occasions. her favorite hymn in the collection was written by thomas olivers, one of wesley's coadjutors, beginning-- "the god of abrah'm praise." she used to sing it often about her work; and one approaching the cabin, might often have heard her trying to sing to the old hebrew melody of _leoniel_--a tune perhaps as old as the jewish temple itself--such sublime thoughts as these-- "the god of abrah'm praise, at whose supreme command from earth i rise, and seek the joys at his right hand; i all on earth forsake, its wisdom, fame, and power; and him my only portion make, my shield and tower. "he by himself hath sworn, i on his oath depend; i shall, on eagles' wings upborne, to heaven ascend: i shall behold his face, i shall his power adore, and sing the wonders of his grace forever more." another favorite hymn, in an easy metre, was john wesley's triumphant review of life in his middle age. the tune, although marked in the music-books c.p.m., and thus indicating some difficulty, was really as simple as it was lively, and carried the voice along like the music of a meadow stream: "how happy is the pilgrim's lot, how free from every anxious thought, from worldly hope and fear! confined to neither court nor cell, his soul disdains on earth to dwell-- he only sojourns here." mrs. woods was singing as usual about her work, when jason lee rapped at her door. "father lee," said mrs. woods, "can i trust my eyes!--come again to see me, away out here in the timber? well, you are welcome. i have got something on my mind, and i have long been wanting to have a talk with you. how is the mission at the dalles?" "it is prospering, but i regard it as my duty to leave it and go back to the east; and this may be my farewell visit, though i expect to come back again." "why, father lee, what has changed your mind? you surely can not think it your duty to leave this great country in the oregon! you are needed here if anywhere in this world." "yes, but it is on account of this country on the oregon being great, as you call it, that i must go away. it was once my calling in life to become a missionary to the indians of oregon, and to see this wonderful land. the same voice that called me to that work calls me again to go back to tell the people of the east of their great opportunity here. i owe it to my country's future to do this. i have eaten the grapes of a promised land, and i must return to my own people with the good report. i believe that the best life of america will yet be here--it seems to be so revealed to me. my mission was to the indians; it is now to induce colonies to come to the oregon." "well, each heart knows its own calling and duty, and none of us are led alike. father lee, gretchen has been reprovin' me, though she shouldn't, perhaps, being a girl. she was sassy to me, but she meant well. she is a well-meanin' girl, though i have to be hard on her sometimes--it is my duty to be, you know. "well, some months ago, more than a year, an injun ran away with my best saw, and that gave me a prejudice against the injuns, i suppose. afterward, young eagle's plume--benjamin, the chief's boy--insulted me before the school by takin' a stick out of my hand, and i came to dislike him, and he hates me. there are many injuns in the timber now, and they all cast evil looks at me whenever i meet them, and these things hint that they are goin' to capture me at the potlatch and carry me away. i hate injuns. "but gretchen has told me a thing that touches my feelin's. she says that benjamin he says that he will protect me on account of his love for the master; and that, on account of my love for the good master of us all and his cause, i ought to show a different spirit toward the injuns. what do you think?" "gretchen is right, although a girl should be modest with her elders. hatred only multiplies itself; when one overcomes his evil passions he gains others, and loses nothing. do you see?" "but i am always good to those i like and those who treat me well. think how i used to take care of the sick folk on our way out here, and what i have tried to do for gretchen!" "'if ye love them that love you, what thank have ye?' all people love those who love them--the savages do. to give up one's evil desires, and to help others by returning love for hate, is the true life. the best friends in the world that we can have are those that we have drawn to our hearts by forgiveness. do something good to every indian that hates you, and you will never be carried away captive." "but whitman, remember whitman: he showed the right spirit, and the injuns killed _him_!" "his death was caused by a misapprehension, and it made him a martyr. his work lives. men live in their work." "well, father lee, if benjamin can overcome his evil feelin's for his master, i ought to do so for mine, as gretchen says. my bad spirit in this matter has long troubled me; it has caused a cloud to come over me when singin' hymns. i will give it all up now--i will give up everything, and just follow the better spirit. i want to do right, so that i can sing hymns." when father lee left the cabin, mrs. woods accompanied him to his boat on the river. as they were passing along under the tall spruces whose tops glimmered in the sun, and whose cool shadows made the trail delightful and refreshing, a black she-bear suddenly rose up before them, and a cub started up by her side. the great bear and the little bear both stood on their haunches, with their fore-feet outstretched like arms, as in great surprise. mrs. woods stopped and threw up her arms, and parson lee drew back. mrs. woods looked at the little bear, and the little bear at her. "roll over, roll over!" she suddenly exclaimed. a strange event followed, very strange indeed in the eyes of the startled missionary. the little bear rolled itself into a ball, and began to turn over and over, and to come toward them in its somersaults. the mother bear made a peculiar noise, dropped upon her four feet and ran off into the timber; and the little one, hearing the noise and movement, leaped up and followed her. "what _does_ that mean?" asked the missionary, in astonishment. "that is little roll over. i taught him that trick myself. he was once a pet of mine, and he ran away." "extraordinary!" said the missionary; "and it seems to me, if you have such a good influence over bears, you might do a great deal of good among the indians." "and i will," said mrs. woods. "i mean to live so i can sing hymns, and feel right about it." on the return home, mrs. woods looked everywhere for her pet bear. she did not fear the old bear, for these animals are generally harmless if unmolested. she called, "roll over! roll over!" when she came to the place where she had had the adventure. but there was no answer except from the blue jays that piped out their shrill call in the tall trees. mrs. woods came home to have a long battle with herself. her idea of happiness seemed to be the freedom to sing hymns with a clear conscience, and the poor pioneer woman's philosophy was not very far from right. chapter xi. marlowe mann's new robinson crusoe. besides the narrative of lewis and clarke, which was used in the school as a reader, mr. mann made use of another book in his teaching which greatly delighted his pupils and often awakened their sympathies. it was called "john e. jewett and thompson." it presented a picture of life on the coast early in the century. the strange story was much as follows: _the robinson crusoe of vancouver._ about the year the ship boston, from boston, mass., went to hull, england, to secure a cargo of goods to carry to the indians on the northwest coast of america to trade for furs. she was a general trading-vessel, such as roamed the seas of the world adventurously at that time, and often made fortunes for the merchants of new york, boston, and other atlantic port cities. she was commanded by captain john salter, a clever man and a natural story-teller, whose engaging pictures of travel were sure to fascinate the young. while in england this man met a lad by the name of john rogers jewett, who listened eagerly to his romantic adventures, and who desired to embark with him for america, and was allowed by his parents to make the voyage. the ship sailed around cape horn to nootka island, one of the islands on the west coast of vancouver island between the forty-ninth and fiftieth parallel. here the whole crew, with the exception of young jewett and a man by the name of thompson, were massacred by the indians, and the strange and tragic narrative of the survivors was an american and english wonder-tale seventy years ago. mr. jewett published the account of his capture and sufferings, under the title of "john r. jewett and thompson," or, to copy the title of the quaint old book before me, "a narrative of the adventures and sufferings of john r. jewett, only survivor of the crew of the ship boston, during a captivity of nearly three years among the savages of nootka sound." the book was issued from london, england, and from middletown, conn. after robinson crusoe, perhaps no book was more eagerly read by our grandfathers in their boyhood than this. the indian king of nootka was maquina. he used to visit the ship, sometimes wearing a wooden mask over his face representing some wild beast. such masks are still to be found among the indians of vancouver. maquina was at first very friendly to captain salter, but one day the latter offended him, and he resolved to have his revenge by killing him and the crew, and destroying the ship. accordingly, one morning, after he had been capering on deck and blowing a rude whistle, he said to the captain: "when do you intend to sail?" "to-morrow," replied the captain. "you love salmon--much in friendly cove; go, then, and catch some," said the chief. the captain thought it very desirable to have a large supply of fish on board, so he assented to the chief's proposal, and, after dinner with the latter, he sent away a jolly-boat or yawl with nine men to fish in friendly cove. a series of tragedies followed. "i went down to my vise-bench in the steerage," says mr. jewett, in his narrative, "where i was employed in cleaning muskets. i had not been there more than an hour, when i heard a great bustle and confusion on deck. i ran up the steerage stairs, but scarcely was my head above deck when i was caught by the hair by one of the savages. my hair was short, and i fell from his hold into the steerage. as i was falling, he struck me with an axe and cut a deep gash in my forehead. i remained in a state of suspense for some time, when maquina himself appeared at the hatch and ordered me to come up. what a terrific spectacle met my eyes! six naked savages stood in a circle around me, covered with the blood of my murdered comrades! i thought that my last moment had come, and commended my soul to my maker. "'john,' said the chief, 'i speak--you no say no; you say no--daggers come. will you become my slave and fight for me?' i answered, 'yes.' then he told me that he would spare my life. "taking me by the hand, he led me to the quarter-deck, where the most horrid sight presented itself; the heads of our unfortunate captain and his crew, to the number of twenty-five, were arranged in a line. "maquina then ordered me to get the ship under way for friendly cove. we were there received by the inhabitants of the village with loud shouts of joy and a horrible drumming of sticks upon the roofs and sides of their houses. maquina took me on shore to his house." young jewett became a favorite of the chief's son, and was made a member of the tribe. he was compelled to marry an indian princess, and his search for his wife is a wonderful romance, and really very poetic, as the marriage customs of the tribes are associated with a rustic festival worthy of a painter and poet. the young princess chosen was beautiful, and served him with the most affectionate devotion, but he could not love her, because he had been compelled to marry her. the most remarkable incidents of this strange narrative are associated with the fate of those who were engaged in the massacre of the officers and crew of the boston, and which show that the experience of retribution is a law common to all peoples and lands. the principal chief or sub-chief among the warriors was tootooch. he had married maquina's sister. he ranked next to maquina in all things pertaining to war, and he had been the foremost leader and the most merciless of conquerors in the destruction of the boston. he killed two men on shore, presumably with his own hand. insanity is not common among the indians. but a terrible mania took possession of this ambitious warrior. "while in the enjoyment of the highest health," says mr. jewett, "he was suddenly seized with delirium, in which he fancied that he saw the ghosts of the two men that he had murdered." the avenging vision followed him wherever he went. he was filled with terror at all times, and at last refused to eat to sustain his life. the indians forced food into his mouth. maquina was informed of the terrible state of the warrior's mind by his sister, tootooch's wife. he went to the haunted man's house, taking mr. thompson and mr. jewett with him. "we found him raving about the two murdered men, hall and wood," says jewett. "maquina placed provisions before him, but he would not eat." at last the distressed _tyee_, induced by hunger, put forth his hand to touch the food. but he suddenly drew it back, saying that hall and wood were there. "they will not let me eat," said he, with a look of despair and terror. maquina pointed to thompson and jewett. "is it they who have bewitched you?" he asked. "_wik_ (no); john _klashish_ (is good), thompson _klashish_ (is good)." he arose and piteously put his hand on jewett's shoulder, and, pointing to the food offered him, he said, "eat." "eat it yourself," replied mr. jewett. "hall and wood are not there." "you can not see them," he answered; "i can. i know that you can not see them." "what do you do in your own country in such cases as this?" asked maquina. "we confine the person and whip him," said jewett. the chief ordered that the haunted warrior should be confined and whipped; but the pain did not relieve the warrior's mind of the terrible vision of the two men that he had killed. he grew more wild. he would torture his slaves for diversion. his wife fled from him. the vision continued until he became completely exhausted, and death came with a merciful face. "early in june," says mr. jewett, "tootooch, the crazy chief, died. the whole village set up a loud cry. the body was laid on a plank, and the head bound with a red fillet. it was then wrapped in an otter-skin robe and placed in a large coffin, which was ornamented with rows of white shells. it was buried by night in a cavern." the _tyees_ or chiefs had discussed often the policy of putting mr. jewett and mr. thompson to death, and so end all evidence of the destruction of the boston in the event of new ships appearing on the coast. but the spectacle of tootooch staring at the ghosts of the men that he had killed, and wasting away amid days and nights of horror, made them fear that the other warriors engaged in the massacre would become affected in the like way, and deterred them from any further violence. jewett was at last rescued by a trading-ship, and was taken to the columbia river, where he arrived shortly after the visit of lewis and clarke, of the famous expedition that bears these names. he finally came to new england and settled in middletown, conn. his history gives a very picturesque view of the habits and customs of the indians on the northwest coast nearly a century ago. the book can be found in antiquarian libraries, and should be republished in the interest of american folk-lore. the truth of the incidents gives the whole narrative a vivid and intense interest; it reads like de foe. chapter xii. old joe meek and mr. spaulding. one day a man in a buckskin habit came to the door of the school-house and looked in upon the school. his face was that of a leader of men, hard and powerful; one could see that it feared nothing, and that it looked with contempt on whatever was artificial, affected, or insincere. his form had the strength and mettle of a pioneer. he rapped a loud, hard rap, and said, in a sturdy tone: "may i come in?" the master welcomed him cordially and courteously, and said: "this is mr. meek, i believe?" "yes, old joe meek, the pioneer--you have heard of me." "yes, yes," said mr. mann. "you have caught the spirit of oregon--you are oregon. you have made the interest of this great country your life; i honor you for it. i feel the same spirit coming over me. what we do here is done for a thousand years, for here the great life of the anglo-saxon race is destined to come. i can see it; i feel it. the morning twilight of time is about me. i can hear the oregon calling--calling; to teach here is a glorious life; the whole of humanity is in it. i have no wish to return to the east again." "stranger, give me your hand." the new england schoolmaster took the hard hand of the old pioneer, and the two stood there in silence. the children could not understand the great, soul-expanding sympathy that made these two men friends. they gazed on mr. meek's buckskin jacket and trousers with curiosity, for they were picturesque with their furs, belts, and weapons, and he looked like a warrior or a forest knight clad in armor. he wore the same buckskin suit when he appeared in washington as the delegate to congress from oregon. it was at the time of polk and dallas, and not a person in washington probably knew him when he made his appearance at the congressional hotel. the people at the hotel stared at him as the children did now. he went into the great dining-room with the other congressmen, but alone and unknown. the colored waiters laughed at him as he took his seat at the table. the other people at the table were served, but no one came near him. at last he turned and faced a hurrying colored man, and, in a voice that silenced the room, said: "waiter, come here!" the waiter rolled up his eyes and said, "sir?" "have you any big meat to-day?" "yes, sir." "any bear?" "any bear? bear? no, sir." "any buffalo?" "any buffalo--buffalo? where did you come from? no, sir." "well, waiter you may bring me what you have." the waiter went away with white teeth, and a smile and titter passed around the table. the waiter returned with the usual first course of the meal, and was about to hurry away, when the old pioneer took out his pistol and laid it down on the table, saying: "waiter, you stand there, i may want you; and if anybody wants to know who i am, tell him i am hon. joseph meek, the delegate of the people of oregon." when it was known who mr. meek was, he was met by mr. dallas, the courtly vice-president. "i will attend you to the reception this afternoon, where you will meet the wives of the congressmen," said he. "i will call for you at three." the vice-president called, and was surprised to find mr. meek still in his buckskins. "you do not intend to go in that habit to the reception?" said he. "yes," said mr. meek, "or else not go at all. in the first place, i have nothing else to wear, and what is good enough for me to wear among the people of oregon is good enough for their representative here." we have given, in these two anecdotes, very nearly mr. meek's own words. a few days after the visit of this most extraordinary man, another visitor came. she was an earnest-looking woman, on an indian pony, and there was a benevolence in her face and manner that drew the whole school into immediate sympathy with her. the lady was mrs. spaulding, one of the so-called "brides of oregon." her husband had come to the territory with dr. whitman and his bride. the long missionary journey was the bridal tour of mrs. whitman and mrs. spaulding. they were the first white women who crossed the rocky mountains. it was related of mrs. spaulding, who had a beautiful voice, and was a member of a church quartet or choir in a country town in new york, as a leading singer, that, just before leaving the place for her long horseback journey of more than two thousand miles, she sang in the church the hymn beginning-- "yes, my native land, i love thee," in such an affecting manner as to silence the rest of the choir, and melt the congregation to tears: "home, thy joys are passing lovely, joys no stranger's heart can tell; happy scenes and happy country, can i bid you all farewell? can i leave thee, far in heathen lands to dwell?" this lady addressed the school, and spoke feelingly of the condition of the indian race, and of the field for the teacher in the valleys of the columbia. gretchen listened to the address with open heart. there are moments of revelation when a knowledge of one's true calling in life comes to the soul. faith as a blind but true guide vanishes, and the eye sees. such was the hour to gretchen. she had often felt, when playing on the violin, that the inspiration that gave such influence to her music should be used in teaching the tribes that were so susceptible to its influence. this feeling had grown in the playing and singing of a school-song, the words of which were written by mrs. hunter, an english lady, and the wife of the famous dr. hunter, which showed the heroism and fortitude of the indian character: "the sun sets at night and the stars shun the day, but glory remains when the light fades away; begin, ye tormentors, your threats are in vain, for the son of alknoomook will never complain." the tune or melody was admirably adapted to the violin. benjamin loved to hear it sung, and gretchen was pleased to sing and to play it. mr. mann asked gretchen to play for mrs. spaulding, and she chose this simple but expressive melody. he then asked the school to sing, and he selected the words of "yes, my native land, i love thee," to the music of rousseau's dream. mrs. spaulding could hardly keep from joining in the tune and hymn, then well known to all the missionary pioneers. at the words-- "in the desert let me labor, on the mountain let me tell," her beautiful voice rose above the school, and gretchen's fingers trembled as she played the air. as the lady rode away, gretchen felt tears coming into her eyes. the school was dismissed, and the pupils went away, but gretchen lingered behind. she told benjamin to go to the lodge, and that she would follow him after she had had a talk with the master. "that song is beautiful," said gretchen. "'in the desert let me labor.' that is what i would like to do all my life. do you suppose that i could become a teacher among the indians like mrs. spaulding? it would make me perfectly happy if i could. if i were to study hard, would you help me to find such a place in life?" gretchen's large eyes, filled with tears, were bent earnestly on the face of mr. mann. "yes," he said, "and if i can inspire you only to follow me in such work, it will repay me for an unknown grave in the forests of the columbia." gretchen started; she trembled she knew not why, then buried her face in her arms on the rude log desk and sobbed. she raised her head at last, and went out, singing-- "in the desert let me labor." it was a glorious sundown in autumn. the burning disk of the sun hung in clouds of pearl like an oriel-window in a magnificent temple. black shadows fell on the placid waters of the columbia, and in the limpid air under the bluffs indians fished for salmon, and ducks and grebes sported in river weeds. marlowe mann went away from the log school-house that night a happy man. he had seen that his plans in life were already budding. he cared little for himself, but only for the cause to which he devoted his life--to begin christian education in the great empire of oregon. but how unexpected this episode was, and how far from his early dreams! his spirit had inspired first of all this orphan girl from the rhine, who had been led here by a series of strange events. this girl had learned faith from her father's prayers. on the rhine she had never so much as heard of the columbia--the new rhine of the sundown seas. chapter xiii. a warning. one evening, as gretchen was sitting outside of the lodge, she saw the figure of a woman moving cautiously about in the dim openings of the fir-trees. it was not the form of an indian woman--its movement was mysterious. gretchen started up and stood looking into the darkening shadows of the firs. suddenly the form came out of the clearing--it was mrs. woods. she waved her hand and beckoned to gretchen, and then drew back into the forest and disappeared. gretchen went toward the openings where mrs. woods had so suddenly and strangely appeared. but no one was there. she wondered what the secret of the mysterious episode could be. she returned to the lodge, but said nothing about what she had seen. she passed a sleepless night, and resolved to go to see her foster-mother on the following day. so, after school the next afternoon, she returned to her old home for a brief visit, and to gain an explanation of the strange event of the evening before. she found mrs. woods very sad, and evidently troubled by some ominous experience. "so you saw me?" was her first salutation. "i didn't dare to come any further. they did not see me--did they?" "but, mother, why did you go away--why did you come to the lodge?" "o gretchen, husband has been at home from the shingle-mill, and he has told me something dreadful!" "what, mother?" "there's a conspiracy!" "where?" "among the injuns. a friendly injun told husband in secret that there would be no more seen of the log school-house after the potlatch." "don't fear, mother; the chief and benjamin will protect that." "but that isn't all, gretchen. oh, i am so glad that you have come home! there are dark shadows around us everywhere. i can feel 'em--can't you? the atmosphere is all full of dark faces and evil thoughts. i can't bear to sleep alone here now. gretchen, there's a plot to capture the schoolmaster." "don't fear, mother. i know umatilla--he will never permit it." "but, gretchen, the injun told husband something awful." "what?" "that the schoolmaster would one day perish as dr. whitman did. dr. whitman was stricken down by the injun whom he regarded as his best friend, and he never knew who dealt the blow. he went out of life like one smitten by lightning. o gretchen!" "but, mother, i do not fear. the indians thought that dr. whitman was a conjurer. we make people true, the master says, by putting confidence in them. i believe in the old chief and in benjamin, and there will no evil ever come to the schoolmaster or the log school-house." "gretchen, are you sure? then i did not bring you away out here for nothing, did i? you may be the angel of deliverance of us all. who knows? but, gretchen, i haven't told you all yet." mrs. woods's face clouded again. "the injun told husband that some of the warriors had formed a plot against _me_, and that, if they were to capture me, they would torture me. gretchen, i am afraid. don't you pity me?" "mother, i know my power over the chief and benjamin, and i know the power of a chief's sense of honor. i do pity you, you are so distressed. but, mother, no evil will ever come to you where i am, nor the school where i am. i am going to be a teacher among these indians, if i live; i feel this calling, and my work will somehow begin here." "a teacher among the injuns! you? you a teacher? are anvils going to fly? here i am, a poor lone woman, away out here three thousand miles from home, and tremblin' all over, at every sound that i hear at night, for fear i shall be attacked by injuns, and you are dreamin', with your head all full of poetry, of goin' away and leavin' me, the best friend that you ever had on the earth, as good as a mother to you; of goin' away--of leavin' me, to teach a lot of savages! gretchen, i knew that the world was full of empty heads, but i never realized how empty the human heart is until now! been a mother to you, too!" "o mother, i never thought of leavin' you unless you wished it." "what did you think was goin' to become of me? i never kissed any child but you, and sometimes, when you are real good, i feel just as though i was your mother." "i thought that you would help me." "help you, what doin'?" "to teach the indians." "to teach the injuns--indians you call 'em! i'd like to teach one injun to bring back my saw! i never tried to teach but one injun--and he was _him_. you can't make an eagle run around a door-yard like a goose, and you can't teach an injun to saw wood--the first thing you know, the saw will be missin'.--but how i am runnin' on! i do have a good deal of prejudice against the savages; nevertheless--" "i knew, mother, that you would say 'nevertheless.' it seems to me that word is your good spirit. i wish you would tell me what thought came to your mind when you said that word." "'nevertheless?'" "yes." "well, the master--" "he said--" "yes--preach the gospel to every creature! i suppose that meant injuns and all." "yes--he said '_teach_'--so the schoolmaster explained it." "did he? well, i ought to obey it in spirit--hadn't i?--or at least not hinder others. i might help you teach it if i could get into the right spirit. but what put that thought into your head?" "mrs. spaulding, the missionary, has been to visit the school. she sang so beautifully! these were the words: "'in the desert let me labor, on the mountain let me tell.' "when she sung that, it all came to me--what i was--what i was sent into the world to do--what was the cause of your loving me and bringing me out here--i saw a plan in it all. then, too, it came to me that you would at first not see the calling as i do, but that you would say _nevertheless_, and help me, and that we would work together, and do some good in the world, you and i. oh! i saw it all." "gretchen, did you see all that? do you think that the spirit has eyes, and that they see true? but how could i begin? the injuns all hate me." "make them love you." "how?" "say _nevertheless_ to them." "well, gretchen, you are a good girl, and i am sorry for the hard things that i have said. i do not feel that i have shown just the right spirit toward benjamin. but he has said that he will not do me any harm, for the sake of his master, and i am willin' to give up my will for my master. it is those that give up their desires that have their desires in this world, and anybody who does an injury to another makes for himself a judgment-day of some sort. you may tell benjamin that i am real sorry for bein' hard to him, and that, if he will come over and see me, i'll give him a carved pipe that husband made. now, gretchen, you may go, and i'll sit down and think a spell. i'll be dreadful lonely when you're gone." gretchen kissed her foster-mother at the door, and said: "your new spirit, mother, will make us both so happy in the future! we'll work together. what the master teaches me, i'll teach you." "what--books?" "yes." "o gretchen, your heart is real good! but see here--my hair is gray. oh, i am sorry--what a woman i might have been!" gretchen lay down in the lodge that night beside the dusky wife of the old chief. the folds of the tent were open, and the cool winds came in from the columbia, under the dim light of the moon and stars. the _tepee_, or tent, was made of skins, and was adorned with picture-writing--indian poetry (if so it might be called). overhead were clusters of beautiful feathers and wings of birds. the old chief loved to tell her stories of these strange and beautiful wings. there were the wings of the condor, of the bald and the golden eagle, of the duck-hawk, pigeon-hawk, squirrel-hawk, of the sap-sucker, of the eider duck, and a zenaider-like dove. higher up were long wings of swans and albatrosses, heads of horned owls, and beaks of the laughing goose. through the still air, from some dusky shallow of the river came the metallic calls of the river birds, like the trumpeting swan. the girl lay waking, happy in recalling the spirit with which her foster-mother had accepted her plan of life. suddenly her sensitive spirit became aware of something unusual and strange at the opening of the tent. there was a soft, light step without, a guarded footfall. then a tall, dark shadow distinctly appeared, with a glitter of mother-of-pearl ornaments and a waving of plumes. it stood there like a ghost of a vivid fancy, for a time. gretchen's heart beat. it was not an unusual thing for an indian to come to the _tepee_ late in the evening; but there was something mysterious and ominous in the bearing and atmosphere of this shadowy visitor. the form stepped within the opening of the tent, and a voice whispered, "umatilla, awake!" the old chief raised himself on his elbow with an "ugh!" "come out under the moon." the old chief arose and went out, and the two shadowy forms disappeared among a column of spruces on the musical banks of the columbia. gretchen could not sleep. the two indians returned late, and, as they parted, gretchen heard umatilla's deep voice say, "no!" her fears or instincts told her that the interview had reference to plots which were associated with the great potlatch, now near at hand. she had heard the strange visitor say, "the moon is growing," and there was something shadowy in the very tone in which the words were spoken. mrs. woods sat down in her home of bark and splints all alone after gretchen's departure. "she offers to teach me," she said to herself. "i am so sorry that i was not able to teach her. i never read much, any way, until i came under the influence of the methody. i might have taught her spiritual things--any one can have spiritual knowledge, and that is the highest of all. but i have loved my own will, and to give vent to my temper and tongue. i will change it all. there are times when i am my better self. i will only talk and decide upon what is best in life at such times as these. that would make my better nature grow. when i am out of sorts i will be silent-like. heaven help me! it is hard to begin all these things when one's hair is turnin' gray, and i never knew any one's gray hair to turn young again." she sat in the twilight crying over herself, and at last sang the mournful minor measures of a very quaint old hymn with a peculiar old history: "from whence doth this union arise that hatred is conquered by love? it fastens our souls in such ties as distance and time can't remove." the october moon came up larger and larger night by night. it stood on the verge of the horizon now in the late afternoon, as if to see the resplendent setting of the sun. one wandered along the cool roads at the parting of day between the red sun in the west and the golden moon in the east, and felt in the light of the two worlds the melancholy change in the atmospheres of the year. the old volcanoes glistened, for a wintry crust was widening over their long-dead ovens. mount saint helens, as the far range which led up to the relic of the ancient lava-floods that is now known by that name was called by the settlers, was wonderfully beautiful in the twilights of the sun and moon. mount hood was a celestial glory, and the shadows of the year softened the glimmering glories of the columbia. the boatman's call echoed long and far, and the crack of the flint-lock gun leaped in its reverberations from hill to hill as though the air was a succession of hollow chambers. water-fowl filled the streams and drifted through the air, and the forests seemed filled with young and beautiful animals full of happy life. chapter xiv the potlatch. a potlatch among the tribes of the northwest means a feast at which some wealthy indian gives away to his own people or to a friendly tribe all that he has. for this generosity he becomes a councilor or wise man, or judge, an attendant on the chief in public affairs, and is held in especial honor during the rest of his life. to attain this honor of chief man or councilor, many an ambitious young indian labors for years to amass wampum, blankets, and canoes. the feast at which he exchanges these for political honors is very dramatic and picturesque. it is usually held at the time of the full moon, and lasts for several days and nights. one of the principal features is the _tamanous_, or spirit-dance, which takes place at night amid blazing torches and deafening drums. a chief rarely gives a potlatch; he has no need of honors. but umatilla desired to close his long and beneficent chieftainship with a gift-feast. he loved his people, and there seemed to him something noble in giving away all his private possessions to them, and trusting the care of his old age to their hearts. his chief men had done this, and had gained by it an influence which neither power nor riches can attain. this supreme influence over the hearts of his people he desired to possess. the gift-feast was held to be the noblest service that an indian could render his race. at the great potlatch he would not only give away his private goods, but would take leave of the chieftainship which he had held for half a century. it was his cherished desire to see benjamin made chief. his heart had gone into the young heart of the boy, and he longed to see the light of the eagle's plume, sitting in his place amid the councilors of the nation and so beginning a new history of the ancient people. [illustration: _at the cascades of the columbia_.] the full moon of october is a night sun in the empires of the columbia and the puget sea. no nights in the world can be more clear, lustrous, and splendid than those of the mellowing autumn in the valleys of mount saint helens, mount hood, and the columbia. the moon rises over the crystal peaks and domes like a living glory, and mounts the deep sky amid the pale stars like a royal torch-bearer of the sun. the columbia is a rolling flood of silver, and the gigantic trees of the centuries become a ghostly and shadowy splendor. there is a deep and reverent silence everywhere, save the cry of the water-fowl in the high air and the plash of the cascades. even the chinook winds cease to blow, and the pine-tops to murmur. it was such a night that the potlatch began. on an open plateau overlooking the columbia the old chief had caused a large platform to be built, and on this were piled all his canoes, his stores of blankets, his wampum, and his regal ornaments and implements of war. around the plateau were high heaps of pine-boughs to be lighted during the spirit-dance so as to roll a dark cloud of smoke under the bright light of the high moon, and cause a weird and dusky atmosphere. the sun set; the shadows of night began to fall, but the plateau was silent. not a human form was to be seen anywhere, not even on the river. stars came out like lamps set in celestial windows, and sprinkled their rays on the crimson curtains of the evening. the glaciers on mount hood began to kindle as with silver fires. the east seemed like a lifting gate of light. the great moon was rising. hark! at the first ray of the moon there are heard low, mysterious sounds everywhere. the forests are full of them--calls, like the coyote's bark, or bird-calls, or secret signals. they are human voices. they answer each other. there are thousands of voices calling and answering. the full moon now hangs low over the forests, golden as the morning sun in the mists of the calm sea. there is a piercing cry and a roll of war-drums, and suddenly the edges of the forest are full of leaping and dancing forms. the plateau is alive as with an army. pipes play, shells rattle, and drums roll, and the fantastic forms with grotesque motions pass and repass each other. up the columbia comes a fleet of canoes like a cloud passing over the silvery ripples. the river is all alive with human forms, and airy paddles and the prows of tilting boats. the plateau swarms. it is covered with waving blankets and dancing plumes. all is gayety and mirth. there is another roll of drums, and then silence. the circling blankets and plumes become motionless. the chief of the cascades is coming, and with him is benjamin and his young bride, and gretchen. the royal party mount the platform, and in honor of the event the torch-dance begins. a single torch flashes upon the air; another is lighted from it, another and another. a hundred are lighted--a thousand. they begin to dance and to whirl; the plateau is a dazzling scene of circling fire. gretchen recalled the old _fêtes_ amid the vineyards of the rhine in her childhood. hither and thither the circles move--round and round. there is poetry in this fire-motion; and the great army of fire-dancers become excited under it, and prepared for the frenzy of the spirit-dance that is to follow. the torches go out. the moon turns the smoke into wannish clouds of white and yellow, which slowly rise, break, and disappear. there is another roll of drums. wild cries are heard in the forests. the "biters" are beginning their hunt. who are the biters? they are indians in hides of bears and wolves, who run on their hands and feet, uttering terrible cries, and are followed by women, who, to make the scene more fearful, pretend to hold them back, and restrain them from violence. the spirit-dance is held to be a sacred frenzy, and before it begins the biters are charged to hunt the woods for any who have not joined the army of dancers, and, if such are found, to bite them and tear their flesh with their teeth. they also guard the dance like sentinels, and fly at one who attempts to leave it before it is done. the frenzied shrieks of these human animals, and of the women who follow them, produce a wonderful nervous effect upon the listening multitudes. all feel that they are about to enter into the ecstatic spiritual condition of departed souls, and are to be joined by the shades of the dead heroes and warriors of tradition and story. each dancer has a masque. it may be an owl's head with mother-of-pearl eyes, or a wooden pelican's beak, or a wolf's head. it may be a wooden animal's face, which can be pulled apart by a string, and reveal under it an effigy of a human face, the first masque changing into great ears. the museum at ottawa, canada, contains a great number of such masques, and some missionaries in the northwest make curious collections of them. the whirling begins. everywhere are whirling circles--round and round they go. the sight of it all would make a spectator dizzy. cries arise, each more and more fearful; the whole multitude are at last shrieking with dizzy heads and wildly beating pulses. the cries become deafening; an almost superhuman frenzy passes over all; they seem to be no longer mortal--the armies of the dead are believed to be about them; they think that they are reveling in the joys of the heroes' paradise. one by one they drop down, until the whole assembly is exhausted. at midnight the great fires are kindled, and throw their lights and shadows over the frenzied sleepers. such was the _tamanous_-dance, and so ended the first night of the feast. on the second night the old chief gave away his private possessions, and on the third the wedding ceremony was performed. the wild and inhuman death-dance, which the tribe demanded, was expected to end the festival at the going down of the shadowy moon. could it be prevented after the traditions of unknown centuries, and at a time when the historical pride of the warriors was awakened to celebrate the barbarous deeds of their ancestors? the wedding was simple. it consisted chiefly in gifts to the bride, multoona. the girl was fantastically dressed, with ornaments of shells and feathers, and she followed the young prince demurely. after the ceremony of the bridal gifts came the fire-fly dance, in which light-torches gleamed out in vanishing spirals here and there, and over all the plain. then followed the _tamanous_ or spirit dance, in which a peculiar kind of frenzy is excited, as has been described. the excitement was somewhat less than usual this night, on account of the great orgies which were expected to follow. the third and great night of the potlatch came. it was the night of the full october moon. the sun had no sooner gone down in the crimson cloud-seas among the mountains, than the moon, like another sun, broad and glorious, lifted its arch in the distant blue of the serene horizon. the indians gathered on the glimmering plain in the early shadows of evening, besmeared with yellow ochre and war-paint. every head was plumed. there was a savagery in their looks that had not been seen before. the wild dancers began their motions. the spirit or _tamanous_ dance awakened a frenzy, and all were now impatient for the dance of the evil spirits to begin. the moon hung low over the plateau and the river. the fires were kindled, and the smoke presently gave a clouded gold color to the air. the biters were out, running hither and thither after their manner, and filling the air with hideous cries. all was expectation, when the old chief of the cascades stepped upon the platform, and said: "listen, my children--listen, o sons of the warriors of old. twice four times sixty seasons, according to the notch-sticks, have the wings of wild geese cleaved the sky, and all these years i have lived in peace. my last moon has arisen--i have seen the smile of the great spirit, and i know that the last moon hangs over my head. "warriors, listen! you have always obeyed me. obey me once more. dance not the dance of the evil spirits to-night. let me die in peace. let not blood stain my last days. i want you to remember the days of umatilla as the days of corn and maize and the pipes of peace. i have given you all i have--my days are done. you will respect me." there were mutterings everywhere, suppressed cries of rage, and sharp words of chagrin and disappointment. the old chief saw the general dissatisfaction, and felt it like a crushing weight upon his soul. "i am going to light the pipe of peace," said he, "and smoke it now before you. as many of you as love umatilla, light the pipes of peace." not a light glimmered in the smoky air. there were words of hate and suppressed cries everywhere. a circle was forming, it widened, and it seemed as though the dreaded dance was about to begin in spite of the command of the old chief. suddenly a form in white stood beside umatilla. it was gretchen. a white arm was raised, and the martial strain of the "wild hunt of lutzow" marched out like invisible horsemen, and caused every indian to listen. then there were a few sharp, discordant strains, and then the _traumerei_ lifted its spirit-wings of music on the air. [music: tranmerei. by robert schumann, simplified by f. brandeis.] [music] [music] the murmurs ceased. the plain grew still. "romance" followed, and then the haunting strain of the _traumerei_ rose again. it ceased. lights began to glimmer here and there. peace-pipes were being lighted. "you have saved your people," said umatilla. "play it again." again and again the dream-music drifted out on the air. the plain was now filled with peace-pipes. when the last blended tones died away, the whole tribe were seated on the long plateau, and every old warrior was smoking a pipe of peace. gretchen saw that her spirit, through the violin, had calmed the sea. she was sure now that she had rightly read her mission in life. amid the scene of glimmering peace-pipes, a heavenly presence seemed near her. she had broken the traditions of centuries by the sympathetic thrill of four simple strings. she felt that von weber was there in spirit, and schumann. she felt that her father's soul was near her; but, more than all, she felt that she was doing the work of the great commission. she bowed her head on the instrument, thought of poor, terrorized mrs. woods in her lonely home, and wept. a seen and unseen world had come to her--real life. she saw her power; the gates of that mysterious kingdom, in which the reborn soul is a new creation, had been opened to her. her spirit seemed to rise as on new-created wings, and the world to sink beneath her. she had spiritual sight, ears, and senses--a new consciousness of divine happiness. her purpose became strong to live for the soul alone, and she sung, over and over again, amid the silence of the peace-pipes and the rising of those puffs of smoke in the silver illumination of the high moon-- "in the deserts let me labor, on the mountains let me tell." chapter xv. the traumerei again. an hour passed in this mysterious and strange tranquillity--the noon hour of night. the warriors seemed contented and satisfied. many of them were old; some of them remembered the coming of the first ships to the columbia, and a few of them the long visit of vancouver. they knew the wisdom of umatilla, and seemed proud that his will had been so readily obeyed. but not so with the biters. they were young, and they had plotted on this night to begin hostilities against the settlers. their plan had been to burn the log school-house and the house of the woodses, and to make a captive of mrs. woods, whose hostile spirit they wished to break and punish. soon after the quiet scene at midnight they began to be restless. their cries arose here and there about the margin of the plateau and along the river. the old chief knew their feelings, and saw the stormy ripples here and there. he arose slowly, and called: "my people, draw near." the tribe gathered about the platform. the young braves knew what the old chief was about to say, and their cries of discontent grew loud and multiplied. "the log school-house!" shrieked one, in a voice of rage. "_pil-pil!_" cried another. "_pil-pil!_" echoed many voices. a tumult followed, and gretchen started up from her reverie, and heard among the restless murmurs the name of mrs. woods. she felt a nervous terror for a moment, but her spiritual sense and faith, which had come to her like a new-born life, returned to her. she arose on the platform and took her violin, and looked down upon the sea of dusky faces in the smoky moonlight. she drew her bow. the music quivered. there was a lull in the excited voices. she played low, and there followed a silence. the old chief came heavily up on the platform with a troubled face and stood beside her. "play the beautiful air." she played the _traumerei_ again. the chief arose, as the last strain died away, and said: "my people, listen." the plateau was silent. the columbia could be heard flowing. the trees seemed listening. benjamin came upon the platform, reeling, and seemed about to speak to his father, but the old chief did not heed. "my people, listen," repeated the chief. a wild shriek of pain rent the air, and benjamin dropped at the feet of his father. it was his voice that uttered the cry of agony and despair as he fell. what had happened? the boy lay on the platform as one dead. the old chief bent over him and laid his hand on his face. he started back as he did so, for the face was cold. but the boy's eyes pitifully followed every movement of his father. gretchen sunk down beside the body, and drew her hand across his forehead and asked for water. benjamin knew her. soon his voice came again. he looked wistfully toward gretchen and said: "i shall never go to find the black eagle's nest again. it is the plague. my poor father!--my poor father!" "send for the medicine-man," said the chief. "quick!" hopping-bear, the old medicine-man, came, a dreadful figure in eagle's plumes and bear-skins. to affect the imagination of the people when he was going to visit the sick, he had been accustomed to walk upon his two hands and one foot, with the other foot moving up and down in the air. he believed that sickness was caused by obsession, or the influence of some evil spirit, and he endeavored, by howlings, jumpings, and rattling of snake-skins, to drive this imaginary spirit away. but he did not begin his incantations here; he looked upon benjamin with staring eyes, and cried out: "it is the plague!" the old chief of the cascades lifted his helpless face to the sky. "the stars are gone out!" he said. "i care for nothing more." the boy at times was convulsed, then lay for a time unconscious after the convulsions, then consciousness would return. in one of these moments of consciousness he asked of gretchen: "where is boston tilicum?" "he is not here--he does not know that you are sick." "run for him; tell him i can't go to the missouri with him. i can't find the black eagle's nest. run!" his mind was dreaming and wandering. gretchen sent a runner to bring the schoolmaster to the dreadful scene. a convulsion passed over the boy, but he revived again. "have faith in heaven," said gretchen. "there is one above that will save you." "one above that will save me! are you sure?" "yes," said gretchen. she added: "mother is sorry for what she said to you." "i am sorry," said the boy, pathetically. he was lost again in spasms of pain. when he revived, marlowe mann had come. the boy lifted his eyes to his beloved teacher vacantly; then the light of intelligence came back to them, and he knew him. "i can't go," he said. "we shall never go to the lakes of the honks together. boston tilicum, i am going to die; i am going away like my brothers--where?" it was near the gray light of the morning, and a flock of wild geese were heard trumpeting in the air. the boy heard the sound, and started. "boston tilicum!" "what can i do for you?" "boston tilicum, listen. do you hear? what taught the honks where to go?" "the great father of all." "he leads them?" "yes." "he will lead me?" "yes." "and teach me when i am gone away. i can trust him. but my father--my father! boston tilicum, he loves me, and he is old." flock after flock of wild geese flew overhead in the dim light. the boy lay and listened. he seemed to have learned a lesson of faith from the instincts of these migratory birds. he once turned to the master and said, almost in gretchen's words: "there is one above that will save me." as the morning drew nearer, the air seemed filled with a long procession of canadian geese going toward the sea. the air rang with their calls. the poor boy seemed to think that somehow they were calling to him. there was silence at last in the air, and he turned toward gretchen his strangely quiet face, and said, "play." gretchen raised her bow. as she did so a sharp spasm came over him. he lifted his hand and tried to feel of one of the feathers from the black eagle's nest. he was evidently wandering to the falls of the missouri. his hand fell. he passed into a stertorous sleep, and lay there, watched by the old chief and the silent tribe. just as the light of early morn was flaming through the tall, cool, dewy trees, the breathing became labored, and ceased. there he lay in the rising sun, silent and dead, with the helpless chief standing statue-like above him, and the tribe, motionless as a picture, circled around him, and with gretchen at his feet. "make way!" said the old chief, in a deep voice. he stepped down from the platform, and walked in a kingly manner, yet with tottering steps, toward the forest. gretchen followed him. he heard her step, but did not look around. "white girl, go back," he said; "i want to be alone." he entered the forest slowly and disappeared. just at night he was seen coming out of the forest again. he spoke to but a single warrior, and only said: "bury him as the white men bury; open the blanket of the earth; and command the tribe to be there--to-morrow at sundown. take them all away--i will watch. where is the white girl?" "she has gone home," said the indian. "then i will watch alone. take them all away--i want to be alone. it is the last night of the chief of the umatillas. it is the last watch of the stars. my blood is cold, my heart beats slow--it will not be long!" the chief sat all night by the body. in the morning he went to his lodge, and the tribe made the preparations for the funeral, and opened a grave in the earth. chapter xvi. a silent tribe. it was sunset on the bluffs and valleys of the columbia. through the tall, dark pines and firs the red west glowed like the lights in an oriel or mullioned window. the air was voiceless. the columbia rolled silently in the shadows with a shimmering of crimson on its deep middle tides. the long, brown boats of the salmon-fishers sat motionless on the tide. among the craft of the fishermen glided a long, airy canoe, with swift paddles. it contained an old umatilla indian, his daughter, and a young warrior. the party were going to the young chief's funeral. [illustration: _multnomah falls._] as the canoe glided on amid the still fishermen of other tribes, the indian maiden began to sing. it was a strange song, of immortality, and of spiritual horizons beyond the visible life. the umatillas have poetic minds. to them white tacoma with her gushing streams means a mother's breast, and the streams themselves, like the falls of the distant shoshone, were "falling splendors." she sang in chinook, and the burden of her song was that horizons will lift forever in the unknown future. the chinook word _tamala_ means "to-morrow"; and to-morrow, to the indian mind, was eternal life. the young warrior joined in the refrain, and the old indian listened. the thought of the song was something as follows: "aha! it is ever to-morrow, to-morrow-- tamala, tamala, sing as we row; lift thine eye to the mount; to the wave give thy sorrow; the river is bright, and the rivulets flow; tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go-- tamala! tamala! "happy boat, it is ever to-morrow, to-morrow-- tamala, whisper the waves as they flow; the crags of the sunset the smiles of light borrow, and soft from the ocean the chinook winds blow: tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go-- tamala! tamala! "aha! the night comes, but the light is to-morrow-- tamala, tamala, sing as we go; the waves ripple past, like the heart-beats of sorrow, and the oar beats the wave to our song as we row: tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go-- tamala! tamala! "for ever and ever horizons are lifting-- tamala, tamala, sing as we row; and life toward the stars of the ocean is drifting, through death will the morrow all endlessly glow-- tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go, tamala! tamala!" the paddle dipped in the wave at the word _tamala_, and lifted high to mark the measure of the song, and strew in the warm, soft air the watery jewels colored by the far fires of the sound. so the boat swept on, like a spirit bark, and the beautiful word of immortality was echoed from the darkening bluffs and the primitive pine cathedrals. the place where the grave had been made was on the borders of the oregon desert, a wild, open region, walled with tremendous forests, and spreading out in the red sunset like a sea. it had a scanty vegetation, but a slight rain would sometimes change it into a billowy plain of flowers. the tribe had begun to assemble about the grave early in the long afternoon. they came one by one, solitary and silent, wrapped in blankets and ornamented with gray plumes. the warriors came in the same solitary way and met in silence, and stood in a long row like an army of shadows. squaws came, leading children by the hand, and seated themselves on the soft earth in the same stoical silence that had marked the bearing of the braves. a circle of lofty firs, some three hundred feet high, threw a slanting shadow over the open grave, the tops gleaming with sunset fire. afar, mount hood, the dead volcano, lifted its roof of glaciers twelve thousand feet high. silver ice and black carbon it was now, although in the long ages gone it had had a history written in flame and smoke and thunder. tradition says that it sometimes, even now, rumbles and flashes forth in the darkness of night, then sinks into rest again, under its lonely ice palaces so splendid in the sunset, so weird under the moon. just as the red disk of the sun sunk down behind this stupendous scenery, a low, guttural sound was uttered by potlatch hero, an old indian brave, and it passed along the line of the shadowy braves. no one moved, but all eyes were turned toward the lodge of the old umatilla chief. he was coming--slowly, with measured step; naked, except the decent covering of a blanket and a heroic ornament of eagle-plumes, and all alone. the whole tribe had now gathered, and a thousand dusky forms awaited him in the sunset. there was another guttural sound. another remarkable life-picture came into view. it was the school in a silent procession, following the tall masks, out of the forest trail on to the glimmering plain, the advent of that new civilization before which the forest lords, once the poetic bands of the old umatillas, were to disappear. over all a solitary eagle beat the luminous air, and flocks of wild geese made their way, like v-letters, toward the puget sea. the school soon joined the dusky company, and the pupils stood with uncovered heads around their yankee pedagogue. but the old chief came slowly. after each few steps he would stop, fold his arms, and seem lost in contemplation. these pauses were longer as he drew near the silent company. except the honks of the pilots of the flocks of wild geese, there was a dead silence everywhere. only eyes moved, and then furtively, toward the advancing chief. [illustration: _the old chief stood stoical and silent._] he reached the grave at last by these slow movements, and stepped upon the earth that had been thrown out of it, and folded his arms in view of all. a golden star, like a lamp in the windows of heaven, hung over mount hood in the fading splendors of the twilight, and the great chief bent his eye upon it. suddenly the air was rent by a wail, and a rattle of shells and drums. the body of benjamin was being brought out of the lodge. it was borne on a bier made of poles, and covered with boughs of pine and fir and red mountain phlox. it was wrapped in a blanket, and strewn with odorous ferns. four young braves bore it, besmeared with war-paint. they were followed by musicians, who beat their drums, and rattled shell instruments at irregular times, as they advanced. they came to the grave, lifted the body on its blanket from the bier of evergreens and flowers, and slowly lowered it. the old chief stood stoical and silent, his eye fixed on the star in the darkening shadows. the face of benjamin was noble and beautiful in its death-sleep. over it were two black eagle's plumes. the deep black hair lay loosely about the high, bronze forehead; there was an expression of benevolence in the compressed lips, and the helpless hands seemed like a picture as they lay crossed on each other. as soon as the body was laid in the earth, the old chief bent his face on the people. the mysterious dimness of death was in his features. his eyes gleamed, and his bronze lips were turning pale. "my nation, listen; 'tis my last voice. i am a umatilla. in my youth the birds in the free lakes of the air were not more free. i spoke, and you obeyed. i have but one more command to give. will you obey me? "you bow, and i am glad. "listen! "my fathers were men of war. they rolled the battle-drums. i taught my warriors to play the pipes of peace, and sixty years have they played them under the great moons of the maize-fields. we were happy. i was happy. "i had seven sons. the white man's plague came; the shadow fell on six of them, and they went away with the storm-birds. they entered the new canoe, and sailed beyond us on the sea of life. they came back no more at the sunrisings and sun settings, at the leaf-gatherings of the spring, or the leaf-fallings of the autumn. they are beyond. "one son was left me--benjamin. he was no common youth; the high spirits were with him, and he came to be like them, and he has gone to them now. i loved him. he was my eyes; he was my ears; he was my heart. when i saw his eyes in death, my eyes were dead; when he could hear me call his name no longer, my ears lost their hearing; when his young heart ceased to beat, my own heart was dead. all that i am lies in that grave, beside my dead boy. "my nation, you have always obeyed me. i have but one more command to make. will you obey me? "you bow again. my life-blood is growing cold. i am about to go down into that grave. "one step! the clouds fly and darken, and you will see them return again, but not i. "two steps! farewell, sun and light of day. i shall see thee again, but not as now. "three steps! downward to the grave i descend to meet thee, my own dear boy. adieu, my people. adieu, hearts of faith. farewell, ye birds of the air, ye mighty forests, ye sun of night, and ye marches of stars. i am dying. "two steps more i will take. there he lies before me in the unfolded earth, the life of my life, the heart of my heart. "you have promised to obey me. i repeat it--you have promised to obey me. you have always done so. you must do so now. my hands are cold, my feet are cold, and my heart beats very slow. three steps more, and i shall lay myself on the body of my boy. hear, then, my last command; you have promised to obey it like brave men. "when i have taken my last three steps of life, and laid down beside the uncovered bed of earth beside my boy, fill up the grave forever; my breath will be gone; umatilla will be no more. you must obey. "one step--look! there is fire on the mountain under the curtains of the night. look, the peak flashes; it is on fire.--o spirit of all, i come! one step more! farewell, earth. warriors, fill the grave! the black eagle's plumes will now rest forever." there was deep silence, broken only by the sobs of the little school. a warrior moved and passed round the grave, and uttered the word "dead!" the braves followed him, and the whole tribe like shadows. "dead!" "dead!" passed from mouth to mouth. then a warrior threw a handful of earth into the grave of the father and son. the braves followed his example, then all the tribe. as they were so doing, like phantoms in the dim light, mount saint helens[d] blazed again--one volcanic flash, then another; then all was darkness, and the moon arose in a broad sea of light like a spectral sun. the grave was filled at last. then they brought the cayuse pony of benjamin toward the grave, and a young brave raised the hatchet to kill it, that it might bear the dead boy into the unknown land. there was a cry! it came from gretchen. the girl rushed forward and stood before the hatchet. the pony seemed to know her, and he put his head over her shoulder. "spare him!" she said. "benjamin gave him to me--the soul of benjamin would wish it so." "let the girl have her way," said the old warriors. the moon now moved free in the dark-blue sky, and sky, forest, and plain were a silver sea. the indians began to move away like shadows, one by one, silent and slow. gretchen was the last to go. she followed the school, leading the pony, her soul filled with that consciousness of a new life that had so wonderfully come to her. her way in life now seemed clear: she must teach the umatillas. she left the pony in a grassy clearing, on the trail that led to her home, and hurried toward the cabin to describe all the events of the day to her foster-mother. footnotes: [footnote d: see notes.] chapter xvii. a desolate home and a desolate people. as gretchen was hurrying home on the evening after these exciting scenes, she met mrs. woods in the trail, and she saw at a glance that her foster-mother was in great distress. "o gretchen," she said, "i am so glad that you have come--you are all that is left to me now! i am all alone in the world! have you heard it, gretchen?" "what, mother?" "husband is drowned!" mrs. woods seized the arm of the girl, and the two helpless women hurried toward their rude home, each to relate to the other a scene of distress, and each to wonder what the wide future had in store for them. they held each other by the hand, and talked in the open door of the cabin. then they went in and ate a simple meal of milk and berries, and lay down and slept the sleep of sorrow. at the early light they awoke. almost the first words that gretchen spoke were: "let us face life and be fearless. i have faith. my father had faith, and my mother lived by faith. it was faith that led them across the sea. their faith seemed to be unfulfilled, but it will be fulfilled in me. i feel it. mother, let trouble pass. we belong to the family of god." "you are a comfort to me, gretchen. i can not see my way--it is covered." "but you can trust your guide, mother, and the end of trust _is_ peace." "what are we to do, gretchen?" "i will go to walla walla and seek the advice of mrs. spaulding." "gretchen, don't you think that the schoolmaster is a good man?" "yes, i am sure that he is." "i am. let us go to him and follow his advice. we will go together." they agreed to make the visit on the following day in the morning, before school. gretchen told her foster-mother the story of the indian pony. "where is he now?" asked mrs. woods. "i left him in the clearing. i will go and find him." "i will go with you," said mrs. woods. the two went out together. they came to the clearing--a place of waving grass, surrounded with gigantic trees, in whose tops were great nests of birds. the pony was not there. "he has gone to the next clearing," said gretchen. they passed through a strip of wood to another clearing. but the pony was not there. as they were returning, a little black animal crossed their path. mrs. woods said, "hold!" then called out in a kindly voice, "roll over." the little animal rolled head over heels in a very comical way, then ran quickly into the thick bushes. it was the last time that mrs. woods ever saw little roll over, and gretchen never saw the pony again. the latter probably found a herd of horses and wandered away with them. it was a time of such confusion and distress that the matter did not awaken the interest of the indians at that time. that evening they talked of plans for the future. "let us seek work in one of the missionary stations," said gretchen, "or let us find a home among the indians themselves. i want to become a teacher among them, and i know that they would treat you well." mrs. woods's views on these matters were changing, but something of her old distrust and prejudice remained despite her good resolutions. "foxes and geese were never made to hold conference meetings together. you can't make one man out of another if you try." "but, mother, your english ancestors once wandered about in sheep-skins, and worshiped the oaks; the whole english race, and the german race, were made what they are by teachers--teachers who gave themselves to a cause almost two thousand years ago." "yes, i suppose that is so. but, gretchen, i want your heart; i never thought that you would give it to the injuns. i ought not to be so ruled by my affections; but, if i do scold you, there is something in you that draws my heart toward you all the time. i believe in helping others; something good in the future always comes of it. if men would be good to each other, heaven would be good to the world. it is the things done here in this world that are out of order, and i never was on very good terms with myself even, not to say much of the world. but you have helped me, gretchen, and hymns have helped me. i want you to be charitable toward my feelins', gretchen, when i grow old, and i pray that you will always be true to me." "i shall always be true to you, whatever i may be called to do. i shall not leave you until you give your consent. one day you will wish me to do as i have planned--i feel it within me; something is leading me, and our hearts will soon be one in my plan of life." "it may be so, gretchen. i have had a hard time, goin' out to service when i was a girl. my only happy days were during the old methody preaching of jason lee. i thought i owned the heavens then. it was then i married, and i said to husband: 'here we must always be slaves, and life will be master of us; let us go west, and own a free farm, and be masters of life.' there is a great deal in being master of life. well, we have had a hard time, but husband has been good to me, and you have made me happy, if i have scolded. gretchen, some people kiss each other by scoldin'; i do--i scold to make the world better. i suppose everything is for the best, after all. there is no experience in life that does not teach us something, and there is a better world beyond that awaits all who desire a better life. our desires are better than ourselves--mine are. good desires are prayers, and i think that they will all be answered some day." she sat in silence, thinking of her lonely situation, of her ignorance and imperfection, of her often baffled struggles to do well in this world and to overcome her poor, weak self, and she burst into tears. "play," she said. "music is a kind of prayer." and gretchen touched the musical glasses. chapter xviii. the lifted cloud--the indians come to the schoolmaster. the next day witnessed a strange scene at the log school-house on the columbia. it was a red october morning. mrs. woods accompanied gretchen to the school, as she wished to have a talk with mr. mann. as the two came in sight of the house, mrs. woods caught gretchen by the arm and said: "what's _them_?" "where?" "sittin' in the school-yard." "they are indians." "injuns? what are they there for?" "i don't know, mother." "come for advice, like me, may be." "perhaps they are come to school. the old chief told them that i would teach them." "you?" "they have no father now." "no father?" "no chief." mrs. woods had been so overwhelmed with her own grief that she had given little thought to the death of benjamin and the chief of the cascades. the unhappy condition of the little tribe now came to her as in a picture; and, as she saw before her some fifty indians seated on the ground, her good heart came back to her, and she said, touched by a sense of her own widowhood, "gretchen, i pity 'em." mrs. woods was right. these indians had come to seek the advice of mr. mann in regard to their tribal affairs. gretchen also was right. they had come to ask mr. mann to teach their nation. it was an unexpected assembly that marlowe mann faced as he came down the clearing, but it revealed to him, at a glance, his future work in life. the first of the distressed people to meet him was mrs. woods. "o mr. mann, i am all alone in the world, and what am i goin' to do? there's nothin' but hard days' work left to me now, and--hymns. even father lee has gone, and i have no one to advise me. you will be a friend to me, won't you?" "yes," said mr. mann. "i need you, and the way is clear." "what do you mean?" "i have a letter from boston." "what is it, marlowe mann?" "the indian educational society have promised me a thousand dollars for my work another year. i must have a house. i would want you to take charge of it. _but_--your tongue?" "o master mann, i'll give up my tongue! i'll just work, and be still. if an injun will give up his revenge, an' it's his natur', ought not i to give up my tongue? when i can't help scoldin' i'll just sing hymns." mr. mann gazed into the faces of the indians. the warm sunlight fell upon them. there was a long silence, broken only by the scream of the eagles in the sky and the passing of flocks of wild geese. then one of the indians rose and said: "umatilla has gone to his fathers. "benjamin has gone to his fathers. we shall never see young eagle's plume again! "boston tilicum, be our chief. we have come to school." mr. mann turned to gretchen. her young face was lovely that morning with sympathy. he said in a low voice: "you see _our_ work in life. do you understand? will you accept it?" she understood his heart. "i will do whatever you say." * * * * * in a great indian reservation was established in what is known in oregon as the inland empire of the northwest. it contained about two hundred and seventy thousand acres, agricultural land and timber-land. the beautiful umatilla river flows through it. the agency now is near pendleton, oregon. thither the umatillas were removed. marlowe mann went there, and gretchen as his young wife, and in their home mrs. woods for many years could have been heard singing hymns. their home stood for the indian race, and the schoolmaster and his wife devoted themselves to the cause of indian education. through the silent influence of mr. mann's correspondence with the east, indian civilization was promoted, and the way prepared for the peaceful settlement of the great northwest. gretchen taught the indians as long as she lived. often at evening, when the day's work had been hard, she would take her violin, and a dream of music would float upon the air. she played but one tune at last as she grew serenely old. that tune recalled her early german home, the rhine, her good father and mother, and the scenes of the great indian potlatch on the columbia. it was the _traumerei_. her poetic imagination, which had been suppressed by her foster-mother in her girlhood, came back to her in her new home, and it was her delight to express in verse the inspirations of her life amid these new scenes, and to publish these poems in the papers of the east that most sympathized with the cause of indian education. the memory of benjamin and the old chief of the cascades never left her. it was a never-to-be-forgotten lesson of the nobility of all men whose souls have the birthright of heaven. often, when the wild geese were flying overhead in the evening, she would recall benjamin, and say, "he who guides led me here from the rhine, and schooled me for my work in the log school-house on the columbia." such is not an overdrawn picture of the early pioneers of the columbia and the great northwest. jason lee was censured for leaving his mission for the sake of oregon--for turning his face from the stars to the sun. whitman, when he appeared ragged at washington, was blamed for having left his post. the early pioneers of the great northwest civilization lie in neglected graves. we are now beginning to see the hand of providence, and to realize how great was the work that these people did for their own country and for the world. and marlowe mann--whose name stands for the christian schoolmaster--no one knows where he sleeps now; perhaps no one, surely but a few. he saw his college-mates rise to honor and fame. they offered him positions, but he knew his place in the world. when his hair was turning gray, there came to him an offer of an opportunity for wealth, from his remaining relatives. at the same time the agency offered him the use of a farm. he accepted the latter for his work's sake, and returned to his old friends a loving letter and an old poem, and with the latter we will leave this picture of old times on the oregon: "happy the man whose wish and care a few paternal acres bound; content to breathe his native air on his own ground. "whose herds with milk, whose fields with bread, whose flocks supply him with attire; whose trees in summer yield him shade, in winter, fire. "sound sleep by night, study and ease, together mixed sweet recreation; and innocence, which most doth please, with meditation. "blessed who can unconcernedly find hours, days, and years glide soft away, in health of body, peace of mind; quiet by day. "thus let me live unseen, unknown; thus unlamented let me die; steal from the world, and not a stone tell where i lie." historical notes. i. vancouver. the remarkable progress of the pacific port cities of seattle and tacoma make washington an especially bright, new star on the national flag. surrounded as these cities are with some of the grandest and most poetic scenery in the united states, with gigantic forests and rich farm-lands, with mountains of ores, with coal-mines, iron-mines, copper-mines, and mines of the more precious treasures; washed as they are by the water of noble harbors, and smiled upon by skies of almost continuous april weather--there must be a great future before the cities of puget sound. the state of washington is one of the youngest in the union, and yet she is not too young to celebrate soon the one-hundredth anniversary of several interesting events. it was on the th of december, , that captain george vancouver received his commission as commander of his majesty's sloop of war the discovery. three of his officers were peter puget, joseph baker, and joseph whidby, whose names now live in puget sound--mount baker, and whidby island. the great island of british columbia, and its energetic port city, received the name of vancouver himself, and vancouver named most of the places on puget sound in honor of his personal friends. he must have had a heart formed for friendship, thus to have immortalized those whom he esteemed and loved. it is the discovery and the naming of mountains, islands, and ports of the puget sound that suggest poetic and patriotic celebrations. the old journals of vancouver lie before us. in these we read: "from this direction, round by the north and northwest, the high, distant land formed, like detached islands, among which the lofty mountains discovered in the afternoon by the third lieutenant, and in compliment to him called by me mount baker, rose to a very conspicuous object." it was on monday, april , , that mount baker was thus discovered and named. in may, , vancouver states that he came to a "very safe" and "capatious" harbor, and that "to this port i gave the name of port townshend, in honor of the noble marquis of that name." again, on thursday, may , , vancouver discovered another excellent port, and says: "this harbor, after the gentleman who discovered it, obtained the name of port orchard." in may, , he makes the following very important historical note: "thus by our joint efforts we had completely explored every turning of this extensive inlet; and, to commemorate mr. puget's exertions, the fourth extremity of it i named puget sound." a very interesting officer seems to have been this lieutenant, peter puget, whose soundings gave the name to the american mediterranean. once, after the firing of muskets to overawe hostile indians, who merely pouted out their lips, and uttered, "poo hoo! poo hoo!" he ordered the discharge of a heavy gun, and was amused to note the silence that followed. it was in april and may, , that puget explored the violet waters of the great inland sea, a work which he seems to have done with the enthusiasm of a romancer as well as of a naval officer. mount hood was named for lord hood, and mount saint helens was named in , in the month of october, "in honor of his britannic majesty's ambassador at the court of madrid." but one of the most interesting of all of vancouver's notes is the following: "the weather was serene and pleasant, and the country continued to exhibit the same luxuriant appearance. at its northern extremity mount baker bore compass; the round, snowy mountain, now forming its southern extremity, after my friend rear-admiral ranier, i distinguished by the name of mount ranier, may, ." this mountain is now mount tacoma. the spring of ought to be historically very interesting to the state of washington, and it is likely to be so. ii. the oregon trail. "there is the east. there lies the road to india." such was senator thomas h. benton's view of the coast and harbors of oregon. he saw the advantage of securing to the united states the columbia river and its great basin, and the puget sea; and he made himself the champion of oregon and washington. in thomas jefferson's administration far-seeing people began to talk of a road across the continent, and a port on the pacific. the st. louis fur-traders had been making a way to the rockies for years, and in john jacob astor sent a ship around cape horn, to establish a post for the fur-trade on the pacific coast, and also sent an expedition of some sixty persons from st. louis, overland, by the way of the missouri and yellowstone, to the columbia river. the pioneer ship was called the tonquin. she arrived at the mouth of the columbia before the overland expedition. these traders came together at last, and founded astoria, on the columbia. ships now began to sail for astoria, and the trading-post flourished in the beautiful climate and amid the majestic scenery. but the english claimed the country. in june, , war broke out with england, and astoria became threatened with capture by the english. it was decided by astor's agent to abandon the post; but astoria had taught the united states the value of oregon. the oregon trail from st. louis, by the way of the great rivers, the missouri, the yellowstone, and the columbia, followed the fall of astoria, and began the highway of emigration to the pacific coast and to asia. over it the trapper and the missionary began to go. the methodist missionaries, under the leadership of revs. jason and daniel lee, were among the first in the field, and laid the foundations of the early cities of oregon. one of their stations was at the dalles of the columbia. in the great missionary, marcus whitman, of the congregationalist board, established the mission at walla walla. yet up to the year , just fifty years ago, only about one hundred and fifty americans, in all, had permanently settled in oregon and washington. senator benton desired the survey of a route to oregon, to aid emigration to the columbia basin. he engaged for this service a young, handsome, gallant, and chivalrous officer, lieutenant john c. fremont, who, with nicollet, a french naturalist, had been surveying the upper mississippi, and opening emigration to minnesota. fremont espoused not only the cause of oregon, but also senator benton's young daughter jessie, who later rendered great personal services to her husband's expedition in the northwest. kit carson was the guide of this famous expedition. the south pass was explored, and the flag planted on what is now known as fremont's peak, and the country was found to be not the great american desert of the maps, but a land of wonderful beauty and fertility. in fremont made a second expedition; this time from the south pass to the columbia country. after he was well on his way, the war department recalled him; but mrs. fremont suppressed the order, in the interest of the expedition, until it was too late to reach him. fremont went by the way of salt lake, struck the oregon trail, and finally came to the mission that dr. whitman had founded among the nez-percés (pierced noses) at walla walla. this mission then consisted of a single adobe house. the british claimants of the territory, finding that american immigration was increasing, began to bring settlers from the red river of the north. a struggle now began to determine which country should possess this vast and most important territory. when dr. whitman learned of the new efforts of the english to settle the country, and the danger of losing oregon by treaties pending at washington, he started for st. louis, by the way of santa fé. this ride, often called "whitman's ride for oregon," is one of the poetical events of american history. he went to washington, was treated cavalierly by the state department, but secured a delay of the treaties, which proved the means of saving oregon and washington to the united states. so his missionary efforts gave to our country an empire that seems destined to become ultimate america, and a power in the asian world. iii. governor stevens. in the long line of brave american soldiers, general isaac ingalls stevens deserves a noble rank in the march of history. he was born at andover, mass., and was educated at west point, where he was graduated from the military academy in with the highest honors. he was on the military staff of general scott in mexico, and held other honorable positions in the government service in his early life. but the great period of his life was his survey of the northern route to the pacific, since largely followed by the northern pacific railroad, and his development of washington territory as a pioneer governor. he saw the road to china by the way of the puget sea, and realized that washington stood for the east of the eastern continent and the western. he seems to have felt that here the flag would achieve her greatest destiny, and he entered upon his work like a knight who faced the future and not the past. his survey of the northern pacific route led the march of steam to the puget sea, and the great steamers have carried it forward to japan, china, and india. his first message to the legislature at olympia ( ) was a map of the future and a prophecy. it was a call for roads, schools, a university, and immigration. the seal of washington was made to bear the indian word _alké_--"by and by"--or "in the future." it also was a prophecy. he created the counties of sawanish, whatcom, clallam, chehalis, cowlitz, wahkiakum, skamania, and walla walla. olympia was fixed upon as the seat of government, and measures were taken by the government for the regulation of the indian tribes. stevens was the military leader of the indian war. he reduced the tribes to submission, and secured a permanent peace. he was elected to congress as a territorial delegate in , and sought at washington as earnestly as on the puget sea the interests of the rising state. he was a man of great intellect, of a forceful and magnetic presence--a man born to lead in great emergencies. he carried new england ideas and traditions to the pacific, and established them there for all time to come, creating there a greater new england which should gather to its harbors the commerce of the world. governor stevens was a conservative in politics, but when the news of the fall of sumter thrilled the country, he said to the people of olympia, "i conceive it my duty to stop disunion." he went to washington and entered the union service. he fell like a hero at chantilly, and under the flag which he had taken from his color-bearer, who had received a mortal wound. his was a splendid career that the nation should honor. we recently saw his sword and historic pictures at the home of his widow and son at dorchester, mass., and were impressed with these relics of a spirit that had done so much for the progress of the country and mankind. the state of washington is his monument, and progressive thought his eulogy. his great mind and energy brought order out of chaos, and set the flag in whose folds he died forever under the gleaming dome of the colossus of american mountains and over the celestial blue of the pacific harbors of the puget sea. iv. seattle the chief. seattle was a dwamish chief, and a true friend of the white race, whom he seemed to follow on account of their superior intelligence. he gave the name to an early settlement, which is now a great city, and which seems destined to become one of the important port cities of the world; for when in , some forty years ago, the pioneers of alké point left the town which they had laid out and called new york, and removed to the other side of the bay, they named the place seattle, from the friendly chief, instead of new york. alké means _by and by_ and seattle is likely to become the new york of the pacific, and one of the great ports for asiatic trade. with the immense agricultural and mineral resources with which it is surrounded, with its inexhaustible stores of timber, its sublime scenery and delightful climate, with its direct and natural water-road to japan and china, and its opportunity of manufacturing for the asiatic market the kind of goods that england has to carry to the same markets over an adventurous course of three times the distance, with the great demand for grain among the rice-eating countries of the east--the mind can not map the possibilities of this port city for the next hundred years or more. the prophecy of its enterprising citizens, that it will one day be one of the great cities in the world, is not unlikely to be realized; and it is interesting to ask what was the history of the chief who gave the name to this new troy of the puget sea. he was at this time somewhat advanced in life, a portly man, of benevolent face, recalling the picture of senator benton, of missouri, whom he was said to resemble. he was the chief of the dwamishes, a small tribe inhabiting the territory around what is now elliott bay. he became a friend of dr. maynard, one of the pioneers of the new town, and of general stevens, the great territorial governor. he was well known to foster, denny, bell, and borden, who took claims where the city now stands. his last years were passed at port madison, where he died in , at a great age. governor stevens confirmed his sachemship, and seattle became the protector and the good genius of the town. a curious legend, which seems to be well founded, is related of a tax which seattle levied upon the new town, for the sake of the trouble that the name would give him in the spiritual world. when a dwamish indian lost a near relative of the same name by death, he changed his own name, because the name might attract the ghost of the deceased, and so cause him to be haunted. the tribe believed that departed spirits loved their old habitations, and the associations of their names and deeds, and so they changed their names and places on the death of relatives, that they might not be disturbed by ghostly apparitions. "why do you ask for a tax?" asked a pioneer of seattle. "the name of the town will call me back after i am dead, and make me unhappy. i want my pay for what i shall suffer then, now." i hope that the rapid growth of the great city of the north does not disquiet the gentle and benevolent soul of seattle. the city should raise a monument to him, that he may see that he is kindly remembered when he comes back to visit the associations of his name and life. or, better for his shade, the city should kindly care for his daughter, poor old angeline seattle, who at the time of this writing ( ) is a beggar in the streets of uplifting commercial palaces and lovely homes! we visited her in her hut outside of the city some months ago, to ask her if she saved seattle in , by giving information to the pioneers that the woods around it were full of lurking indians, bent on a plot to destroy it; for there is a legend that on that shadowy december night, when seattle was in peril, and the council of indian warriors met and resolved to destroy the town before morning, jim, a friendly indian, was present at the conference as a spy. he found means to warn the pioneers of their immediate danger. the ship of war decatur, under captain gansevoort, lay in the harbor. jim, who had acted in the indian council, secretly, in the interest of the town, had advised the chiefs to defer the attack until early in the morning, when the officers of the decatur would be off their guard. [illustration: _middle block-house at the cascades._] night fell on the puget sea. the people went into the block-house to sleep, and the men of the decatur guarded the town, taking their stations on shore. as the night deepened, a thousand hostile indians crept up to the place and awaited the morning, when the guard should go on board the ship for breakfast, and the people should come out of the block-house and go to their houses, and "set the gun behind the door." it was on this night, according to the legend, that "old angeline," as she is now called, became the messenger that saved the inhabitants from destruction. the legend has been doubted; and when we asked the short, flat-faced old woman, as she answered our knock, if she was the daughter of the chief who saved seattle, she simply said, "chief," grinned, and made a bow. she was ready to accept the traditional honors of the wild legend worthy of the pen of a cooper. on returning from our visit to old angeline, we asked hon. henry yesler, the now rich pioneer, why the princess was not better cared for by the people of the city. he himself had been generous to her. "why," he said, "if you were to give her fifty dollars, she would give it all away before night!" benevolent old angeline! she ought to live in a palace instead of a hovel! mr. yesler doubted the local legend, but i still wished to believe it to be true. v. the story of "whitman's ride for oregon" has been told in verse by the writer of this volume, as follows: whitman's ride for oregon. i. "an empire to be lost or won!" and who four thousand miles will ride and climb to heaven the great divide, and find the way to washington, through mountain cañons, winter snows, o'er streams where free the north wind blows? who, who will ride from walla-walla, four thousand miles, for oregon? ii. "an empire to be lost or won? in youth to man i gave my all, and naught is yonder mountain wall; if but the will of heaven be done, it is not mine to live or die, or count the mountains low or high, or count the miles from walla-walla. i, i will ride for oregon!" 'twas thus that whitman made reply. iii. "an empire to be lost or won? bring me my cayuse pony, then, and i will thread old ways again, beneath the gray skies' crystal sun. 'twas on those altars of the air i raised the flag, and saw below the measureless columbia flow; the bible oped, and bowed in prayer, and gave myself to god anew, and felt my spirit newly born; and to my mission i'll be true, and from the vale of walla-walla i'll ride again for oregon. iv. "i'm not my own; myself i've given, to bear to savage hordes the word; if on the altars of the heaven i'm called to die, it is the lord. the herald may not wait or choose, 'tis his the summons to obey; to do his best, or gain or lose, to seek the guide and not the way. he must not miss the cross, and i have ceased to think of life or death; my ark i've builded--heaven is nigh, and earth is but a morning's breath! go, then, my cayuse pony bring; the hopes that seek myself are gone, and from the vale of walla-walla i'll ride again for oregon." v. he disappeared, as not his own, he heard the warning ice winds sigh; the smoky sun-flames o'er him shone, on whitened altars of the sky, as up the mountain-sides he rose; the wandering eagle round him wheeled, the partridge fled, the gentle roes, and oft his cayuse pony reeled upon some dizzy crag, and gazed down cloudy chasms, falling storms, while higher yet the peaks upraised against the winds their giant forms. on, on and on, past idaho, on past the mighty saline sea, his covering at night the snow, his only sentinel a tree. on, past portneuf's basaltic heights, on where the san juan mountains lay, through sunless days and starless nights, toward taos and far sante fé. o'er table-lands of sleet and hail, through pine-roofed gorges, cañons cold, now fording streams incased in mail of ice, like alpine knights of old, still on, and on, forgetful on, till far behind lay walla-walla, and far the fields of oregon. vi. the winter deepened, sharper grew the hail and sleet, the frost and snow; not e'en the eagle o'er him new, and scarce the partridge's wing below. the land became a long white sea, and then a deep with scarce a coast; the stars refused their light, till he was in the wildering mazes lost. he droppèd rein, his stiffened hand was like a statue's hand of clay! "my trusty beast, 'tis the command; go on, i leave to thee the way. i must go on, i must go on, whatever lot may fall to me, on, 'tis for others' sake i ride-- for others i may never see, and dare thy clouds, o great divide, not for myself, o walla-walla, not for myself, o washington, but for thy future, oregon." vii. and on and on the dumb beast pressed uncertain, and without a guide, and found the mountain's curves of rest and sheltered ways of the divide. his feet grew firm, he found the way with storm-beat limbs and frozen breath, as keen his instincts to obey as was his master's eye of faith-- still on and on, still on and on, and far and far grew walla-walla, and far the fields of oregon. viii. that spring, a man with frozen feet came to the marble halls of state, and told his mission but to meet the chill of scorn, the scoff of hate. "is oregon worth saving?" asked the treaty-makers from the coast; and him the church with questions tasked, and said, "why did you leave your post?" was it for this that he had braved the warring storms of mount and sky? yes!--yet that empire he had saved, and to his post went back to die-- went back to die for others' sake, went back to die from washington, went back to die for walla-walla, for idaho and oregon. ix. at fair walla-walla one may see the city of the western north, and near it graves unmarked there be that cover souls of royal worth; the flag waves o'er them in the sky beneath whose stars are cities born, and round them mountain-castled lie the hundred states of oregon. vi. mount saint helens. we refer to the snowy range to the west, which terminates in the great dome that now bears that name. there was once a great lava-flood in the northwest, and mount hood, mount adams, mount saint helens, and mount tacoma (rainier) are but great ash-heaps that were left by the stupendous event. [illustration: fort decatur, january , ] blazing the way or true stories, songs and sketches of puget sound and other pioneers by emily inez denny with illustrations by the author and from authentic photographs seattle: rainier printing company, inc. copyright by emily inez denny published to my dear father and mother, faithful friends and counselors, whose pioneer life i shared, this book is affectionately dedicated by the author a star stood large and white awest, then time uprose and testified; they push'd the mailed wood aside, they toss'd the forest like a toy, that great forgotten race of men, the boldest band that yet has been together since the siege of troy, and followed it and found their rest. --miller preface blazing the way. in the early days when a hunter, explorer or settler essayed to tread the mysterious depths of the unknown forest of puget sound, he took care to "blaze the way." at brief intervals he stopped to cut with his sharp woodman's ax a generous chip from the rough bark of fir, hemlock or cedar tree, leaving the yellow inner bark or wood exposed, thereby providing a perfect guide by which he retraced his steps to the canoe or cabin. as the initial stroke it may well be emblematical of the beginnings of things in the great northwest. i do not feel moved to apologize for this book; i have gathered the fragments within my reach; such or similar works are needed to set forth the life, character and movement of the early days on puget sound. the importance of the service of the pioneers is as yet dimly perceived; what the pilgrim fathers were to new england, the pioneers were to the pacific coast, to the "nations yet to be," who, following in their footsteps, shall people the wilds with teeming cities, a "human sea," bearing on its bosom argosies of priceless worth. it does contain some items and incidents not generally known or heretofore published. i hope others may be provoked to record their pioneer experiences. i have had exceptional opportunities in listening to the thrice-told tales of parents and friends who had crossed the plains, as well as personal recollections of experiences and observation during a residence of over fifty years in the northwest, acknowledging also the good fortune of having been one of the first white children born on puget sound. every old pioneer has a store of memories of adventures and narrow escapes, hardships bravely endured, fresh pleasures enjoyed, rude but genial merrymakings, of all the fascinating incidents that made up the wonder-life of long ago. chronology is only a row of hooks to hang the garments of the past upon, else they may fall together in a confused heap. not having a full line of such supports on which to hang the weaving of my thoughts--i simply overturn my indian basket of chips picked up after "blazing the way," they being merely bits of beginnings in the northwest. e. i. denny. * * * * * note--the poem referred to on page will appear in another work.--author. index part i--the great march chapter page i. crossing the plains ii. down the columbia in ' iii. the settlement at alki iv. founding of seattle and indian war v. the murder of mccormick vi. killing cougars vii. pioneer child life viii. marching experiences of esther chambers ix. an olympia woman's trip across the plains in x. captain henry roeder on the trail part ii--men, women and adventures i. song of the pioneers ii. biographical notes and sketches, john denny, sarah latimer denny iii. david thomas denny iv. the first wedding on elliot bay v. louisa boren denny v_a_ madge decatur denny v_b_ anna louisa denny v_c_ william richard boren vi. arthur a. denny, mary a. denny vii. henry van asselt of duwamish viii. thomas mercer ix. dr. henry a. smith, the brilliant writer x. famous indian chiefs part iii--indian life and settlers' beginnings i. savage deeds of savage men ii. pioneer jokes and anecdotes iii. trails of commerce iv. building of the territorial university v. a chehalis letter, penned in ' vi. some pioneers of port townsend vii. personnel of the pioneer army synopsis of incidents. part i. page chapter i--crossing the plains--names of the denny company attacked by indians at american falls chapter ii--a narrow escape from going over the cascades about to sink in the cold waters of the columbia chapter iii--tramping a long trail landing of j. n. low, d. t. denny and lee terry at sgwudux (west seattle) exploring the duwampsh river names of party from "exact" chapter iv--a visit from wolves a flight to fort decatur battle of seattle story of john i. king's capture chapter v--a tragedy of the trail chapter vi--a hair-raising hunt for a cougar chapter vii--seeking the dead among the living the strawberry of memory three little girls and a pioneer "fourth" a rescue from drowning chapter viii--frontier experiences chapter ix--placating indians on the plains chapter x--capt. roeder's meeting with the bandit joaquin part ii. chapter i--poem--song of the pioneers chapter ii--a notable pioneer reformer, john denny chapter iii--a tireless foundation builder, david thomas denny threats from anti-chinese agitators his own account of arrival on elliott bay surrounded by indians trials and triumph chapter iv--a lively celebration of the first wedding on elliott bay story of a bear hunt chapter v--indian courtship on the day of battle chapter vi--discovery of shilshole or salmon bay an escape from murderous savages defense with a hatchet chapter vii--immune because of indian superstition chapter viii--saving an auburn-haired girl chapter ix--a grand description of a vast forest fire poem--"the mortgage" poem--"pacific's pioneers" chapter x--hanging of leschi poem--"the chief's reply" part iii. chapter i--shooting of lachuse the fight at fort nesqually abbie casto's fate chapter ii--how the old shell blew up a stump and cautioned mr. horton mr. beaty and the cheese chapter iii--poem--"the beaver's requiem" chapter iv--poem--"the voice of the old university bell" chapter v--charming description of early days on the chehalis chapter vi--founding of port townsend chapter vii--a number of noted names poem--"hail, and farewell" illustrations i fort decatur, jan. , frontispiece ii chips picked up facing page iii bargaining with indians at alki " " iv indian canoes sailing with north wind " " v log cabin in the swale " " vi where we wandered long ago " " vii a visit from our tillicum " " viii sarah, john and loretta denny " " ix david thomas denny " " x sons of l. b. and d. t. denny " " xi louisa b. denny " " xii a flower garden planted by l. b. denny " " xiii daughters of d. t. and l. b. denny " " xiv erythronium of lake union " " xv types of indian houses " " xvi last voyage of the lumei " " xvii a few artifacts of p. s. indians " " xviii ship belle isle " " xix rev. blaine, c. d. and wm. r. boren " " xx mrs. l. c. low " " blazing the way part i.--the great march chapter i crossing the plains. with faith's clear eye we saw afar in western sky our empire's star, and strong of heart and brave of soul, we marched and marched to reach the goal. unrolled a scroll, the great, gray plains, and traced thereon our wagon trains; our blazing campfires marked the road as night succeeding night they glowed. --song of the pioneers. the noble army of courageous, enduring, persistent, progressive pioneers who from time to time were found threading their way across the illimitable wilderness, forty or fifty years ago, in detached companies, often unknown and unknowing each other, have proved conclusively that an age of marvelous heroism is but recently past. [illustration: "chips picked up after blazing the way"] the knowledge, foresight, faith and force exhibited by many of these daring men and women proclaimed them endowed with the genius of conquerors. the merely physical aspect of the undertaking is overpowering. to transport themselves and their effects in slow and toilsome ways, through hundreds of miles of weary wilderness, uninhabited except by foes, over beetling mountain ranges, across swift and dangerous rivers, through waterless deserts, in the shadow of continual dread, required a fortitude and staying power seldom equaled in the history of human effort. but above and beyond all this, they carried the profound convictions of christian men and women, of patriots and martyrs. they battled with the forces of nature and implacable enemies; they found, too, that their moral battles must be openly fought year after year, often in the face of riotous disregard of the laws of god and man. arrived at their journey's end, they planted the youngest scions of the tree of liberty; they founded churches and schools, carefully keeping the traditions of civilization, yet in many things finding greater and truer freedom than they had left behind. the noblest of epics, masterpieces of painting, stupendous operas or the grandest spectacular drama could but meagerly or feebly express the characters, experiences and environment of those who crossed the plains for the pacific slope in the midst of the nineteenth century. "a mighty nation moving west, with all its steely sinews set against the living forests. hear the shouts, the shots of pioneers! the rended forests, rolling wheels, as if some half-checked army reels, recoils, redoubles, comes again, loud-sounding like a hurricane." --joaquin miller. it is my intention to speak more especially of one little company who were destined to take a prominent part in the laying of foundations in the state of washington. previous to , glowing accounts of the fertility, mildness, beauty and general desirability of oregon territory, which then included washington, reached the former friends and acquaintances of farley pierce, liberty wallace, the rudolphs and others who wrote letters concerning this favored land. added to the impression made thereby, the perusal of fremont's travels, the desire for a change of climate from the rigorous one of illinois, the possession of a pioneering spirit and the resolution was taken, "to the far pacific coast we will go;" acting upon it, they took their places in the great movement having for its watchword, "westward ho!" john denny, a kentuckian by birth, a pioneer of indiana and illinois, whose record as a soldier of , a legislator in company and fraternal relations with lincoln, baker, gates and trumbull, distinguished him for the most admirable qualities, was the leading spirit; his wife, sarah latimer denny, a tennessean, thrifty, wise, faithful and far-seeing, who had for many widowed years previous to her marriage to john denny, wrought out success in making a home and educating her three children in illinois, was a fit leader of pioneer women. these, with their grown-up sons and daughters, children and grandchildren, began the great journey across the plains, starting from cherry grove, knox county, illinois, on april th, . four "prairie schooners," as the canvas-covered wagons were called, three of them drawn by four-horse teams, one with a single span, a few saddle horses and two faithful watchdogs, whose value is well known to those who have traveled the wilds, made up the train. the names of these brave-hearted ones, ready to dare and endure all, are as follows: john denny, sarah latimer denny and their little daughter, loretta; a. a. denny, mary a. denny and their two children, catherine and lenora; c. d. boren, mrs. boren and their daughter, gertrude; the only unmarried woman, miss louisa boren, sister of mrs. a. a. denny and c. d. boren; c. crawford and family; four unmarried sons of john denny, d. t. denny, james, samuel and wiley denny. the wrench of parting with friends made a deep and lasting wound; no doubt every old pioneer of the pacific coast can recall the anguish of that parting, whose scars the healing years have never effaced. the route followed by our pioneers was the old emigrant road along the north side of the platte river, down the columbia and up the willamette to portland, oregon territory, which they afterwards left for their ultimate destination, puget sound, where they found nature so bountiful, a climate so moderate and their surroundings so ennobling that i have often heard them say they had no wish to return to dwell in the country from whence they came. past the last sign of civilization, the mormon town of kanesville, a mile or two east of the missouri river, the prairie schooners were fairly out at sea. the great missouri was crossed at council bluffs by ferryboat on the th of may. the site of the now populous city of omaha was an untrodden waste. from thence they followed the beaten track of the many who had preceded them to california and oregon. hundreds of wagons had ground their way over the long road before them, and beside this road stretched the narrower beaten track of the ox-drivers. on the platte, shortly after crossing the missouri, a violent thunderstorm with sheets of rain fell upon them at night, blowing down their tents and saturating their belongings, thereby causing much discomfort and inconvenience. of necessity the following day was spent in drying out the whole equipment. it served as a robust initiation in roughing it; up to that time they had carefully dressed in white night robes and lay down in neatly made beds, but many a night after this storm were glad to rest in the easiest way possible, when worn by travel and too utterly weary of the long day's heat and dust, with grinding and bumping of wheels, to think of the niceties of dainty living. for a time spring smiled on all the land; along the platte the prairies stretched away on either hand, delightfully green and fresh, on the horizon lay fleecy white clouds, islands of vapor in the ethereal azure sea above; but summer came on apace and the landscape became brown and parched. the second day west of the missouri our train fell in with a long line of eighteen wagons drawn by horses, and fraternizing with the occupants, joined in one company. this new company elected john denny as captain. it did not prove a harmonious combination, however; discord arose, and nowhere does it seem to arise so easily as in camp. there was disagreement about standing guard; fault was found with the captain and another was elected, but with no better results. our pioneers found it convenient and far pleasanter to paddle their own canoes, or rather prairie schooners, and so left the contentious ones behind. long days of travel followed over the monotonous expanse of prairie, each with scarcely varying incidents, toils and dangers. the stir of starting in the morning, the morning forward movement, the halt for the noonday meal, cooked over a fire of buffalo chips, and the long, weary afternoon of heat and dust whose passing brought the welcome night, marked the journey through the treeless region. at one of the noonings, the hopes of the party in a gastronomic line were woefully disappointed. a pailful of choice home-dried peaches, cooked with much care, had been set on a wagon tongue to cool and some unlucky movement precipitated the whole luscious, juicy mass into the sand below. it was an occurrence to make the visage lengthen, so far, far distant were the like of them from the hungry travelers. fuel was scarce a large part of the way until west of fort laramie, the pitch pine in the black hills made such fires as delight the hearts of campers. in a stretch of two hundred miles but one tree was seen, a lone elm by the river platte, which was finally cut down and the limbs used for firewood. when near this tree, the train camped over sunday, and our party first saw buffaloes, a band of perhaps twenty. d. t. denny and c. d. boren of the party went hunting in the hills three miles from the camp but other hunters had been among them and scattered the band, killing only one or two; however they generously divided the meat with the new arrivals. our two good hunters determined to get one if possible and tried stalking a shaggy-maned beast that was separated from the herd, a half mile from their horses left picketed on the grassy plain. shots were fired at him without effect and he ran away unhurt, fortunately for himself as well as his pursuers. one of the hunters, d. t. denny, said it might have been a very serious matter for them to have been charged by a wounded buffalo out on the treeless prairie where a man had nothing to dodge behind but his own shadow. on the prairie before they reached fort laramie a blinding hailstorm pelted the travelers. d. t. denny, who was driving a four-horse team in the teeth of the storm, relates that the poor animals were quite restive, no doubt suffering much from their shelterless condition. they had been well provided for as to food; their drivers carried corn which lasted for two hundred miles. the rich grass of five hundred miles of prairie afforded luxurious living beyond this, and everywhere along the streams where camp was made there was an abundance of fresh herbage to be found. many lonely graves were seen, graves of pioneers, with hopes as high, mayhap, as any, but who pitched their silent tents in the wilderness to await the judgment day. a deep solemnity fell upon the living as the train wound along, where on the side of a mountain was a lone grave heaped up with stones to protect it from the ravages of wolves. tall pines stood around it and grass and flowers adorned it with nature's broidery. several joined in singing an old song beginning "i came to the place where the white pilgrim lay, and pensively stood by his tomb, when in a low whisper i heard something say, 'how sweetly i sleep here alone.'" echoed only by the rustling of the boughs of scattered pines, moving gently in the wind. as they approached the upheaved mountainous country, lively interest, a keen delight in the novelty of their surroundings, and surprise at unexpected features were aroused in the minds of the travelers. a thoughtful one has said that the weird beauty of the wind river mountains impressed her deeply, their image has never left her memory and if she were an artist she could faithfully represent them on canvas. a surprise to the former prairie dwellers was the vast extent of the mountains, their imaginations having projected the sort of mountain range that is quite rare, a single unbroken ridge traversed by climbing up one side and going down the other! but they found this process must be repeated an indefinite number of times and over such roughness as their imaginations had never even suggested. what grinding, heaving and bumping over huge boulders! what shouting and urging of animals, what weary hours of tortured endurance dragged along! one of them remembers, too, perhaps vaguely, the suffering induced by an attack of the mysterious mountain fever. the desert also imposed its tax of misery. only at night could the desert be safely crossed. starting at four o'clock in the afternoon they traveled all the following night over an arid, desolate region, the green river desert, thirty miles, a strange journey in the dimness of a summer night with only the star-lamps overhead. in sight of the river, the animals made a rush for the water and ran in to drink, taking the wagons with them. often the names of the streams crossed were indicative of their character, suggestive of adventure or descriptive of their surroundings. thus "sweetwater" speaks eloquently of the refreshing draughts that slaked the thirst in contrast with the alkaline waters that were bitter; burnt river flowed past the blackened remains of an ancient forest and bear river may have been named for the ponderous game secured by a lucky hunter. by july of the train reached old fort hall, composed of a stockade and log houses, situated on the snake river, whose flood set toward the long-sought pacific shore. while camped about a mile from the fort the superintendent wrote for them directions for camping places where wood and water could be obtained, extending over the whole distance from fort hall to the dalles of the columbia river. he told james denny, brother of d. t. denny, that if they met indians they must on no account stop at their call, saying that the indians of that vicinity were renegade shoshones and horse thieves. on the morning of the fifth of july an old indian visited the camp, but no significance was attached to the incident, and all were soon moving quietly along in sight of the snake river; the road lay on the south side of the river, which is there about two hundred yards wide. an encampment of indians was observed, on the north side of the river, as they wound along by the american falls, but no premonition of danger was felt, on the contrary, they were absorbed in the contemplation of the falls and basin below. dark objects were seen to be moving on the surface of the wide pool and all supposed them to be ducks disporting themselves after the manner of harmless water fowl generally. what was their astonishment to behold them swiftly and simultaneously approach the river bank, spring out of the water and reveal themselves full grown savages! with guns and garments, but few of the latter probably, on their heads, they swam across and climbed up the bank to the level of the sage brush plain. the leader, attired in a plug hat and long, black overcoat flapping about his sinewy limbs, gun in hand, advanced toward the train calling out, "how-de-do! how-de-do! stop! stop!" twice repeating the words. the captain, grandfather john denny, answered "go back," emphasizing the order by vigorous gestures. mindful of the friendly caution of the superintendent at fort hall, the train moved on. the gentleman of the plains retired to his band, who dodged back behind the sagebrush and began firing at the train. one bullet threw up the dust under the horse ridden by one of the company. the frightened women and children huddled down as low as possible in the bottoms of the wagons, expecting the shots to penetrate the canvas walls of their moving houses. in the last wagon, in the most exposed position, one of the mothers sat pale and trembling like an aspen leaf; the fate of the young sister and two little daughters in the event of capture, beside the danger of her own immediate death were too dreadful to contemplate. in their extremity one said, "o, why don't they hurry! if i were driving i would lay on the lash!" when the indians found that their shots took no effect, they changed their tactics and ran down along the margin of the river under shelter of the bank, to head off the train at a point where it must go down one hill and up another. there were seven men with five rifles and two rifle-pistols, but these would have been of little avail if the teams had been disabled. d. t. denny drove the forward wagon, having one rifle and the pistols; three of the men were not armed. all understood the maneuver of the indians and were anxious to hurry the teams unless it was captain john denny, who was an old soldier and may have preferred to fight. sarah denny, his wife, looked out and saw the indians going down the river; no doubt she urged him to whip up. the order was given and after moments that seemed hours, down the long hill they rushed pell-mell, without lock or brake, the prairie schooners tossing like their namesakes on a stormy sea. what a breathless, panting, nightmare it seemed! if an axle had broken or a linchpin loosened the race would have been lost. but on, madly careening past the canyon where the indians intended to intercept them, tearing up the opposite hill with desperate energy, expecting every moment to hear the blood-curdling warwhoop, nor did they slacken their speed to the usual pace for the remainder of the day. as night approached, the welcome light of a campfire, that of j. n. low's company, induced them to stop. this camp was on a level near a bluff; a narrow deep stream flowed by into the snake river not far away. the cattle were corraled, with the wagons in a circle and a fire of brushwood built in the center. around the denny company's campfire, the women who prepared the evening meal were in momentary fear of receiving a shot from an ambushed foe, lit as they were against the darkness, but happily their fears were not realized. weary as the drivers were, guards were posted and watched all night. the dogs belonging to the train were doubtless a considerable protection, as they would have given the alarm had the enemy approached. one of the women went down to the brook the next morning to get water for the camp and saw the tracks of indian ponies in the dust on the opposite side of the stream. evidently they had followed the train to that point, but feared to attack the united forces of the two camps. after this race for life the men stood guard every night; one of them, d. t. denny, was on duty one-half of every other night and alternately slept on the ground under one of the wagons. this was done until they reached the cayuse country. on burnt river they met thirty warriors, the advance guard of their tribe who were moving, women, children, drags and dogs. the indians were friendly and cheeringly announced "heap sleep now; we are _good_ indians." the denny and low trains were well pleased to join their forces and traveled as one company until they reached their journey's end. the day after the indian attack, friendly visits were made and mrs. j. n. low recalls that she saw two women of denny's company frying cakes and doughnuts over the campfire, while two others were well occupied with the youngest of the travelers, who were infants. there were six men and two women in low's company and when the two companies joined they felt quite strong and traveled unmolested the remainder of the way. an exchange of experiences brought out the fact that low's company had crossed the missouri the third day of may and had traveled on the south side of the platte at the same time the denny company made their way along the north side of the same stream. at a tributary called big blue, as mrs. low relates, she observed the clouds rolling up and admonished her husband to whip up or they would not be able to cross for days if they delayed; they crossed, ascended the bluffs where there was a semicircle of trees, loosed the cattle and picketed the horses. by evening the storm reached them with lightning, heavy thunder and great piles of hail. the next morning the water had risen half way up tall trees. the indians stole the lead horse of one of the four-horse teams and mrs. low rode the other on a man's saddle. many western equestriennes have learned to be not too particular as to horse, habit or saddle and have proven also the greater safety and convenience of cross-saddle riding. in the black hills while traveling along the crest of a high ridge, where to get out of the road would have been disastrous, the train was met by a band of indians on ponies, who pressed up to the wagons in a rather embarrassing way, bent apparently upon riding between and separating the teams, but the drivers were too wise to permit this and kept close together, without stopping to parley with them, and after riding alongside for some distance, the designing but baffled redskins withdrew. the presence of the native inhabitants sometimes proved a convenience; especially was this true of the more peaceable tribes of the far west. on the umatilla river the travelers were glad to obtain the first fresh vegetable since leaving the cultivated gardens and fields of their old homes months before. one of the women traded a calico apron for green peas, which were regarded as a great treat and much enjoyed. farther on, as they neared the columbia, captain low, who was riding ahead of the train, met indians with salmon, eager to purchase so fine a fish and not wishing to stop the wagon, pulled off an overshirt over his head and exchanged it for the piscatorial prize. the food that had sustained them on the long march was almost military in its simplicity. corn meal, flour, rice (a little, as it was not then in common use), beans, bacon and dried fruits were the main dependence. they could spend but little time hunting and fishing. on bear river "david" and "louisa" each caught a trout, fine, speckled beauties. "david" and the other hunters of the company also killed sage hens, antelope and buffalo. after leaving the missouri river they had no opportunity to buy anything until they reached the snake river, where they purchased some dried salmon of the indians. chapter ii down the columbia in ' . after eighty days travel over one thousand seven hundred sixty-five miles of road these weary pilgrims reached the mighty river of the west, the vast columbia. at the dalles, the road across the plains was finished, from thence the great waterways would lead them to their journey's end. it was there the immigrants first feasted on the delicious river salmon, fresh from the foaming waters. the indians boiled theirs, making a savory soup, the odor of which would almost have fed a hungry man; the white people cooked goodly pieces in the trusty camp frying pan. not then accustomed to such finny monsters, they found a comparison for the huge cuts as like unto sides of pork, and a receptacle for the giant's morsels in a seaworthy washingtub. however, high living will pall unto the taste; one may really tire of an uninterrupted piscatorial banquet, and one of the company, a. a. denny, declared his intention of introducing some variety in the bill of fare. "plague take it," he said, "i'm tired of salmon--i'm going to have some chicken." but alas! the gallinaceous fowl, roaming freely at large, had also feasted frequently on fragments no longer fresh of the overplus of salmon, and its flavor was indescribable, wholly impossible, as the french say. it was "fishy" fish rather than fowl. at the dalles the company divided, one party composed of a majority of the men started over the mountains with the wagons and teams; the women and children prepared to descend the river in boats. in one boat, seated on top of the "plunder" were mrs. a. a. denny and two children, miss louisa boren, mrs. low and four children and mrs. boren and one child. the other boat was loaded in like manner with a great variety of useful and necessary articles, heaped up, on top of which sat several women and children, among whom were mrs. sarah denny, grandmother of the writer, and her little daughter, loretta. a long summer day was spent in floating down the great canyon where the majestic columbia cleaves the cascade range in twain. the succeeding night the first boat landed on an island in the river, and the voyagers went ashore to camp. during the night one of the little girls, gertrude boren, rolled out of her bed and narrowly escaped falling into the hurrying stream; had she done so she must have certainly been lost, but a kind providence decreed otherwise. re-embarking the following day, gliding swiftly on the current, they traversed a considerable distance and the second night approached the cascades. swifter and more turbulent, the rushing flood began to break in more furious foam-wreaths on every jagged rock, impotently striving to stay its onward rush to the limitless ocean. sufficient light enabled the observing eye to perceive the writhing surface of the angry waters, but the boatmen were stupified with drink! all day long they had passed a bottle about which contained a liquid facetiously called "blue ruin" and near enough their ruin it proved. i have penned the following description which met with the approval of one of the principal actors in what so nearly proved a tragedy: it was midnight on the mighty columbia. a waning moon cast a glowworm light on the dark, rushing river; all but one of the weary women and tired little children were deeply sunken in sleep. the oars creaked and dipped monotonously; the river sang louder and louder every boat's length. drunken, bloated faces leered foolishly and idiotically; they admonished each other to "keep 'er goin'." the solitary watcher stirred uneasily, looked at the long lines of foam out in midstream and saw how fiercely the white waves contended, and far swifter flew the waters than at any hour before. what was the meaning of it? hark! that humming, buzzing, hissing, nay, bellowing roar! the blood flew to her brain and made her senses reel; they must be nearing the last landing above the falls, the great cascades of the columbia. but the crew gave no heed. suddenly she cried out sharply to her sleeping sister, "mary! mary! wake up! we are nearing the falls, i hear them roar." "what is it, liza?" she said sleepily. "o, wake up! we shall all be drowned, the men don't know what they are doing." the rudely awakened sleepers seemed dazed and did not make much outcry, but a strong young figure climbed over the mass of baggage and confronting the drunken boatmen, plead, urged and besought them, if they considered their own lives, or their helpless freight of humanity, to make for the shore. "oh, men," she pleaded, "don't you hear the falls, they roar louder now. it will soon be too late, i beseech you turn the boat to shore. look at the rapids beyond us!" "thar haint no danger, miss, leastways not yet; wots all this fuss about anyhow? no danger," answered one who was a little disturbed; the others were almost too much stupified to understand her words and stood staring at the bareheaded, black haired young woman as if she were an apparition and were no more alarmed than if the warning were given as a curious mechanical performance, having no reference to themselves. repeating her request with greater earnestness, if possible, a man's voice broke in saying, "i believe she is right, put in men quick, none of us want to be drowned." fortunately this penetrated their besotted minds and they put about in time to save the lives of all on board, although they landed some distance below the usual place. a little farther and they would have been past all human help. one of the boatmen cheerfully acknowledged the next day that if it "hadn't been fur that purty girl they had a' gone over them falls, shure." the other boat had a similar experience; it began to leak profusely before they had gone very far and would soon have sunk, had not the crew, who doubtless were sober, made all haste to land. my grandmother has often related to me how she clasped her little child to her heart and resigned herself to a fate which seemed inevitable; also of a mrs. mccarthy, a passenger likewise, becoming greatly excited and alternately swearing and praying until the danger was past. an inconvenient but amusing feature was the soaked condition of the "plunder" and the way the shore and shrubbery thereon were decorated with "hiyu ictas," as the chinook has it, hung out to dry. finding it impossible to proceed, this detachment returned and took the mountain road. a tramway built by f. a. chenoweth, around the great falls, afforded transportation for the baggage of the narrowly saved first described. there being no accommodations for passengers, the party walked the tramroad; at the terminus they unloaded and stayed all night. no "commodious and elegant" steamer awaited them, but an old brig, bound for portland, received them and their effects. such variety of adventure had but recently crowded upon them that it was almost fearfully they re-embarked. a. a. denny observed to captain low, "look here, low, they say women are scarce in oregon and we had better be careful of ours." presumably they were, as both survive at the present day. from a proud ranger of the dashing main, the old brig had come down to be a carrier of salt salmon packed in barrels, and plunder of immigrants; as for the luckless passengers, they accommodated themselves as best they could. the small children were tied to the mast to keep them from falling overboard, as there were no bulwarks. beds were made below on the barrels before mentioned and the travel-worn lay down, but not to rest; the mosquitos were a bloodthirsty throng and the beds were likened unto a corduroy road. one of the women grumbled a little and an investigation proved that it was, as her husband said, "nothing but the tea-kettle" wedged in between the barrels. another lost a moccasin overboard and having worn out all her shoes on the way, went with one stockinged foot until they turned up the willamette river, then went ashore to a farmhouse where she was so fortunate as to find the owner of a new pair of shoes which she bought, and was thus able to enter the "city" of portland in appropriate footgear. after such vicissitudes, dangers and anxiety, the little company were glad to tarry in the embryo metropolis for a brief season; then, having heard of fairer shores, the restless pioneers moved on. chapter iii the settlement at alki. midway between port townsend and olympia, in full view looking west from the city of seattle, is a long tongue of land, washed by the sparkling waves of puget sound, called alki point. it helps to make elliott bay a beautiful land-locked harbor and is regarded with interest as being the site of the first settlement by white people in king county in what was then the territory of oregon. _alki_ is an indian word pronounced with the accent on the first syllable, which is _al_ as in altitude; _ki_ is spoken as _ky_ in silky. alki means "by and by." it doth truly fret the soul of the old settler to see it printed and hear it pronounced al-ki. the first movement toward its occupancy was on this wise: a small detachment of the advancing column of settlers, d. t. denny and j. n. low, left portland on the willamette, on the th of september, , with two horses carrying provisions and camp outfit. these men walked to the columbia river to round up a band of cattle belonging to low. the cattle were ferried over the river at vancouver and from thence driven over the old hudson bay company's trail to the mouth of cowlitz river, a tributary of the columbia, up the cowlitz to warbass landing and on to ford's prairie, a wide and rich one, where the band were left to graze on the luxuriant pasturage. on a steep, rocky trail along the cowlitz river, denny was following along not far behind a big, yellow ox that was scrambling up, trying vainly to get a firm foothold, when low, foreseeing calamity, called to him to "look out!" denny swerved a little from the path and at that moment the animal lost its footing and came tumbling past them, rolling over several times until it landed on a lower level, breaking off one of its horns. here was a narrow escape although not from a wild beast. they could not then stop to secure the animal although it was restored to the flock some time after. from ford's prairie, although footsore and weary, they kept on their way until olympia was reached. it was a long tramp of perhaps two hundred fifty miles, the exact distance could not be ascertained as the trail was very winding. as described by one of our earliest historians, olympia then consisted of about a dozen one-story frame cabins, covered with split cedar siding, well ventilated and healthy, and perhaps twice as many indian huts near the custom house, as olympia was then the port of entry for puget sound. the last mentioned structure afforded space on the ground floor for a store, with a small room partitioned off for a postoffice. our two pioneers found here lee terry, who had been engaged in loading a sailing vessel with piles. he fell in with the two persistent pedestrians and thus formed a triumvirate of conquerors of a new world. the pioneers tarried not in the embryo city but pushed on farther down the great inland sea. with captain fay and several others they embarked in an open boat, the captain, who owned the boat, intending to purchase salmon of the indians for the san francisco market. fay was an old whaling captain. he afterwards married mrs. alexander, a widow of whidby island, and lived there until his death. the little party spent their first night on the untrod shores of sgwudux, the indian name of the promontory now occupied by west seattle, landing on the afternoon of september th, , and sleeping that night under the protecting boughs of a giant cedar tree. on the th, low, denny and terry hired two young indians of chief sealth's (seattle's) tillicum (people), who were camped near by, to take them up the duwampsh river in a canoe. safely seated, the paddles dipped and away they sped over the dancing waves. the weather was fair, the air clear and a magnificent panorama spread around them. the whole forest-clad encircling shores of elliott bay, untouched by fire or ax, the tall evergreens thickly set in a dense mass to the water's edge stood on every hand. the great white dome of mount rainier, , feet high, before them, toward which they traveled; behind them, stretched along the western horizon, towiat or olympics, a grand range of snow-capped mountains whose foothills were covered with a continuous forest. entering the duwampsh river and ascending for several miles they reached the farther margin of a prairie where low and terry, having landed, set out over an indian trail through the woods, to look at the country, while denny followed on the river with the indians. on and on they went until denny became anxious and fired off his gun but received neither shot nor shout in answer. the day waned, it was growing dark, and as he returned the narrow deep river took on a melancholy aspect, the great forest was gloomy with unknown fears, and he was alone with strange, wild men whose language was almost unintelligible. nevertheless, he landed and camped with them at a place known afterward as the maple prairie. morning of the th of september saw them paddling up the river again in search of the other two explorers, whom they met coming down in a canoe. they had kept on the trail until an indian camp was reached at the junction of black and duwampsh rivers the night before. all returned to sgwudux, their starting point, to sleep under the cedar tree another night. on the evening of the th a scow appeared and stopped near shore where the water was quite deep. two women on board conversed with captain fay in chinook, evidently quite proud of their knowledge of the trade jargon of the northwest. the scow moved on up elliott bay, entered duwampsh river and ascended it to the claim of l. m. collins, where another settlement sprang into existence. on the th the pioneers moved their camp to alki point or sma-qua-mox as it was named by the indians. captain fay returned from down the sound on the forenoon of the th. that night, as they sat around the campfire, the pioneers talked of their projected building and the idea of split stuff was advanced, when captain fay remarked, "well, i think a log house is better in an indian country." "why, do you think there is any danger from the indians?" he was quickly asked. "well," he replied, with a sly twinkle in his eye, "it would keep off the stray bullets when they _poo mowich_" (shoot deer). these hints, coupled with subsequent experiences, awoke the anxiety of d. t. denny, who soon saw that there were swarms of savages to the northward. those near by were friendly, but what of those farther away? one foggy morning, when the distance was veiled in obscurity, the two young white men, lee and david, were startled to see a big canoe full of wild indians from away down the sound thrust right out of the dense fog; they landed and came ashore; the chief was a tall, brawny fellow with a black beard. they were very impudent, crowding on them and trying to get into the little brush tent, but lee terry stood in the door-way leaning, or braced rather, against the tree upon which one end of the frail habitation was fastened. the white men succeeded in avoiding trouble but they felt inwardly rather "shaky" and were much relieved when their rude visitors departed. these indians were skagits. the brush shelter referred to was made of boughs laid over a pole placed in the crotch of another pole at one end, the other end being held by a crotch fastened to a tree. in it was placed their scanty outfit and supplies, and there they slept while the cabin was building. a townsite was located and named "new york," which no doubt killed the place, exotics do not thrive in the northwest; however, the name was after changed to alki. d. t. denny and lee terry were left to take care of the "townsite" while j. n. low returned with captain fay to olympia and footed it over the trail again to the columbia. he carried with him a letter to a. a. denny in portland, remarkable as the first one penned by d. t. denny on puget sound, also in that upon it and the account given by low depended the decision of the rest of the party to settle on the shores of the great inland sea. the substance of the letter was, "come as soon as you can; we have found a valley that will accommodate one thousand families," referring to that of the duwampsh river. these two, david t. denny and lee terry, proceeded to lay the foundation of the first cabin built on elliott bay and also the first in king county. their only tools were an ax and a hammer. the logs were too heavy for the two white men to handle by themselves, and after they were cut, passing indians, muscular braves, were called on to assist, which they willingly did, mr. denny giving them bread as a reward, the same being an unaccustomed luxury to them. several days after the foundation was laid, l. m. collins and "nesqually john," an indian, passed by the camp and rising cabin, driving oxen along the beach, on their way to the claim selected by collins on the fertile banks of the duwampsh river. when d. t. denny and lee terry wrote their names on the first page of our history, they could not fully realize the import of their every act, yet no doubt they were visionary. sleeping in their little brush tent at night, what dreams may have visited them! dreams, perhaps, of fleets of white-winged ships with the commerce of many nations, of busy cities, of throngs of people. probably they set about chopping down the tall fir trees in a cheerful mood, singing and whistling to the astonishment of the pine squirrels and screech owls thus rudely disturbed. their camp equipage and arrangements were of the simplest and rudest and mr. denny relates that lee terry would not cook so he did the cooking. he made a "johnny cake" board of willow wood to bake bread upon. fish and game were cooked before the camp fire. the only cooking vessel was a tin pail. one evening old duwampsh curley, whose indian name was su-whalth, with several others, visited them and begged the privilege of camping near by. permission given, the indians built a fire and proceeded to roast a fine, fat duck transfixed on a sharp stick, placing a large clam shell underneath to catch the gravy. when it was cooked to their minds, curley offered a choice cut to the white men, who thanked him but declined to partake, saying that they had eaten their supper. old curley remembered it and in after years often reminded his white friend of the incident, laughing slyly, "he! he! boston man halo tikke siwash muck-a-muck" (white man do not like indian's food), knowing perfectly well the reason they would not accept the proffered dainty. j. n. low had returned to portland and terry went to olympia on the return trip of collins' scow, leaving david t. denny alone with "new york," the unfinished cabin and the indians. for three weeks he was the sole occupant and was ill a part of the time. meanwhile, the families left behind had not been idle, but having made up their minds that the end of their rainbow rested on puget sound, set sail on the schooner "exact," with others who intended to settle at various points on the inland sea, likewise a party of gold hunters bound for queen charlotte's island. they were one week getting around cape flattery and up the sound as far as alki point. it was a rough introduction to the briny deep, as the route covered the most tempestuous portion of the northwest coast. well acquainted as they were with prairie schooners, a schooner on the ocean was another kind of craft and they enjoyed (?) their first experience of seasickness crossing the bar of the columbia. as may be easily imagined, the fittings were not of the most luxurious kind and father, mother and the children gathered socially around a washing tub to pay their respects to neptune. the gold miners, untouched by mal de mer, sang jolly songs and played cards to amuse themselves. their favorite ditty was the round "three blind mice" and they sang also many good old campmeeting songs. poor fellows! they were taken captive by the indians of queen charlotte's island and kept in slavery a number of years until victorians sent an expedition for their rescue, paid their ransom and they were released. [illustration: bargaining with indians at alki, ] on a dull november day, the thirteenth of the month, this company landed on alki point. there were a. a. denny, his wife, mary boren denny, and their three little children; miss louisa boren, a younger sister of mrs. denny; c. d. boren and his family; j. n. low, mrs. low and their four children and wm. n. bell, mrs. sarah bell and their family. john and sarah denny with their little daughter, loretta, remained in oregon for several years and then removed to the sound. on that eventful morning the lonely occupant of the unfinished cabin was startled by an unusual sound, the rattling of an anchor chain, that of the "exact." not feeling well he had the night before made some hot tea, drank it, piled both his own and lee terry's blankets over him and slept long and late. hearing the noise before mentioned he rose hastily, pushed aside the boards leaned up for a door and hurried out and down to the beach to meet his friends who left the schooner in a long boat. it was a gloomy, rainy time and the prospect for comfort was so poor that the women, except the youngest who had no family cares, sat them down on a log on the beach and wept bitter tears of discouragement. not so with miss louisa boren, whose lively curiosity and love of nature led her to examine everything she saw, the shells and pebbles of the beach, rank shrubbery and rich evergreens that covered the bank, all so new and interesting to the traveler from the far prairie country. but little time could be spent, however, indulging in the luxury of woe as all were obliged to exert themselves to keep their effects from being carried away by the incoming tide and forgot their sorrow in busily carrying their goods upon the bank; food and shelter must be prepared, and as ever before they met the difficulties courageously. the roof of the cabin was a little imperfect and one of the pioneer children was rendered quite uncomfortable by the more or less regular drip of the rain upon her and in after years recalled it saying that she had forever after a prejudice against camping out. david t. denny inadvertantly let fall the remark that he wished they had not come. a. a. denny, his brother, came to him, pale with agitation, asking what he meant, and david attempted to allay his fears produced by anxiety for his helpless family, by saying that the cabin was not comfortable in its unfinished state. the deeper truth was that the sound country was swarming with indians. had the pioneers fully realized the risk they ran, nothing would have induced them to remain; their very unconsciousness afterward proved a safeguard. the rainy season was fairly under way and suitable shelter was an absolute necessity. soon other houses were built of round fir logs and split cedar boards. the householders brought quite a supply of provisions with them on the "exact;" among other things a barrel of dried apples, which proved palatable and wholesome. sea biscuit, known as hard-bread, and potato bread made of mashed potatoes and baked in the oven were oft times substitutes for or adjuncts of the customary loaf. there was very little game in the vicinity of the settlement and at first they depended on the native hunters and fishermen who brought toothsome wild ducks and venison, fresh fish and clams in abundance. one of the pioneers relates that some wily rascals betrayed them into eating pieces of game which he afterward was convinced were cut from a cougar. the indians who brought it called it "mowich" (deer), but the meat was of too light a color for either venison or bear, and the conformation of the leg bones in the pieces resembled _felis_ rather than _cervus_. but the roasts were savory, it was unseemly to make too severe an examination and the food supply was not then so certain as to permit indulgence in an over-nice discrimination. the inventive genius of the pioneer women found generous exercise in the manufacture of new dishes. the variations were rung on fish, potatoes and clams in a way to pamper epicures. clams in fry, pie, chowder, soup, stew, boil and bake--even pickled clams were found an agreeable relish. the great variety of food fishes from the kingly salmon to the tiny smelt, with crabs, oysters, etc., and their many modes of preparation, were perpetually tempting to the pioneer appetite. the question of food was a serious one for the first year, as the resources of this land of plenty were unknown at first, but the pushing pioneer proved a ready and adaptable learner. flour, butter, syrup, sugar, tea and coffee were brought at long intervals over great distances by sailing vessels. by the time these articles reached the settlement their value became considerable. game, fish and potatoes were staple articles of diet and judging from the stalwart frames of the indians were safe and substantial. trading with the indians brought about some acquaintance with their leading characteristics. on one occasion, the youngest of the white women, louisa boren, attempted to barter some red flannel for a basket of potatoes. the basket of "wapatoes" occupied the center of a level spot in front of the cabin, backed by a semicircle of perhaps twenty-five indians. a tall, bronze tyee (chief) stood up to wa-wa (talk). he wanted so much cloth; stretching out his long arms to their utmost extent, fully two yards. "no," she said, "i will give you so much," about one yard. "wake, cultus potlatch" (no, that is just giving them away) answered the indian, who measured several times and insisted that he would not trade for an inch less. out of patience at last, she disdainfully turned her back and retired inside the cabin behind a mat screen. no amount of coaxing from the savages could induce her to return, and the disappointed spectators filed off, bearing their "hyas mokoke" (very valuable) potatoes with them, no doubt marveling at the firmness of the white "slanna" (woman). a more successful deal in potatoes was the venture of a. a. denny and j. n. low, who traveled from alki to fort nesqually, in a big canoe manned by four indians and obtained fifty bushels of little, round, red potatoes grown by indians from seed obtained from the "sking george" men. the green hides of beeves were spread in the bottom of the canoe and the potatoes piled thereon. returning to alki it was a little rough and the vegetables were well moistened with salt chuck, as were the passengers also, probably, deponent saith not. it is not difficult for those who have traveled the sound in all kinds of weather to realize the aptness of the expression of the chinese cook of a camping party who were moving in a large canoe; when the waves began to rise, he exclaimed in agitation, "too littlee boat for too muchee big waters." it is well to bear in mind that the "sound" is a great inland sea. a tenderfoot's description of the water over which he floated, the timorous occupant of a canoe, testifies that it looked to him to be "two hundred feet deep, as clear as a kitten's eye and as cold as death." all the different sorts of canoes of which i shall speak in another chapter look "wobbly" and uncertain, yet the indians make long voyages of hundreds of miles by carefully observing the wind and tide. a large canoe will easily carry ten persons and one thousand pounds of baggage. one of these commodious travelers, with a load of natives and their "ictas" (baggage) landed on a stormy day at alki and the occupants spent several hours ashore. while engaged with their meal one of them exclaimed, "nannitch!" (look) at the same time pointing at the smoke of the campfire curling steadily straight upward. without another word they tumbled themselves and belongings aboard and paddled off in silent satisfaction. the ascending column of smoke was their barometer which read "fair weather, no wind." the white people, unacquainted with the shores, tides and winds of the great inland sea, did well to listen to their indian canoemen; sometimes their unwillingness to do so exposed them to great danger and even loss of life. the indians living on elliott bay were chiefly the indigenous tribe of d'wampsh or duwampsh, changed by white people into "duwamish." they gave abundant evidence of possessing human feeling beneath their rough exterior. one of the white women at alki, prepared some food for a sick indian child which finally recovered. the child's father, "old alki john," was a very "hard case," but his heart was tender toward his child, and to show his gratitude he brought and offered as a present to the kind white "slanna" (woman) a bright, new tin pail, a very precious thing to the indian mind. of course she readily accepted his thanks but persuaded him to keep the pail. savages though they were, or so appeared, the indians of elliott bay were correctly described in these words: "we found a race, though rude and wild, still tender toward friend or child, for dark eyes laughed or shone with tears as joy or sorrow filled the years. their black-eyed babes the red men kissed and captive brothers sorely missed; with broken hearts brown mothers wept when babes away by death were swept." --song of the pioneers. but there were amusing as well as pathetic experiences. the indians were like untaught children in many things. their curiosity over-came them and their innocent impertinence sometimes required reproof. in a cabin at alki one morning, a white woman was frying fish. warming by the fire stood "duwampsh curley;" the odor of the fish was doubtless appetizing; curley was moved with a wish to partake of it and reached out a dark and doubtful-looking hand to pick out a piece. the white woman had a knife in her hand to turn the pieces and raised it to strike the imprudent hand which was quickly and sheepishly withdrawn. had he been as haughty and ill-natured as some savages the result might have been disastrous, but he took the reproof meekly and mended his manners instead of retaliating. now and then the settlers were spectators in dramas of indian romance. "old alki john" had a wife whose history became interesting. for some unknown reason she ran away from puyallup to alki. her husband followed her, armed with a hudson bay musket and a frame of mind that boded no good. while a. a. denny, d. t. denny and alki john were standing together on the bank one day old john's observing eye caught sight of a strange indian ascending the bank, carrying his gun muzzle foremost, a suggestive position not indicative of peaceful intentions. "nannitch" (look) he said quietly; the stranger advanced boldly, but old john's calm manner must have had a soothing effect upon the bloodthirsty savage, as he concluded to "wa-wa" (talk) a little before fighting. so the gutturals and polysyllables of the native tongue fairly flew about until evidently, as mr. d. t. denny relates, some sort of compromise was effected. not then understanding the language, he could not determine just the nature of the arrangement, but has always thought it was amicably settled by the payment of money by "old alki john" to her former husband. this indian woman was young and fair, literally so, as her skin was very white, she being the whitest squaw ever seen among them; her head was not flattened, she was slender and of good figure. possibly she had white blood in her veins; her indian name was "si-a-ye." being left a widow, she was not left to pine alone very long; another claimed her hand and she became mrs. yeow-de-pump. when this one joined his brethren in the happy hunting ground, she remained a widow for some time, but is now the wife of the indian zacuse, mentioned in another place. there were women cabin builders. each married woman was given half the donation claim by patent from the government; improvement on her part of the claim was therefore necessary. on a fine, fair morning in the early spring of , two women set forth from the settlement at alki, to cross elliott bay in a fishing canoe, with indians to paddle and a large dog to protect them from possible wild animals in the forest, for in that wild time, bears, cougars and wolves roamed the shores of puget sound. landed on the opposite shore, the present site of seattle, they made their way slowly and with difficulty through the dense undergrowth of the heavy forest, there being not so much as a trail, over a long distance. arrived at the chosen spot, they cut with their own hands some small fir logs and laid the foundation of a cabin. while thus employed the weather underwent a change and on the return was rather threatening. the wind and waves were boisterous, the canine passenger was frightened and uneasy, thus adding to the danger. the water washed into the canoe and the human occupants suffered no little anxiety until they reached the beach at home. one of the conditions of safe travel in a canoe is a quiet and careful demeanor, the most approved plan being to sit down in the bottom of the craft and _stay there_. to have a large, heavy animal squirming about, getting up and lying down frequently, must have tried their nerve severely and it must have taken good management to prevent a serious catastrophe. the bell family were camped at that time on their claim in a rude shelter of indian boards and mats. the handful of white men at alki spent their time and energy in getting out piles for the san francisco market. at first they had very few appliances for handling the timber. the first vessel to load was the brig leonesa, which took a cargo of piles, cut, rolled and hauled by hand, as there were no cattle at the settlement. there were also no roads and lee terry went to puyallup for a yoke of oxen, which he drove down on the beach to alki. never were dumb brutes better appreciated than these useful creatures. but the winter, or rather rainy season, wore away; as spring approached the settlers explored the shores of the sound far and near and it became apparent that alki must wait till "by and by," as the eastern shore of elliott bay was found more desirable and the pioneers prepared to move again by locating donation claims on a portion of the land now covered by a widespread city, which will bring us to the next chapter, "the founding of seattle and indian war." the following is a brief recapitulation of the first days on puget sound; in these later years we see the rapid and skillful construction of elegant mansions, charming cottages and stately business houses, all in sight of the spot where stood the first little cabin of the pioneer. the builders of this cabin were d. t. denny, j. n. low and lee terry, assisted by the indians, the only tools, an ax and a hammer, the place alki point, the time, the fall of . they baked their bread before the fire on a willow board hewed from a piece of a tree which grew near the camp; the only cooking vessel was a tin pail; the salmon they got off the indians was roasted before the fire on a stick. the cabin was unfinished when the famous landing was made, november th, , because j. n. low returned to portland, having been on the sound but a few days, then lee terry boarded collins' scow on its return trip up sound leaving d. t. denny alone for about three weeks, during most of which time he was ill. this was low's cabin; after the landing of bell, boren and a. a. denny and the others of the party, among whom were low and c. c. terry, a roof was put on the unfinished cabin and they next built a. a. denny's and then two cabins of split cedar for bell and boren and their families. when they moved to the east side of elliott bay, bell's was the first one built. w. n. bell and d. t. denny built a. a. denny's on the east side, as he was sick. d. t. denny had served an apprenticeship in cabin building, young as he was, nineteen years of age, before he came to puget sound. the first of d. t. denny's cabins he built himself with the aid of three indians. there was not a stick or piece of sawed stuff in it. however, by the august following his marriage, which took place january rd, , he bought of h. l. yesler lumber from his sawmill at about $ . per m. to put up a little board house, sixteen by twenty feet near the salt water, between madison and marion streets, seattle. this little home was my birthplace, the first child of the first white family established at elliott bay. mr. and mrs. d. t. denny had been threatened by indians and their cabin robbed, so thought it best to move into the settlement. chapter iv founding of seattle and indian war. the most astonishing change wrought in the aspect of nature by the building of a city on puget sound is not the city itself but the destruction of the primeval forest. by the removal of the thick timber the country becomes unrecognizable; replaced by thousands of buildings of brick, wood and stone, graded streets, telephone and electric light systems, steam, electric and cable railways and all the paraphernalia of modern civilization, the contrast is very great. the same amount of energy and money expended in a treeless, level country would probably have built a city three times as large as seattle. in february, , bell, boren and the dennys located claims on the east side of elliott bay. others followed, but it was not until may, , that c. d. boren and a. a. denny filed the first plat of the town, named for the noted chief, "seattle." the second plat was filed shortly after by d. s. maynard. maynard was a physician who did not at first depend on the practice of his profession; perhaps the settlers were too vigorous to require pills, powders and potions, at any rate he proposed to engage in the business of packing salmon. the settlers at alki moved over to their claims in the spring of , some of them camping until they could build log cabins. finally all were well established and then began the hand to hand conflict for possession of the ground. the mighty forest must yield to fire and the ax; then from the deep bosom of the earth what bounty arose! the indians proved efficient helpers, guides and workers in many ways. one of the pioneers had three indians to help him build his cabin. to speak more particularly of the original architecture of the country, the cabins, built usually of round logs of the douglas fir, about six inches in diameter, were picturesque, substantial and well suited to the needs of the pioneer. a great feature of the seattle cabin was the door made of thick boards hewed out of the timber as there was no sawmill on the bay until h. l. yesler built the first steam sawmill erected on the sound. this substantial door was cut across in the middle with a diagonal joint; the lower half was secured by a stout wooden pin, in order that the upper half might be opened and the "wa-wa" (talk) proceed with the native visitor, who might or might not be friendly, while he stood on the outside of the door and looked in with eager curiosity, on the strange ways of the "bostons." the style of these log cabins was certainly admirable, adapted as they were to the situation of the settler. they were inexpensive as the material was plentiful and near at hand, and required only energy and muscle to construct them; there were no plumber's, gas or electric light bills coming in every month, no taxes for improvements and a man could build a lean-to or hay-shed without a building permit. the interiors were generally neat, tasteful and home-like, made so by the versatile pioneer women who occupied them. these primitive habitations were necessarily scattered as it was imperative that they should be placed so as to perfect the titles of the donation claims. sometimes two settlers were able to live near each other when they held adjoining claims, others were obliged to live several miles away from the main settlement and far from a neighbor, in lonely, unprotected places. what thoughts of the homes and friends they had left many weary leagues behind, visited these lonely cabin dwellers! the husband was engaged in clearing, slashing and burning log heaps, cutting timber, hunting for game to supply the larder, or away on some errand to the solitary neighbor's or distant settlement. often, during the livelong day the wife was alone, occupied with domestic toil, all of which had to be performed by one pair of hands, with only primitive and rude appliances; but there were no incompetent servants to annoy, social obligations were few, fashion was remote and its tyranny unknown, in short, many disagreeable things were lacking. the sense of isolation was intensified by frequently recurring incidents in which the dangers of pioneer life became manifest. the dark, mysterious forest might send forth from its depths at any moment the menace of savage beast or relentless man. the big, grey, timber wolf still roamed the woods, although it soon disappeared before the oncoming wave of invading settlers. generally quite shy, they required some unusual attraction to induce them to display their voices. on a dark winter night in , the lonely cabin of d. t. and louisa denny was visited by a pair of these voracious beasts, met to discuss the remains of a cow, belonging to w. n. bell, which had stuck fast among some tree roots and died in the edge of the clearing. how they did snarl and howl, making the woods and waters resound with their cries as they greedily devoured the carcass. the pioneer couple who occupied the cabin entered no objection and were very glad of the protection of the solid walls of their primitive domicile. the next day, mr. denny, with dog and gun, went out to hunt them but they had departed to some remote region. on another occasion the young wife lay sick and alone in the cabin above mentioned and a good neighbor, mrs. sarah bell, from her home a mile away, came to see her, bringing some wild [a]pheasant's eggs the men had found while cutting spars. while the women chatted, an indian came and stood idly looking in over the half-door and his companion lurked in the brush near by. [footnote a: ruffed grouse.] john kanem, a brother of the chief, pat kanem, afterward told the occupants of the cabin that these indians had divulged their intention of murdering them in order to rob their dwelling, but abandoned the project, giving as a reason that a "haluimi kloochman" (another or unknown woman) was there and the man was away. surely a kind providence watched over these unprotected ones that they might in after years fulfill their destiny. during the summer of , before the indian war, mr. and mrs. d. t. denny were living in a log cabin in the swale, an opening in the midst of a heavy forest, on their donation claim, to which they had moved from their first cabin on elliott bay. dr. choush, an indian medicine man, came along one day in a state of ill-suppressed fury. he had just returned from a government "potlatch" at the tulalip agency. in relating how they were cheated he said that the indians were presented with strips of blankets which had been torn into narrow pieces about six or eight inches wide, and a little bit of thread and a needle or two. the indians thereupon traded among themselves and pieced the strips together. he was naturally angry and said menacingly that the white people were few, their doors were thin and the indians could easily break them in and kill all the "bostons." all this could not have been very reassuring to the inmates of the cabin; however they were uniformly kind to the natives and had many friends among them. just before the outbreak a troop of indians visited this cabin and their bearing was so haughty that mrs. denny felt very anxious. when they demanded "klosh mika potlatch wapatoes," (give us some potatoes) she hurried out herself to dig them as quickly as possible that they might have no excuse for displeasure, and was much relieved when they took their departure. one indian remained behind a long time but talked very little. it is supposed that he thought of warning them of the intended attack on the white settlement but was afraid to do so because of the enmity against him that might follow among his own people. gov. stevens had made treaties with the indians to extinguish their title to the lands of the territory. some were dissatisfied and stirred up the others against the white usurpers. this was perfectly natural; almost any american of whatever color resents usurpation. time would fail to recount the injuries and indignities heaped upon the indians by the evil-minded among the whites, who could scarcely have been better than the same class among the natives they sought to displace. as subsequently appeared, there was a difference of opinion among the natives as to the desirability of white settlements in their domain: leschi, coquilton, owhi, kitsap, kamiakin and kanasket were determined against them, while sealth (seattle) and pat kanem were peaceable and friendly. the former, shrewd chieftains, well knew that the white people coveted their good lands. one night before the war, a passing white man, david t. denny, heard indians talking together in one of their "rancherees" or large houses; they were telling how the white men knew that the lands belonging to tseiyuse and ohwi, two great yakima chiefs, were very desirable. cupidity, race prejudice and cruelty caused numberless injuries and indignities against the indians. in spite of all, there were those among them who proved the faithful friends of the white race. hu-hu-bate-sute or "salmon bay curley," a tall, hawk-nosed, eagle-eyed indian with very curly hair, was a staunch friend of the "bostons." thlid kanem or "cut-hand" sent lake john che-shi-a-hud to shilshole to inform this "curley," who lived there, of the intended attack on seattle. curley told ira w. utter, a white settler on shilshole or salmon bay, and brought him up to seattle in his own canoe during the night. "duwampsh curley" or su-whalth, appears in a very unfavorable light in bancroft's history. my authority, who speaks the native tongue fluently and was a volunteer in active duty on the day of the battle of seattle, says it was not curley who disported himself in the manner therein described. i find this refreshing note pencilled on the margin: "now this is all a lie about curley." curley rendered valuable assistance on the day of the fight. d. t. denny saw him go on a mission down the bay at the request of the navy officers, to ascertain the position of the hostiles in the north part of the town. "old mose" or show-halthlk brought word to seattle of the approach of the hostile bands in january, . but i seem to anticipate and hasten to refer again to the daily life of the founders of seattle. trade here, as at alki, consisted in cutting piles, spars and timber to load vessels for san francisco. these ships brought food supplies and merchandise, the latter often consisting of goods, calicoes, blankets, shawls and tinware, suitable for barter with the indians to whom the settlers still looked for a number of articles of food. bread being the staff of life to the white man, the supply of flour was a matter of importance. in the winter of this commodity became so scarce, from the long delay of ships carrying it, that the price became quite fancy, reaching forty dollars per barrel. pork likewise became a costly luxury; a. a. denny relates that he paid ninety dollars for two barrels and when by an untoward fate one of the barrels of the precious meat was lost it was regarded as a positive calamity. left on the beach out of reach of high tide, it was supposed to be safe, but during the night it was carried away by the waves that swept the banks under the high wind. at the next low tide which came also at night, the whole settlement turned out and searched the beach, with pitchwood torches, from the head of the bay to smith's cove, but found no trace of the missing barrel of pork. an extenuating circumstance was the fact that a large salmon might be purchased for a brass button, while red flannel, beads, knives and other "ictas" (things) were legal tender for potatoes, venison, berries and clams. domestic animals were few; i do not know if there was a sheep, pig or cow, and but few chickens, on elliott bay at the beginning of the year . as late as , charles prosch relates that he paid one dollar and a half for a dozen eggs and the same price for a pound of butter. there were no roads, only a few trails through the forest; a common mode of travel was to follow the beach, the traveler having to be especially mindful of the tide as the banks are so abrupt in many places that at high tide the shore is impassable. the indian canoe was pressed into service whenever possible. very gradually ways through the forest were tunneled out and made passable, by cutting the trees and grubbing the larger stumps, but small obstructions were disdained and anything that would escape a wagon-bed was given peaceable possession. of the original settlement, j. n. low and family remained at alki. d. t. and louisa denny, who were married at the cabin home of a. a. denny, january rd, , moved themselves and few effects in a canoe to their cabin on the front of their donation claim, the habitation standing on the spot for many years occupied by numerous "sweetbrier" bushes, grown from seeds planted by the first bride of seattle. stern realities confronted them; a part of the time they were out of flour and had no bread for days; they bought fish of the indians, which, together with game from the forest, brought down by the rifle of the pioneer, made existence possible. and then, too, the pioneer housewife soon became a shrewd searcher for indigenous articles of food. among these were nettle greens gathered in the woods. in their season the native berries were very acceptable; the salmonberry ripening early in june; dewberries and red and black huckleberries were plentiful in july and august. the first meal partaken of in this cabin consisted of salt meat from a ship's stores and potatoes. they afterward learned to make a whole meal of a medium sized salmon with potatoes, the fragments remaining not worth mention. the furniture of their cabin was meager, a few chairs from a ship, a bedstead made of fir poles and a ship's stove were the principle articles. one window without glass but closed by a wooden shutter with the open upper half-door served to light it in the daytime, while the glimmer of a dog-fish-oil lamp was the illumination at night. the stock consisted of a single pair of chickens, a wedding present from d. s. maynard. the hen set under the door-step and brought out a fine brood of chicks. the rooster soon took charge of them, scratched, called and led them about in the most motherly manner, while the hen, apparently realizing the fact that she was literally a rara avis prepared to bring out another brood. mr. and mrs. d. t. denny while visiting their friends at alki on one occasion witnessed a startling scene. an indian had come to trade, "old alki john," and a misunderstanding appears to have arisen about the price of a sack of flour. the women, seated chatting at one end of the cabin, were chilled with horror to see the white man, his face pale with anger and excitement, raise an ax as if to strike the indian, who had a large knife, such as many of them wore suspended from the wrist by a cord; the latter, a tall and brawny fellow, regarded him with a threatening look. fortunately no blow was struck and the white man gradually lowered the ax and dropped it on the floor. the indian quietly departed, much to their relief, as a single blow would likely have resulted in a bloody affray and the massacre of all the white people. at that time there were neither jails, nor courthouse, no churches, but one sawmill, no steamboats, railways or street cars, not even a rod of wagon road in king county, indeed all the conveniences of modern civilization were wanting. there were famous, historic buildings erected and occupied, other than the cabin homes; the most notable of these was fort decatur. the commodious blockhouse so named after the good sloop-of-war that rescued the town of seattle from the hostiles, stood on an eminence at the end of cherry street overlooking the bay. at this time there were about three hundred white inhabitants. the hewn timbers of this fort were cut by d. t. denny and two others, on the front of the donation claim, and hauled out on the beach ready to load a ship for san francisco, but ultimately served a very different purpose from the one first intended. the mutterings of discontent among the indians portended war and the settlers made haste to prepare a place of refuge. the timbers were dragged up the hill by oxen and many willing hands promptly put them in place; hewn to the line, the joints were close and a good shingle roof covered the building, to which were added two bastions of sawed stuff from yesler's mill. d. t. denny remembers the winter was a mild one, and men went about without coats, otherwise "in their shirtsleeves." while they were building the fort, the u. s. sloop-of-war _decatur_, sailed up the bay with a fair breeze, came to anchor almost directly opposite, swung around and fired off the guns, sixteen thirty-two-pounders, making thunderous reverberations far and wide, a sweet sound to the settlers. several of the too confident ones laughed and scoffed at the need of a fort while peace seemed secure. one of these doubters was told by mrs. louisa denny that the people laughed at noah when he built the ark, and it transpired that a party was obliged to bring this objector and his family into the fort from their claim two miles away, after dark of the night before the battle. a few nights before the attack, a false alarm sent several settlers out in fluttering nightrobes, cold, moonlight and frosty though it was. mr. hillory butler and his wife, mrs. mcconaha and her children calling to the former "wait for me." it is needless to say that mr. butler waited for nobody until he got inside the fort. the excitement was caused by the shooting of jack drew, a deserter from the decatur. he was instantly killed by a boy of fifteen, alone with his sister whom he thus bravely defended. this was milton holgate and the weapon a shotgun, the charge of which took effect in the wanderer's face. as the report rang out through the still night air it created a panic throughout the settlement. a family living on the eastern outskirts of the village at the foot of a hill were driven in and their house burned. the men had been engaged in tanning leather and had quite a number of hides on hand that must have enriched the flames. the owners had ridiculed the idea that there was danger of an indian attack and would not assist in building the fort, scoffed at the man-of-war in the harbor and were generally contemptuous of the whole proceeding. however, when fired on by the indians they fled precipitately to the fort they had scorned. one of them sank down, bareheaded, breathless and panting on a block of wood inside the fort in an exceedingly subdued frame of mind to the great amusement of the soldiery, both captain and men. the first decided move of the hostiles was the attack on the white river settlers, burning, killing and destroying as is the wont of a savage foe. joe lake, a somewhat eccentric character, had one of the hairbreadth escapes fall to his share of the terrible times. he was slightly wounded in an attack on the cox home on white river. joe was standing in the open door when an indian not far away from the cabin, seeing him, held his ramrod on the ground for a rest, placed his gun across it and fired at joe; the bullet penetrated the clothing and just grazed his shoulder. a man inside the cabin reached up for a gun which hung over the door; the indian saw the movement and guessing its purpose made haste to depart. the occupants of the cox residence hurriedly gathered themselves and indispensable effects, and embarking in a canoe, with energetic paddling, aided by the current, sped swiftly down the river into the bay and safely reached the fort. beside the decatur, a solitary sailing vessel, the bark brontes, was anchored in the harbor. those to engage in the battle were the detachments of men from the decatur, under lieutenants drake, hughes, morris and phelps, ninety-six men and eighteen marines, leaving a small number on board. a volunteer three months' company of settlers of whom c. c. hewitt was captain, wm. gilliam, first lieutenant, d. t. denny, corporal and robert olliver, sergeant, aided in the defense. a number of the settlers had received friendly warning and were expecting the attack, some having made as many as three removals from their claims, each time approaching nearer to the fort. mr. and mrs. d. t. denny forsook their cabin in the wilderness and spent an anxious night at the home of w. n. bell, which was a mile or more from the settlement, and the following day moved in to occupy a house near a. a. denny's, where the frye block now stands. from thence they moved again to a little frame house near the fort. yoke-yakeman, an indian who had worked for a. a. denny and was nicknamed "denny jim," played an important part as a spy in a council of the hostiles and gave the warning to captain gansevoort of the decatur of the impending battle. mr. and mrs. blaine, the pioneer m. e. minister, and his wife, who was the first school teacher of seattle, went on board the man-of-war on the nd of january, , with their infant son, from their home situated where the boston block now stands. on the morning of the th, while not yet arisen, she was urging her husband to get a boat so that she might go ashore; he demurred, parleying, with his hand upon the doorknob. just then they heard the following dialogue: mr. h. l. yesler (who had come aboard in some haste): "captain, a klootchman says there are lots of indians back of tom pepper's house." captain gansevoort (who was lying in his berth): "john bring me my boots." h. l. yesler: "never mind captain, just send the lieutenant with the howitzer." captain g.: "no sir! where my men go, i go too john bring me my boots." and thus the ball opened; a shell was dropped in the neighborhood of "tom pepper's house" with the effect to arouse the whole horde of savages, perhaps a thousand, gathered in the woods back of the town. unearthly yells of indians and brisk firing of musketry followed; the battle raged until noon, when there was a lull. a volume of personal experiences might be written, but i will give here but a few incidents. to a number of the settlers who were about breakfasting, it was a time of breathless terror; they must flee for their lives to the fort. the bullets from unseen foes whistled over their heads and the distance traversed to the fort was the longest journey of their lives. it was remembered afterward that some very amusing things took place in the midst of fright and flight. one man, rising late and not fully attired, donned his wife's red flannel petticoat instead of the bifurcated garment that usually graced his limbs. the "pants" were not handy and the petticoat was put on in a trice. louisa boren denny, my mother, was alone with her child about two years old, in the little frame house, a short distance from the fort. she was engaged in baking biscuits when hearing the shots and yells of the indians she looked out to see the marines from the decatur swarming up out of their boats onto yesler's wharf and concluded it was best to retire in good order. with provident foresight she snatched the pan from the oven and turned the biscuits into her apron, picked up the child, emily inez denny, with her free hand and hurried out, leaving the premises to their fate. fortunately her husband, david t. denny, who had been standing guard, met her in the midst of the flying bullets and assisted her, speedily, into the friendly fort. a terrible day it was for all those who were called upon to endure the anxiety and suspense that hovered within those walls; perhaps the moment that tried them most was when the report was circulated that all would be burned alive as the indians would shoot arrows carrying fire on the roof of cedar shingles or heap combustibles against the walls near the ground and thus set fire to the building. to prevent the latter maneuver, the walls were banked with earth all around. but the indians kept at a respectful distance, the rifle-balls and shells were not to their taste and it is not their way to fight in the open. a tragic incident was the death of milton holgate. francis mcnatt, a tall man, stood in the door of the fort with one hand up on the frame and jim broad beside him; milton holgate stood a little back of mcnatt, and the bullet from a savage's gun passed either over or under the uplifted arm of mcnatt, striking the boy between the eyes. quite a number of women and children were taken on board the two ships in the harbor, but my mother remained in the fort. the battle was again renewed and fiercely fought in the afternoon. toward evening the indians prepared to burn the town, but a brisk dropping of shells from the big guns of the decatur dispersed them and they departed for cooler regions, burning houses on the outskirts of the settlement as they retreated toward the duwamish river. [illustration: indian canoes sailing with north wind] leschi, the leader, threatened to return in a month with his bands and annihilate the place. in view of other possible attacks, a second block house was built and the forest side of the town barricaded. fort decatur was a two-story building, forty feet square; the upper story was partitioned off into small rooms, where a half dozen or more families lived until it was safe or convenient to return to their distant homes. each had a stove on which to cook, and water was carried from a well inside the stockade. there were a number of children thus shut in, who enlivened the grim walls with their shifting shadows, awakened mirth by their playfulness or touched the hearts of their elders by their pathos. like a ray of sunlight in a gloomy interior was little sam neely, a great pet, a sociable, affectionate little fellow, visiting about from corner to corner, always sure of attention and a kindly welcome. the marines from the man-of-war spoiled him without stint. one of the sergeants gave his mother a half worn uniform, which she skilfully re-made, gold braid, buttons and all, for little sam. how proud he was, with everybody calling him the "little sergeant"; whenever he approached a loquacious group, some one was sure to say, "well, sergeant, what's the news?" when the day came for the neely family to move out of the fort, his mother was very busy and meals uncertain. he finally appealed to a friend, who had before proven herself capable of sympathy, for something to appease his gnawing hunger, and she promptly gave him a bowl of bread and milk. down he sat and ate with much relish; as he drained the last drop he observed, "i was just so hungry, i didn't know how hungry i was." poor little sam was drowned in the duwampsh river the same year, and buried on its banks. laura bell, a little girl of perhaps ten years, during her stay in the fort exhibited the courage and constancy characterizing even the children in those troublous times. she did a great part of the work for the family, cared for her younger sisters, prepared and carried food to her sick mother who was heard to say with tender gratitude, "your dear little hands have brought me almost everything i have had." both have passed into the beyond; one who remembers laura well says she was a beautiful, bright, rosy cheeked child, pleasant to look upon. in unconscious childhood i was carried into fort decatur, on the morning of the battle, yet by careful investigation it has been satisfactorily proven that one lasting impression was recorded upon the palimpsest of my immature mind. a shot was accidentally fired from a gun inside the fort, by which a palefaced, dark haired lady narrowly escaped death. the bullet passed through a loop of her hair, below the ear, just beside the white neck. her hair was dressed in an old fashioned way, parted in the middle on the forehead and smoothly brushed down over the ears, divided and twisted on each side and the two ropes of hair coiled together at the back of the head. like a flashlight photograph, her face is imprinted on my memory, nothing before or after for sometime can i claim to recall. a daughter, the second child of david t. and louisa denny, was born in fort decatur on the sixteenth of march, , who lived to mature into a gifted and gracious womanhood and passed away from earth in christian faith and hope on january seventeenth, . other children who remained in the fort for varying periods, were those of the jones, kirkland, lewis, mcconaha and boren families. of the number of settlers who occupied the fort on the day of the battle, the following are nearly, if not quite all, the families: wm. n. bell, mrs. bell and several young children; john buckley and mrs. buckley; d. a. neely and family, one of whom was little sam neely spoken of elsewhere; mr. and mrs. hillory butler, gratefully remembered as the best people in the settlement to visit and help the sick; the holgates, mrs. and miss holgate, lemuel holgate, and milton holgate who was killed; timothy grow, b. l. johns and six children, whose mother died on the way to puget sound; joe lake, the kirkland family, father and several daughters; wm. cox and family and d. t. denny and family. during the indian war, h. l. yesler took yoke-yakeman, or "denny jim," the friendly indian before mentioned, with him across lake washington to the hiding place of the sammumpsh indians who were aiding the hostiles. yesler conferred with them and succeeded in persuading the indians to come out of their retreat and go across the sound. while returning, denny jim met with an accident which resulted fatally. intending to shoot some ducks, he drew his shotgun toward him, muzzle first, and discharged it, the load entering his arm, making a flesh wound. through lack of skill, perhaps, in treating it, he died from the effects, in curley's house situated on the slope in front of fort decatur toward the bay. this indian and the service he rendered should not be forgotten; the same may be appropriately said of the faithful spokane of whom the following account has been given by eye witnesses: "at the attack of the cascades of the columbia, on the th of march, , the white people took refuge in bradford's store, a log structure near the river. having burned a number of other buildings, the indians, yakimas and klickitats, attempted to fire the store also; as fast as the shingles were ignited by burning missiles in the hands of the indians, the first was put out by pouring brine from a pork barrel, with a tin cup, on the incipient blazes, not being able to get any water. "the occupants, some wounded, suffered for fresh water, having only some ale and whisky. they hoped to get to the river at night, but the indians illuminated the scene by burning government property and a warehouse. "james sinclair, who was shot and instantly killed early in the fight, had brought a spokane indian with him. this indian volunteered to get water for the suffering inmates. a slide used in loading boats was the only chance and he stripped off his clothing, slid down to the river and returned with a bucket of water. this was made to last until the th, when, the enemy remaining quiet the spokane repeated the daring performance of going down the slide and returning with a pailful of water, with great expedition, until he had filled two barrels, a feat deserving more than passing mention." on elliott bay, the cabins of the farther away settlers had gone up in smoke, fired by the hostile indians. some were deserted and new ones built far away from the sound in the depths of the forest. it required great courage to return to their abandoned homes from the security of the fort, yet doubtless the settlers were glad to be at liberty after their enforced confinement. one pioneer woman says it was easy to see _indians_ among the stumps and trees around their cabin after the war. many remained in the settlement, others left the country for safer regions, while a few cultivated land under volunteer military guard in order to provide the settlement with vegetables. the yesler mill cookhouse, a log structure, was made historical in those days. the hungry soldiers after a night watch were fed there and rushed therefrom to the battle. while there was no church, hotel, storehouse, courthouse or jail it was all these by turns. no doubt those who were sheltered within its walls, ran the whole gamut of human emotion and experience. in the puget sound weekly of july th, , published in seattle, it was thus described: "there was nothing about this cook house very peculiar, except the interest with which old memories had invested it. it was simply a dingy-looking hewed log building, about twenty-five feet square, a little more than one story high, with a shed addition in the rear, and to strangers and newcomers was rather an eye-sore and nuisance in the place--standing as it did in the business part of the town, among the more pretentious buildings of modern construction, like a quaint octogenarian, among a band of dandyish sprigs of young america. to old settlers, however, its weather-worn roof and smoke-blackened walls, inside and out, were vastly interesting from long familiarity, and many pleasant and perhaps a few unpleasant recollections were connected with its early history, which we might make subjects of a small volume of great interest, had we time to indite it. suffice it to say, however, that this old cook house was one among the first buildings erected in seattle; was built for the use of the saw mill many years since, and though designed especially for a cook house, has been used for almost every conceivable purpose for which a log cabin, in a new and wild country, may be employed. "for many years the only place for one hundred miles or more along the eastern shores of puget sound, where the pioneer settlers could be hospitably entertained by white men and get a square meal, was yesler's cook house in seattle, and whether he had money or not, no man ever found the latch string of the cook house drawn in, or went away hungry from the little cabin door; and many an old puget sounder remembers the happy hours, jolly nights, strange encounters and wild scenes he has enjoyed around the broad fireplace and hospitable board of yesler's cook house. "during the indian war this building was the general rendezvous of the volunteers engaged in defending the thinly populated country against the depredations of the savages, and was also the resort of the navy officers on the same duty on the sound. judge lander's office was held in one corner of the dining room; the auditor's office, for some time, was kept under the same roof, and, indeed, it may be said to have been used for more purposes than any other building on the pacific coast. it was the general depository from which law and justice were dispensed throughout a large scope of surrounding country. it has, at different times, served for town hall, courthouse, jail, military headquarters, storehouse, hotel and church; and in the early years of its history served all these purposes at once. it was the place of holding elections, and political parties of all sorts held their meetings in it, and quarreled and made friends again, and ate, drank, laughed, sung, wept, and slept under the same hospitable roof. if there was to be a public gathering of the settlers of any kind and for any purpose, no one ever asked where the place of meeting was to be, for all knew it was to be at the cook house. "the first sermon, by a protestant, in king county was preached by the rev. mr. close in the old cook house. the first lawsuit--which was the trial of the mate of the franklin adams, for selling ship's stores and appropriating the proceeds--came off, of course, in the old cook house. justice maynard presided at this trial, and the accused was discharged from the old cook house with the wholesome advice that in future he should be careful to make a correct return of all his private sales of other people's property. "who, then, knowing the full history of this famous old relic of early times, can wonder that it has so long been suffered to stand and moulder, unused, in the midst of the more gaudy surroundings of a later civilization? and who can think it strange, when, at last, its old smoky walls were compelled to yield to the pressure of progression, and be tumbled heedlessly into the street, that the old settler looked sorrowfully upon the vandal destruction, and silently dropped a tear over its leveled ruins. peace to the ashes of the old cook house." while the pioneers lingered in the settlement, they enjoyed the luxury of living in houses of sawed lumber. time has worked out his revenges until what was then disesteemed is much admired now. a substantial and picturesque lodge of logs, furnished with modern contrivances is now regarded as quite desirable, for summer occupation at least. the struggle of the indians to regain their domain resulted in many sanguinary conflicts. the bloody wave of war ran hither and yon until spent and the doom of the passing race was sealed. seattle and the whole puget sound region were set back ten years in development. toilsome years they were that stretched before the pioneers. they and their families were obliged to do whatever they could to obtain a livelihood; they were neither ashamed nor afraid of honest work and doubtless enjoyed the reward of a good conscience and vigorous health. life held many pleasures and much freedom from modern fret besides. as one of them observed, "we were happy then, in our log cabin homes." long after the incidents herein related occurred, one of the survivors of the white river massacre wrote the following letter, which was published in a local paper: "burgh hill, ohio, sept. .--i notice occasionally a pioneer sketch in the post-intelligencer relating some incident in the war of - . i have a vivid recollection of this, being a member of one of the families concerned therein. i remember distinctly the attack upon the fort at seattle in january, . though a child, the murdering of my mother and step-father by the indians a few weeks before made such an impression upon my mind that i was terror-stricken at the thought of another massacre, and the details are indelibly and most vividly fixed in my mind. when i read of the marvelous growth of seattle i can hardly realize that it is possible. i add my mite to the pioneer history of seattle and vicinity. "i was born in harrison township, grant county, wisconsin, november , . when i was five months old my father started for the gold diggings in california, but died shortly after reaching that state. in the early part of my mother married harvey jones. in the spring of we started for washington territory, overland, reaching our destination on white river in the fall, having been six months and five days in making the trip. our route lay through iowa, nebraska, wyoming, idaho, oregon and washington territory. to speak in detail of all my recollections of this journey would make this article too lengthy. "my step-father took up land on white river some twenty miles up the stream from seattle. at that time there were only five or six families in the settlement, the nearest neighbor to us being about one-fourth mile distant. during the summer of i went some two and a half miles to school along a path through the dense woods in danger both from wild animals and indians. some of the settlers became alarmed at reports of hostile intentions by the indians upon our settlement and left some two weeks before the outbreak. among those who thought their fears groundless and remained was our family. "on sunday morning, october , , while at breakfast we were surprised, and the house surrounded by a band of hostile indians, who came running from the grass and bushes, whooping and discharging firearms. they seemed to rise from the ground so sudden and stealthy had been the attack. our family consisted of my step-father (sick at the time), my mother, a half-sister, not quite four years old, a half-brother, not quite two, a hired man, cooper by name, and myself. "as soon as the indians began firing into the house my mother covered us children over with a feather bed in the corner of one of the rooms farthest from the side attacked. in a short time it became evident we were entirely at the mercy of the savages, and after a hurried consultation between my mother and the hired man, he concluded to attempt to escape by flight; accordingly he came into the room where i was, and with an ax pried off the casing of the window and removed the lower sash, and then jumped out, but as was afterward learned he was shot when only a few rods from the house. "my step-father was shot about the same time inside the house while passing from his room to the one in which my mother was. in a short time there appeared to be a cessation of the firing, and upon looking out from under the bed over us i saw an indian in the next room carrying something out. soon we were taken out by them. i did not see my mother. we were placed in the charge of the leader of the band who directed them in their actions. they put bedclothes and other combustible articles under the house and set fire to them, and in this way burned the house. when it was well nigh burned to the ground, we were led away by one of the tribe, who in a short time allowed us to go where we pleased. i first went to the nearest neighbor's, but all was confusion, and no one was about. i then came back to the burned house. "i found my mother a short distance from the house, or where it had stood, still alive. she warned me to leave speedily and soon. i begged to stay with her but she urged me to flee. we made a dinner of some potatoes which had been baked by the fire. i carried my little half-brother and led my half-sister along the path to where i had gone to school during the summer, but there was no one there. i went still further on, but they, too, had gone. i came back to the school house, not knowing what to do. it was getting late. i was tired, as was my sister. my little brother was fretful, and cried to see his mother. i had carried him some three and a half or four miles altogether. "while trying to quiet them i saw an indian coming toward us. he had not seen us. i hid the children in the bushes and moved toward him to meet him. i soon had the relief to recognize in him an acquaintance i had often seen while attending school. we knew him as dave. he told me to bring the children to his wigwam. his squaw was very kind, but my sister and brother were afraid of her. in the night he took us in a canoe down the river to seattle. i was taken on board the man-of-war, decatur, and they were placed in charge of some one in the fort. an uncle, john smale, had crossed the plains when we did, but went to california. he was written to about the massacre, and reached us in june, . we went to san francisco and then to the isthmus, and from there we went to new york city. from there we were taken to wisconsin, where my sister and brother remained. i was brought back to ohio in september, . they both died in october, , of diphtheria, in wisconsin." "john i. king, m. d." chapter v. the murder of mccormick. the shores of lake union, in seattle, now surrounded by electric and steam railways, sawmills and manufactories, dwellings and public buildings, were clothed with a magnificent, dense, primeval forest, when the adventurous pioneers first looked upon its mirror-like surface. the shadowy depths of the solemn woods held many a dark and tragic secret; contests between enemies in both brute and human forms were doubtless not infrequently hidden there. many men came to the far northwest unheralded and unknown to the few already established, and wandering about without guides, unacquainted with the dangers peculiar to the region, were incautious and met a mysterious fate. for a long time the "pioneer and democrat," of olympia, washington, one of the earliest newspapers of the northwest, published an advertisement in its columns inquiring for james montgomery mccormick, sent to it from pennsylvania. it is thought to have been one and the same person with the subject of this sketch. even if it were not, the name will do as well as any other. one brilliant summer day in july of , a medium sized man, past middle age, was pushing his way through the black raspberry jungle on the east side of lake union, gathering handfuls of the luscious fruit that hung in rich purple clusters above his head. a cool bubbling spring, that came from far up the divide toward lake washington, tempted him and stooping down he drank of the refreshing stream where it filled a little pool in the shadow of a mossy log. glancing about him, he marked with a keen delight the loveliness of the vegetation, the plumy ferns, velvet mosses and drooping cedars; how grateful to him must have been the cool north breeze wandering through the forest! no doubt he thought it a pleasant place to rest in before returning to the far away settlement. upon the mossy log he sat contentedly, marveling at the stillness of the mighty forest. the thought had scarcely formed itself when he was startled by the dipping of paddles, wild laughter and vociferous imitations of animals and birds. a canoe grated on the beach and after a brief expectant interval, tramping feet along the trail betokened an arrival and a group of young indians came in sight, one of whom carried a hudson bay musket. "kla-how-ya" (how do you do), said the leader, a flathead, with shining skin recently oiled, sinister black brows, and thick black hair cut square and even at the neck. at first they whistled and muttered, affecting little interest in his appearance, yet all the while were keenly studying him. the white man had with him a rifle, revolver and camp ax. the young savages examined the gun, lifting it up and sighting at a knot-hole in a distant tree; then the ax, the sharp edge of which they fingered, and the revolver, to their minds yet more fascinating. they were slightly disdainful as though not caring to own such articles, thereby allaying any fears he may have had as to their intentions. being able to converse but little with the natives, the stranger good-naturedly permitted them to examine his weapons and even his clothing came under their scrutiny. his garments were new, and well adapted to frontier life. when he supposed their curiosity satisfied, he rose to go, when one of the indians asked him, "halo chicamum?" (have you any money?) he incautiously slapped his hip pocket and answered "hiyu chicamum" (plenty of money), perhaps imagining they did not know its use or value, then started on the trail. they let him go a little way out of sight and in a few, half-whispered, eager, savage words agreed to follow him, with what purpose did not require a full explanation. noiselessly and swiftly they followed on his track. one shot from the musket struck him in the back of the head and he fell forward and they rushed upon him, seized the camp ax and dealt repeated blows; life extinct, they soon stripped him of coat, shirt, and pantaloons, rifled the pockets, finding $ and a few small trinkets, knife or keys. with the haste of guilt they threw the body still clothed in a suit of undergarments, behind a big log, among the bushes and hurried away with their booty, paddling swiftly far up the lake to their camp. a dark, cloudy night followed and the indians huddled around a little fire, ever and anon starting at some sound in the gloomy forest. already very superstitious, their guilt made them doubly afraid of imaginary foes. on a piece of mat in the center of the group lay the money, revolver, etc., of which they had robbed the unfortunate white man. they intended to divide them by "slahal," the native game played with "stobsh" and "slanna" (men and women), as they called the round black and white disks with which they gambled. a bunch of shredded cedar bark was brought from the canoe and the game began. all were very skillful and continued for several hours, until at last they counted the clothes to one, all the money to another, and the revolver and trifles to the rest. one of the less fortunate in a very bad humor said "the game was not good, i don't want this little 'cultus' (worthless) thing." "o, you are stupid and don't understand it," they answered tauntingly, thereupon he rolled himself in his blanket and sulked himself to sleep, while the others sat half dreamily planning what they would do with their booty. very early they made the portage between lakes union and washington and returned to their homes. but they did not escape detection. only a few days afterward an indian woman, the wife of hu-hu-bate-sute or "salmon bay curley," crossed lake union to the black raspberry patch to gather the berries. creeping here and there through the thick undergrowth, she came upon a gruesome sight, the disfigured body of the murdered white man. scarcely waiting for a horrified "achada!" she fled incontinently to her canoe and paddled quickly home to tell her husband. hu-hu-bate-sute went back with her and arrived at the spot, where one log lay across another, hollowed out the earth slightly, rolled in and covered the body near the place where it was discovered. suspecting it was the work of some wild, reckless indians he said nothing about it. their ill-gotten gains troubled the perpetrators of the deed, brought them no good fortune and they began to think there was "tamanuse" about them; they gave the revolver away, bestowed the small articles on some unsuspecting "tenas" (children) and gave a part of the money to "old steve," whose indian name was stemalyu. the one who criticised the division of the spoils, whispered about among the other indians dark hints concerning the origin of the suddenly acquired wealth and gradually a feeling arose against those who had the money. quarreling one day over some trifle, one of them scornfully referred to the other's part of the cruel deed: "you are wicked, you killed a white man," said he. the swarthy face of the accused grew livid with rage and he plunged viciously at the speaker, but turning, eel-like, the accuser slipped away and ran out of sight into the forest. an old indian followed him and asked "what was that you said?" "o nothing, just idle talk." "you had better tell me," said the old man sternly. after some hesitation he told the story. the old man was deeply grieved and so uneasy that he went all the way to shilshole (salmon bay) to see if his friend hu-hu-bate-sute knew anything about it and that discreet person astonished him by telling him his share of the story. by degrees it became known to the indians on both lakes and at the settlement. meanwhile the wife of the one accused in the contention, took the money and secretly dropped it into the lake. one warm september day in the fall of the same year, quite a concourse of indians were gathered out doors near the big indian house a little north of d. t. denny's home in the settlement (seattle); they were having a great "wa-wa" (talk) about something; he walked over and asked them what it was all about. "salmon bay curley," who was among them, thereupon told him of the murder and the distribution of the valuables. shortly after, w. n. bell, d. t. denny, dr. maynard, e. a. clark and one or two others, with curley as a guide, went out to the lake, found the place and at first thought of removing the body, but that being impossible, dr. maynard placed the skull, or rather the fragments of it, in a handkerchief and took the two pairs of spectacles, one gold-rimmed, the other steel-rimmed, which were left by the indians, and all returned to the settlement to make their report. investigation followed and as a result four indians were arrested. a trial before a justice court was held in the old felker house, which was built by captain felker and was the first large frame house of sawed lumber erected on the site of seattle. at this trial, klap-ke-lachi jim testified positively against two of them and implicated two others. the first two were summarily executed by hanging from a tall sharply leaning stump over which a rope was thrown; it stood where the new england hotel was afterward built. a young indian and one called old petawow were the others accused. petawow was carried into court by two young indians, having somehow broken his leg. there was not sufficient evidence against him to convict and he was released. c. d. boren was sheriff and for lack of a jail, the young indian accused was locked in a room in his own house. not yet satisfied with the work of execution, a mob headed by e. a. clark determined to hang this indian also. they therefore obtained the assistance of some sailors with block and tackle from a ship in the harbor, set up a tripod of spars, cut for shipment, over which they put the rope. in order to have the coast clear so they could break the "jail," a man was sent to boren's house, who pretended that he wished to buy some barrels left in boren's care by a cooper and stacked on the beach some distance away. the unsuspecting victim of the ruse accompanied him to the beach where the man detained him as long as he thought necessary, talking of barrels, brine and pickling salmon, and perhaps not liking to miss the "neck-tie party," at last said, "maybe we'd better get back, the boys are threatening mischief." taking the hint instantly, boren started on a dead run up the beach in a wild anxiety to save the indian's life. in sight of the improvised scaffold he beheld the indian with the noose around his neck, e. a. clark and d. livingston near by, a sea captain, who was a mere-on-looker, and the four sailors in line with the rope in their hands, awaiting the order to pull. the sheriff recovered himself enough to shout, "drop that rope, you rascals!" "o string him up, he's nothing but a siwash," said one. "dry up! you have no right to hang him, he will be tried at the next term of court," said boren. the sailors dropped the rope, boren removed the noose from the neck of the indian, who was silent, bravely enduring the indignity from the mob. the majesty of the law was recognized and the crowd dispersed. the indian was sent to steilacoom, where he was kept in jail for six months, but when tried there was no additional evidence and he was therefore released. returning to his people he changed his name, taking that of his father's cousin, and has lived a quiet and peaceable life throughout the years. sad indeed seems the fate of this unknown wanderer, but not so much so as that of others who came to the northwest to waste their lives in riotous living and were themselves responsible for a tragic end of a wicked career, so often sorrowfully witnessed by the sober and steadfast. of the participants in this exciting episode, d. t. denny, c. d. boren and the indian, whose life was so promptly and courageously saved by c. d. boren from an ignominious death, are (in ) still living in king county, washington. chapter vi. killing cougars. it was springtime in an early year of pioneer times. d. t. and louisa denny were living in their log cabin in the swale, an opening in the midst of the great forest, about midway between elliott bay and lake union. not very far away was their only neighbor, thomas mercer, with his family of several young daughters. on a pleasant morning, balmy with the presage of coming summer, as the two pioneers, david t. denny and thomas mercer, wended, their way to their task of cutting timber, they observed some of the cattle lying down in an open space, and heard the tinkling bell of one of the little band wandering about cropping fresh spring herbage in the edge of the woods. they looked with a feeling of affection at the faithful dumb creatures who were to aid in affording sustenance, as well as a sort of friendly companionship in the lonely wilds. after a long, sunny day spent in swinging the ax, whistling, singing and chatting, they returned to their cabins as the shadows were deepening in the mighty forest. [illustration: log cabin in the swale] in the first cabin there was considerable anxiety manifested by the mistress of the same, revealed in the conversation at the supper table: "david," said she, "there was something wrong with the cattle today; i heard a calf bawl as if something had caught it and 'whiteface' came up all muddy and distressed looking." "is that so? did you look to see what it was?" "i started to go but the baby cried so that i had to come back. a little while before that i thought i heard an indian halloo and looked out of the door expecting to see him come down to the trail, but i did not see anything at all." "what could it be? well, it is so dark now in the woods that i can't see anything; i will have to wait until tomorrow." early the next morning, david went up to the place where he had seen the calves the day before, taking "towser," a large newfoundland dog with him, also a long western rifle he had brought across the plains. not so many rods away from the cabin he found the remnants of a calf upon which some wild beast had feasted the day previous. there were large tracks all around easily followed, as the ground was soft with spring rains. towser ran out into the thick timber hard after a wild creature, and david heard something scratch and run up a tree and thought it must be a wild cat. no white person had ever seen any larger specimen of the feline race in this region. he stepped up to a big fir log and walked along perhaps fifty feet and looking up a giant cedar tree saw a huge cougar glaring down at him with great, savage yellow eyes, crouching motionless, except for the incessant twitching, to and fro, of the tip of its tail, as a cat does when watching a mouse. right before him in so convenient a place as to attract his attention, stood a large limb which had fallen and stuck into the ground alongside the log he was standing on, so he promptly rested his gun on it, but it sank into the soft earth from the weight of the gun and he quickly drew up, aiming at the chest of the cougar. the gun missed fire. fearing the animal would spring upon him, he walked back along the log about twenty feet, took a pin out of his coat and picked out the tube, poured in fresh powder from his powder horn and put on a fresh cap. all the time the yellow eyes watched him. advancing again, he fired; the bullet struck through its vitals, but away it went bolting up the tree quite a distance. another bullet was rammed home in the old muzzle loader. the cougar was dying, but still held on by its claws stuck in the bark of the tree, its head resting on a limb. receiving one more shot in the head it let go and came hurtling down to the ground. towser was wild with savage delight and bit his prostrate enemy many times, chewing at the neck until it was a mass of foam, but not once did his sharp teeth penetrate the tough, thick hide. hurrying back, david called for mercer, a genial man always ready to lend a hand, to help him get the beast out to the cabin. the two men found it very heavy, all they could stagger under, even the short distance it had to be carried. as soon as the killing of the cougar was reported in the settlement, two miles away, everybody turned out to see the monster. mrs. catherine blaine, the school teacher, who had gone home with the mercer children, saw the animal and marveled at its size. henry l. yesler and all the mill hands repaired to the spot to view the dead monarch of the forest, none of whom had seen his like before. large tracks had been seen in various places but were credited to timber wolves. this cougar's forearm measured the same as the leg of a large horse just above the knee joint. such an animal, if it jumped down from a considerable height, would carry a man to the ground with such force as to stun him, when he could be clawed and chewed up at the creature's will. while the curious and admiring crowd were measuring and guessing at the weight of the cougar, mr. yesler called at the cabin. he kept looking about while he talked and finally said, "you are quite high-toned here, i see your house is papered," at which all laughed good-naturedly. not all the cabins were "papered," but this one was made quite neat by means of newspapers pasted on the walls, the finishing touch being a border of nothing more expensive than blue calico. at last they were all satisfied with their inspection of the first cougar and returned to the settlement. a moral might be pinned here: if this cougar had not dined so gluttonously on the tender calf, which no doubt made excellent veal, possibly he would not have come to such a sudden and violent end. had some skillful taxidermist been at hand to mount this splendid specimen of felis concolor, the first killed by a white man in this region, it would now be very highly prized. some imagine that the danger of encounters with cougars has been purposely exaggerated by the pioneer hunters to create admiring respect for their own prowess. this is not my opinion, as i believe there is good reason to fear them, especially if they are hungry. they are large, swift and agile, and have the advantage in the dense forest of the northwest pacific coast, as they can station themselves in tall trees amid thick foliage and pounce upon deer, cattle and human beings. several years after the killing of the first specimen, a cow was caught in the jaw by a cougar, but wrenched herself away in terror and pain and ran home with the whole frightened herd at her heels, into the settlement of seattle. the natives have always feared them and would much rather meet a bear than a cougar, as the former will, ordinarily, run away, while the latter is hard to scare and is liable to follow and spring out of the thick undergrowth. in one instance known to the pioneers first mentioned in this chapter, an indian woman who was washing at the edge of a stream beat a cougar off her child with a stick, thereby saving its life. in early days, about or ' , a mr. t. cherry, cradling oats in a field in squowh valley, was attacked by a cougar; holding his cradle between him and the hungry beast, he backed toward the fence, the animal following until the fence was reached. a gang of hogs were feeding just outside the enclosure and the cougar leaped the fence, seized one of the hogs and ran off with it. a saloon-keeper on the snohomish river, walking along the trail in the adjacent forest one day with his yellow dog, was startled by the sudden accession to their party of a huge and hungry cougar. the man fled precipitately, leaving the dog to his fate. the wild beast fell to and made a meal of the hapless canine, devouring all but the tip of his yellow tail, which his sorrowing master found near the trail the next day. a lonely pioneer cabin on the columbia river was enclosed by a high board fence. one sunny day as the two children of the family were playing in the yard, a cougar sprang from a neighboring tree and caught one of the children; the mother ran out and beat off the murderous beast, but the child was dead. she then walked six or seven miles to a settlement carrying the dead child, while leading the other. what a task! the precious burden, the heavier load of sorrow, the care of the remaining child, the dread of a renewed attack from the cougar and the bodily fatigue incident to such a journey, forming an experience upon which it would be painful to dwell. many more such incidents might be given, but i am reminded at this point that they would appropriately appear in another volume. since the first settlement there have been killed in king county nearly thirty of these animals. c. brownfield, an old settler on lake union, killed several with the aid of "jack," a yellow dog which belonged to d. t. denny for a time, then to a. a. denny. c. d. boren, with his dog, killed others. moses kirkland brought a dog from louisiana, a half bloodhound, with which henry van asselt hunted and killed several cougars. d. t. denny killed one in the region occupied by the suburb of seattle known as ross. it had been dining off mutton secured from dr. h. a. smith's flock of sheep. it was half grown and much the color of a deer. toward lake washington another flock of sheep had been visited by a cougar, and mr. wetmore borrowed d. t. denny's little dog "watch," who treed the animal, remaining by it all night, but it escaped until a trap was set, when, being more hungry than cautious, it was secured. chapter vii. pioneer child life. the very thought of it makes the blood tingle and the heart leap. no element was wanting for romance or adventure. indians, bears, panthers, far journeys, in canoes or on horseback, fording rivers, camping and tramping, and all in a virgin wilderness so full of grandeur and loveliness that even very little children were impressed by the appearance thereof. the strangeness and newness of it all was hardly understood by the native white children as they had no means of comparing this region and mode of life with other countries and customs. traditions did not trouble us; the indians were generally friendly, the bears were only black ones and ran away from us as fast as their furry legs would carry them; the panthers did not care to eat us up, we felt assured, while there was plenty of venison to be had by stalking, and on a journey we rode safely, either on the pommel of father's saddle or behind mother's, clinging like small kittens or cockleburs. familiarity with the coquettish canoe made us perfectly at home with it, and in later years when the tenderfoot arrived, we were convulsed with inextinguishable laughter at what seemed to us an unreasoning terror of a harmless craft. [illustration: where we wandered long ago] ah! we lived close to dear nature then! our play-grounds were the brown beaches or the hillsides covered with plumy young fir trees, the alder groves or the slashings where we hacked and chopped with our little hatchets in imitation of our elders or the father of his country and namesake of our state. running on long logs, the prostrate trunks of trees several hundred feet long, and jumping from one to another was found to be an exhilarating pastime. when the frolicsome chinook wind came singing across the sound, the boys flew home built kites of more or less ambitious proportions and the little girls ran down the hills, performing a peculiar skirt dance by taking the gown by the hem on either side and turning the skirt half over the head. facing the wind it assumed a balloonlike inflation very pleasing to the small performer. it was thought the proper thing to let the hair out of net or braids at the time, as the sensation of air permeating long locks was sufficient excuse for its "weirdness" as i suppose we would have politely termed it had we ever heard the word. instead we were more likely to be reproved for having such untidy heads and perhaps reminded that we looked as wild as indians. "as wild as indians," the poor indians! how they admired the native white children! without ceremony they claimed blood brotherhood, saying, "you were born in our 'illahee' (country) and are our 'tillicum' (people). you eat the same food, will grow up here and belong to us." often we were sung to sleep at night by their "tamanuse" singing, as we lived quite near the bank below which many indians camped, on elliott bay. i never met with the least rudeness or suffered the slightest injury from an indian except on one occasion. walking upon the beach one day three white children drew near a group of indian camps. almost deserted they were, probably the inhabitants had gone fishing; the only being visible was a boy about ten years of age. snarling out some bitter words in an unknown tongue, he flung a stone which struck hard a small head, making a slight scalp wound. such eyes! they fairly glittered with hatred. we hurried home, the victim crying with the pain inflicted, and learned afterward that the boy was none of our "tillicum" but a stranger from the snohomish tribe. what cruel wrong had he witnessed or suffered to make him so full of bitterness? the indian children were usually quite amiable in disposition, and it seemed hard to refuse their friendly advances which it became necessary to do. in their primitive state they seemed perfectly healthy and happy little creatures. they never had the toothache; just think of that, ye small consumers of colored candies! unknown to them was the creeping horror that white children feel when about to enter the terrible dentist's den. they had their favorite fear, however, the frightful "statalth," or "stick siwash," that haunted the great forest. as near as we could ascertain, these were the ghosts of a long dead race of savages who had been of gigantic stature and whose ghosts were likewise very tall and dreadful and very fond of chasing people out of the woods on dark nights. plenty of little white people know what the sensation is, produced by imagining that something is coming after them in the dark. i have seen a big, brawny, tough looking indian running as fast as he could go, holding a blazing pitchwood torch over his head while he glanced furtively over his shoulder for the approaching statalth. both white and indian children were afraid of the northern indians, especially the stickeens, who were head-takers. we were seldom panic stricken; born amid dangers there seemed nothing novel about them and we took our environment as a matter of course. we were taught to be courageous but not foolhardy, which may account for our not getting oftener in trouble. the boys learned to shoot and shoot well at an early age, first with shot guns, then rifles. sometimes the girls proved dangerous with firearms in their hands. a sister of the writer learned to shoot off the head of a grouse at long range. a girl schoolmate, when scarcely grown, shot and killed a bear. my brothers and cousin, wm. r. boren, were good shots at a tender age and killed numerous bears, deer, grouse, pheasants, ducks, wild pigeon, etc., in and about the district now occupied by the city of seattle. the wild flowers and the birds interested us deeply and every spring we joyfully noted the returning bluebirds and robins, the migrating wren and a number of other charming feathered friends. the high banks, not then demolished by grades, were smothered in greenery and hung with banners of bloom every succeeding season. we clambered up and down the steep places gathering armfuls of lillies (trillium), red currant (ribes sanguineum), indian-arrow-wood (spiraea), snowy syringa (philadelphus) and blue forgetmenots and the yellow blossoms of the oregon grape (berberis glumacea and aquifolium), which we munched with satisfaction for the _soursweet_, and the scarlet honeysuckle to bite off the honeyglands for a like purpose. the salmonberry and blackberry seasons were quite delightful. to plunge into the thick jungle, now traversed by pike street, seattle, was a great treat. there blackberries attained brobdignagian hugeness, rich and delicious. on a saturday, our favorite reward for lessons and work well done, was to be allowed to go down the lovely beach with its wide strip of variegated shingle and bands of brown, ribbed sand, as far as the "three big stones," no farther, as there were bears, panthers and indians, as hereinbefore stated, inhabiting the regions round about. one brilliant april day we felt very brave, we were bigger than ever before, five was quite a party, and the flowers were o! so enchanting a little farther on. two of us climbed the bank to gather the tempting blossoms. our little dog, "watch," a very intelligent animal, took the lead; scarcely had we gained the top and essayed to break the branch of a wild currant, gay with rose colored blossoms, when watch showed unusual excitement about something, a mysterious something occupying the cavernous depths of an immense hollow log. with his bristles up, rage and terror in every quivering muscle, he was slowly, very slowly, backing toward us. although in the woods often, we had never seen him act so before. we took the hint and to our heels, tumbled down the yielding, yellow bank in an exceedingly hasty and unceremonious manner, gathered up our party of thoroughly frightened youngsters and hurried along the sand homeward, at a double quick pace. hardly stopping for a backward glance to see if the "something" was coming after us, we reached home, safe but subdued. not many days after the young truants were invited down to an indian camp to see the carcass of a cougar about nine feet long. there it lay, stretched out full length, its hard, white teeth visible beyond the shrunken lips, its huge paws quite helpless and harmless. it is more than probable that this was the "something" in the great hollow log, as it was killed in the vicinity of the place where our stampede occurred. evidently watch felt his responsibility and did the best he could to divert the enemy while we escaped. the dense forest hid many an unseen danger in early days and it transpired that i never saw a live cougar in the woods, but even a dead one may produce real old fashioned fright in a spectator. having occasion, when attending the university, at the age of twelve, to visit the library of that institution, a strange adventure befell me; the selection of a book absorbed my mind very fully and i was unprepared for a sudden change of thought. turning from the shelves, a terrible sight met my eyes, a ferocious wild beast, all its fangs exhibited, in the opposite corner of the room. how did each particular hair stand upright and perspiration ooze from every pore! a moment passed and a complete collapse of the illusion left the victim weak and disgusted; it was only the stuffed cougar given to the faculty to be the nucleus of a great collection. the young washingtonians, called "clam-diggers," were usually well fed, what with venison, fish, grouse and berries, game of many kinds, and creatures of the sea, they were really pampered, in the memory of the writer. but it is related by those who experienced the privations incident to the first year or two of white settlement, that the children were sometimes hungry for bread, especially during the first winter at alki. fish and potatoes were plentiful, obtained from the indians, syrup from a vessel in the harbor, but bread was scarce. on one occasion, a little girl of one of the four white families on elliott bay, was observed to pick up an old crust and carry it around in her pocket. when asked what she intended to do with that crust, with childish simplicity she replied, "save it to eat with syrup at dinner." not able to resist its delicious flavor she kept nibbling away at the crust until scarcely a crumb remained; its dessicated surface had no opportunity to be masked with treacle. to look back upon our pioneer menu is quite tantalizing. the fish, of many excellent kinds, from the "salt-chuck," brought fresh and flapping to our doors, in native baskets by indian fishermen, cooked in many appetizing ways; clams of all sizes from the huge bivalves weighing three-quarters of a pound a piece to the tiny white soup clam; sustain me, o my muse, if i attempt to describe their excellence. every conceivable preparation, soup, stew, baked, pie, fry or chowder was tried with the happiest results. the puget sound oyster, not the stale, globe-trotting oyster of however aristocratic antecedents, the enjoyment in eating of which is chiefly as a reminiscence, but the fresh western oyster, was much esteemed. the crab, too, figured prominently on the bill of fare, dropped alive in boiling water and served in scarlet, _a la naturel_. a pioneer family gathered about the table enjoying a feast of the stalk-eyed crustaceans, were treated to a little diversion in this wise. the room was small, used for both kitchen and diningroom, as the house boasted of but two or three rooms, consequently space was economized. a fine basket of crabs traded from an indian were put in a tin pan and set under the table; several were cooked, the rest left alive. as one of the children was proceeding with the dismemberment necessary to extract the delicate meat, as if to seek its fellows, the crab slipped from her grasp and slid beneath the table. stooping down she hastily seized her crab, as she supposed, but to her utter astonishment it seemed to have come to life, it _was_ alive, kicking and snapping. in a moment the table was in an uproar of crab catching and wild laughter. the mother of the astonished child declares that to this day she cannot help laughing whenever she thinks of the crab that came to life. it was to this home that john and sarah denny, and their little daughter, loretta, came to visit their son, daughter and the grandchildren, in the winter of - . grandmother was tall and straight, dressed in a plain, dark gown, black silk apron and lace cap; her hair, coal black, slightly gray on the temples; her eyes dark, soft and gentle. she brought a little treat of oregon apples from their farm in the waldo hills, to the children, who thought them the most wonderful fruit they had ever seen, more desirable than the golden apples of hesperides. we were to return with them, joyful news! what visions of bliss arose before us! new places to see and all the nice things and good times we children could have at grandfather's farm. when the day came, in the long, dark canoe, manned by a crew of indians, we embarked for olympia, the head of navigation, bidding "good-bye" to our friends, few but precious, who watched us from the bank, among whom were an old man and his little daughter. a few days before he had been sick and one of the party sent him a steaming cup of ginger and milk which, although simple, had proved efficacious; ere we reached our home again he showed his gratitude in a substantial manner, as will be seen farther on. at one beautiful resting place, the canoe slid up against a strip of shingle covered with delicate shells; we were delighted to be allowed to walk about, after sitting curled up in the bottom of the canoe for a long time, to gather crab, pecten and periwinkle shells, even extending our ramble to a lovely grove of dark young evergreens, standing in a grassy meadow. the first night of the journey was spent in steilacoom. it was march of and it was chilly traveling on the big salt water. we were cold and hungry but the keeper of the one hotel in the place had retired and refused to be aroused, so we turned to the only store, where the proprietor received us kindly, brought out new blankets to cover us while we camped on the floor, gave us bread and a hot oyster stew, the best his place afforded. his generous hospitality was never forgotten by the grateful recipients who often spoke of it in after years. i saw there a "witches' scene" of an old indian woman boiling devilfish or octopus in a kettle over a campfire, splendidly lit against the gloom of night, and all reflected in the water. at the break of day we paddled away over the remainder of the salt-chuck, as the indians call the sea, until stetchas was reached. stetchas is "bear's place," the indian name for the site of olympia. from thence the mail stage awaited us to cowlitz landing. the trip over this stretch of country was not exactly like a triumphal progress. the six-horse team plunged and floundered, while the wagon sank up to the hub in black mud; the language of the driver has not been recorded. at the first stop out from olympia, the tilley's, famous in the first annals, entertained us. at a bountiful and appetizing meal, one of the articles, boiled eggs, were not cooked to suit grandfather john denny. with amusing bluntness he sent the chicken out to be killed before he ate it, complaining that the eggs were not hard enough. mrs. tilly made two or three efforts and finally set the dish down beside him saying, "there, if that isn't hard enough you don't deserve to have any." the long rough ride ended at warbass' landing on the cowlitz river, a tributary of the columbia, and another canoe trip, this time on a swift and treacherous stream, was safely made to monticello, a mere little settlement. a tiny steamboat, almost microscopic on the wide water, carried us across the great columbia with its sparkling waves, and up the winding willamette to portland, oregon. from thence the journey progressed to the falls below oregon city. at the portage, we walked along a narrow plank walk built up on the side of the river bank which rose in a high rounded hill. its noble outline stood dark with giant firs against a blue spring sky; the rushing, silvery flood of the willamette swept below us past a bank fringed with wild currants just coming into bloom. at the end of the walk there stood a house which represented itself as a resting place for weary travelers. we spent the night there but alas! for rest; the occupants were convivial and "drowned the shamrock" all night long; as no doubt they felt obliged to do for wasn't it "st. patrick's day in the mornin'?" most likely we three, the juveniles, slumbered peacefully until aroused to learn that we were about to start "sure enough" for grandfather's farm in the waldo hills. at length the log cabin home was reached and our interest deepened in everything about. so many flowers to gather as they came in lively processional, blue violets under the oaks, blue-flags all along the valley; such great, golden buttercups, larkspurs, and many a wildling we scarcely called by any name. all the affairs of the house and garden, field and pasture seemed by us especially gotten up, for our amusement and we found endless entertainment therein. if a cheese was made or churning done we were sure to be "hanging around" for a green curd or paring, a taste of sweet butter or a chance to lift the dasher of the old fashioned churn. the milking time was enticing, too, and we trotted down to the milking pen with our little tin cups for a drink of fresh, warm milk from the fat, lowing kine, which fed all day on rich grasses and waited at the edge of the flower decked valley for the milkers with their pails. as summer advanced our joys increased, for there were wild strawberries and such luscious ones! no berries in after years tasted half so good. some artist has portrayed a group of children on a sunny slope among the hills, busy with the scarlet fruit and called it "the strawberry of memory"; such was the strawberry of that summer. one brilliant june day when all the landscape was steeped in sunshine we went some distance from home to gather a large supply. it is needless to say that we, the juvenile contingent, improved the opportunity well; and when we sat at table the following day and grandfather helped us to generous pieces of strawberry "cobbler" and grandmother poured over them rich, sweet cream, our satisfaction was complete. it is likely that if we had heard of the boy who wished for a neck as long as a giraffe so that he could taste the good things all the way down, we would have echoed the sentiment. mentioning the giraffe, of the animal also we probably had no knowledge as books were few and menageries, none at all. no lack was felt, however, as the wild animals were numerous and interesting. the birds, rabbits and squirrels were friendly and fearless then; the birds were especially loved and it was pleasing to translate their notes into endearments for ourselves. but the rolling suns brought round the day when we must return to our native heath on puget sound. right sorry were the two little "clam-diggers" to leave the little companion of delightful days, and grandparents. with a rush of tears and calling "good-bye! good-bye!" as long as we could see or hear we rode away in a wagon, beginning the long journey, full of variety, back to the settlement on elliott bay. ourselves, and wagon and team purchased in the "web-foot" country, were carried down the willamette and across the sweeping columbia on a steamer to monticello. there the wagon was loaded into a canoe to ascend the cowlitz river, and we mounted the horses for a long day's ride, one of the children on the pommel of father's saddle, the other perched behind on mother's steed. the forest was so dense through which we rode for a long distance that the light of noonday became a feeble twilight, the way was a mere trail, the salal bushes on either side so tall that they brushed the feet of the little riders. the tedium of succeeding miles of this weird wilderness was beguiled by the stories, gentle warnings and encouragement from my mother. the cicadas sang as if it were evening, the dark woods looked a little fearful and i was advised to "hold on tight and keep awake, there are bears in these woods." the trail led us to the first crossing of the cowlitz river, where father hallooed long and loud for help to ferry us over, from a lonely house on the opposite shore, but only echo and silence returned. the deep, dark stream, sombre forest and deserted house made an eerie impression on the children. the little party boarded the ferryboat and swimming the horses, alongside crossed without delay. the next afternoon saw us nearing the crossing of the cowlitz again at warbass landing. the path crossed a pretty open space covered with ripe yellow grass and set around with giant trees, just before it vanished in the hurrying stream. father rode on and crossed, quite easily, the uneven bed of the swift river, with its gravelly islands and deep pools. when it came our turn, our patient beast plunged in and courageously advanced to near the middle of the stream, wavered and stood still and seemed about to go down with the current. how distinctly the green, rapid water, gravelly shoals and distant bank with its anxious onlookers is photographed on my memory's page! only for a moment did the brave animal falter and then sturdily worked her way to the shore. mr. warbass, with white face and trembling voice, said "i thought you were gone, sure." his coat was off and he had been on the point of plunging in to save us from drowning, if possible. willing hands helped us down and into the hospitable home, where we were glad to rest after such a severe trial. a sleepless night followed for my mother, who suffered from the reaction common to such experience, although not panic stricken at the time of danger. it was here i received my first remembered lesson in "meum et tuum." while playing under the fruit trees around the house i spied a peach lying on the ground, round, red and fair to see. i took it in to my mother who asked where i got it, if i had asked for it, etc. i replied i had found it outdoors. "well, it isn't yours, go and give it to the lady and never pick up anything without asking for it." a lesson that was heeded, and one much needed by children in these days when individual rights are so little regarded. the muddy wagon road between this point and olympia over which the teams had struggled in the springtime was now dry and the wagon was put together with hope of a fairly comfortable trip. it was discovered in so doing that the tongue of the vehicle had been left at monticello. not to be delayed, father repaired to the woods and cut a forked ash stick and made it do duty for the missing portion. at olympia we were entertained by mr. and mrs. dickinson with whom we tarried as we went to oregon. my mother preferred her steed to the steamer plying on the sound; that same trip the selfsame craft blew up. on horseback again, we followed the trail from olympia to the duwampsh river, over hills and hollows, out on the prairie or in the dark forest, at night putting up at the house of a hospitable settler. from thence we were told that it was only one day's travel but the trail stretched out amazingly. night, and a stormy one, overtook the hapless travelers. the thunder crashed, the lightning flamed, sheets of rain came down, but there was no escape. a halt was called at an open space in a grove of tall cedar trees, a fire made and the horses hitched under the trees. the two children slept snugly under a fir bark shed made of slabs of bark leaned up against a large log. father and mother sat by the fire under a cedar whose branches gave a partial shelter. some time in the night i was awakened by my mother lying down beside me, then slept calmly on. the next morning everything was dripping wet and we hastened on to the duwampsh crossing where lived the old man who stood on the bank at seattle when we started. what a comfort it was to the cold, wet, hungry, weary quartette to be invited into a dry warm place! and then the dinner, just prepared for company he had been expecting; a bountiful supply of garden vegetables, beets, cabbage, potatoes, a great dish of beans and hot coffee. these seemed veritable luxuries and we partook of them with a hearty relish. a messenger was sent to seattle to apprise our friends of our return, two of them came to meet us at the mouth of the duwampsh river and brought us down the bay in a canoe to the landing near the old laurel (madrona) tree that leaned over the bank in front of our home. the first fourth of july celebration in which i participated took place in the old m. e. church on second street, seattle, in . early in the morning of that eventful day there was hurrying to and fro in the dennys' cottage, on seneca street, embowered in flowers which even luxuriant as they were we did not deem sufficient. the nimble eldest of the children was sent to a flower-loving neighbor's for blossoms of patriotic hues, for each of the small americans was to carry a banner inscribed with a strong motto and wreathed with red, white and blue flowers. large letters, cut from the titles of newspapers spelled out the legends on squares of white cotton, "freedom for all," "slavery for none," "united we stand, divided we fall," each surrounded with a heavy wreath of beautiful flowers. arrived at the church, we found ourselves a little late, the orator was just rounding the first of his eloquent periods; the audience, principally men, turned to view the disturbers as they sturdily marched up the aisle to a front seat, and seeing the patriotic family with their expressive emblems, broke out in a hearty round of applause. although very young we felt the spirit of the occasion. the first commencement exercises at the university took place in . it was a great event, an audience of about nine hundred or more, including many visitors from all parts of the sound, victoria, b. c., and portland, oregon, gathered in the hall of the old university, then quite new. i was then nine years of age and had been trained to recite "barbara frietchie," it "goes without the saying" that it was received with acclaim, as feeling ran high and the hearts of the people burned within them for the things that were transpiring in the south. still better were they pleased and much affected by the singing of "who will care for mother now," by annie may adams, a lovely young girl of fifteen, with a pure, sympathetic, soprano voice and a touching simplicity of style. how warm beat the hearts of the people on this far off shore, as at the seat of war, and even the children shouted, sang and wept in sympathy with those who shed their lifeblood for their country. the singing of "red, white and blue" by the children created great enthusiasm; war tableaux such as "the soldier's farewell," "who goes there?" "in camp," were well presented and received with enthusiastic applause, and whatever apology might have been made for the status of the school, there was none to be made for its patriotism. our teachers were unionists without exception and we were taught many such things; "rally round the flag" was a favorite and up went every right hand and stamped hard every little foot as we sang "down with the traitor and up with the stars" with perhaps more energy than music. the children of my family, with those of a. a. denny's, sometimes held "union meetings;" at these were speeches made that were very intense, as we thought, from the top of a stump or barrel, each mounting in turn to declaim against slavery and the confederacy, to pronounce sentence of execution upon jeff. davis, captain semmes, et al. in a way to have made those worthies uneasy in their sleep. every book, picture, story, indeed, every printed page concerning the war was eagerly scanned and i remember sitting by, through long talks of grandfather john denny with my father, to which i listened intently. we finally burned semmes in effigy to express our opinion of him and named the only poor, sour apple in our orchard for the confederate president. for a time there were two war vessels in the harbor, the "saranac" and "suwanee," afterwards wrecked in seymour narrows. the suwanee was overturned and sunk by the shifting of her heavy guns, but was finally raised. both had fine bands that discoursed sweet music every evening. we stood on the bank to listen, delighted to recognize our favorites, national airs and war songs, from "just before the battle, mother" to "star spangled banner." other beautiful music, from operas, perhaps, we enjoyed without comprehending, although we did understand the stirring strains with which we were so familiar. in those days the itinerant m. e. ministers were often the guests of my parents and many were the good natured jokes concerning the fatalities among the yellow-legged chickens. on one occasion a small daughter of the family, whose discretion had not developed with her hospitality, rushed excitedly into the sitting room where the minister was being entertained and said, "mother, which chicken shall i catch?" to the great amusement of all. one of the reverend gentlemen declared that whenever he put in an appearance, the finest and fattest of the flock immediately lay down upon their backs with their feet in the air, as they knew some of them would have to appear on the festal board. like children everywhere we lavished our young affections on pets of many kinds. among these were a family of kittens, one at least of which was considered superfluous. an indian woman, who came to trade clams for potatoes, was given the little "pish-pish," as she called it, with which she seemed much pleased, carrying it away wrapped in her shawl. her camp was a mile away on the shore of elliott bay, from whence it returned through the thick woods, on the following day. soon after she came to our door to exhibit numerous scratches on her hands and arms made by the "mesachie pish-pish" (bad cat), as she now considered it. my mother healed her wounds by giving her some "supalel" (bread) esteemed a luxury by the indians, they seldom having it unless they bought a little flour and made ash-cake. now this same ash-cake deserves to rank with the southern cornpone or the western johnny cake. its flavor is sweet and nut-like, quite unlike that of bread baked in an ordinary oven. the first christmas tree was set up in our own house. it was not then a common american custom; we usually called out "christmas gift," affecting to claim a present after the southern "christmas gif" of the darkies. one early christmas, father brought in a young douglas fir tree and mother hung various little gifts on its branches, among them, bright red lady apples and sticks of candy; that was our very first christmas tree. a few years afterward the whole village joined in loading a large tree with beautiful and costly articles, as times were good, fully one thousand dollars' worth was hung upon and heaped around it. when the fourth time our family returned to the donation claim, now a part of the city of seattle, we found a veritable paradise of flowers, field and forest. the claim reached from lake union to elliott bay, about a mile and a half; a portion of it was rich meadow land covered with luxuriant grass and bordered with flowering shrubs, the fringe on the hem of the mighty evergreen forest covering the remainder. hundreds of birds of many kinds built their nests here and daily throughout the summer chanted their hymns of praise. robins and wrens, song-sparrows and snow birds, thrushes and larks vied with each other in joyful song. the western meadow larks wandered into this great valley, adding their rich flute-like voices to the feathered chorus. woodpeckers, yellow hammers and sap-suckers, beat their brave tattoo on the dead tree trunks and owls uttered their cries from the thick branches at night. riding to church one sunday morning we beheld seven little owls sitting in a row on the dead limb of a tall fir tree, about fourteen feet from the ground. winking and blinking they sat, silently staring as we passed by. rare birds peculiar to the western coast, the rufous-backed hummingbird, like a living coal of fire, and the bush-titmouse which builds a curious hanging nest, also visited this natural park. the road we children traveled from this place led through heavy forest and the year of the drouth ( ) a great fire raged; we lost but little time on this account; it had not ceased before we ran past the tall firs and cedars flaming far above our heads. returning from church one day, when about half way home, a huge fir tree fell just behind us, and a half mile farther on we turned down a branch road at the very moment that a tree fell across the main road usually traveled. the game was not then all destroyed; water fowl were numerous on the lakes and bays and the boys of the family often went shooting. rather late in the afternoon of a november day, the two smaller boys, taking a shot gun with them, repaired to lake union, borrowed a little fishing canoe of old tsetseguis, the indian who lived at the landing, and went to look at some muskrat traps they had set. it was growing quite dark when they thought of returning. for some reason they decided to change places in the canoe, a very "ticklish" thing to do. when one attempted to pass the other, over went the little cockle-shell and both were struggling in the water. the elder managed to thrust one arm through the strap of the hunting bag worn by the younger and grasped him by the hair, said hair being a luxuriant mass of long, golden brown curls. able to swim a little he kept them afloat although he could not keep the younger one's head above water. his cries for help reached the ears of a young man, charles nollop, who was preparing to cook a beefsteak for his supper--he threw the frying pan one way while the steak went the other, and rushed, coatless and hatless, to the rescue with another man, joe raber, in a boat. an older brother of the two lads, john b. denny, was just emerging from the north door of the big barn with two pails of milk; hearing, as he thought, the words "i'm drowning," rather faintly from the lake, he dropped the pails unceremoniously and ran down to the shore swiftly, found only an old shovel-nosed canoe and no paddle, seized a picket and paddled across the little bay to where the water appeared agitated; there he found the boys struggling in the water, or rather one of them, the other was already unconscious. arriving at the same time in their boat charley nollop and joe raber helped to pull them out of the water. the long golden curls of the younger were entangled in the crossed cords of the shot pouch and powder flask worn by the older one, who was about to sink for the last time, as he was exhausted and had let go of the younger, who was submerged. their mother reached the shore as the unconscious one was stretched upon the ground and raised his arms and felt for the heart which was beating feebly. the swimmer walked up the hill to the house; the younger, still unconscious, was carried, face downward, into a room where a large fire was burning in an open fireplace, and laid down before it on a rug. restoratives were quickly applied and upon partial recovery he was warmly tucked in bed. a few feverish days followed, yet both escaped without serious injury. mrs. tsetseguis was much grieved and repeated over and over, "i told the oleman not to lend that little canoe to the boys, and he said, 'o it's all right, they know how to manage a canoe.'" tsetseguis was also much distressed and showed genuine sympathy, following the rescued into the house to see if they were really safe. the games we played in early days were often the time-honored ones taught us by our parents, and again were inventions of our own. during the rebellion we drilled as soldiers or played "black man;" by the latter we wrought excitement to the highest pitch, whether we chased the black man, or returning the favor, he chased us. the teeter-board was available when the neighbor's children came; the wonder is that no bones were broken by our method. the longest, strongest, douglas fir board that could be found, was placed across a large log, a huge stone rested in the middle and the children, boys and girls, little and big, crowded on the board almost filling it; then we carefully "waggled" it up and down, watching the stone in breathless and ecstatic silence until weary of it. our bravado consisted in climbing up the steepest banks on the bay, or walking long logs across ravines or on steep inclines. the surroundings were so peculiar that old games took on new charms when played on puget sound. hide-and-seek in a dense jungle of young douglas firs was most delightful; the great fir and cedar trees, logs and stumps, afforded ample cover for any number of players, from the sharp eyes of the one who had been counted "out" with one of the old rhymes. the shadow of danger always lurked about the undetermined boundary of our play-grounds, wild animals and wild men might be not far beyond. we feared the drunken white man more than the sober indian, with much greater reason. even the drunken indian never molested us, but usually ran "amuck" among the inhabitants of the beach. neither superstitious nor timid we seldom experienced a panic. the nearest indian graveyard was on a hill at the foot of spring street, seattle. it sloped directly down to the beach; the bodies were placed in shallow graves to the very brow and down over the face of the sandy bluff. all this hill was dug down when the town advanced. the children's' graves were especially pathetic, with their rude shelters, to keep off the rain of the long winter months, and upright poles bearing bits of bright colored cloth, tin pails and baskets. over these poor graves no costly monuments stood, only the winds sang wild songs there, the sea-gulls flitted over, the fair, wild flowers bloomed and the dark-eyed indian mothers tarried sometimes, human as others in their sorrow. but the light-hearted indian girls wandered past, hand in hand, singing as they went, pausing to turn bright friendly eyes upon me as they answered the white child's question, "ka mika klatawa?" (where are you going?) "o, kopa yawa" (o, over yonder), nodding toward the winding road that stretched along the green bank before them. without a care or sorrow, living a healthy, free, untrammeled life, they looked the impersonation of native contentment. the social instinct of the pioneers found expression in various ways. a merry party of pioneer young people, invited to spend the evening at a neighbor's, were promised the luxury of a candy-pull. the first batch was put on to boil and the assembled youngsters engaged in old fashioned games to while away the time. unfortunately for their hopes the molasses burned and they were obliged to throw it away. there was a reserve in the jug, however, and the precious remainder was set over the fire and the games went on again. determined to succeed, the hostess stirred, while an equally anxious and careful guest held the light, a small fish-oil lamp. the lamp had a leak and was set on a tin plate; in her eagerness to light the bubbling saccharine substance and to watch the stirring-down, she leaned over a little too far and over went the lamp directly into the molasses. what consternation fell upon them! the very thought of the fish-oil was nauseating, and that was all the molasses. there was no candy-pulling, there being no grocery just around the corner where a fresh supply might be obtained, indeed molasses and syrup were very scarce articles, brought from a great distance. the guests departed, doubtless realizing that the "best laid plans ... gang aft agley." the climate of puget sound is one so mild that snow seldom falls and ice rarely forms as thick as windowglass, consequently travel, traffic and amusement are scarcely modified during the winter, or more correctly, the rainy season. unless it rained more energetically than usual, the children went on with their games as in summer. the long northern twilight of the summertime and equally long evenings in winter had each their special charm. the pictures of winter scenes in eastern magazines and books looked strange and unfamiliar to us, but as one saucy girl said to a tenderfoot from a blizzard-swept state, "we see more and deeper snow everyday than you ever saw in your life." "how is that?" said he. "on mount rainier," she answered, laughing. even so, this magnificent mountain, together with many lesser peaks, wears perpetual robes of snow in sight of green and blooming shores. when it came to decorating for christmas, well, we had a decided advantage as the evergreens stood thick about us, millions of them. busy fingers made lavish use of rich garlands of cedar to festoon whole buildings; handsome douglas firs, reaching from floor to ceiling, loaded with gay presents and blazing with tapers, made the little "clam-diggers'" eyes glisten and their mouths water. in the garden the flowers bloomed often in december and january, as many as twenty-six varieties at once. one new year's day i walked down the garden path and plucked a fine, red rosebud to decorate the new year's cake. the pussy-willows began the floral procession of wildlings in january and the trilliums and currants were not far behind unless a "cold snap" came on in february and the flowers _dozed on_, for they never seem to _sleep_ very profoundly here. by the middle of february there was, occasionally, a general display of bloom, but more frequently it began about the first of march, the seasons varying considerably. the following poem tells of favorite flowers gathered in the olden time "i' the spring o' the year!" in the summertime we had work as well as play, out of doors. the garden surrounding our cottage in , overflowed with fruits, vegetables and flowers. nimble young fingers were made useful in helping to tend them. weeding beds of spring onions and lettuce, sticking peas and beans, or hoeing potatoes, were considered excellent exercise for young muscles; no need of physical "culchuah" in the school had dawned upon us, as periods of work and rest, study and play, followed each other in healthful succession. having a surplus of good things, the children often went about the village with fresh vegetables and flowers, more often the latter, generous bouquets of fragrant and spicy roses and carnations, sweet peas and nasturtiums, to sell. two little daughters in pretty, light print dresses and white hats were flower girls who were treated like little queens. there was no disdain of work to earn a living in those days; every respectable person did something useful. for recreation, we went with father in the wagon over the "bumpy" road when he went to haul wood, or perhaps a long way on the county road to the meadow, begging to get off to gather flowers whenever we saw them peeping from their green bowers. driving along through the great forest which stood an almost solid green wall on either hand, we called "o father, stop! stop; here is the lady-slipper place." "well, be quick, i can't wait long." dropping down to the ground, we ran as fast as our feet could carry us to gather the lovely, fragrant orchid, calypso borealis, from its mossy bed. when the ferns were fully grown, eight or ten feet high, the little girls broke down as many as they could drag, and ran along the road, great ladies, with long green trains! [illustration: a visit from our tillicum] we found the way to the opening in the woods, where in the midst thereof, grandfather sat making cedar shingles with a drawing knife. huge trees lay on the ground, piles of bolts had been cut and the heap of shingles, clear and straight of the very best quality, grew apace. very tall and grand the firs and cedars stood all around, like stately pillars with a dome of blue sky above; the birds sang in the underbrush and the brown butterflies floated by. among all the beautiful things, there was one to rivet the eye and attention; a dark green fir tree, perhaps thirty feet high, around whose trunk and branches a wild honeysuckle vine had twined itself from the ground to the topmost twig. it had the appearance of a giant candelabrum, with the orange-scarlet blossoms that tipped the boughs like jets of flame. many a merry picnic we had in blackberry time, taking our lunch with us and spending the day; sometimes in an indian canoe we paddled off several miles, to smith's cove or some other likely place. it was necessary to watch the tide at the cove or the shore could not be reached across the mudflat. once ashore how happy we were; clambering about over the hills, gathering the ripe fruit, now and then turning about to gaze at the snowy sentinel in the southern sky, grand old mount rainier. how wide the sparkling waters of the bay! the sky so pure and clear, the north wind so cool and refreshing. the plumy boughs stirred gently overhead and shed for us the balsamic odors, the flowers waved a welcome at our feet. in the winter there was seldom any "frost on the rills" or "snow on the hills," but when it did come the children made haste to get all the possible fun out of the unusual pastime of coasting. mothers were glad when the chinook wind came and ate up the snow and brought back the ordinary conditions, as the children were frequently sick during a cold spell. now the tenderfoot, as the newcomer is called in the west, is apt to be mistaken about the chinook wind; there is a wet south wind and a dry south wind on puget sound. the chinook, as the "natives" have known it, is a dry wind, clears the sky, and melts and dries up the snow at once. wet south wind, carrying heavy rain often follows after snow, and slush reigns for a few days. perhaps this is a distinction without much difference. storms rarely occur, i remember but two violent ones in which the gentle south wind seemed to forget its nature and became a raging gale. the first occurred when i was a small child. the wind had been blowing for some time, gradually increasing in the evening, and as night advanced becoming heavier every hour. large stones were taken up from the high bank on the bay and piled on the roof with limbs broken from tough fir trees. thousands of giant trees fell crashing and groaning to the ground, like a continuous cannonade; the noise was terrific and we feared for our lives. at midnight, not daring to leave the house, and yet fearing that it might be overthrown, we knelt and commended ourselves to him who rules the storm. about one o'clock the storm abated and calmly and safely we lay down to sleep. the morning broke still and clear, but many a proud monarch of the forest lay prone upon the ground. electric storms were very infrequent; if there came a few claps of thunder the children exclaimed, "o mother, hear the thunder storm!" "well, children, that isn't much of a thunder storm; you just ought to hear the thunder in illinois, and the lighting was a continual blaze." our mother complained that we were scarcely enough afraid of snakes; as there are no deadly reptiles on puget sound, we thrust our hands into the densest foliage or searched the thick grass without dread of a lurking enemy. the common garter snake, a short, thick snake, whose track across the dusty roads i have seen, a long lead-colored snake and a small brown one, comprise the list known to us. walking along a narrow trail one summer day, singing as i went, the song was abruptly broken, i sprang to one side with remarkable agility, a long, wiggling thing "swished" through the grass in an opposite direction. calling for help, i armed myself with a club, and with my support, boldly advanced to seek out the serpent. when discovered we belabored it so earnestly that its head was well-nigh severed from its body. it was about five feet long, the largest i had even seen, whether poisonous or not is beyond my knowledge. there are but two spiders known to be dangerous, a white one and a small black "crab" spider. a little girl acquaintance was bitten by one of these, it was supposed, though not positively known; the bite was on the upper arm and produced such serious effects that a large piece of flesh had to be removed by the surgeon's knife and amputation was narrowly escaped. a mysterious creature inhabiting lake union sometimes poisoned the young bathers. one of my younger brothers was bitten on the knee, and a lameness ensued, which continued for several months. there was only a small puncture visible with a moderate swelling, which finally passed away. the general immunity from danger extends to the vegetable world, but very few plants are unsafe to handle, chief among them being the panax horridum or "devil's club." so the happy pioneer children roamed the forest fearlessly and sat on the vines and moss under the great trees, often making bonnets of the shining salal leaves pinned together with rose thorns or tiny twigs, making whistles of alder, which gave forth sweet and pleasant sounds if successfully made; or in the garden making dolls of hollyhocks, mallows and morning glories. chapter viii. marching experiences of esther chambers. the following thrilling account, written by herself and first published in the "weekly ledger" of tacoma, washington, of june , , is to be highly commended for its clear and forcible style: "my father, william packwood, left missouri in the spring of with my mother and four children in an ox team to cross the plains to oregon. "my mother's health was very poor when we started. she had to be helped in and out of the wagon, but the change by traveling improved her health so much that she gained a little every day, and in the course of a month or six weeks she was able to get up in the morning and cook breakfast, while my father attended his team and did other chores. i had one sister older than myself, and i was only six years old. my little sister and baby brother, who learned to walk by rolling the water keg as we camped nights and mornings, were of no help to my sick mother. "the company in which we started was captain gilliam's and we traveled quite a way when we joined captain ford's company, making upward of sixty wagons in all. "our company was so large that the indians did not molest us, although we, after letting our stock feed until late in the evening, had formed a large corral of the wagons, in which we drove the cattle and horses, and stood guard at night, as the indians had troubled small companies by driving off their stock, but they were not at all hostile to us. "we came to a river and camped. the next morning we were visited by indians, who seemed to want to see us children, so we were terribly afraid of the indians, and, as father drove in the river to cross, the oxen got frightened at the indians and tipped the wagon over, and father jumped and held the wagon until help came. we thought the indians would catch us, so we jumped to the lower part of the box, where there was about six inches of water. the swim and fright i will never forget--the indian fright, of course. "i was quite small but i do remember the beautiful scenery. we could see antelope, deer, rabbits, sage hens and coyotes, etc., and in the camp we children had a general good time. all joined at night in the plays. one night mr. jenkins' boys told me to ask their father for his sheath knife to cut some sticks with. when using it on the first stick, i cut my lefthand forefinger nail and all off, except a small portion of the top of my finger, and the scar is still visible. "on another evening we children were having a nice time, when a boy by the name of stephen, who had been in the habit of hugging around the children's shoulders and biting them, hugged me and bit a piece almost out of my shoulder. this was the first time i remember seeing my father's wrath rise on the plains, as he was a very even-tempered man. he said to the offending boy, 'if you do that again, i shall surely whip you.' "a few days later we came to a stream that was deep but narrow. mr. stephens, this boy's father, was leading a cow by a rope tied around his waist and around the cow's head for the purpose of teaching the rest of the cattle to swim. the current being very swift, washed the cow down the stream, dragging the man. the women and children were all crying at a great rate, when one of the party went to mrs. stephens, saying, 'mr. stephens is drowning.' 'well,' she replied, 'there is plenty of more men where he came from.' mr. stephens, his cow and all lodged safely on a drift. they got him out safely, but he did not try to swim a stream with a cow tied to his waist again. "we could see the plains covered with buffalo as we traveled along, just like the cattle of our plains are here. "one day a band of buffalo came running toward us, and one jumped between the wheel cattle and the wheels of the wagon, and we came very near having a general stampede of the cattle; so when the teamsters got their teams quieted down, the men, gathering their guns, ran and killed three of the buffalo, and all of the company were furnished with dried beef, which was fine for camping. "we came to a place where there was a boiling spring that would cook eggs, and a short distance from this was a cold, clear spring, and a short distance from this was a heap of what looked like ashes, and when we crossed it the cattle's' feet burned until they bawled. another great sight i remember of seeing was an oil spring. "then we reached the blue mountains. snow fell as we traveled through them. "we then came down in the grande ronde valley, and it seemed as if we had reached a paradise. it was a beautiful valley. here indians came to trade us dried salmon, la camas cakes and dried crickette cakes. we traded for some salmon and the la camas cakes, but the crickette cakes we did not hanker after. "a man in one train thought he would fool an indian chief, so he told the indian he would swap his girl sixteen years old, for a couple of horses. the bargain was made and he took the horses, and the indian hung around until near night. when the captain of the company found out that the indian was waiting for his girl to go with him, the captain told the man that we might all be killed through him, and made him give up the horses to the chief. the indian chief was real mad as he took the horses away. "we went on down to the dalles, where we stopped a few days. there was a mission at the dalles where two missionaries lived, brewer and waller. we emigrants traded some of our poor, tired cattle off to them for some of their fat beef, and some coarse flour chopped on a hand mill, like what we call chop-feed nowadays. "then we had to make a portage around the falls, and the women and children walked. i don't remember the distance, but we walked until late at night, and waded in the mud knee-deep, and my mother stumped her toe and fell against a log or she might have gone down into the river. we little tots fell down in the mud until you'd have thought we were pigs. "the men drove around the falls another way, and got out of provisions. "my father, seeing a boat from the high bluffs, going down to the river hailed it, and when he came down to the boat he found us. he said he had gotten so hungry that he killed a crow and ate it, and thought it tasted splendid. he took provisions to the cattle drivers and we came on down the river to fort vancouver. it rained on us for a week and our bedclothes were drenched through and through, so at night we would open our bed of wet clothes and cuddle in them as though we were in a palace car, and all kept well and were not sick a day in all of our six months' journey crossing the plains. my mother gained and grew fleshy and strong. "next we arrived in what is now the city of portland, which then consisted of a log cabin and a few shanties. we stayed there a few days to dry our bedding. "then we moved out to the tualatin plains, where we wintered in a barn, with three other families, each family having a corner of the barn, with fire in the center and a hole in the roof for the smoke to go out. my father went to work for a man by the name of baxton, as all my father was worth in money, i think, was twenty-five cents, or something like that. he arrived with a cow, calf and three oxen, and had to support his family by mauling rails in the rain, to earn the wheat, peas and potatoes we ate, as that was all we could get, as bread was out of the question. shortly after father had gone to work my little brother had a rising on his cheek. it made him so sick that mother wanted us little tots to go to the place where my father was working. it being dark, we got out of our way and went to a man, who had an indian woman, by the name of williams. in the plains there are swales that fill up with water when the heavy rains come, and they are knee deep. i fell in one of these, but we got to mr. williams all right. but when we found our neighbor we began crying, so mr. williams persuaded us to come in and he would go and get father, which he did, and father came home with us to our barn house. my little brother got better, and my father returned to his work again. "among the settlers on the tualatin plains were mr. lackriss, mr. burton, mr. williams and general mccarver, who had settled on farms before we came, and many a time did we go to their farms for greens and turnips, which were something new and a great treat to us. "often the indians used to frighten us with their war dances, as we called them, as we did not know the nature of indians, so, as general mccarver was used to them, we often asked him if the indians were having a war dance for the purpose of hostility. he told us, that was the way they doctored their sick. "general mccarver settled in tacoma when the townsite was first laid out and is well known. he died in tacoma, leaving a family. "after we moved out to the tualatin plains, many a night when father was away we lay awake listening to the dogs barking, thinking the indians were coming to kill us, and when father came home i felt safe and slept happily. "in the spring of my father took a nice place in west yamhill, about two miles from the willamette river and we had some settlers around, but our advantage for a school was poor, as we were too far from settlers to have a school, so my education, what little i have, was gotten by punching the cedar fire and studying at night, but, however, we were a happy family, hoping to accumulate a competency in our new home. "one dog, myself and elder sister and brother were carrying water from our spring, which was a hundred yards or more from our house, when a number of indians came along. we were afraid of them and all hid. i hid by the trail, when an old indian, seeing me, yelled out, 'adeda!' and i began to laugh, but my sister was terribly frightened and yelled at me to hide, so they found all of us, but they were friendly to us, only a wretched lot to steal, as they stole the only cow we had brought through, leaving the calf with us without milk. "my father was quite a hunter, and deer were plenty, and once in a while he would get one, so we did get along without milk. during the first year we could not get bread, as there were no mills or places to buy flour. a canadian put up a small chop mill and chopped wheat something like feed is chopped now. "my father being a jack-of-all-trades, set to work and put up a turning lathe and went to making chairs, and my mother and her little tots took the straw from the sheaves and braided and made hats. we sold the chairs and hats and helped ourselves along in every way we could and did pretty well. "one day, while my father's lathe was running, some one yelled 'stop!' a large black bear was walking through the yard. the men gave him a grand chase, but bruin got away from them. "my father remained on this place until the spring of , when he and a number of other families decided to move to puget sound. during that winter they dug two large canoes, lashed them together as a raft or flatboat to move on, and sold out their places, bought enough provisions to last that summer, and loading up with their wagons, families and provisions, started for puget sound. "coming up the cowlitz river was a hard trip, as the men had to tow the raft over rapids and wade. the weather was very bad. arriving at what was called the cowlitz landing we stayed a few days and moved out to the catholic priest's place (mr. langlay's) where the women and children remained while the men went back to oregon for our stock. they had to drive up the cowlitz river by a trail, and swim the rivers. my father said it was a hard trip. "on arriving at puget sound we found a good many settlers. among them, now living that i know of, was jesse ferguson, on bush prairie. we stayed near mr. ferguson's place until my father, mcallister and shager, who lives in olympia, took them to places in the nisqually bottoms. my father's place then, is now owned by isaac hawk. "mr. mcallister was killed in the indian war of - , leaving a family of a number of children, of whom one is mrs. grace hawk. the three families living in the bottom were often frightened by the saucy indians telling us to leave, as the king george men told them to make us go, so on one occasion there came about indians in canoes. they were painted and had knives, and said they wanted to kill a chief that lived by us by the name of quinasapam. when he saw the warriors coming he came into our house for protection, and all of the indians who could do so came in after him. mr. shager and father gave them tobacco to smoke. so they smoked and let the chief go and took their departure. if there were ever glad faces on this earth and free hearts, ours were at that time. "my father and mr. mcallister took a job of bursting up old steamboat boilers for dr. tolmie for groceries and clothing, and between their improving their farms they worked at this. while they were away the indians' dogs were plenty, and, like wolves, they ran after everything, including our only milch cow, and she died, so there was another great loss to us, but after father got through with the old boilers, he took another job of making butter firkins for dr. tolmie and shingles also. this was a great help to the new settlers. the hudson bay company was very kind to settlers. "in the gold fever began to rage and my father took the fever. i was standing before the fire, listening to my mother tell about it, when my dress caught fire, and my mother and mrs. shager got the fire extinguished, when i found my hair was off on one side of my head and my dress missing. i felt in luck to save my life. "in the spring of all arrangements were made for the california gold mines and we started by land in an ox team. we went back through oregon and met our company in yamhill, where we had lived. they joined our company of about thirty wagons. portions of our journey were real pleasant, but the rest was terribly rough. in one canyon we crossed a stream seventy-five times in one day, and it was the most unpleasant part of our journey. "after two months' travel we arrived in sacramento city, cal., and found it tolerably warm for us, not being used to a warm climate. "father stayed in california nearly two years. our fortune was not a large one. we returned by sea to washington and made our home in the nisqually bottom. "on april , , i was married to a man named g. w. t. allen and lived with him on whidby island seven years, during which time four children were born. we finally agreed to disagree. only one of our children by my first husband is living. she is mrs. l. l. andrews of tacoma, washington. he is in the banking business. on july , , i was married to my present husband, mclain chambers. we have lived in washington ever since. we have had nine children. our oldest, a son, i. m. chambers, lives on a farm near roy, wash. others are married and live at roy, yelm and stampede. we have two little boys at home. have lost three within the last three years. we live a mile and a half southeast of roy, wash. "i have lived here through all the hostilities of the war. dr. tolmie sent wagons to haul us to the fort for safety. my present husband was a volunteer and came through with a company of scouts, very hungry. they were so hungry that when they saw my mother take a pan of biscuits from the stove, one of them saying, 'excuse me, but we are almost starved,' grabbed the biscuits from the pan, eating like a hungry dog. "i suppose you have heard of the murder of col. i. n. ebey of whidby island? he was beheaded by the northern or fort simpson indians and his family and george corliss and his wife made their escape from the house by climbing out of the windows, leaving even their clothes and bushwhacking it until morning. i was on whidby island about seven miles from where he was killed, that same night, alone with my little girl, now mrs. andrews. when one of our neighbors called at the gate and said, 'colonel ebey was beheaded last night,' i said 'captain barrington, it cannot be, as i have been staying here so close by alone without being disturbed.' shortly after the indians came armed, and one of them came up to me, shaking a large knife in his hand saying, 'iskum mika tenas and klatawa copa stick or we will kill you.' i said to him, 'i don't understand; come and go to the field where my husband and an indian boy are,' but they refused to go and left me soon. i started for the field with my child, and the further i went the more scared i got until when i reached my husband, i cried like a child. he ran to the house and sent a message to the agent on the reservation, but they skipped out of his reach, and never bothered me again, but i truly suffered as though i were sick, although i stayed alone with a boy eight or nine years old." "a boy of seven who came to show his father the way." in the same columns with the preceding sketch appeared r. a. bundy's story of his juvenile adventures: "i will try to give an account of my trip crossing the plains in the pioneer days. you need not expect a flowery story, as you will observe before i get through. the chances for an education in those days were quite different from what they are today. here goes with my story, anyway: "my father left his old home in the state of illinois in the month of april in the year . as i was a lad not seven years of age until the th of the month, of course i was obliged to go along to show the old man the way. "we were all ready to start, and a large number of others that were going in the same train had gathered at our place. there were also numerous relatives present to bid us good-bye, and warn us of the big undertaking we were about to embark in, and tell of the dangers we would encounter. but a lad of my age always thinks it is a great thing to go along with a covered wagon, especially if 'pap' is driving. i crawled right in and did not apprehend anything dangerous or wearisome about a short trip like that. i will have to omit dates and camping places, as i was too young to pay any attention to such things; and you may swear that i was always around close. everything went along smoothly with me for a short time. riding in a covered wagon was a picnic, but my father's team was composed of both horses and cattle, and the oxen soon became tenderfooted and had to be turned loose and driven behind the wagons. "about this time a. l. mccauley, whose account of the trip has appeared in the 'ledger,' fell in with the train. he thought himself a brave man and as he had had a 'right smart' experience in traveling, especially since the war broke out, and was used to going in the lead and had selected a great many safe camping places for himself during that time, the men thought he would be a good man to hide from the indians, so he was elected captain. he went ahead and showed my old man the way. i being now relieved of this responsibility, stayed behind the train and drove the tenderfooted oxen. when mccauley found a camping place i always brought up the rear. "that was not quite so much of a picnic as some of us old-timers have nowadays at shilo. i found out after driving oxen a few days, that i was going 'with' the old man. "for a week or two my job was not as bad as some who have never tried it might imagine. but six months of travel behind the wagons barefooted, over sagebrush, sand toads, hot sand and gravel, rattlesnakes, prickly pears, etc., made me sometimes wish i had gone back home when the old dog did, or that 'pap' had sold me at the sale with the other property. in spite of my disagreeable situation, however, i kept trudging alone, bound to stay with the crowd. i thought my lot was a rough one when i saw other boys older than myself riding and occasionally walking just for pleasure. i could not see where the fun came in, and thought that if the opportunity was offered i could stand it to ride all the time. i thought i had the disadvantage until the indians got all the stock. "i remember one night that our famous captain said he had found us a good, safe camping place. the next morning the people were all right but the horses and cattle were all gone. for a while it looked like the whole train would have to walk. i did not care so much for myself but i thought it would be hard on those that were not used to it. "during the day the men got a part of the horses back, and i was feeling pretty good, thinking the rest would get to ride, but along in the afternoon my joyful mood was suddenly changed. all the men, excepting a few on the sick list, were out after the stock, when the captain and some other men came running into camp as fast as their horses could carry them. the captain got off his horse, apparently almost scared to death. he told the women that they would never see their men again; that the indians were coming from every direction. that was in the wood river country, and it made me feel pretty bad after walking so far. we were all frightened, and some boys and myself found a hiding place in a wagon. we got under a feather bed and waited, expecting every minute that the indians would come. they did not come so we came out and found that the captain was feeling rather weak and had laid down to have a rest. shortly after we came out, one of the men came in leading an indian pony. it was then learned that the captain and some of the men with him had been running from some of the men belonging to the train, thinking they were indians. they found all their horses but two and captured two indian ponies. the next day we journeyed on and i felt more like walking, knowing that the others could ride. we did not meet with any other difficulty that seriously attracted my attention. "we arrived on the touchet at waitsburg in october or november, and don't you forget it, i had spent many a hot, tiresome day, having walked all the way across the plains." chapter ix an olympia woman's trip across the plains in . mrs. c. j. crosby of olympia, washington, contributes this narrative of her personal experience, to the literature of the northwest: "it was in the early spring of ' that my father took the emigrant fever to come west, to what was then termed oregon territory, and get some of uncle sam's land which was donated to any one who had the perseverance and courage to travel six long weary months, through a wild, savage country with storms and floods as well as the terrible heat and dust of summer to contend against. our home was in covington, indiana, and my father, jacob smith, with his wife and five children, myself being the eldest, started from there the th day of march for a town called council bluffs on the missouri river, where all the emigrants bought their supplies for their long journey in the old time prairie schooner. our train was composed of twenty-four wagons and a good number of people. a captain was selected, whose duty it was to ride ahead of the train and find good camping place for the day or night, where there was plenty of wood, water and grass. "the first part of our journey we encountered terrible floods, little streams would suddenly become raging torrents and we were obliged to cross them in hastily-constructed boats; two incidents i distinctly remember. "we had traveled all day and in the evening came to a stream called the elk horn, where we had some trouble and only part of the train crossed that night--we were among the number; well, we got something to eat as best we could, and being very tired all went to bed as early as possible; the river was a half mile from where we camped, but in the night it overflowed and the morning found our wagons up to the hubs in water, our cooking utensils floating off on the water, except those that had gone to the bottom, and all the cattle had gone off to find dry ground, and for a while things in general looked very discouraging. however, the men started out at daylight in search of the stray cattle, soon found them and hitched them to the wagons and started for another camping place, and to wait until we were joined by those who were left behind the night before. we all rejoiced to leave that river as soon as possible, but not many days expired before we came to another river which was worse than the first one--it was exceedingly high and very swift, but by hard work and perseverance they got all the wagons across the river without any accident, with the exception of my father's, which was the last to cross. they got about half way over when the provision wagon slid off the boat and down the river it went. well, i can hardly imagine how any one could understand our feelings unless they had experienced such a calamity; to see all the provisions we had in the world floating away before our eyes and not any habitation within many hundred miles of us; for a while we did indeed feel as though the end had come this time sure. we could not retrace our footsteps, or go forward without provisions; each one in the train had only enough for their own consumption and dare not divide with their best friend; however, while they were debating what was best to do, our wagon had landed on a sandbar and the men waded out and pulled it ashore. it is needless for me to say there was great rejoicing in the camp that day; of course, nearly everything in the wagon was wet, but while in camp they were dried out. fortunately the flour was sealed up in tin cans; the corn meal became sour before it got dry, but it had to be used just the same. in a few days we were in our usual spirits, but wondering what new trials awaited us, and it came all too soon; the poor cattle all got poisoned from drinking alkali water; at first they did not know what to do for them, but finally someone suggested giving them fat bacon, which brought them out all right in a day or two. then their feet became very sore from constant traveling and thorns from the cactus points, and we would be obliged to remain in camp several days for them to recruit. "as we proceeded farther on our way we began to fear the indians, and occasionally met strolling bands of them all decked out with bows and arrows, their faces hideous with paint and long feathers sticking in their top-knots, they looked very fierce and savage; they made us understand we could not travel through their country unless we paid them. so the men gave them some tobacco, beads and other trinkets, but would not give them any ammunition; they went away angry and acted as though they would give us trouble. "some of the men stood guard every night to protect the camp as well as the horses and cattle, as they would drive them off in the night and frequently kill them. "thus we traveled from day to day, ever anxious and on the lookout for a surprise from some ambush by the wayside, they were so treacherous, but kind providence protected us and we escaped the fate of the unfortunate emigrants who preceded us. "fortunately there was but little sickness in our train and only one death, that of my little brother; he was ill about two weeks and we never knew the cause of his death. at first it seemed an impossibility to go away and leave him alone by the wayside, and what could we do without a coffin and not any boards to make one? a trunk was thought of and the little darling was laid away in that. the grave had to be very deep so the wild animals could not dig up the body, and the indians would plunder the graves, too, so it was made level with the ground. we felt it a terrible affliction; it seemed indeed the climax of all we had endured. it was with sad hearts we once again resumed our toilsome journey. "we saw the bones of many people by the wayside, bleaching in the sun, and it was ever a constant reminder of the dear little one that was left in the wilderness. however, i must not dwell too long over this dark side of the picture, as there was much to brighten and cheer us many times; there were many strange, beautiful things which were a great source of delight and wonder, especially the boiling springs, the water so hot it would cook anything, and within a short distance springs of ice water, and others that made a noise every few minutes like the puffing of a steamer. then there were rocks that resembled unique old castles, as they came into view in the distance. all alone in the prairie was one great rock called independence rock; it was a mile around it, half a mile wide and quite high in some places; there were hundreds of emigrants' names and dates carved on the side of the rock as high as they could reach. it reminded one of a huge monument. i wonder if old father time has effaced all the names yet? "in the distance we saw great herds of buffalo and deer; the graceful, swift-footed antelope was indeed a sight to behold, and we never grew tired of the lovely strange flowers we found along the road. "the young folks, as well as the old, had their fun and jokes, and in the evening all would gather 'round the campfire, telling stories and relating the trials and experiences each one had encountered during the day, or meditating what the next day would bring forth of weal or woe. thus the months and days passed by, and our long journey came to an end when we reached the dalles on the columbia river, where we embarked on the small steamer that traveled down the river and landed passengers and freight at a small place called the cascades. at this place there was a portage of a half mile; then we traveled on another steamer and landed in portland the last day of october, the year , remained there during the winter and in the spring of came to puget sound with a number of others who were anxious for some of uncle sam's land. "olympia, a very small village, was the only town on the sound except fort steilacoom, where a few soldiers were stationed. we spent a short time in olympia before going to whidby island, where my father settled on his claim, and we lived there five years, when we received a patent from the government, but before our home was completed he had the misfortune to break his arm, and, not being properly set, he was a cripple the remainder of his life." in there were a couple of log houses at alki point, occupied by mr. denny and others; they called the "town" new york. we went ashore from the schooner and visited them. to the above properly may be added an account published in a seattle paper: "mrs. c. j. crosby, of olympia, gives the following interesting sketch of her early days on whidby island: "as i am an old settler and termed a moss-back by those who have come later, i feel urged to relate a few facts pertaining to my early life on whidby island in the days of . my father, jacob smith, with his wife and five children, crossed the plains the year of . we started from covington, indiana, on the th day of march and arrived in portland, oregon, the last day of october. "we remained there during the winter, coming to olympia the spring of , where we spent a short time before going down to the island. my father settled on a claim near pen's cove, and almost opposite what is now called coupeville. we lived there five years, when he sold his claim to capt. swift for three thousand five hundred dollars and we returned to olympia. "the year ' we found several families living on the island; also many bachelors who had settled on claims. i have heard my mother say she never saw the face of a white woman for nine months. my third sister was the second white child born on the island. i remember once we did not have any flour or bread for six weeks or more. we lived on potatoes, salmon and clams. finally a vessel came in the sound bringing some, but the price per barrel was forty-five dollars and it was musty and sour. mother mixed potatoes with the flour so that we could eat it at all, and also to make it last a long time. "there is also another incident impressed on my memory that i never can forget. one morning an indian came to the house with some fish oil to sell, that and tallow candles being the only kind of light we had in those days. she paid him all he asked for the oil, besides giving him a present, but he wanted more. he got very angry and said he would shoot her. she told him to shoot and took up the fire shovel to him. meantime she told my brother to go to a neighbor's house, about half a mile distant, but before the men arrived the indian cleared out. however, had it not been for the kindness of the indians we would have suffered more than we did." from other published accounts i have culled the following: "peter smith crossed the plains in and settled near portland. when it was known the indians would make trouble, mr. smith, being warned by a friendly indian, took his family to fort steilacoom and joined the 'home guard,' but shortly afterward joined a company of militia and saw real war for three months. "just before the hostilities in , two indians visited his house. one of them was a magnificent specimen of physical manhood and chief of his tribe. they wanted something to eat. now several settlers had been killed by indians after gaining access to their houses, but, nothing daunted, mrs. smith went to work and prepared a very fine dinner, and mr. s. made them sandwiches for their game bag, putting on an extra allowance of sugar, and appeared to be as bold as a lion. he also accepted an invitation to visit their camp, which he did in their company, and formed a lasting friendship. "the mince, fruit and doughnuts did their good work. "during the war mr. smith had his neck merely bruised by a bullet. on his return home he found the indians had been there before him and stolen his hogs and horses and destroyed his grain, a loss of eleven hundred dollars, for which he has never received any pay." chapter x. capt. henry roeder on the trail. capt. roeder came by steamer to portland and thence made his way to olympia overland from the mouth of the cowlitz river. this was in the winter of . the story of this journey is best told in the words of the veteran pioneer himself, who has narrated his first experiences in the then territory of oregon as follows: "in company with r. v. peabody, i traveled overland from the mouth of the cowlitz, through the mud to olympia. we started early in december from portland. it took us four days to walk from the cowlitz river to olympia, and it was as hard traveling as i have ever seen. old residents will remember what was known as sanders' bottom. it was mud almost to your waist. we stopped one night with an old settler, whose name i cannot now recall, but whom we all called in those days 'old hardbread.' on the skookumchuck we found lodging with judge ford, and on arriving at olympia we put up with mr. sylvester, whose name is well known to all the old residents on the sound. i remember that at olympia we got our first taste of the puget sound clam, and mighty glad we were, too, to get a chance to eat some of them. "from olympia to seattle we traveled by indian canoe. i remember distinctly rounding alki point and entering the harbor of elliott bay. i saw what was, perhaps, the first house that was built, where now stands the magnificent city of seattle. this was a cabin that was being erected on a narrow strip of land jutting out into the bay, which is now right in the heart of seattle. dr. maynard was the builder. it was situated adjoining the lot at commercial and main streets, occupied by the old arlington just before the fire of . the waters of the sound lapped the shores of the narrow peninsula upon which it was built, but since then the waters have been driven back by the filling of earth, sawdust and rock, which was put on both sides of the little neck of land. "after a few days' stay here, peabody and i journeyed by indian canoe to whatcom. we carried our canoe overland to hood canal. on the second day out we encountered a terrible storm and put into shelter with a settler on the shore of the canal. his name was o'haver, and he lived with an indian wife. we had white turnips and dried salmon for breakfast and dried salmon and white turnips for dinner. this bill of fare was repeated in this fashion for three days, and i want to tell you that we were glad when the weather moderated and we were enabled to proceed. "we were told that we could procure something in the edible line at port townsend, but were disappointed. the best we could obtain at the stores was some hard bread, in which the worms had propagated in luxuriant fashion. this food was not so particularly appetizing, as you may imagine. a settler kindly took pity on us and shared his slender stock of food. thence we journeyed to whatcom, where i have resided nearly ever since." capt. roeder told also before he had finished his recital of an acquaintance he had formed in california with the noted spanish murderer and bandit, joaquin, and his tribe of cutthroats and robbers. joaquin's raids and his long career in crime among the mining camps of the early days of california are part of the history of that state. capt. roeder was traveling horseback on one occasion between marysville and rush creek. this was in . the night before he left marysville the sheriff and a posse had attempted to capture joaquin and his band. the authorities had offered a reward of $ , for joaquin and $ , for his men, dead or alive. the sheriff went out from marysville with a cigar in his mouth and his sombrero on the side of his head, as if he were attending a picnic. it was his own funeral, however, instead of a picnic, for his body was picked out of a fence corner, riddled with bullets. "i was going at a leisurely gait over the mountain road or bridle path that led from marysville to rush creek," said capt. roeder. "suddenly, after a bend in the road, i found myself in the midst of a band of men mounted on bronchos. they were dark-skinned and of spanish blood. immediately i recognized joaquin and 'three-fingered jack,' his first lieutenant. my heart thumped vigorously, and i thought that it was all up with me. i managed somehow to control myself and did not evince any of the excitement i felt or give the outlaws any sign that i knew or suspected who they were. "one of the riders, after saluting me in spanish, asked me where i was from and whither i was traveling. i told them freely and frankly, as if the occurrence were an everyday transaction. learning that i had just come from marysville, the seat of their last outrage, they inquired the news. i told them the truth--that the camp was in a state of great excitement, due to the late visit of the outlaw, joaquin, and his band; that the sheriff had been murdered and three or four miners and others in the vicinity had been murdered and robbed. it was joaquin's pleasant practice to lariat a man, rob him and cut his throat, leaving the body by the roadside. they asked me which way joaquin had gone and i told them that he was seen last traveling towards arizona. as a matter of fact, the outlaw and his band were then traveling in a direction exactly opposite from that which i had given. "my replies apparently pleased them. 'three-fingered jack' proposed a drink, after asking me which way i traveled. i said, 'i would have proposed the compliment long ago had i any in my canteen,' whereat jack drew his own bottle and offered me a drink. "you may imagine my feelings then. i knew that if they believed i had recognized them they would give me poison or kill me with a knife. i took the canteen and drank from it. you may imagine my joy when i saw jack lift the bottle to his lips and drain it. then i knew that i had deceived them. we exchanged adieus in spanish, and that is the last i saw of joaquin and his associate murderers." part ii. men, women and adventures chapter i. song of the pioneers. with faith's clear eye we saw afar in western sky our empire's star and strong of heart and brave of soul, we marched and marched to reach the goal. unrolled a scroll, the great gray plains, and traced thereon our wagon trains, our blazing campfires marked the road as each succeeding night they glowed. gaunt hunger, drouth, fierce heat and cold beset us as in days of old great dragons sought to swallow down adventurous heroes of renown. there menaced us our tawny foes, where any bank or hillock rose; a cloud of dust or shadows' naught seemed ever with some danger fraught. weird mountain ranges crossed our path and frowned on us in seeming wrath; their beetling crags and icy brows well might a hundred fears arouse. impetuous rivers swirled and boiled, as though from mischief ever foiled. at length in safety all were crossed, though roughly were our "schooners" tossed. with joy we saw fair puget sound, white, glistening peaks set all around. at alki point our feet we stayed, (the women wept, the children played). on chamber's prairie, whidby's isle, duwamish river, mile on mile away from these, on lake or bay the lonely settlers blazed the way for civilization's march and sway. the mountains, forests, bays and streams, their grandeur wove into our dreams; our thoughts grew great and undismayed, we toiled and sang or waiting, prayed. as suns arose and then went down we gazed on rainier's snowy crown. god's battle-tents gleamed in the west, so pure they called our thoughts above to heaven's joy and peace and love. we found a race tho' rude and wild, still tender toward friend or child, for dark eyes laughed or shone with tears as joy or sorrow filled the years; their black-eyed babes the red men kissed and captive brothers sorely missed. with broken hearts, brown mothers wept when babes away by death were swept. chief sealth stood the white man's friend, with insight keen he saw the end of struggles vain against a foe whose coming forced their overthrow. for pity oft he freed the slaves, to reasoning cool he called his braves; but bitter wrongs the pale-face wrought-- revenge and hatred on us brought. * * * * * with life the woods and waters teemed, a boundless store we never dreamed, of berries, deer and grouse and fish, sufficient for a gourmand's wish. our dusky neighbors friendly-wise brought down the game before our eyes; they wiled the glittering finny tribe, well pleased to trade with many a jibe. we lit the forests far and wide with pitchwood torches, true and tried, we traveled far in frail canoes, cayuses rode, wore indian shoes, and clothes of skin, and ate clam stews, clam frys and chowder; baked or fried the clam was then the settler's pride; "clam-diggers" then, none dared deride. * * * * * a sound arose our hearts to thrill, from whirring saws in yesler's mill; the village crept upon the hill. on many hills our city's spread, as fair a queen as one that wed the adriatic, so 'tis said. our tasks so hard are well nigh done-- today our hearts will beat as one! each one may look now to the west for end of days declared the best, since sunset here is sunrise there, our heavenly home is far more fair. as up the slope of coming years time pushes on the pioneers, with peace may e'er our feet be shod and press at last the mount of god. e. i. denny. seattle, june, . chapter ii. biographical notes and sketches. john denny. as elsewhere indicated, only a few of the leading characters will be followed in their careers. of these, john denny is fittingly placed first. john denny was born of pioneer parents near lexington, kentucky, may th, . in he was a volunteer in col. richard m. johnson's regiment of mounted riflemen, and served through the war, participated in the celebrated battle of the thames in canada, where tecumseh was killed and the british army under proctor surrendered. disaster fell upon him, the results of which followed him throughout his life. the morning gun stampeded the horses in camp while the soldiers were still asleep, and they ran over john denny where he lay asleep in a tent, wounding his knee so that the synovial fluid ran out and also broke three of his ribs. in he removed to putnam county, indiana, then an unknown wilderness, locating six miles east of greencastle, where he resided for the succeeding twelve years. he is remembered as a leading man of energy and public spirit. in he removed to illinois and settled in knox county, then near the frontier of civilization, where he lived for the next succeeding sixteen years, during which time he represented his county in both branches of the state legislature, serving with lincoln, douglas, baker, yates, washburn and trumbull, with all of whom he formed warm personal friendships, which lasted through life, despite political differences. in , at an age when most men think they have outlived their usefulness and seek the repose demanded by their failing physical strength, accompanied by his children and grandchildren, he braved the toils and perils of an overland journey to this then remote wilderness upon the extreme borders of civilization and settled upon a farm in marion county, oregon, while his sons, arthur a. and david t., took claims on elliott bay and were among the founders of seattle, where they command universal respect for their intelligence, integrity and public spirit, arthur having represented the territory as delegate in congress and served several terms in the territorial legislature. david has held many responsible public positions, including probate judge and regent of the university, and is respected by all as a clear-headed and scrupulously honest man and most estimable citizen. john denny remained in oregon about six years, but held no official position there, for the reason that he was an uncompromising whig and oregon was overwhelmingly democratic, including among the leaders of the democratic party george h. williams, judge deady, gov. gibbs and much of the best intellect of the state. he, however, entered warmly into the political discussions of the times, and many incidents are remembered and many anecdotes told of the astonishment and discomfiture of some of the most pretentious public speakers when meeting the unpretending pioneer farmer in public discussion. he was a natural orator and had improved his gift by practice and extensive reading. few professional men were better posted in current history and governmental philosophy or could make a better use of their knowledge in addressing a popular audience. in he removed to seattle, and from that time on to the day of his death was a recognized leader in every enterprise calculated to promote the prosperity of the town or advance its educational and social interests. no public measure, no public meeting to consider public enterprise, was a success in which he was not a central figure, not as an assumed director, but as an earnest co-operator, who enthused others by his own undaunted spirit of enterprise, and when past eighty years of age his voice was heard stirring up the energies of the people, and by his example, no less than his precepts, he shamed the listless and selfish younger men into activity and public spirit. when any special legislative aid was desired for this section, john denny was certain to be selected to obtain it; by his efforts mainly the territorial university was located at this place. he passed his long and active life almost wholly upon the frontiers of civilization, not from any aversion to the refinements and restraints of social life, for few men possessed higher social qualities or had in any greater degree the nicer instincts of a gentleman--he held a patent of nobility under the signet of the almighty, and his intercourse with others was ever marked by a courtesy which betokened not only self-respect but a due regard for the rights and opinions of others. he was impelled by as noble ambition as ever sought the conquest of empire or the achievement of personal glory--the subduing of the unoccupied portions of his country to the uses of man, with the patriotic purpose of extending his country's glory and augmenting its resources. his first care in every settlement was to establish and promote education, religion and morality as the only true foundation of social as well as individual prosperity, and with all his courage and manly strength he rarely, if ever, was drawn into a lawsuit. john denny was of that noble race of men, now nearly extinct, who formed the vanguard of western civilization and were the founders of empire. their day is over, their vocation ended, because the limit of their enterprise has been reached. among the compeers of the same stock were dick johnson, harrison, lincoln, harden and others famous in the history of the country, who only excelled him in historic note by biding their opportunities in waiting to reap the fruits of the harvest which they had planted. he was the peer of the best in all the elements of manhood, of heart and brain. in all circumstances and surroundings he was a recognized leader of men, and would have been so honored and so commanded that leading place in public history had he waited for the development of the social institutions which he helped to plant in the western states, now the seat of empire. all who entered his presence were instinctively impressed by his manhood. yet no man was less pretentious or more unostentatious in his intercourse with others. he reverenced his manhood, and felt himself here among men his brethren under the eye of a common father. he felt that he was bound to work for all like a brother and like a son. so he was brave, so he was true, so his integrity was unsullied, so not a stain dims his memory; so he rebuked vice and detested meanness and hated with a cordial hate all falsehood, all dishonesty and all trickery; so he was the chivalrous champion of the innocent and oppressed; so he was gentle and merciful, because he was working among a vast family as a brother "recognizing the great father, who sits over all, who is forever truth and forever love." such words as these were said of him at the time of his death, when the impressions of his personality were fresh in the minds of the people. he entered into rest july th, . it is within my recollection that the keen criticisms and droll anecdotes of john denny were often repeated by his hearers. the power with which he swayed an audience was something wonderful to behold; the burning enthusiasm which his oratory kindled, inciting to action, the waves of convulsive laughter his wit evoked were abundant evidence of his influence. in repartee, he excelled. at one time when a. a. denny was a member of the territorial legislature, john denny was on his way to the capital to interview him, doubtless concerning some important measure; he received the hospitality of a settler who was a stranger to him and moreover very curious with regard to the traveler's identity and occupation. at last this questioning brought forth the remarkable statement that he, john denny, had a son in the lunatic ass-ylum in olympia whom he intended visiting. the questioner delightedly related it afterward, laughing heartily at the compliment paid to the legislature. in a published sketch a personal friend says: "he was so full of humor that it was impossible to conceal it, and his very presence became a mirth-provoking contagion absolutely irresistible in its effects. "let him come when he would, everybody was ready to drop everything else to listen to a story from uncle john. "he went home to the states during the war, via the isthmus of panama. on the trip down from san francisco the steamer ran on a rock and stuck fast. of course, there was a great fright and excitement, many crying out 'we shall all be drowned,' 'lord save us!' etc. amid it all uncle john coolly took in the chances of the situation, and when a little quiet had been restored so he could be heard by all in the cabin, he said: 'well, i reckon there was a fair bargain between me and the steamship company to carry me down to panama, and they've got their cash for it, and now if they let me drown out here in this ornery corner, where i can't have a decent funeral, i'll sue 'em for damages, and bust the consarned old company all to flinders.' "this had the effect to divert the passengers, and helped to prevent a panic, and not a life was lost. "in early life he had been a whig and in illinois had fought many a hard battle with the common enemy. he had represented his district repeatedly in the legislature of that state, and he used to tell with pride, and a good deal of satisfaction, how one day a handful of the whigs, old abe and himself among the number, broke a quorum of the house by jumping from a second-story window, thereby preventing the passage of a bill which was obnoxious to the whigs. "the democrats had been watching their opportunity, and having secured a quorum with but few of the whigs in the house, locked the doors and proposed to put their measure through. but the whigs nipped the little game in the manner related." after lincoln had become president and john denny had crossed the plains and pioneered it in oregon and washington territories, the latter visited the national capital on important business. while there mr. denny attended a presidential reception and tested his old friend's memory in this way: forbidding his name to be announced, he advanced in the line and gave his hand to president lincoln, then essayed to pass on. lincoln tightened his grasp and said, "no you don't, john denny; you come around back here and we'll have a talk after a while." on the stump he was perfectly at home, never coming off second best. his ready wit and tactics were sure to stand him in hand at the needed moment. [illustration: sarah denny, john denny, s. loretta denny] in one of the early campaigns of washington territory, which was a triangular combat waged by republicans, democrats and "bolters," john denny, who was then a republican, became one of the third party. at a political meeting which was held in seattle, at which i was present, a young man recently from the east and quite dandyish, a republican and a lawyer, made quite a high-sounding speech; after he sat down john denny advanced to speak. he began very coolly to point out how they had been deceived by the rascally republican representative in his previous term of office, and suddenly pointing his long, lean forefinger directly at the preceding speaker, his voice gathering great force and intensity, he electrified the audience by saying, "and no little huckleberry lawyer can blind us to the facts in the case." the audience roared, the "huckleberry lawyer's" face was scarlet and his curly locks fairly bristled with embarrassment. the hearers were captivated and listened approvingly to a round scoring of the opponents of the "bolters." he was a fearless advocate of temperance, or prohibition rather, of woman suffragists when they were weak, few and scoffed at, an abolitionist and a determined enemy of tobacco. i have seen him take his namesake among the grandchildren between his aged knees and say, "don't ever eat tobacco, john; your grandfather wishes he had never touched it." his oft-repeated advice was heeded by this grandson, who never uses it in any form. he was tall, slender, with snow-white hair and a speaking countenance full of the most glowing intelligence. when the news came to the little village of seattle that he had returned from washington city, where he had been laboring to secure an appropriation for the territorial university, two of his little grandchildren ran up the hill to meet him; he took off his high silk hat, his silvery hair shining in the fair sunlight and smiled a greeting, as they grasped either hand and fairly led him to their home. a beautiful tribute from the friend before quoted closes this brief and inadequate sketch: "he sleeps out yonder midway between the lakes (washington and union), where the shadows of the cascades in the early morning fall upon the rounded mound of earth that marks his resting place, and the shadows of the olympics in the early evening rest lovingly and caressingly on the same spot; there, where the song birds of the forest and the wild flowers and gentle zephyrs, laden with the perfume of the fir and cedar, pay a constant tribute to departed goodness and true worth." sarah latimer denny. the subject of this sketch was a tennessean of an ancestry notable for staying qualities, religious steadfastness and solid character, as well as gracious and kindly bearing. on her father's side she traced descent from the martyr, hugh latimer, and although none of the name have been called to die at the stake in the latter days, washington latimer, nephew of sarah latimer denny, was truly a martyr to principle, dying in andersonville prison during the rebellion. the prevailing sentiment of the family was patriotic and strongly in favor of the abolition movement. one of the granddaughters pleasurably recalls the vision of joseph latimer, father of sarah, sitting in his dooryard, under the boughs of a great balm of gilead tree, reading his bible. left to be the helper of her mother when very young, by the marriage of her elder sister, she quickly became a competent manager in household affairs, sensible of her responsibilities, being of a grave and quiet disposition. she soon married a young baptist minister, richard freeman boren, whose conversion and call to the ministry were clear and decided. his first sermon was preached in the sitting room of a private house, where were assembled, among others, a number of his gay and pleasure-loving companions, whom he fearlessly exhorted to a holy life. his hands were busy with his trade of cabinetmaking a part of the time, for the support of his family, although he rode from place to place to preach. a few years of earnest christian work, devoted affection and service to his family and he passed away to his reward, leaving the young widow with three little children, the youngest but eighteen months old. in her old age she often reverted to their brief, happy life together, testifying that he never spoke a cross word to her. she told of his premonition of death and her own remarkable dream immediately preceding that event. while yet in apparently perfect health he disposed of all his tools, saying that he would not need them any more. one night, toward morning, she dreamed that she saw a horse saddled and bridled at the gate and some one said to her that she must mount and ride to see her husband, who was very sick; she obeyed, in her dream, riding over a strange road, crossing a swollen stream at one point. at daylight she awoke; a horse with side-saddle on was waiting and a messenger called her to go to her husband, as he was dangerously ill at a distant house. exactly as in her dream she was conducted, she traversed the road and crossed the swollen stream to reach the place where he lay, stricken with a fatal malady. after his death she returned to her father's house, but the family migrated from tennessee to illinois, spent their first winter in sangamon county, afterward settling in knox county. there the brave young pioneer took up her abode in a log cabin on a piece of land which she purchased with the proceeds of her own hard toil. the cabin was built without nails, of either oak or black walnut logs, it is not now known, with oak clapboards, braces and weight-poles and puncheon floor. there was one window without glass, a stick and clay mortar chimney, and a large, cheerful fireplace where the backlogs and fore-sticks held pyramids of dancing, ruddy flames, and the good cooking was done in the good old way. by industry and thrift everything was turned to account. the ground was made to yield wheat, corn and flax; the last was taken through the whole process of manufacture into bed and table linen on the spot. sheep were raised, the wool sheared, carded, spun, dyed and woven, all by hand, by this indefatigable worker, just as did many others of her time. they made almost every article of clothing they wore, besides cloth for sale. great, soft, warm feather beds comforted them in the cold illinois winters, the contents of which were plucked from the home flock of geese. as soon as the children were old enough, they assisted in planting corn and other crops. the domestic supplies were almost entirely of home production and manufacture. soap for washing owed its existence to the ash-hopper and scrap-kettle, and the soap-boiling was an important and necessary process. the modern housewife would consider herself much afflicted if she had to do such work. and the sugar-making, which had its pleasant side, the sugar camp and its merry tenants. about half a mile from the cabin stood the sugar maple grove to which this energetic provider went to tap the trees, collect the sap and finally boil the same until the "sugaring off." a considerable event it was, with which they began the busy season. one of the daughters of sarah latimer denny remembers that when a little child she went with her mother to the sugar camp where they spent the night. resting on a bed of leaves, she listened to her mother as she sang an old camp meeting hymn, "wrestling jacob," while she toiled, mending the fire and stirring the sap, all night long under dim stars sprinkled in the naked branches overhead. other memories of childish satisfaction hold visions of the early breakfast when "uncle john" came to see his widowed sister, who, with affectionate hospitality, set the "johnny-cake" to bake on a board before the fire, made chocolate, fried the chicken and served them with snowy biscuits and translucent preserves. for the huge fireplace, huge lengths of logs, for the backlogs, were cut, which required three persons to roll in place. cracking walnuts on the generous hearth helped to beguile the long winter evenings. a master might have beheld a worthy subject in the merry children and their mother thus occupied. if other light were needed than the ruddy gleams the fire gave, it was furnished by a lard lamp hung by a chain and staple in the wall, or one of a pallid company of dipped candles. sometimes there were unwelcome visitors bent on helping themselves to the best the farm afforded; one day a wolf chased a chicken up into the chimney corner of the boren cabin, to the consternation of the small children. wolves also attacked the sheep alongside the cabin at the very moment when one of the family was trying to catch some lambs; such savage boldness brought hearty and justifiable screams from the young shepherdess thus engaged. the products of the garden attached to this cabin are remembered as wonderful in richness and variety; the melons, squashes, pumpkins, etc., the fragrant garden herbs, the dill and caraway seeds for the famous seedcakes carried in grandmothers' pockets or "reticules." in addition to these, the wild fruits and game; haws, persimmons, grapes, plums, deer and wild turkey; the medicinal herbs, bone-set and blood-root; the nut trees heavily laden in autumn, all ministered to the comfort and health of the pioneers. the mistress was known for her generous hospitality then, and throughout her life. in visiting and treating the sick she distanced educated practitioners in success. never a violent partisan, she was yet a steadfast friend. one daughter has said that she never knew any one who came so near loving her neighbor as herself. just, reasonable, kind, ever ready with sympathetic and wholesome advice, it was applicably said of her, "she openeth her mouth with wisdom and in her tongue is the law of kindness." as the years went by the children were sent to school, the youngest becoming a teacher. toilsome years they were, but doubtless full of rich reward. afterward, while yet in the prime of life, she married john denny, a kentuckian and pioneer of indiana, illinois and finally of oregon and washington. with this new alliance new fields of effort and usefulness opened before her. the unusual occurrence of a widowed mother and her two daughters marrying a widower and his two sons made this new tie exceeding strong. with them, as before stated, she crossed the plains and "pioneered it" in oregon among the waldo hills, from whence she moved to seattle on puget sound with her husband and little daughter, loretta denny, in . the shadow of pioneer days was scarcely receding, the place was a little straggling village and much remained of beginnings. as before in all other places, her busy hands found much to do; many a pair of warm stockings and mittens from her swift needles found their way into the possession of the numerous grand and great-grandchildren. in peaceful latter days she sat in a cozy corner with knitting basket at hand, her bible in easy reach. her mind was clear and vigorous and she enjoyed reading and conversing upon topics old and new. her cottage home with its blooming plants, of which "grandmother's calla," with its frequent, huge, snowy spathes, was much admired, outside the graceful laburnum tree and sweet-scented roses, was a place that became a mecca to the tired feet and weary hearts of her kins-folk and acquaintances. with devoted, filial affection her youngest daughter, s. loretta denny, remained with her until she entered into rest, february th, . chapter iii. david thomas denny. david thomas denny was the first of the name to set foot upon the shores of puget sound. born in putnam county, indiana, march th, , he was nineteen years of age when he crossed the plains with his father's company in . he is a descendant of an ancient family, english and scotch, who moved to ireland and thence to america, settling in berk's county, pa. his father was john denny, a notable man in his time, a soldier of , and a volunteer under william henry harrison. the long, rough and toilsome journey across the plains was a schooling for the subsequent trials of pioneer life. young as he was, he stood in the very forefront, the outmost skirmish line of his advancing detachment of the great army moving west. the anxious watch, the roughest toil, the reconnaissance fell to his lot. he drove a four-horse team, stood guard at night, alternately sleeping on the ground, under the wagon, hunted for game to aid in their sustenance, and, briefly, served his company in many ways with the energy and faithfulness which characterized his subsequent career. with his party he reached portland in august, ; from thence, with j. n. low, he made his way to olympia on puget sound, where he arrived footsore and weary, they having traveled on foot the hudson bay company's trail from the columbia river. from olympia, with low, lee terry, captain fay and others, he journeyed in an open boat to duwampsh head, which has suffered many changes of name, where they camped, sleeping under the boughs of a great cedar tree the first night, september th, . the next day denny, terry and low made use of the skill and knowledge of the native inhabitants by hiring two young indians to take them up the duwampsh river in their canoe. he was left to spend the following night with the two indians, as his companions had wandered so far away that they could not return, but remained at an indian camp farther up the river. on the th they were reunited and returned to their first camp, from which they removed the same day to alki point. a cabin was commenced and after a time, low and terry returned to portland, leaving david thomas denny, nineteen years of age, the only white person on elliott bay. there were then swarms of indians on the sound. for three weeks he held this outpost of civilization, a part of the time being far from well. so impressed was he with the defenselessness of the situation that he expressed himself as "sorry" when his friends landed from the schooner "exact" at alki point on the th of november, . no doubt realizing that an irretrievable step had been taken, he tried to reassure them by explaining that "the cabin was unfinished and that they would not be comfortable." many incidents of his early experience are recorded in this volume elsewhere. he was married on the rd of january, , to miss louisa boren, one of the most intelligent, courageous and devoted of pioneer women. they were the first white couple married in seattle. he was an explorer of the eastern side of elliott bay, but was detained at home in the cabin by lameness occasioned by a cut on his foot, when a. a. denny, w. n. bell and c. d. boren took their claims, so had fourth choice. for this reason his claim awaited the growth of the town of seattle many years, but finally became very valuable. it was early discovered by the settlers that he was a conscientious man; so well established was this fact that he was known by the sobriquet of "honest dave." like all the other pioneers, he turned his hand to any useful thing that was available, cutting and hewing timber for export, clearing a farm, hauling wood, tending cattle, anything honorable; being an advocate of total abstinence and prohibition, _he never kept a saloon_. he has done all in his power to discountenance the sale and use of intoxicants, the baleful effects of which were manifest among both whites and indians. every movement in the early days seems to have been fraught with danger. d. t. denny traveled in a canoe with two indians from the seattle settlement in july, , to bush's prairie, back of olympia, to purchase cattle for a. a. denny, carrying two hundred dollars in gold for that purpose. he risked his life in so doing, as he afterward learned that the indians thought of killing him and taking the money, but for some unknown reason decided not to do the deed. he was a volunteer during the indian war of - , in company c, and with his company was not far distant when lieut. slaughter was killed, with several others. those who survived the attack were rescued by this company. on the morning of the battle of seattle, he was standing guard near fort decatur; the most thrilling moment of the day to him was probably that in which he helped his wife and child into the fort as they fled from the indians. although obliged to fight the indians in self-defense in their warlike moods, yet he was ever their true friend and esteemed by them as such. he learned to speak the native tongue fluently, in such manner as to be able to converse with all the neighboring tribes, and unnumbered times, through years of disappointment, sorrow and trouble, they sought his advice and sympathy. for a quarter of a century the hand-to-hand struggle went on by the pioneer and his family, to conquer the wilds, win a subsistence and obtain education. by thrift and enterprise they attained independence, and as they went along helped to lay the foundations of many institutions and enterprises of which the commonwealth is now justly proud. david thomas denny possessed the gifts and abilities of a typical pioneer; a good shot, his trusty rifle provided welcome articles of food; he could make, mend and invent useful and necessary things for pioneer work; it was a day, in fact, when "adam delved" and "eve" did likewise, and no man was too fine a "gentleman" to do any sort of work that was required. having the confidence of the community, he was called upon to fill many positions of trust; he was a member of the first board of trustees of seattle, treasurer of king county, regent of the territorial university, probate judge, school director, etc., etc. although a republican and an abolitionist, he did not consider every democrat a traitor, and thereby incurred the enmity of some. party feeling ran high. at that time (during the rebellion) there stood on pioneer place in seattle a very tall flagstaff. upon the death of a prominent democrat it was proposed to half-mast the flag on this staff, but during the night the halyards were cut, it was supposed by a woman, at the instigation of her husband and others, but the friends of the deceased hired "billie" fife, a well-known cartoonist and painter, to climb to the top and rig a new rope, a fine sailor feat, for which he received twenty dollars. the first organizer of good templar lodges was entertained at mr. denny's house, and he, with several of the family, became charter members of the first organization on october th, . he was the first chaplain of the first lodge of i. o. g. t. organized in seattle. in after years the subject of this sketch became prominent in the prohibition movement; it was suggested to him at one time that he permit his name to be used as prohibition candidate for governor of the state of washington, but the suggestion was never carried out. he would have considered it an honor to be defeated in a good cause. he also became a warm advocate of equal suffrage, and at both new york and omaha m. e. general conferences he heartily favored the admission of women lay delegates, and much regretted the adverse decision by those in authority. the old pioneers were and are generally broad, liberal and progressive in their ideas and principles; they found room and opportunity to think and act with more freedom than in the older centers of civilization, consequently along every line they are in the forefront of modern thought. for its commercial development, seattle owes much to david thomas denny, and others like him, in perhaps a lesser degree. in the days of small beginnings, he recognized the possibilities of development in the little town so fortunately located. his hard-earned wealth, energy and talents have been freely given to make the city of the present as well as that which it will be. d. t. denny made a valuable gift to the city of seattle in a plot of land in the heart of the best residence portion of the city. many years ago it was used as a cemetery, but was afterward vacated and is now a park. he landed on the site of seattle with twenty-five cents in his pocket. his acquirement of wealth after years of honest work was estimated at three million. not only his property, money, thought and energy have gone into the building up of seattle, but hundreds of people, newly arrived, have occupied his time in asking information and advice in regard to their settling in the west. [illustration: david thomas denny] he was president of the first street railway company of seattle, and afterward spent thousands of dollars on a large portion of the system of cable and electric roads of which the citizens of seattle are wont to boast, unknowing, careless or forgetting that what is their daily convenience impoverished those who built, equipped and operated them. he and his company owned and operated for a time the consolidated electric road to north seattle, cedar street and green lake; the cable road to queen anne hill, and built and equipped the "third street and suburban" electric road to the university and ravenna park. the building and furnishing of a large sawmill with the most approved modern machinery, the establishing of an electric light plant, furnishing a water supply to a part of the city, and in many other enterprises he was actively engaged. for many years he paid into the public treasury thousands of dollars for taxes on his unimproved, unproductive real estate, a considerable portion of which was unjustly required and exacted, as it was impossible to have sold the property at its assessed valuation. as one old settler said, he paid "robber taxes." when, in the great financial panic that swept over the country in , he obtained a loan of the city treasurer and mortgaged to secure it real estate worth at least three times the sum borrowed, the mob cried out against him and sent out his name as one who had robbed the city, forsooth! this was not the only occasion when the canaille expressed their disapproval. previous to, and during the anti-chinese riot in seattle, which occurred on sunday, february th, , he received a considerable amount of offensive attention. in the dark district of seattle, there gathered one day a forerunner of the greater mob which created so much disturbance, howling that they would burn him out. "we'll burn his barn," they yelled, their provocation being that he employed chinese house servants and rented ground to mongolian gardeners. the writer remembers that it was a fine garden, in an excellent state of cultivation. no doubt many of the agitators themselves had partaken of the products thereof many times, it being one of the chief sources of supply of the city. the threats were so loud and bitter against the friends of the chinese that it was felt necessary to post a guard at his residence. the eldest son was in oregon, attending the law school of the university; the next one, d. thos. denny, jr., not yet of age, served in the militia during the riot; the third and youngest remained at home ready to help defend the same. the outlook was dark, but after some serious remarks concerning the condition of things, mr. denny went up stairs and brought down his winchester rifle, stood it in a near corner and calmly resumed his reading. as he had dealt with savages before, he stood his ground. at a notorious trial of white men for unprovoked murder of chinese, it was brought out that "mr. david denny, he 'fliend' (friend) of chinese, injun and nigger." during the time that his great business called for the employment of a large force of men, he was uniformly kind to them, paying the highest market price for their labor. some were faithful and honest, some were not; instead of its being a case of "greedy millionaire," it was a case of just the opposite thing, as it was well known that he was robbed time and again by dishonest employes. when urged to close down his mill, as it was running behind, he said "i can't do it, it will throw a hundred men out of employment and their families will suffer." so he borrowed money, paying a ruinous rate of interest, and kept on, hoping that business would improve; it did not and the mill finally went under. a good many employes who received the highest wages for the shortest hours, struck for more, and others were full of rage when the end came and there were only a few dollars due on their wages. neither was he a "heartless landlord," the heartlessness was on the other side, as numbers of persons sneaked off without paying their rent, and many built houses, the lumber in which was never paid for. according to their code it was not _stealing_ to rob a person supposed to be wealthy. the common remark was, "old denny can stand it, he's got lots of money." the anarchist-communistic element displayed their strength and venom in many ways in those days. they heaped abuse on those, who unfortunately for themselves, employed men, and bit the hand that fed them. their cry was "death to capitalists!" they declared their intention at one time of hanging the leading business men of seattle, breaking the vaults of the bank open, burning the records and dividing lands and money among themselves. but the reign of martial law at the culmination of their heroic efforts in the anti-chinese riot, brought them to their senses, the history of which period may be told in another chapter. from early youth, david thomas denny was a faithful member of the m. e. church, serving often in official capacity and rendering valuable assistance, with voice, hand and pocketbook. twice he was sent as lay delegate to the general conference, a notable body of representative men, of which he was a member in and again in . the conference of met in new york city and held its sessions at the metropolitan opera house. his family accompanied him, crossing the continent by the canadian pacific r. r. by way of montreal to new york. in the latter place, they met their first great sorrow, in the death, after a brief illness, of the beloved youngest daughter, the return and her burial in her native land by the sundown seas. soon followed other days of sadness and trial; in less than a year, the second daughter, born in fort decatur, passed away, and others of the family, hovered on the brink of the grave, but happily were restored. loss of fortune followed loss of friends as time went on, but these storms passed and calm returned. he went steadfastly on, confident of the rest that awaits the people of god. at the age of sixty-seven he was wide awake, alert and capable of enduring hardships, no doubt partly owing to a temperate life. in late years he interested himself in mining and was hopeful of his own and his friends' future, and that of the state he helped to found. while sojourning in the cascade mountains in , david t. denny wrote the following: "ptarmigan park: on sept. th, , just forty years ago, leander terry, an older brother of c. c. terry, john n. low and i, landed on what has since been known as freeport point, now west seattle. we found chief sealth with his tribe stopping on the beach and fishing for salmon--a quiet, dignified man was sealth. "we camped on the point and slept under a large cedar tree, and the next morning hired a couple of young indians to take us up the duwampsh river; stayed one night at the place which was afterward taken for a claim by e. b. maple, then returned and camped one night at our former place on the point; then on the morning of the th of september went around to alki point and put down the foundation of the first cabin started in what is now king county. looking out over elliott bay at that time the site where seattle now stands, was an unbroken forest with no mark made by the hand of man except a little log fort made by the indians, standing near the corner of commercial and mill streets. "since that day we have had our indian war, the crimean war has been fought, the war between prussia and austria, that between france and prussia, the great southern rebellion and many smaller wars. "then to think of the wonderful achievements in the use of electricity and the end is not yet. "i should like to live another forty years just to see the growth of the sound country, if nothing else. i fully believe it is destined to be the most densely populated and wealthiest of the united states. one thing that leads me to this conclusion is the evidence of a large aboriginal population which subsisted on the natural productions of the land and water. reasoning by comparison, what a vast multitude can be supported by an intelligent use of the varied resources of the country and the world to draw from besides." and again he wrote: "ptarmigan park, sept. th, : just forty years ago yesterday, j. n. low, lee terry and myself laid the foundation of the first cabin started in what is now king county, washington, then thurston county, oregon territory. "vast have been the changes since that day. "looking back it does not seem so very long ago and yet children born since that have grown to maturity, married, and reared families. "many of those who came to elliott bay are long since gone to their last home. lee terry has been dead thirty-five years, capt. robert fay, twenty or more years, and j. n. low over two years, in fact most of the early settlers have passed away: john buckley and wife, jacob maple, s. a. maple, wm. n. bell and wife, c. c. terry and wife, a. terry, l. m. collins and wife, mrs. kate butler, e. hanford, mother holgate, john holgate and many others. if they could return to seattle now they would not know the place, and yet had it not been for various hindrances, the indian war, the opposition of the n. p. r. r. and the great fire, seattle would be much larger than it now is, the country would be much more developed and we would have a larger rural population. "however, from this time forward, i fully believe the process of development will move steadily on, especially do i believe that we are just commencing the development of the mineral resources of the country. undoubtedly there has been more prospecting for the precious metals during than ever before all put together. "in the silver creek region there has been, probably, six hundred claims taken and from all accounts the outlook is very favorable. also from cle elum and swauk we have glowing accounts. "in the ptarmigan park district about fifty claims have been taken, a large amount of development work done and some very fine samples of ore taken out." (signed) d. t. denny. in the seattle daily times of september th, . "just fifty years ago today. "on september , , mr. d. t. denny, now living in this city, was greeted on the shores of elliott bay by chief seattle. "fifty years ago today, the first white settlers set foot in king county. "fifty years ago today, a little band of pioneers rounded alki point and grounded their boat at west seattle. chief seattle stalked majestically down the beach and greeted them in his characteristic way. during the ensuing week they were guests of a western sachem, the king of puget sound waters, and never were white men more royally entertained. "at that time chief seattle was at the height of his popularity. with a band of five hundred braves behind him, he stood in a position to command the respect of all wandering tribes and of the first few white men, whose heart-hungering and restlessness had driven them from the civilization of the east, across the plains of the middle west, to the shores of the pacific. "as mr. denny is essentially the premier of this country, it would not be out of order to give a glimpse of his early history. he is the true type of pioneer. although he is somewhat bent with age, and his hair is white with the snows of many winters, nevertheless, he still shows signs of that ruggedness that was with him in the early western days of his youth. not only is he a pioneer, but he came from a family of pioneers. years and years ago his ancestors crossed the atlantic and landed on the atlantic coast. not satisfied with the prevailing conditions there, they began to push westward, settling in what is now pennsylvania. as the country became opened up and settled, this denny family of hardy pioneers again turned their faces to the westward sun, and this time indiana made them a home, and still later illinois." the start westward. it was in the latter state that mr. d. t. denny and his brother first began to hear stories of the willamette valley. wonderful tales were being carried across the plains of the fertility of the land around the columbia river and the spirit of restlessness that had been characteristic of their ancestors began to tell upon them, and after reading all they could find of this practically unknown wilderness, they bade farewell to their illinois friends, and started off across the plains. the start was made on the th day of april, , from knox county, illinois. d. t. denny was accompanied by his older brother a. a. denny, and family. they drove two four-horse teams, and a two-horse wagon, and ten days after the start had been made they crossed the missouri river. the fourth of july, , found them at fort hall on snake river, montana, an old hudson bay trading station. on the th day of august, they reached the dalles, oregon, and there, after a brief consultation, they decided to separate. mr. a. a. denny here shipped the wagons and his family down the river on some small vessel they were fortunate enough to find there, while mr. d. t. denny took the horses and pushed over the cascade mountains. he followed what was then known as the old barlow road and reached portland on the th day of august. they decided to stay in portland for a few days, until they could learn more about the country than they then knew, and it was in that city that the subject of this sketch worked his first day for money. he helped thomas carter unload a brig that had reached port from boston, receiving the sum of three dollars for his labors, and it was the "biggest three dollars he ever earned in his life," so he said. while at portland they began to hear stories of puget sound, and after a brief consultation, the denny brothers and mr. john n. low, who had also made the journey across the plains, decided to investigate the country that now lies around the queen city of the west. off for elliott bay. as a. a. denny had his family to look after, it was decided that mr. low and d. t. denny would make the trip, and as a consequence, on the th day of september they ferried low's stock across the river to what was then fort vancouver. from there they followed the hudson bay trail to the cowlitz river, and up the cowlitz to ford's prairie. leaving their stock there for a short time, they pushed on to olympia, now the capital of the state. when they reached olympia they found capt. r. c. fay and george m. martin on the point of leaving down sound to fish for salmon, and messrs. low, denny and terry arranged to come as far as the duwamish river with them. the start was made. there was no fluttering of flags nor booming of cannon such as marked the departure of columbus when he left for a new country, and in fact this little band of men, in an open boat, little dreamed that they would ultimately land within a stone's throw of what was destined to become one of the greatest cities in the west. fifty years ago today they camped with chief seattle on the promontory across the bay. they slept that night under the protecting branches of a cedar tree, and on the morning of the th they hired two of seattle's braves to paddle them up the river in a dugout canoe. they spent that day in looking over the river bottoms, where are now situated the towns of maple prairie and van asselt. there were no settlements there then, and nothing but giant pines and firs greeted their gaze for miles. it was a wonderful sight to these hardy eastern men, and as they wished to know something more of the country, messrs. low and terry decided to leave the canoe and depart on a short tour of exploration. one, two and three hours passed and they failed to put in an appearance. in vain did mr. denny fire his gun, and yell himself hoarse, but he was compelled to spend the night in the wilderness with the two indians. decided to locate. the next day, however, or to be explicit, on the th of september, he was gratified at the appearance of his friends on the river bank. they had become lost the night before, and falling in with a band of indians, had spent the night with them. having seen enough of the country to become convinced that it was the place for them, they returned to what is now west seattle for the night. after the sun had disappeared behind the olympics, they heard a scow passing the point, which afterwards they found contained l. m. collins and family, who had pushed on up the river and settled on the banks of the duwamish. on the morning of the th they decided to take up claims back of alki point, and on that day started to lay the foundation of the first cabin in king county. having decided to settle on elliott bay, mr. low determined to return to portland for his family, whereupon mr. denny wrote the following letter to his brother and sent it with him: "we have examined the valley of the duwamish river and find it a fine country. there is plenty of room for one thousand settlers. come on at once." by the time mr. low had reached portland, william bell and c. d. boren had also become interested in the puget sound district, and therefore messrs. low, denny, bell and boren, with their families, hired a schooner to take them down the columbia, up on the outside, in through the strait, and up the sound to alki, reaching the latter point on the th of november, . in speaking of those early pioneer days, mr. denny said: "we built up quite a settlement over on alki, and the indians of course came and settled around us. no, we were not molested to any great extent. i remember that on one night, our women folks missed a lot of clothing they had hung out to dry, and i at once went to their big chief and told him what had happened. in a very short time not only were the missing articles returned to us, but a lot that we didn't know were gone." whisky caused trouble. "in those early days, in all my experience with indians, i have always found them peaceable enough as long as they left whisky alone. of course we had trouble with them, but it was always due to the introduction of the white man's firewater, which has been more than a curse to the red man. "when we reached here, the indians were more advanced than one would have naturally supposed. we were able to buy berries, fish and game of them, and potatoes also. great fine tubers they were too, much better than any we had ever been able to raise back in illinois. in fact i don't know what we would have done during the first two winters had it not been for the indians. "but talk about game," he continued, a glow coming to his face as the old scenes were brought up to him, "why, i have seen the waters of elliott bay fairly black with ducks. deer and bear were plentiful then and this was a perfect paradise for the man with a rod or gun. never, i am sure, was there a country in which it was so easy to live as it was in the puget sound district fifty years ago." "in coming across the plains, mr. denny, were you attacked by indians, or have any adventures out of the ordinary?" was asked. "well," said he meditatively, "we did have one little brush that might have ended with the loss of all our lives. it was just after leaving fort hall, in montana. we had come up to what i think was called the american falls. while quite a distance away we noticed the water just below the falls was black, with what we supposed were ducks, but as we drew nearer we saw they were indians swimming across with one hand and holding their guns high in the air with the other. we turned off slightly and started down the trail at a rattling rate. we had not gone far when a big chief stepped up on the bank. he was dressed mainly in a tall plug hat and a gun, and he shouted, 'how do, how do, stop, stop!' well, we didn't, and after repeating his question he dropped behind the sage brush and opened fire. "my brother lay in my wagon sick with mountain fever, and that, of course, materially reduced our fighting force. had they succeeded in shooting down one of our horses, it would, of course, have been the end of us, but fortunately they did not and we at last escaped them. no, no one was wounded, but it was the worst scrape i ever had with the indians, and i hope i will never have to go through a similar experience again. it isn't pleasant to be shot at, even by an indian." recognized the spot. "in ," said mr. denny, "i went east over the great northern. i was thinking of my first experience in montana when i reached that state, when all of a sudden we rounded a curve and passed below the falls. i knew them in a minute, and instantly those old scenes and trying times came back to me in a way that was altogether too realistic for comfort. no, i have not been back since. "mr. prosch, mr. ward and myself," continued this old pioneer, "had intended to take our families over to alki today and hold a sort of a picnic in honor of what happened fifty years ago, but of course my sickness has prevented us from doing so. i don't suppose we will be here to celebrate the event at the end of another fifty years, and i should have liked to have gone today. instead, i suppose i shall sit here and think of what i saw and heard at alki point just fifty years ago. i can live it over again, in memories at least. "now, young man," concluded mr. denny, not unkindly, "please get the names of those early pioneers and the dates right. a seattle paper published a bit of this history a few days ago, and they got everything all mixed up. this is the story, and should be written right, because if it isn't, the story becomes valueless. i dislike very much to have the stories and events of those early days misstated and misrepresented." in , mr. denny had the arduous task of personally superintending the improvement of the old snoqualmie road around the shore of lake kichelas and on for miles through the mountains, building and repairing bridges, making corduroy, blasting out rocks, changing the route at times; after much patient effort and endurance of discomfort and hardship, he left it much improved, for which many a weary way-farer would be grateful did they but know. in value the work was far beyond the remuneration he received. during the time he was so occupied he had a narrow escape from death by an accident, the glancing of a double-bitted ax in the hands of a too energetic workman; it struck him between the eyes, inflicting a wound which bled alarmingly, but finally was successfully closed. the next year he camped at lake kichelas in the interests of a mining company, and incidentally enjoyed some fishing and prospecting. it was the last time he visited the mountains. gradually some maladies which had haunted him for years increased. as long as he could he exerted himself in helping his family, especially in preparing the site for a new home. he soon after became a great sufferer for several years, struggling against his infirmities, in all exhibiting great fortitude and patience. his mind was clear to the last and he was able to converse, to read and to give sound and admirable advice and opinions. almost to the last day of his life he took interest in the progress of the nation and of the world, following the great movements with absorbing interest. he expressed a desire to see his friends earnest christians, his own willingness to leave earthly scenes and his faith in jesus. so he lived and thus he died, passing away on the morning of november th, , in the seventy-second year of his age. he was a great pioneer, a mighty force, commercial, moral and religious, in the foundation-building of the northwest. in a set of resolutions presented by the pioneer association of the state of washington occur these words: "the record of no citizen was ever marked more distinctly by acts of probity, integrity and general worth than that of mr. d. t. denny, endearing him to all the people and causing them to regard him with the utmost esteem and favor." on the morning of november th, , there appeared in the post-intelligencer, the following: "david thomas denny, who came to the site of seattle in , the first of his name on puget sound, died at his home, a mile north of green lake, at : yesterday morning. all the members of his family, including john denny, who arrived the day before from alaska, were at the bedside. until half an hour before he passed away mr. denny was conscious, and engaged those about him in conversation." married in a cabin. the story of the early life of the denny brothers tallies very nearly with the history of seattle. mr. and mrs. david denny were married in a cabin on the north end of a. a. denny's claim near the foot of lenora street, january , . the next morning the couple moved to their own cabin--built by the husband's hands--at the foot of what is now denny way. the moving was accomplished in a canoe. though they professed a great respect for david denny, the indians were numerous and never very reliable. in a year or two, therefore, the family moved up nearer the sawmill and little settlement which had grown up near the foot of cherry street. d. t. denny had meanwhile staked out a very large portion of what is now north seattle--a plat of three hundred and twenty acres. later he made seven additions to the city of seattle from this claim. in it was a wilderness of thick brush, but the pioneer moved his family to his farm on the present site of recreation park in that year. the indian war had occurred the winter before and the red men were quiet, having received a lesson from the blue jackets which were landed from the united states gunboat decatur. three or four years later the family moved to a cottage at the corner of second avenue and seneca street. in the early ' s they moved to the large home at the corner of dexter and republican streets, where the children grew up. in the family took possession of the large house standing on queen anne avenue, known as the denny home, which was occupied by the family until a few years ago, when they moved to fremont and later to the house where mr. denny died, in licton park, some distance north of green lake. until about ten years ago david t. denny was considered the wealthiest man in seattle. his large property in the north end of the city had been the source of more and more revenue as the town grew. when the needs of the town became those of a big city he hastened to supply them with energy and money. his mill on the shores of lake union was the largest in the city, when seattle was first known as a milling town. the establishment of an electric light plant and a water supply to a part of the city were among the enterprises which he headed. the cable and horse car roads were consolidated into a company headed by d. t. denny more than a decade ago. in the effort to supply the company with the necessary funds mr. denny attempted to convert much of his property into cash. at that time an estimate of his resources was made by a close personal friend, who yesterday said that the amount was considerably over three million dollars, which included his valuable stock in the traction companies. in the hard times of ' mr. denny was unable to realize the apparent value of his property, and a considerable reduction of his fortune was a result. since then he has been to a great extent engaged in mining in the cascade mountains, and for the past three years has been closely confined to his home by a serious illness. among the gifts of d. t. denny to the city of seattle is denny park. denny way, the denny school and other public places in seattle bear his name. d. t. denny was a liberal republican always. he was at one time a member of the board of regents of the territorial university, the first treasurer of king county, probate judge for two years and for twelve years a school director of district no. , comprising the city of seattle. several of those who were associated with david t. denny during the time when he was in active business and a strong factor in local affairs have offered estimates of his character and of the part he took in the founding and building of the city. said col. william t. prosser: "it is sad to think that david t. denny will no more be seen upon the streets of the city he assisted in founding more than fifty years ago. during all that time he was closely identified with its varying periods of danger, delayed hopes and bitter disappointments, as well as those of marvelous growth, activity and prosperity. the changing features of the city were reflected in his own personal history. the waves of prosperity and adversity both swept over him, yet throughout his entire career he always maintained his integrity and through it all he bore himself as an energetic and patriotic citizen and as a christian gentleman." judge thomas burke: "d. t. denny had great faith in seattle, and his salient characteristic was his readiness in pushing forward its welfare. i remember him having an irreproachable character--honest, just in all his dealings and strong in his spirit. in illustration of his strong feeling on the temperance question i remember that he embodied a clause in the early deeds of the property which he sold to the effect that no intoxicating liquors were to be sold upon the premises. yes, he was a good citizen." charles a. prosch: "although mr. denny's later years were clouded by financial troubles, reverses did not soil his spirit nor change his integrity. he was progressive to the last and one of the most upright men i know." d. b. ward: "i first met david denny in and i have known him more or less intimately ever since. i know him to have possessed strict integrity, unswerving purpose and cordial hospitality. my first dinner in seattle was eaten at his home--where a baked salmon fresh from the sound was an oddity to me. his financial troubles some years ago grew out of his undaunted public spirit. he was president of the first consolidated street car system here, and in his efforts to support it most of his property was confiscated. i knew him for a strong, able man." judge orange jacobs: "mr. denny was a quiet man, but he carried the stamp of truth. he was extremely generous, and as i remember, he possessed a fine mind. in his death i feel a personal, poignant grief." rev. w. s. harrington: "d. t. denny was a man of much more than average ability. he thought much and deeply on all questions which affected the welfare of man. he was retiring and his strength was known to few. but his integrity was thorough and transparent and his purpose inflexible. even though he suffered, his spirit was never bitter toward his fellows, and his benefactions were numerous. above all, he was a christian and believed in a religion which he sought to live, not to exhibit. his long illness was borne with a patience and a sweetness which commanded my deep respect and admiration." samuel l. crawford: "a man with the courage to fight for his convictions of right and with a marvelous capacity for honest work--such is the splendid heritage david t. denny has left to his sorrowing family. when but years of age he walked from the columbia river to puget sound, driving a small band of stock ahead of him through the brush. "no sooner had his party settled and the log cabin been completed than david commenced looking for more work, and, like all others who seek diligently, he was successful, for early in december of that year the brig leonesa, capt. daniel s. howard, stopped at alki point, seeking a cargo of piling for san francisco. david t. denny, william n. bell, c. d. boren, c. c. terry, j. n. low, a. a. denny and lee terry took the contract of cutting the piling and loading the vessel, which they accomplished in about two weeks, a remarkably short time, when the weather and the lack of teams and other facilities are taken into consideration. "other vessels came for cargo and mr. denny became an expert woodsman, helping to supply them with piling from the shores. in mr. denny, in company with his brother arthur and some others, came over to elliott bay and laid the foundation of seattle, the great city of the future. mr. denny, being a bachelor, took the most northerly claim, adjoining that of w. n. bell, and built a cabin near the shore, at the foot of what is now denny way. the indians being troublesome, he moved into a small house beside that of his brother on the site of the present stevens hotel. "in the meantime he married a sister of c. d. boren, and a small family commenced to spring up around him, thus requiring larger quarters. in mr. denny built a large frame house on the southwest shore of lake union, on a beautiful knoll. he cleared up a large portion of his claim, and for many years engaged in farming and stock-raising. he afterward built a palatial home on his property at the foot of queen anne hill, midway between lake union and the sound, but this he occupied only a short time. in , in company with his brother arthur, mr. denny discovered salmon bay. "mr. denny was a just man and always dealt fairly with the indians. for this reason the indians learned to love and respect him, and for many years they have gone to him to settle their disputes and help them out of their difficulties with the whites and among themselves. "as seattle grew, david denny platted much of his claim and sold it off in town lots. he built the western mill at the south end of lake union and engaged extensively in the building and promotion of street railways. he had too many irons in the fire, and when the panic came in - it crippled him financially, but he gave up his property, the accumulation of a lifetime of struggle and work, to satisfy his creditors, and went manfully to work in the mountains of washington to regain his lost fortune. his heroic efforts were rapidly being crowned with success, as he is known to have secured a number of mines of great promise, on which he has done a large amount of development work during the past few years. "in the death of david t. denny, seattle loses an upright, generous worker, who has always contributed of his brain, brawn and cash for the upbuilding of the city of which he was one of the most important founders." dexter horton's tribute. "'i have known mr. denny for fifty years. a mighty tree has fallen. he was one of the best men, of highest character and principle, this city ever claimed as a citizen. that is enough.' "by father f. x. prefontaine, of the church of our lady of good help: 'i have known mr. denny about thirty-six or thirty-seven years. i always liked him, though i was more intimately acquainted with his brother, hon. a. a. denny, and his venerable father, john denny. his father in his time impressed me as a fine gentleman, a great american. he was a man who was always called upon at public meetings for a speech and he was a deeply earnest man, so much so that tears often showed in his eyes while he was addressing the people.' "hon. boyd j. tallman, judge of the superior court: 'i have only known mr. denny since , and i always entertained the highest regard for him. he was a man of firm conviction and principle and was always ready to uphold them. though coming here to help found the town, he was always ready to advocate and stand for the principle of prohibition and temperance on all occasions. while there were many who could not agree with him in these things, every manly man felt bound to accord to mr. denny honesty of purpose and respect for the sincerity of his opinion. i believe that in his death a good man has gone and this community has suffered a great loss.'" c. b. bagley talks. "clarence b. bagley, who as a boy and man has known mr. denny for almost the full number of years the latter lived at seattle, was visibly overcome at the news of his death. mr. bagley would gladly have submitted a more extended estimate than he did of mr. denny's life and character, but he was just hurrying into court to take his place as a juryman. "'mr. denny was one of the best men seattle ever had. he was a liberal man, ever ready to embark his means in enterprises calculated to upbuild and aid in the progress of seattle. he was a man of strong convictions, strong almost to obstinacy in upholding and maintaining cherished principles he fully believed. "'mr. denny suffered reverses through his willingness to establish enterprises for the good of the whole city. he built the western mill at lake union when the location was away in the woods, and eventually lost a great deal of money in it during the duller periods of the city's life. he also lost a great deal of money in giving this city a modern street railway system. his character as an honorable man and christian always stood out boldly, his integrity of purpose never questioned.' "lawrence j. colman, son of j. m. colman, the pioneer, said: 'our family has known mr. denny for thirty-one years, ever since coming to seattle. we regarded him as an absolutely upright, conscientious and christian man, notwithstanding the reverses that came to him, in whom our confidence was supreme, and one who did not require his character to be upheld, for it shone brightly at all times by its own lustre.'" samuel coombs talks. "s. f. coombs, the well-known pioneer, had known mr. denny since , about forty-five years. 'it was to mr. denny,' said mr. coombs, 'that the indians who lived here and knew him always went for advice and comfort and to have their disputes settled. their high estimate of the man was shown in many ways, where the whites were under consideration. mr. denny was a man whom i always admired and greatly respected. he afforded me much information of the resident indians here and around salmon bay, as he was intimately acquainted with them all. "'at one time mr. denny was reckoned as seattle's wealthiest citizen. when acting as deputy assessor for andrew chilberg, the city lying north of mill street, now yesler way, was my district to assess. denny's holdings, d. t. denny's plats, had the year previous been assessed by the acre. the law was explicit, and to have made up the assessment by the acre would have been illegal. mr. denny's assessed value the year before was fifty thousand dollars. the best i could do was to make the assessment by the lot and block. for the year i assessed two hundred and fifty thousand. recourse was had to the county commissioners, but the assessment remained about the same. just before his purchase of the seattle street car system he was the wealthiest man in king county, worth more than five hundred thousand dollars. "'of mr. denny it may be said that if others had applied the golden rule as he did, he would have been living in his old home in great comfort in this city today.'" life of david denny. "fifty-two years and two months ago david thomas denny came to seattle, to the spot where seattle now stands enthroned upon her seven hills. mr. denny, the last but one of the little band of pioneers--some half dozen men first to make this spot their home--has been gathered to his fathers; 'has wrapped the mantle of his shroud about him and laid down to pleasant dreams.' gone is a man and citizen who perhaps loved seattle best of all those who ever made seattle their home. this is attested by the fact that from the time that mr. denny first came to elliott bay it has been his constant home. never but once or twice during that long period of time did he go far away, and then for but a very short time. once he went as far away as new york--and that proved a sad trip--and once, in recent years, to california. both trips were comparatively brief, and he who first conquered the primeval forest that crowned the hills around returned home full of intense longing to get back and full of love for the old home. "mr. denny lived a rugged, honorable, upright life--the life of a patriarch. he bore patiently a long period of intense suffering manfully and without murmur, and when the end approached he calmly awaited the summons and died as if falling away into a quiet sleep. so he lived, so he died. "few indeed who can comprehend the extent of his devotion to seattle. living in seattle for the last two years, yet for that period he never looked once upon the city which he helped to build. about that long ago he moved from his home which he had maintained for some years at fremont, to the place where he died, licton springs, about a mile north of green lake. said mr. denny as he went from the door of the old home he was giving up for the new: 'this will be the last time i will ever look upon seattle,' and mr. denny's words were true. he never was able to leave again the little sylvan home his family--his wife, sister and children--had raised for him in the woods. there, dearly loved, he was watched over and cared for by the children and by the wife who had shared with him for two-score-and-ten years the joys and sorrows, the ups and downs that characterized his life in a more marked degree than was the experience of any other of the pioneers who first reached this rugged bay. "mr. denny was once, not so very long ago, a wealthy man--some say the wealthiest in the city--but he died poor, very poor; but he paid his debts to the full. once the owner in fee simple of land upon which are now a thousand beautiful seattle homes, he passed on to his account a stranger in a strange land, and without title to his own domicile. when the crisis and the crash came that wrecked his fortune he went stoutly to work, and if he ever repined it was not known outside of the family and small circle of chosen friends. that was about fourteen years ago, and up to two years ago mr. denny toiled in an humble way, perhaps never expecting, never hoping to regain his lost fortune. those last years of labor were spent, for the most part, at the denny mine on gold creek, a mine, too, in which he had no direct interest or ownership, or in directing work upon the snoqualmie pass road. he came down from the hills to his sick bed and to his death. "mr. denny's life for half a century is the history of the town. without the dennys there might have been no seattle. of all the band that came here in the fall of , they seemed to have taken deepest root and to have left the stamp of their name and individuality which is keen and patent to this day." [illustration: sons of d. t. and louisa denny victor w. s. d. thomas john b.] came from illinois. "the dennys came from illinois, from some place near springfield, and crossing iowa, rendezvoused at what was then kanesville, now council bluffs. they came by way of fort hall and the south pass, along the south side of the snake river, where, at or near american falls, they had their first and only brush with the indians. there was only desultory firing and no one was injured. the party reached the dalles august , . the party separated there, low, boren and a. a. denny going by river to portland, arriving august . in september, low and d. t. denny drove a herd of cattle, those that drew them across the plains, to chehalis river to get them to a good winter range. these men came on to the sound and here they arrived before the end of that month. after looking around some, low went away, having hired mr. denny, who was an unmarried man, to stay behind and build low a cabin. this was done and on september th, , the foundation of this first cabin was laid close to the beach at alki point. "a. a. denny, low, boren, bell and c. c. terry arrived at alki point, joining d. t. denny. that made a happy little family, twenty-four persons, twelve men and women, twelve children and one cabin. in this they all resided until the men could erect a second log cabin. by this time the immediate vicinity of the point had been stripped of its building logs and the men had to go back and split shakes and carry them out of the woods on their backs. with these they erected two 'shake' or split cedar houses that, with the two log cabins, provided fair room for the twenty-four people. "during that winter the men cut and loaded a small brig with piles for san francisco. the piles were cut near the water and rolled and dragged by hand to where they would float to the vessel's side. there were no oxen in the country at that time and the first team that came to elliott bay was driven along the beach at low tide from up near tacoma." surrounded by indians. "the first winter spent at alki point the settlers were almost constantly surrounded with one thousand indians armed with old hudson bay company's muskets. this company maintained one of its posts at nisqually, pierce county, and traded flintlocks and blankets with the indians all over western washington, taking in trade their furs and skins. the indians from far and near hearing of the settlement of whites came and camped on the beach nearly the whole winter. "in addition to the indians of this bay the muckleshoots, green rivers, snoqualmies, tulalips, port madisons and likely numerous other bands were on hand. at one time the muckleshoots and snoqualmies lined up in front of the little cluster of whites and came near engaging in a battle, having become enraged at one another. the whites acted as peacemakers and no blood was spilled. "in those days the government gave what was known as donation claims, one hundred sixty acres to a man, and an equal amount to the women. in the spring of the dennys, bell and boren, came over to this side and took donation claims. boren located first on the south, his line being at about the line of jackson street. a. a. denny came next and bell third. shortly after d. t. denny located, taking a strip of ground from the bay back to lake union and bounded by lines north and south which tally about with denny way on the south and mercer street on the north. later mr. denny bought the eastern shore of lake union, extending from the lake to the portage between union and washington. "mr. denny's first house on this side of the bay, built presumably in the spring of , was located on the beach at the foot of what is now denny way in north seattle. this was a one-story log cabin. it was on the bluff overlooking the bay and the woods hemmed it in, and it was only by cutting and slashing that one could open a way back into the forest." mr. denny's farm. "some time later mr. denny begun his original clearing for a farm at what is now the vicinity of third avenue north and republican street, and also in the early years of residence here--about or --built a home on the site of what is now occupied by modern business houses at second avenue and seneca street. "it seems to have been mr. denny's plan to work out on his farm at third avenue and republican street during the dry summer season and to reside down in the settlement in the winter. the farm at third avenue and republican street grew apace until in after years it became the notable spot in all the district of what is now north seattle. after the arrival on the coast of the chinaman it was leased to them for a number of years, and became widely known as the china gardens. mr. denny does not seem to have planted orchard to any extent here, but at second and seneca he had quite an orchard. forming what later became a part of the original d. t. denny farm was a large tract of open, boggy land running well through the center of mr. denny's claim from about third avenue down to lake union. this was overgrown largely with willow and swamp shrubs. in ancient times it was either a lake or beaver marsh, and long after the whites came, ducks frequented the place. the house built at second avenue and seneca street by mr. denny was a small one-story structure of three or four rooms. "in mr. denny built another homestead of the d. t. denny family at this place. it was, after its completion, one of the most commodious and important houses in the city. this house was built overlooking lake union, instead of the bay. the site selected was on what is now dexter avenue and republican street. this house still stands, a twelve or fourteen-room house, surrounded by orchard and grounds." built a new home. "mr. denny lived at the lake union home until just after the big fire here in , when he began the erection and completed a fine mansion on queen anne avenue, with fine grounds, but he did not long have the pleasure of residing here. the unfortunate business enterprises in which he soon found himself engulfed, swept away his vast wealth, and 'honest dave,' as he had become familiarly to be known, was left without a place wherein to rest his head." these tributes also recite something of the story of his life: "he was one of the original locators of donation claims on elliott bay, within the present limits of seattle. the two dennys, david and his brother, arthur, now deceased; dr. maynard, carson d. boren and w. n. bell, were the first locators of the land upon which the main portion of seattle now rests. all of them, save boren, have passed away, and boren has not lived in seattle for many years; so it may be said that david denny was the last of the seattle pioneers. of his seventy-one years of life, fifty-two were passed on puget sound and fifty-one in the city of seattle, in the upbuilding of which he bore a prominent part. "with his original donation claim and lands subsequently acquired, mr. denny was for many years the heaviest property owner in actual acreage in seattle. most of his holdings had passed into the hands of others before his death. in his efforts to build up the city he engaged in the promotion of many large enterprises, and was carrying large liabilities, although well within the limit of his financial ability, when the panic of ten years ago rendered it impossible to realize upon any property of any value, and left equities in real property covered even by light mortgages, absolutely valueless. in that disastrous period he, among all seattle's citizens, was stricken the hardest blow, but he never lost the hope or the energy of the born pioneer, nor faith in the destinies of the city which he had helped to found. his name remains permanently affixed to many of the monuments of seattle, and he will pass into history as one of the men who laid the foundations of one of the great cities of the world, and who did much in erecting the superstructure. "in the enthusiasms of early life the ambitious men and women of america turn their faces toward 'the setting sun' and bravely assume the task of building homes in uninhabited places and transforming the wilderness into prosperous communities. those who undertake such work are to be listed among god's noblemen--for without such men little progress would be made in the development of any country. "for more than a hundred years one of the interesting features of life in the united states is that connected with pioneering. the men and women of energy are usually possessed with an adventurous spirit which chafes under the fixed customs and inflexible conservatism of the older communities, and longs to take a hand in crowding the frontier toward the pacific. "the poet has said that only the brave start out west and only the strong success in getting there. thus it is that those, who, more than a half century ago, elected to cross the american continent were from the bravest of the eastern or middle portion of the united states. many who started turned back; others died by the wayside. only the 'strong' reached their destination. "of this class was the small party which landed at alki point in the late summer of and began the task of building up a civilization where grew the gigantic forests and where roamed the dusky savage. of that number was david t. denny, the last survivor but one, c. d. boren, of the seven men who composed the first white man's party to camp on the shores of elliott bay. "it requires some stretch of the imagination to view the surroundings that enveloped that band of hardy pioneers and to comprehend the magnitude of the task that towered before them. it was no place for the weak or faint-hearted. there was work to do--and no one shirked. "since then more than fifty years have come and gone, and from the humble beginnings made by david t. denny and the others has grown a community that is the metropolis of the pacific northwest and which, a few years hence, will be the metropolis of the entire pacific coast. that this has been the product of these initial efforts is due in a large measure to the energy, the example, the business integrity and public spirit of him whose demise is now mourned as that of the last but one of the male survivors of that little party of pioneers of . "the history of any community can be told in the biographies of a few of the leading men connected with its affairs. the history of seattle can be told by writing a complete biography of david t. denny. he was among the first to recognize that here was an eligible site for a great city. he located a piece of land with this object in view and steadfastly he clung to his purpose. when a public enterprise was to be planned that would redound to the growth and prestige of seattle he was at the front, pledging his credit and contributing of his means. "then came a time in the growth of cities on the pacific coast when the spirit of speculation appeared to drive men mad. great schemes were laid and great enterprises planned. some of them were substantial; some of them were not. with a disposition to do anything honorable that would contribute to the glory of seattle, david t. denny threw himself into the maelstrom with all of his earthly possessions and took chances of increasing his already handsome fortune. then came the panic of and mr. denny was among many other seattle men who emerged from the cataclysm without a dollar. "subsequent years made successful the enterprise that proved the financial ruin of so many of seattle's wealthy, but it was too late for those who had borne the brunt of the battle. others came in to reap where the pioneers had sown and the latter were too far along in years to again take up the struggle of accumulating a competence. his declining years were passed in the circle of loving friends who never failed to speak of him as the personification of honesty and integrity and one whose noble traits of character in this respect were worthy of all emulation." the following is an epitaph written for his tomb: "david thomas denny, born march th, , died nov. th, . the first of the name to reach puget sound, landing at duwampsh head, sept. th, . a great pioneer from whose active and worthy life succeeding generations will reap countless benefits." "he giveth his beloved sleep." the early days of the state, or rather, territory, of washington produced a distinct type of great men, one of whom was david thomas denny. had washington a poet to tell of the achievements of her heroic founders and builders a considerable epic would be devoted to the remarkable career and character of this noble man. at the risk of repetition i append this slight recapitulation: the first of the name to set foot on puget sound, _oregon territory_, september th, , he then evinced the characteristics more fully developed in after years. he had crossed the plains and then from portland proceeded to puget sound by the old hudson bay trail. he landed at duwampsh head where now is west seattle, and there met and shook hands with chief sealth, or old seattle as the whites called him. he helped to build the first cabin home at alki point. he alone was the committee of reception when the notable party landed from the "exact." he ran the race of the bravest of the brave pioneers. beginning at the very bottom of the ladder, he worked with his hands, as did the others, at every sort of work to be found in a country entirely unimproved. a ready axman, a very nimrod, a natural linguist, he began the attack on the mighty forest, he slew wild animals and birds for food, he made friends with the native tribes. he builded, planted, harvested, helped to found schools, churches, government and civilized society. always and everywhere he embodied and upheld scriptural morality and temperance. many now living could testify to his untiring service to the stranded newcomers. employment, money, credit, hospitality, time, advice, he gave freely to help and encourage the settlers following the pioneers. he was probate judge, county treasurer, city councilman, regent of the university, school director for twelve years, etc., etc. he administered a number of estates with extreme care and faithfulness. david t. denny early realized that seattle was a strategic site for a great city and by thrifty investments in wild land prepared for settlements sure to come. after long years of patient toil, upright dealing and wise management, he began to accumulate until his property was worth a fortune. with increasing wealth his generosity increased and he gave liberally to carry on all the institutions of a civilized community. david t. denny gave "denny park" to the city of seattle. denny school was named for him, as is perfectly well known to many persons. as prosperity increased he became more active in building the city and lavished energy, toil, property and money, installing public enterprises and utilities, such as water supply, electric lights, a large sawmill, banks, street railways, laying off additions to the city, grading and improvements, etc., etc. then came , the black year of trade. thousands lost all they possessed. david t. denny suffered a martyrdom of disappointment, humiliation, calumny, extreme and undeserved reproach from those who crammed themselves with securities, following the great money panic in which his immense holdings passed into the hands of others. he was a soldier of the indian war and was on guard near the door of fort decatur when the memorable attack took place on january th, . the fort was built of timbers hewn by d. t. denny and two others, taken from his donation claim. these timbers were brought to seattle, then a little settlement of about three hundred people. there he helped to build the fort. many persons have expressed a desire to see a fitting memorial erected to the memory of seattle's "fairy prince," founder and defender, david thomas denny. i feel the inadequacy of these fragmentary glimpses of the busy life of this well known pioneer. i have not made a set arrangement of the material as i wished to preserve the testimony of others, hence there appear some repetitions; an accurate and intimate biography may come in the future. logically, his long, active, useful life in the northwest, might be divided into epochs on this wise: st. the log cabin and "claim" era, in which, within my own memory, he was seen toiling early and late, felling the forest giants, cultivating the soil, superintending indian workers and bringing in game, killed with his rifle. nd. the farm-home era, when he built a substantial house on his part of the donation claim, near the south end of lake union, obtained cattle (famous jersey stock of california), horses, etc. the home then achieved by himself and his equally busy wife, was one to be desired, surrounded as it was by beautiful flowers, orchards, wide meadows and pastures, and outside these, the far-spreading primeval forest. rd. town-building. the west end of the claim, belonging to louisa denny, was first platted; other plats followed, as may be seen by reference to seattle records. commercial opportunities loomed large and he entered upon many promising enterprises. all these flourished for a time. th. . the failure of baring bros., as he told me repeatedly, began it--theirs being the result of having taken bonds of the argentine republic, and a revolution happening along, $ , , . went by the board; a sizable failure. partly on account of this and partly on account of the vast advantage of the lender over the borrower, and partly through the vast anxiety of those who held his securities, they were able to distribute among themselves his hard-earned fortune. "a certain man went down from jerusalem to jericho and fell among thieves, which stripped him of his raiment and wounded him and departed leaving him half dead." the deficiency judgment also loomed large and frequent and his last days were disturbed by those who still pressed their greedy claims, even following after his death, with a false, unjust and monstrous sale of the cemetery in which he lies buried! but he is with the just men made perfect. law, custom and business methods have permitted, from time immemorial, gross injustice to debtors; formerly they were imprisoned; a man might speedily pay his debts, if in prison! the deficiency judgment and renewal of the same gives opportunity for greedy and unprincipled creditors to rob the debtor. there should be a law compelling the return of the surplus. when one class of people make many times their money out of the misfortunes of others, there is manifestly great inequality. the principles of some are to grab all they can, "skin" all they can, and follow up all they can even to the _graveyard_. "these things ought not so to be." th. in the end he laid down all earthly things, and in spite of grief and suffering, showed a clear perception and grasp of justice, mercy and truth. chapter iv the first wedding on elliott bay. concerning this notable occurrence many interesting incidents were recorded by an interviewer who obtained the same from the lips of david thomas denny. "on january rd, , mr. and mrs. david t. denny celebrated their forty-second wedding anniversary--and the anniversary of the first wedding in seattle--in their home at 'decatur terrace' ( temperance street), seattle, with a gathering of children, grandchildren, relatives and friends that represented four distinctive generations. "one of the notable features of the evening was the large gathering of pioneers who collectively represented more years of residence in seattle than ever were found together before. [illustration: louisa b. denny] "what added interest to the occasion was the historical fact that mr. and mrs. denny were the first couple married in seattle, and the transition from the small, uncouth log cabin, built forty-three years ago by the sturdy young pioneer for his bride, to the present beautiful residence with all its modern convenience in which the respected couple are enjoying the fruits of a well spent life, was the subject of many congratulations from the friends of the honored host and hostess who remembered their early trials and tribulations. all present were more or less connected with the history of seattle, all knew one another's history, and with their children and grandchildren the gathering, unconventional in every respect, with the two-year-old baby romping in the arms of the octogenarian, presented a colossal, happy family reunion. "the old pioneer days were not forgotten, and one corner of the reception room was made to represent the interior of a cabin, lined with newspapers, decorated with gun, bullet pouch and powder horn and measure, a calico sunbonnet, straw hat and hunting shirt. "a table was set to represent one in the early fifties, namely, two boards across two boxes, for a table, a smoked salmon, a tin plate full of boiled potatoes, some sea biscuits and a few large clams. such a meal, when it was had, was supposed to be a feast. "many other relics were in sight; a thirty-two pound solid shot, fired by the sloop-of-war decatur among the indians during the uprising; a ten-pound shot belonging to dr. maynard's cannon; a pair of enormous elk's horns belonging to a six hundred and thirty-pound elk killed by mr. d. t. denny, september th, , in the woods north west of green lake; the first bible of the family from which the eldest daughter, miss emily inez, learned her letters; an old-fashioned indian halibut hook, an ingenious contrivance; an old family bible, once the property of the father of david t. denny, bearing the following inscription on the inside cover: 'the property of j. denny, purchased of j. strange, august the th, , price - / cents. putnam county, indiana.' "also a number of daguerreotypes of mr. and mrs. d. t. denny in the early years of their married life, taken in the fifties, and one of w. g. latimer and his sister. "all these and many more afforded food for conversation and reminiscences on the part of the old pioneers present. "an informal programme introduced the social intercourse of the evening. harold denny, a grandson of the hosts and son of mr. john b. denny, made an address to his grandparents, giving them the greeting of the assembly in these words: "'o fortunate, o happy day,' the people sing, the people say, the bride and bridegroom, pioneers, crowned now with good and gracious years serenely smile upon the scene. the growing state they helped to found unto their praise shall yet redound. o may they see a green old age, with every leaf a written page of joy and peace from day to day. in good, new times not far away may people sing and people say, 'heaven bless their coming years; honor the noble pioneers.' "the chief diversion was afforded by the sudden entrance of a band of sixteen young men and women gorgeously dressed as indians, preceded by a runner who announced their approach. they were headed by capt. d. t. davies who acted as chief. the band marched in true indian file, formed a circle and sat down on the floor with their 'tamanuse' boards upon which they beat the old time music and sang their indian songs. after an impressive hush, the chief addressed their white chief, denny, in the chinook language, wishing mr. and mrs. denny many returns of the auspicious occasion. "mr. denny, who is an adept in the indian languages, replied in the same tongue, thanking his dark brethren for their good intentions and speaking of the happy relations that always existed between the whites and the indians until bad white men and whisky turned the minds and brains of the indians. the council then broke up and took their departure. "the marriage certificate of mr. and mrs. denny is written on heavy blue paper and has been so carefully preserved that, beyond the slight fading of the ink, it is as perfect as when first given in the dense forests on the shores of elliott bay. it reads as follows: "'this may certify that david denny and louisa boren were joined in marriage at the residence of arthur a. denny in the county of king and territory of oregon, by me in the presence of a. a. denny and wife and others, on this rd day of january, . d. s. maynard, j. p.' "another historical event, apropos right here, was the death and burial of d. s. maynard early in . "the funeral services were conducted march , , by rev. john f. damon in yesler's pavilion, then located at what is now cherry and front streets. the funeral was under the auspices of st. john's lodge, of which dr. maynard was a member. the remains were escorted to what is now denny park--the gift to the city, of mr. david t. denny--and the casket was deposited and kept in the tool house of that place until the trail could be cut to the new masonic--now lake view--cemetery. maynard's body was the first interred there. "miss louisa boren, who married mr. david t. denny, was the younger sister of a. a. denny's wife and came across the plains with the denny's in . "the house of a. a. denny, in which the marriage took place, was located near the foot of what is now bell street, and was the first cabin built by a. a. denny when he moved over from alki point. seattle was then a dense forest down to the water's edge, and had at that time, in the spring of , only three cabins, namely: c. d. boren's, the bride's brother; w. n. bell's and a. a. denny's. boren's stood where now stands the merchant's national bank, and bell's was near the foot of battery street. "at first the forests were so dense that the only means of communication was along the beach at low tide; after three or four months, a trail was beaten between the three cabins. david lived with his brother, but he built himself a cabin previous to his marriage, near the foot of denny way, near and north of bell's house. to this lonely cabin in the woods, he took his bride and they lived there until august, , eking out an existence like the other pioneers, chopping wood, cutting piles for shipment, living on anyhow, but always managing to have enough to eat, such as it was, with plenty of pure spring water. "in august, of , he built a cabin on the spot where now the frye block stands and they passed the winter of there. "in the spring of he built another cabin further east on the donation claim, east of what is now box street, between mercer and republican, and they moved into it, remaining there until near the time of the indian outbreak. "mr. denny had acquired a knowledge of the various indian dialects, and through this learned much of the threatened outbreak, and moved his family in time back to the house on the frye block site, which was also near the stockade or fort that stood at the foot of cherry street. during the greater part of the winter of the women in the settlement lived in the fort, and mrs. denny passed much of the time there. "after the indian trouble was over the denny's moved out again to their outside cabin. the indians making the trouble were the swunumpsh and the klickitats, from east of the mountains; the sound indians, the duwampsh and the suquampsh, were friendly and helped the whites a great deal. sealth or seattle belonged to the suquampsh tribe and his men gave the first warning of the approach of the hostile indians. "mr. and mrs. david t. denny have had eight children, four daughters and four sons. one son died shortly after birth, and all the others grew to maturity, after which the father and mother were called to mourn the loss of two daughters. two daughters and three sons survive, namely: miss emily inez, mrs. abbie d. lindsley, mr. john b. denny, mr. d. thomas denny and mr. victor w. s. denny. "the sons are all married and nine out of ten grandchildren were present last evening to gladden the hearts of grandpa and grandma denny. the absent members of the family group were mrs. john b. denny and daughter, in new york on a visit. "'people in these days of modern improvements and plenty know nothing of the hardships the pioneer of forty years ago had to undergo right here,' said mr. denny. "'nearly forty years of life in a dense forest surrounded by savages and wild beasts, with the hardest kind of work necessary in order to eke out an existence, was the lot of every man and woman here. it was a life of privation, inconveniences, anxieties, fears and dangers innumerable, and required physical and mental strength to live it out. of course, we all had good health, for in twenty-four years' time we only had a doctor four times. our colony grew little by little, good men and bad men came in and by the time the indians wanted to massacre us we had about three hundred white men, women and children. we got our provisions from ships that took our piles and then the indians also furnished us with venison, potatoes, fish, clams and wild fowl. flour, sugar and coffee we got from san francisco. when we could get no flour, we made a shift to live on potatoes.' "in speaking of cold weather, mr. denny recalled the year of , when it was an open winter until march , but that night fourteen inches of snow fell and made it the coldest winter, all in that one month. the next severe winter was that of - , which was about the coldest on record. during those cold spells the pioneers kept warm cutting wood. "the unique invitations sent out for this anniversary, consisted of a fringed piece of buck-skin stretched over the card and painted ' , ankuti. , okoke sun.' they were well responded to, and every room in the large house was filled with interested guests, from the baby in arms to the white haired friend of the old people. pioneers were plenty, and it is doubtful if there ever was a gathering in the city of seattle that could aggregate so many years of residence in the queen city of the west on the shores of elliott bay. "arranged according to families, and classing those as pioneers who came prior to the indian war of - , the following list will be found of historical value: "rev. and mrs. d. e. blaine, pioneers; a. a. denny, brother of d. t. denny; loretta denny, sister of d. t. denny; lenora denny, daughter of a. a. denny; rev. and mrs. daniel bagley, pioneers of , oregon, seattle ; mrs. clarence b. bagley, daughter of thomas mercer, ; c. b. bagley, pioneer, oregon, seattle ; hillory butler, pioneer; mrs. gardner kellogg, daughter of bonney, pierce county ; walter graham, pioneer; rev. geo. f. whitworth, pioneer; thomas mercer, oregon, seattle ; david graham, ; mrs. susan graham, daughter of thomas mercer; mrs. s. d. libby, wife of captain libby, pioneer; george frye, ; mrs. katherine frye, daughter of a. a. denny; sophie and bertie frye, granddaughters of a. a. denny; mrs. mamie kauffman dawson, granddaughter of wm. n. bell, pioneer; mr. and mrs. d. b. ward, pioneers (mrs. ward, daughter of charles byles, of thurston county, ); mrs. abbie d. lindsley, daughter of d. t. and louisa denny; the bryans, all children of edgar bryan, a pioneer of thurston county; j. w. george, pioneer ; orange jacobs, pioneer of oregon." in another chapter it has been shown how d. t. denny was the first of the name to reach puget sound. not having yet attained his majority he was required to consider, judge and act for himself and others. like the two spies, who entered the promised land in ancient days, low and denny viewed the goodly shores of puget sound for the sake of others by whom their report was anxiously awaited. as before stated, low returned to carry the tidings of the wonderful country bordering on the inland sea, while david t. denny, but nineteen years of age, was left alone, the only white person on elliott bay, until the exact came with the brave families of the first settlers. from that time on he has been in the forefront of progress and effort, beginning at the very foundation of trade, business enterprises, educational interests, religious institutions and reforms. from the early conditions of hard toil in humble occupations, through faith, foresight and persistence, he rose to a leading position in the business world, when his means were lavished in modern enterprises and improvements through which many individuals and the general public were benefited, said improvements being now in daily use in the city of seattle. one of these is the third street and suburban electric railway, built and equipped by this energetic pioneer and his sons. the old donation claim having become valuable city property, the taxation was heavy to meet the expenses of extravagant and wasteful administration partly, and partly incidental to the phenomenal growth of the city, consequently both mr. and mrs. d. t. denny have paid into the public treasury a considerable fortune, ten or twelve thousand a year for ten years, twenty thousand for grades, six thousand at a time for school tax and so on--much more than they were able to use for themselves. * * * * * a fascinating volume would recount their hunting adventures, as all, father and sons, are fine shots; game, both large and small, swarmed about the present site of seattle in the early days. indeed, for many years the bounty of nature failed not; as late as , ruffed grouse or "pheasants," blue grouse, brown and black bears were numerous seven or eight miles north of seattle, a region then untenanted wilds. the women folk were not always left behind on hunting expeditions, and the pioneer mother, and daughters, too, quite often accompanied them. into this primeval wilderness, to a mineral spring known and visited by the indians in times past and called by them licton, came the father, mother and eldest son to enjoy all they might discover. the two hunting dogs proved necessary and important members of the party by rousing up a big black bear and her cubs near the spring,--but we will let the pioneer mother, mrs. louisa denny, tell the tale as she has often told it in the yesterdays: "we were out in the deep forest at the mineral spring the indians call 'licton'; the two dogs, prince and gyp, treed a black bear cub in a tall fir on the farther side of the brook, a little way along the trail; the hunters pressed up and fired. receiving a shot, the cub gave a piercing scream and, tumbling down, aroused the old bear, which, though completely hidden by the undergrowth, answered it with an enraged roar that sounded so near that the hunters fled without ceremony. i sat directly in the path, on the ends of some poles laid across the brook for a foot bridge, very calmly resting and not at all excited--as yet. my boy yelled to me, at the top of his voice, 'get up a tree, mother! get up a tree, quick! the old bear is coming!' hearing a turmoil at the foot of the big tree, where the dogs, old bear and two cubs were engaged in a general melee, i also thought it best to 'get up a tree.' we dashed across the brook and climbed up a medium sized alder tree--the boy first, myself next, and my husband last and not very far from the ground. we could hear the bear crashing around through the tall bushes and ferns, growling at every step and only a little way off, but she did not come out in sight. the dogs came and lay down under the tree where we were. two long, weary hours we watched for bruin, and then, everything being quiet, climbed down, stiff and sore, parted the brushes cautiously and reconnoitered. one climbed up a leaning tree to get a better view, but there was no view to be had, the woods were so thick. we crept along softly until we reached the foot of the big fir, and there lay the wounded cub, dead! the hunters dragged it a long distance, looking back frequently and feeling very uncertain, as they had no means of knowing the whereabouts of the enemy. i walked behind carrying one of the guns. perhaps i was cruel in asking them if they looked behind them when they tacked the skin on the barn at home! however, it was certainly a case of discretion better than valor, as one weapon was only a shotgun and the rank undergrowth gave no advantage. it seemed to make everybody laugh when we told of our adventure, but i did not think the experience altogether amusing, and i shall never forget that mother-bear's roar. they have killed plenty of big game since; my two younger boys shot a fine, large black bear whose beautiful skin adorns my parlor floor and is much admired." this is but one incident in the life of a pioneer woman, the greater portion of whose existence has been spent in the wilds of the northwest. in perils oft, in watchings many, in often uncongenial toil, louisa boren denny spent the years of her youth and prime, as did the other pioneer mothers. "what a book the story of my life would make!" she exclaimed in a retrospective mood--yet, like the majority of the class she typifies, she has left the book unwritten, while hand and brain have been busy with the daily duties pressing on her. a childhood on the beautiful, flower-decked, virgin prairie of illinois, in the log cabin days of that state, the steadfast pursuit of knowledge until maturity, when she went out to instruct others, the breaking of many ties of friendship to accompany her relatives across the plains, the joy of new scenes so keenly appreciated by the observant mind, the self-denials and suffering inevitable to that stupendous journey and the reaching of the goal on puget sound, at once the beginning and the ending of eventful days, might be the themes of its opening chapters. her marriage and the rearing of beautiful and gifted children, in the midst of the solemn and noble solitudes of nature's great domain, where they often wandered together hand in hand, she the gentle teacher, they the happy learners, green boughs and fair blossoms bending near--yes, the toil, too, as well as pleasure, in which the willing hands wrought and tireless feet hastened to and fro in the service of her god, all these things i shared in are indelibly written on my memory's pages, though they be never recorded elsewhere. and while she wrought, she thought many times in the latter years, spoken opinions have shown that she has originated ideas of progress and reform that have been subsequently brought before the public as initiative and original, but were no less original with her. mrs. louisa denny was a member of the famous grand jury, with several other women of the best standing; during their term the gamblers packed their grip-sacks to leave seattle, as those "old women on the jury" were making trouble for them. for many years she was called upon or volunteered to visit the sick, anon to be present at a surgical operation, and with ready response and steady nerve complied. generous to a fault, hospitable and kind, in countless unknown deeds of mercy and unrecorded words, she expressed good-will toward humanity, and the recipients, a goodly company, might well arise up and call her "blessed." a separate sketch is given in which the life of the first bride of seattle is more fully set forth. chapter v. louisa boren denny, the first bride of seattle, was born in white county, illinois, on the st of june, , and is the daughter of richard freeman boren and sarah latimer boren. her father, a young baptist minister, died when she was an infant, and she has often said, "i have missed my father all my life." a religious nature seems to have been inherited, as she has also said, "i cannot remember when i did not pray to god." her early youth was spent on the great prairies, then a veritable garden adorned with many beautiful wild flowers, in the log cabin with her widowed, pioneer mother, her sister mary and brother carson. she learned to be industrious and thrifty without parsimony; to be simple, genuine, faithful. in the heat of summer or cold of winter she trudged to school, as she loved learning, showing, as her mind developed, a natural aptitude and taste for the sciences; chemistry, philosophy, botany and astronomy being her especial delights. of a striking personal appearance, her fair complexion with a deep rose flush in the cheeks, sparkling eyes, masses of heavy black hair, small and perfect figure, would have attracted marked attention in any circle. her temperate and wholesome life, never given to fashion's follies, retained for her these points of beauty far beyond middle life, when many have lost all semblance of their youth and have become faded and decrepit. her school life merged into the teacher's and she took her place in the ranks of the pioneer instructors, who were truly heroic. she taught with patience the bare-foot urchins, some of whom were destined for great things, and boarded 'round as was the primitive custom. going to camp meetings in the summer, lectures and singing schools in the winter were developing influences in those days, and primitive pleasures were no less delightful; the husking-bees, quilting parties and sleigh rides of fifty years ago in which she participated. in , when she was twenty-four years of age, she joined the army of pioneers moving west, in the division composed of her mother's and step-father's people, her mother having married john denny and her sister mary, a. a. denny. [illustration: flower garden planted by louisa b. denny] with what buoyant spirits, bright with hope and anticipation, they set out, except for the cloud of sorrow that hovered over them for the parting with friends they left behind. but they soon found it was to be a hard-fought battle. louisa boren, the only young, unmarried woman of the party, found many things to do in assisting those who had family cares. her delight in nature was unlimited, and although she found no time to record her observations and experiences, her anecdotes and descriptions have given pleasure to others in after years. she possessed dauntless courage and in the face of danger was cool and collected. it was she who pleaded for the boat to be turned inshore on a memorable night on the columbia river, when they came so near going over the falls (the cascades) owing to the stupefied condition of the men who had been imbibing "blue ruin" too freely. when the party arrived at alki point on puget sound, although the outlook was not cheerful, she busied herself a little while after landing in observing the luxuriant and, to her, curious vegetation. she soon made friends with the indians and succeeded admirably in dealing with them, having patience and showing them kindness, for which they were not ungrateful. it transpired that the first attempt at building on the site of seattle, so far as known to the writer, is to be credited to louisa boren and another white woman, who crossed elliott bay in a canoe with indian paddlers and a large dog to protect them from wild animals. they made their way through an untouched forest, and the two women cut and laid logs for the foundation of a cabin. as she was strikingly beautiful, young and unmarried, both white and indian braves thought it would be a fine thing to win her hand, and intimations of this fact were not wanting. the young indians brought long poles with them and leaned them up against the cabin at alki, the significance of which was not at first understood, but it was afterward learned that they were courtship poles, according to their custom. the white competitors found themselves distanced by the younger denny, who was the first of the name to set foot on puget sound. on january rd, , in the cabin of a. a. denny, on the east side of elliott bay, louisa boren was married to david t. denny. in order to fulfil law and custom, david had made a trip to olympia and back in a canoe to obtain a marriage license, but was told that no one there had authority to issue one, so he returned undaunted to proceed without it; neither was there a minister to perform the ceremony, but dr. maynard, who was a justice of the peace, successfully tied the knot. among the few articles of wearing apparel it was possible to transport to these far-off shores in a time of slow and difficult travel, was a white lawn dress, which did duty as a wedding gown. the young couple moved their worldly possessions in an indian canoe to their own cabin on the bay, about a mile and a half away, in a little clearing at the edge of the vast forest. here began the life of toil and struggle which characterized the early days. then came the indian war. a short time before the outbreak, while they were absent at the settlement, some indians robbed the cabin; as they returned they met the culprits. mrs. denny noticed that one of them had adorned his cap with a white embroidered collar and a gray ribbon belonging to her. the young rascal when questioned said that the other one had given them to him. possibly it was true; at any rate when george seattle heard of it he gave the accused a whipping. the warnings given by their indian friends were heeded and they retired to the settlement, to a little frame house not far from fort decatur. on the morning of the battle, january th, louisa boren denny was occupied with the necessary preparation of food for her family. she heard shots and saw from her window the marines swarming up from their boats onto yesler's wharf, and rightly judging that the attack had begun she snatched the biscuits from the oven, turned them into her apron, gathered up her child, two years old, and ran toward the fort. her husband, who was standing guard, met her and assisted them into the fort. a little incident occurred in the fort which showed her strong temperance principles. one of the officers, perhaps feeling the need of something to strengthen his courage, requested her to pour out some whisky for him, producing a bottle and glass; whether or no his hand was already unsteady from fear or former libations, she very properly refused and has, throughout her whole life, discouraged the use of intoxicants. a number of the settlers remained in the fort for some time, as it was unsafe for them to return to their claims. on the th of march, , her second child was born in fort decatur. with this infant and the elder of two years and three months, they journeyed back again into the wilderness, where she took up the toilsome and uncertain life of the frontier. "there was nothing," she has said, "that was too hard or disagreeable for me to undertake." all the work of the house and even lending a hand at digging and delving, piling and burning brush outside, and the work was done without questioning the limits of her "spere." they removed again to the edge of the settlement and lived for a number of years in a rose-embowered cottage on seneca street. accumulating cares filled the years, but she met them with the same high courage throughout. her sons and daughters were carefully brought up and given every available advantage even though it cost her additional sacrifice. her half of the old donation claim became very valuable in time as city property, but the enormous taxation robbed her to a considerable extent of its benefits. the manner of life of this heroic mother, type of her race, was such as to develop the noblest traits of character. the patience, steadfastness, courage, hopefulness and the consideration for the needs and trials of others, wrought out in her and others like her, during the pioneer days, challenge the admiration of the world. i have seen the busy toil, the anxious brow, the falling tears of the pioneer woman as she tended her sick or fretful child, hurried the dinner for the growing family and the hired indians who were clearing, grubbing or ditching, bent over the washtub to cleanse the garments of the household, or up at a late hour to mend little stockings for restless feet, meanwhile helping the young students of the family to conquer the difficulties that lay before them. the separation from dearly loved friends, left far behind, wrought upon the mind of the pioneer woman to make her sad to melancholy, but after a few years new ties were formed and new interests grasped to partially wear this away, but never entirely, it is my opinion. she traveled on foot many a weary mile or rode over the roughest roads in a jolting, springless wagon; in calm or stormy weather in the tip-tilting indian canoes, or on the back of the treacherous cayuse, carrying her babes with her through dangerous places, where to care for one's self would seem too great a burden to most people, patient, calm, uncomplaining. the little brown hands were busy from morning to night in and about the cabin or cottage; seldom could a disagreeable task be delegated to another; to dress the fish and clams, dig the potatoes in summer as needed for the table, pluck the ducks and grouse, cook and serve the same, fell to her lot before the children were large enough to assist. moreover, to milk the cows, feed the horses, chop wood occasionally, shoot at predatory birds and animals, burn brush piles and plant a garden and tactfully trade with the indians were a few of the accomplishments she mastered and practiced with skill and success. in the summer time this mother took the children out into the great evergreen forest to gather wild berries for present and future use. while the youngest slept under giant ferns or drooping cedar, she filled brimming pails with the luscious fruit, salmonberry, dewberry or huckleberry in their seasons. here, too, the older children could help, and there was an admixture of pleasure in stopping to gather the wild scarlet honeysuckle, orange lilies, snowy philadelphus, cones, mosses and lichens and listening to the "blackberry bird," as we called the olive-backed thrush, or the sigh of the boughs overhead. the family dog went along, barking cheerfully at every living thing, chasing rabbits, digging out "suwellas" or scaring up pheasants and grouse which the eldest boy would shoot. it was a great treat to the children, but when all returned home, tired after the day's adventure, it was mother's hands prepared the evening meal and put the sleepy children to bed. everywhere that she has made her home, even for a few years, she has cultivated a garden of fragrant and lovely flowers, a source of much pleasure to her family and friends. the old-fashioned roses and hollyhocks, honeysuckles and sweet williams grew and flourished, with hosts of annuals around the cottage on seneca street in the ' s, and at the old homestead on lake union the old and new garden favorites ran riot; so luxuriant were the japan and ascension lilies, the velvety pansies, tea, climbing, moss and monthly roses, fancy tulips, english violets, etc., etc., as to call forth exclamations from passersby. some were overheard in enthusiastic praise saying, "talk about florida! just look at these flowers!" the great forest, with its wealth of beautiful flowers and fruitful things, gave her much delight; the wild flowers, ferns, vines, mosses, lichens and evergreens, to which she often called our attention when we all went blackberrying or picnicing in the old, old time. the grand scenery of the northwest accords with her thought-life. she always keenly enjoys the oft-recurring displays of wonderful color in the western sky, the shimmering waves under moon or sun, the majestic mountains and dark fir forests that line the shores of the inland sea. in early days she was of necessity everything in turn to her family; when neither physician nor nurse was readily obtainable, her treatment of their ailments commanded admiration, as she promptly administered and applied with excellent judgment the remedies at her command with such success that professional service was not needed for thirty years except in case of accident of unusual kind. she looked carefully to the food, fresh air, exercise and bathing of her little flock with the most satisfying results. she believes in the house for the people, not the people for the house, and has invariably put the health and comfort of her household before her care for things. her mind is one to originate and further ideas of reform and eagerly appropriate the best of others' conclusions. ever the sympathetic counsellor and friend of her children in work and study, she shared their pastimes frequently as well. she remembers going through the heavy forest which once surrounded lake union with her boys trout-fishing in the outlet of the lake; while she poked the fish with a pole from their hiding places under the bank the boys would gig them, having good success and much lively sport. on one trip they had the excitement of a cougar hunt; that is, the cougar seemed to be hunting them, but they "made tracks" and accomplished their escape; the cougar was afterward killed. several other of her adventures are recounted elsewhere. it would require hundreds of pages to set forth a moving picture of the stirring frontier life in which she participated. louisa boren denny is a pioneer woman of the best type. her charities have been many; kind and encouraging words, sympathy and gifts to the needy and suffering; her nature is generous and unselfish, and, though working quietly, her influence is and has ever been none the less potent for good. "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." of the victories over environment and circumstances much might be written. the lack of comforts and conveniences compelled arduous manual toil and the busy "brown hands" found many homely duties to engage their activities. in and out of the cabins the high-browed pioneer mothers wrought, where now the delicate dames, perhaps, indolently occupy luxuriant homes. it is impossible for these latter to realize the loneliness, wildness and rudeness of the surroundings of the pioneer women. instead of standing awed before the dauntless souls that preceded them, with a toss of the head they say, "you might endure such things but we couldn't, _we are so much finer clay_." the friends they left behind were sorely regretted; one pioneer woman said the most cruel deprivation was the rarity of letters from home friends, the anxious waiting month after month for some word that might tell of their well-being. neither telegraph nor fleet mail service had then been established. the pioneer woman learned to face every sort of danger from riding rough water in an indian canoe to hunting blackberries where bears, panthers and indians roamed the deep forest. one said that she would not go through it again for the whole state of washington. each was obliged to depend almost wholly on herself and was compelled to invent and apply many expedients to feed and clothe herself and little ones. there was no piano playing or fancy work for her, but she made, mended and re-made, cooked, washed and swept, helped put in the garden or clear the land, all the time instructing her children as best she could, and by both precept and example, inculcating those high principles that mark true manhood and womanhood. the typical band of pioneer women who landed on alki point, all but one of whom sat down to weep, have lived to see a great city built, in less than a half century, the home of thousands who reap the fruits of their struggles in the wilderness. the heroic endurance with which they toiled and waited, many years, the tide in their affairs, whereby they attained a moderate degree of ease, comfort and freedom from anxiety, all so hardily won, is beyond words of admiration. the well-appointed kitchen of today, with hot and cold water on tap, fine steel range, cupboards and closets crowded with every sort of cunning invention in the shape of utensils for cooking, is a luxurious contrast to the meager outfit of the pioneer housewife. as an example of the inconvenience and privations of the early ' s, i give the following from the lips of one of the pioneer daughters, sarah (bonney) kellogg: "when we came to steilacoom in , we lived overhead in a rough lumber store building, and my mother had to go up and down stairs and out into the middle of the street or roadway and cook for a numerous family by a stump fire. she owned the only sieve in the settlement, a large round one; flour was $ . a barrel and had weevils in it at that, so every time bread was made the flour had to be sifted to get them out. the sieve was very much in demand and frequently the children were sent here or there among the neighbors to bring it home. "we had sent to olympia for a stove, but it was six weeks before it reached its destination." think of cooking outdoors for six weeks for a family of growing children, with only the fewest possible dishes and utensils, too! any woman of the present time may imagine, if she will, what it would be to have every picture, or other ornament, every article of furniture, except the barest necessities for existence, the fewest possible in number, every fashionable garment, her house itself with its vines and shrubbery suddenly vanish and raise her eyes to see without the somber forest standing close around; within, the newspapered or bare walls of a log cabin, a tiny window admitting little light, a half-open door, but darkened frequently by savage faces; or to strain her ears to catch the song, whistle or step of her husband returning through the dark forest, fearing but hoping and praying that he may not have fallen on the way by the hand of a foe. she might look down to see her form clad in homely garments of cotton print, moccasins on her feet, and her wandering glance touch her sunbonnet hanging on a peg driven between the logs. now and then a wild cry sounds faintly or fully over the water or from the sighing depths of the vast wilderness. an unusual challenge by ringing stentorian voices may call her to the door to scan the face of the waters and see great canoes loaded with brawny savages, whose intentions are uncertain, paddled swiftly up the bay, instead of the familiar sound of steam whistles and gliding in of steamships to a welcome port. should it be a winter evening and her companion late, they seat themselves at a rude table and partake of the simplest food from the barely sufficient dishes, meanwhile striving to reassure each other ere retiring for the night. so day after day passed away and many years of them, the conditions gradually modified by advancing civilization, yet rendered even more arduous by increasing cares and toils incident upon the rearing and educating of a family with very little, if any, assistance from such sources as the modern mother has at her command. physicians and nurses, cooks and house-maids were almost entirely lacking, and the mother, with what the father could help her, had to be all these in turn. in all ordinary, incipient or trifling ailments they necessarily became skillful, and for many years kept their families in health with active and vigorous bodies, clear brains and goodly countenances. the pioneer women are of sterling worth and character. the patience, courage, purity and steadfastness which were developed in them presents a moral resemblance to the holy women of old. pioneer men are generally liberal in their views, as was witnessed when the suffrage was bestowed upon the women of washington territory several years ago. chapter va. a native daughter, born in fort decatur. madge decatur denny was born in fort decatur, in the year of the indian war, on march th, ; to those sheltering walls had the gentle mother, louisa boren denny, fled on the day of battle. ushered into the world of danger and rude alarms, her nature proved, in its development, one well suited to the circumstances and conditions; courage, steadfastness and intrepidity were marked traits in her character. far from being outwardly indicated, they were rather contrasted by her delicate and refined appearance; one said of her, "madge is such a dainty thing." madge was a beautiful child, and woman, too, with great sparkling eyes, abundant golden-brown curls and rosy cheeks. what a picture lingers in my memory!--of this child with her arms entwined about the slender neck of a pet fawn, her eyes shining with love and laughter, her burnished hair shimmering like a halo in the sunlight as she pattered here and there with her graceful playfellow. the indians admired her exceedingly, and both they and the white people of the little settlement often remarked upon her beauty. in early youth she showed a keen intellectuality, reading with avidity at ten years such books as irving's "life of washington," "history of france," "pilgrim's progress," sir walter scott's "lay of the last minstrel" and "lady of the lake." from that time on she read every book or printed page that fell in her way; a very rapid reader, one who seemed to take in a page at a few glances, she ranged happily over the fields of literature like a bright-winged bird. poetry, fiction, history, bards, wits, essayists, all gave of their riches to her fresh, inquiring young mind. the surpassing loveliness and grandeur of the "world in the open air" appealed to her pure nature even in extreme youth; her friends recall with wonder that when only two and a half years of age she marked the enchantment of a scene in oregon, of flowery mead, dark forest and deep canyon, under a bright june sky, by plucking at her mother's gown and lisping, "look! mother, look! so pitty!" (pretty). [illustration: daughters of d. t. and louisa denny emily inez madge decatur anna louisa mrs. abbie denny-lindsley] and such a lover of flowers! from this same season when she gathered armfuls of great, golden buttercups, blue violets, scarlet columbines, "flags" and lilies from the sunny slopes of the waldo hills, through her youth, on the evergreen banks of puget sound where she climbed fearlessly about to pluck the purple lupine, orange honeysuckle, oregon grape and sweet wild roses, was her love of them exemplified. very often she walked or rode on horseback some distance to procure the lovely lady's slipper (calypso borealis), the favorite flower of the pioneer children. a charming letter writer, she often added the adornment of a tiny group of wild flowers in the corner, a few yellow violets, fairylike twin-flowers or lady's slippers. at one time she had a large correspondence with curious young eastern people who wished to know something of the far northwest; to these she sent accurate and graphic descriptions of tall trees, great mountains, waterfalls, lakes and seas, beasts, birds and fishes. she possessed no mean literary talent; without her knowledge some of her letters strayed into print. a very witty one was published in a newspaper, cut out and pasted in the scrapbook of an elocutionist, and to her astonishment produced as a "funny piece" before an audience among whom she sat, the speaker evidently not knowing its author. a parody on "poe's raven" made another audience weep real tears in anguished mirth. every felicitous phrase or quaint conceit she met was treasured up, and to these were added not a few of her own invention, and woe betide the wight who accompanied her to opera, concert or lecture, for her _sotto voce_ comments, murmured with a grave countenance, were disastrous to their composure and "company manners." it must be recorded of her that she gave up selfish pleasures to be her mother's helper, whose chief stay she was through many years. in her last illness she said, with much tenderness, "mother, who will help you now?" madge was a true _lady_ or _loaf-giver_. every creature, within or without the domicile, partook of her generous care, from the pet canary to the housedog, all the human inhabitants and the stranger within the gates. moreover, she was genuine, nothing she undertook was slighted or done in a slipshod manner. her taste and judgment were accurate and sound in literature and art; her love of art led her to exclaim regretfully, "when we are dead and gone, the landscape will bristle with easels." a scant population and the exigencies of the conditions placed art expression in the far future, yet she saw the vast possibilities before those who should be so fortunate as to dwell in the midst of such native grandeur, beauty and richness of color. like many other children, we had numerous pets, wild things from the forest or the, to us, charming juvenile members of the barnyard flocks. when any of these succumbed to the inevitable, a funeral of more or less pomp was in order, and many a hapless victim of untoward fate was thus tearfully consigned to the bosom of mother earth. on one occasion, at the obsequies of a beloved bird or kitten, i forget which, madge, then perhaps six years of age, insisted upon arranging a litter, draped with white muslin and decorated with flowers, and followed it, as it was borne by two other children, singing with serious though tearless eyes, "we're traveling to the grave to lay this body down, and the last word that i heard him speak was about jerusalem," etc. she was so thoroughly in earnest that the older children refrained from laughing at what some might have thought unnecessary solemnity. madge had her share of adventures, too; one dark night she came near drowning in lake washington. having visited the newcastle coal mines with a small party of friends and returned to the lake shore, they were on the wharf ready to go on board the steamer. in some manner, perhaps from inadequate lighting, she stepped backward and fell into the water some distance below. the water was perhaps forty feet deep, the mud unknown. several men called for "a rope! a rope!" but not a rope could they lay their hands on. after what seemed an age to her, a lantern flashed into the darkness and a long pole held by seven men was held down to her; she grasped it firmly and, as she afterward said, felt as if she could climb to the moon with its assistance--and was safely drawn up, taken to a miner's cottage, where a kind-hearted woman dressed her in dry clothing. she reached home none the worse for her narrow escape. her nerves were nerves of steel; she seldom exhibited a shadow of fear and seemed of a spirit to undertake any daring feat. to dare the darkness, climb declivities, explore recesses, seemed pleasures to her courageous nature. at snoqualmie falls, in the archipelago de haro, in the jupiter hills of the olympic range, she climbed up and down the steep gorges with the agility of the chamois or our own mountain goat. the forest, the mountain, the seashore yielded their charm to her, each gave their messages. in a collection which she culled from many sources, ranging from sparkling gayety to profound seriousness, occur these words: "i saw the long line of the vacant shore the sea-weed and the shells upon the sand and the brown rocks left bare on every hand as if the ebbing tide would flow no more. then heard i more distinctly than before, the ocean breathe and its great breast expand, and hurrying came on the defenseless land, the insurgent waters with tumultuous roar; all thought and feeling and desire, i said love, laughter, and the exultant joy of song have ebbed from me forever! suddenly o'er me they swept again from their deep ocean bed, and in a tumult of delight and strong as youth, and beautiful as youth, upbore me." it must have been that "bird and bee and blossom taught her love's spell to know," and then she went away to the "land where love itself had birth." chapter vb. like a forest flower. anna louisa denny. anna was the fourth daughter of d. t. and louisa boren denny. in infancy she showed a marked talent for music, signifying by her eyes, head and hands her approval of certain tunes, preferring them to all others. before she was able to frame words she could sing tunes. when a young girl her memory for musical tones was marvelous, enabling her to reproduce difficult strains while yet unable to read the notes. possessed of a pure, high, flexible soprano voice, her singing was a delight to her friends. upon hearing famous singers render favorite airs, her pleasure shone from every feature, although her comments were few. on the long summer camping expeditions of the family, the music books went along with her brothers' cornets, possibly her own flute, and many a happy hour was spent as we drove leisurely along past the tall, dark evergreens, or floated on the silvery waters of the sound, with perhaps a book of duets open before us, singing sweet songs of bird, blossom and pine tree. while the other daughters were small and delicately formed, anna grew up to be a tall, statuesque woman of a truly noble appearance, with a fair face, a high white forehead crowned by masses of brown hair, and a countenance mirthful, sunny, serious, but seldom stern. a certain draped marble statue in the metropolitan museum in new york bears a striking resemblance to anna, but is not of so noble a type. childhood in the wild northwest braved many dangers both seen and unseen. while returning late one summer night through the deep forest to our home after having attended a concert in which the children had taken part, anna, then a little girl of perhaps seven or eight years, had a narrow escape from some wild beast, either a cougar or wildcat. her mother, who was leading her a little behind the others, said that something grabbed at her and disappeared instantly in the thick undergrowth; grasping her hand more firmly she started to run and the little party, thoroughly frightened, fairly flew along the road toward home. in this north country it is never really dark on a cloudless summer night, but the heavy forests enshroud the roads and trails in a deep twilight. anna, like her sister madge, was a daring rider and they often went together on long trips through the forest. at one time each was mounted on a lively indian pony, both of which doubtless had seen strange things and enjoyed many exciting experiences, but were supposed to be quite lamblike and docile. some reminiscence must have crossed their equine minds, and they apparently challenged each other to a race, so race they must and race they did at a lightning speed on the home run. they came flying up the lane to the house (the homestead on lake union) in a succession of leaps that would have made pegasus envious had he been "thar or tharabouts." their riders stuck on like cockleburrs until they reached the gate, when a sudden stop threw anna to the ground, but she escaped injury, the only damage being a wrecked riding habit. anna made no pretension to great learning, yet possessed a well-balanced and cultivated mind. with no ado of great effort she stood first in her class. at a notable celebration of decoration day in seattle, she was chosen to walk beside the teacher at the head of the school procession; both were tall, handsome young women, carrying the school banner bearing the motto, "right, then onward." it was to this school, which bore his own name, that her father presented a beautiful piano as a memorial of her; it bears the words, from her own lips, "i believe in jesus," in gold letters across the front. in she accompanied her family across the continent to the eastern coast, where she expected to be reunited with a friend, a young girl to whom she was much attached, but it was otherwise ordered; after a brief illness in new york city, she passed away and was brought back to her own loved native land, by the sun-down-seas. afar in a forest nook she rests, where wildwood creatures pass by, the pine trees wave and the stars sweep over, waiting, watching for the day toward which the whole creation moves. * * * * * they wandered through the wonderful forest, by lake, fern-embroidered stream and pebble seashore, gazed on the glistening mountains, the sparkling waves, the burning sunsets, shining with such jewel colors as to make them think of the land of hope, the new jerusalem. and the majestic snow-dome of mountain rainier which at the first sight thereof caused a noted man to leap up and shout aloud the joy that filled his soul; they lived in sight of it for years. * * * * * it might be asked, "does the environment affect the character and mental development, even the physical configuration?" we answer, "yes, we believe it does." the fine physique, the bright intellectuality, the lovely character of these daughters of the west were certainly in part produced and developed by the wonderful world about them. simple, pure, exalted natures ought to be, and we believe are, the rule among the children of the pioneers of puget sound and many of their successors. * * * * * in this time of gathering up portraits of fair women, i cannot help reverting to the good old times on puget sound, when among the daughters of the white settlers ugliness was the exception, the majority possessing many points of beauty. bright, dark eyes, brilliant complexions, graceful forms, luxuriant hair and fine teeth were the rule. the pure air, mild climate, simple habits and rational life were amply proved producers of physical perfection. old-timers will doubtless remember the handsome bonney girls, the misses chambers, the misses thornton, eva andrews, mary collins, nellie burnett, alice mercer, the dennys, noticeable for clear white skin and brilliant color, with abundant dark hair, gertrude and mary boren with rosy cheeks and blue eyes; blanche hinds, very fair, with large, gray eyes, and others i cannot now name, as well as a number of beautiful matrons. every settlement had its favored fair. perhaps because women were so scarce, they were petted and indulged and came up with the idea that they were very fine porcelain indeed; they were all given the opportunities in the reach of their parents and were quite fastidious in their dress and belongings. * * * * * of the other children of d. t. and louisa boren denny, john b. is a well educated and accomplished man of versatility, a lawyer, musician, and practical miner. d. thomas is an electrician; was a precocious young business man who superintended the building of an electric street railway when under twenty-five years of age. victor w. s., a practical miner, assayer and mining expert, who has been engaged in developing gold and silver mines. abbie d., an artist and writer, who has published numerous articles, a fine shot with the rifle and an accomplished housewife; and e. i. denny, the author of this work, who is not now engaged in writing an autobiography. all, including the last mentioned, are fond of wild life, hunting, camping and mountain climbing, in which they have had much experience and yearly seek for more. chapter vc. one of the courageous youths. william richard boren was one of the boy pioneers. he was born in seattle on the th of october, . the children necessarily shared with their parents and guardians the hardships, dangers, adventures and pleasures of the wild life of the early days. when his father, carson d. boren, went to the gold diggings, william came to the d. t. denny cottage and remained there for some time. as there was then no boy in the family (there were three little girls) he stepped into usefulness almost immediately. to bring home the cows, weed in the garden, carry flowers and vegetables to market, cut and carry wood, the "chores" of a pioneer home he helped to do willingly and cheerfully. every pair of hands must help, and the children learned while very young that they were to be industrious and useful. it required real fortitude to go on lonely trails or roads through the dark, thick forest in the deepening twilight that was impenetrable blackness in the wall of sombre evergreens on either hand. some children seem to have little fear of anything, but it was different with william; he was afraid; as he graphically described it, he "_felt as if something would catch him in the back_." but he steadfastly traveled the dark trails, showing a remarkable quality of courage. his sensations cannot be attributed to constitutional timidity altogether, as there were real dangers from wild beasts and savage men in those days. he would often go long distances from the settlement through the great forest as the shadows were darkening into night, listening breathlessly for the welcome jingle of the bells of the herd, or anxiously to snapping twigs and creaking of lodged trees or voices of night-birds. but when the cattle were gathered up and he could hear the steady tinkle of the leader's bell, although to the eye she was lost in the dusk in the trail ahead, he felt safe. he calmly faced dangers, both seen and unseen, in after years. by the time he was twelve or fourteen he had learned to shoot very well with the shotgun and could bring home a fine bunch of blue grouse or "pheasants" (ruffed grouse). late one may evening he came into the old kitchen, laden with charming spoils from the forest, a large handful of the sweet favorite of the pioneer children, the lady's slipper or calypso borealis, and a bag of fat "hooters" for the stew or pie so much relished by the settlers. the majority of the pioneer boys were not expected to be particular as to whether they did men's work or women's work, and william was a notable example of versatility, lending a hand with helpless babies, cooking or washing, the most patient and faithful of nurses, lifting many a burden from the tired house-mother. he was a total abstainer from intoxicants and tobacco, and to the amusement of his friends said he "could not see any sense in jumping around the room," as he described the social dance. it surprised no one, therefore, that he should grow up straight and vigorous, able to endure many hardships. william was a very nimrod by the time he reached his majority, a fine shot with the rifle and successful in killing large game. as he came in sight one day on the trail to our camp in the deep forest, he appeared carrying the blackest and glossiest of bear cubs slung over one shoulder. i called to him, "halt, if you please, and let me sketch you right there." he obligingly consented and in a few moments bear, gun and hunter were transferred to paper. and a good theme it was; with a background of dark firs and cedars, in a mass of brightest green ferns, stood the stalwart figure, clad in vivid scarlet and black, gun on one shoulder and bear cub on the other. william boren was an active and useful member of the m. e. or "white church" in seattle many years ago. this was the first church established in seattle. he removed from the settlement and lived on a ranch for a number of years. for a time in youth he was in the mining district; while there he imposed upon himself heavy burdens, packing as much as two hundred pounds over the trail. this was probably overexertion; also in later years, heavy lifting in a logging camp may have helped break his naturally strong constitution. many muscular and vigorous persons do not realize the necessity for caution in exertion. i have seen strong young men balancing their weight against the "hold" of huge stumps, by hanging across a large pole in mid-air. during his ranch life he was waylaid, basely and cruelly attacked and beaten into insensibility by two ruffians. most likely this caused the fatal brain trouble from which he died in january, , at the home of his sister, gertrude boren, who through a long illness cared for him with affectionate solicitude. * * * * * "o bearded, stalwart, westmost men, a kingdom won without the guilt of studied battle; that hath been your blood's inheritance. * * * * * "yea, time, the grand old harvester, has gathered you from wood and plain. we call to you again, again; the rush and rumble of the car comes back in answer. deep and wide the wheels of progress have passed on; the silent pioneer is gone." chapter vi. arthur a. denny. (born june th, , died january th, .) a ponderous volume of biography could scarcely set forth the journeyings, experiences, efforts, achievements and character of this well-known pioneer of the northwest coast. he was one of the foremost of the steadfast leaders of the pioneers. a long, useful and worthy life he spent among men, the far-reaching influence of which cannot be estimated. when he passed away both private citizens and public officials honored him; those who had known him far back in his youth and through the intervening years said of the eulogies pronounced upon his life, "well, it is all true, and much more might be said." a. a. denny was a son of john denny and brother of david thomas denny; each of them exerted a great influence on the life and institutions of the northwest. from sketches published in the local papers i have made these selections: "the dennys are a very ancient family of england, ireland and scotland. the present branch traces its ancestry from ireland to america through great-grandparents, david and margaret denny, who settled in berks county, pennsylvania, previous to the revolutionary war. there robert denny, the grandfather of a. a. denny was born in . in early life he removed to frederick county, virginia, where in he married rachel thomas; and about removed to and settled in mercer county, kentucky. "there john denny, father of the deceased, was born may , , and was married august , , to sarah wilson, daughter of bassel and ann (scott) wilson, who was born in the old town of bladensburg, near washington city, february , . her parents came to america in an early day. "their paternal and maternal grandparents served in the revolutionary war. the former belonged to washington's command at the time of braddock's defeat. "john denny was a soldier in the war of , being in col. richard m. johnson's regiment of kentucky volunteers. he was also an ensign in capt. mcfee's company, and was with gen. harrison at the battle of the thames, when proctor was defeated and the noted tecumseh killed. he was a member of the illinois legislature in and , with lincoln, yates, bates and others, who afterwards became renowned in national affairs. in politics he was first a whig and afterward a republican. for many years he was a justice of the peace. he died july th, , when years of age. his first wife died march st, , when years of age. "about john denny and his family removed to washington county, indiana, and settled near salem, where arthur a. denny was born june th, . one year later they removed to putnam county, six miles east from greencastle, where they remained twelve years, and from there went to knox county, illinois. mr. a. a. denny has said of his boyhood: "'my early education began in the log schoolhouse so familiar to the early settler in the west. the teachers were paid by subscription, so much per pupil, and the schools rarely lasted more than half the year, and often but three months. among the earliest of my recollections is of my father hewing out a farm in the beech woods of indiana, and i well remember that the first school that i attended was two and a half miles from my home. when i became older it was often necessary for me to attend to home duties half of the day before going to school a mile distant. by close application i was able to keep up with my class. "'my opportunities to some extent improved as time advanced. i spent my vacations with an older brother at carpenter and joiner work to obtain the means to pay my expenses during term time.'" a. a. denny was married november , , to mary ann boren, to whom he has paid a graceful and well-deserved tribute in these words: "she has been kind and indulgent to all my faults, and in cases of doubt and difficulty in the long voyage we have made together she has always been, without the least disposition to dictate, a safe and prudent adviser." he held many public offices, each and all of which he filled with scrupulous care, from county supervisor in illinois in to first postmaster of seattle in . he was elected to the legislature of washington territory, serving for nine consecutive sessions, being the speaker of the third; was registrar of the u. s. land office at olympia from to . he was a member of the thirty-ninth congress, being a delegate from washington territory. even in his age he was given the unanimous vote of the republicans for u. s. senator from the state of washington. his business enterprises date from the founding of the city of seattle and are interwoven with its history. he was a volunteer in the war against the indians and had some stirring experiences. in his book, "pioneer days on puget sound," he gives a very clear and accurate account of the beginning of the trouble with the indians and many facts concerning the war following. he found, as many others did, good and true friends, as well as enemies, among the indians. on page of the work mentioned may be found these words: "i will say further, that my acquaintance and experience with the puget sound indians proved them to be sincere in their friendship, and no more unfaithful and treasonable than the average white man, and i am disposed to believe that the same might be truthfully said of many other indians." with regard to the dissatisfied tenderfoot he says: "all old settlers know that it is a common occurrence for parties who have reached here by the easy method of steamer or railway in a palace car to be most blindly unreasonable in their fault-finding, and they are often not content with abusing the country and climate, but they heap curses and abuse on those who came before them by the good old method of ninety or a hundred days crossing the plains, just as though we had sent for them and thus given them an undoubted right to abuse us for their lack of good strong sense. then we all know, too, that it as been a common occurrence for those same fault-finders to leave, declaring that the country was not fit for civilized people to live in; and not by any means unusual for the same parties to return after a short time ready to settle down and commence praising the country, as though they wanted to make amends for their unreasonable behavior in the first instance." there are a good many other pithy remarks in this book, forcible for their truth and simplicity. as the stories of adventure have an imperishable fascination, i give his own account of the discovery of shilshole or salmon bay: "when we selected our claims we had fears that the range for our stock would not afford them sufficient feed in the winter, and it was not possible to provide feed for them, which caused us a great deal of anxiety. from statements made by the indians, which we could then but imperfectly understand, we were led to believe that there was prairie or grass lands to the northwest, where we might find feed in case of necessity, but we were too busy to explore until in december, , when bell, my brother, d. t. denny, and myself determined to look for the prairie. it was slow and laborious traveling through the unbroken forest, and before we had gone far bell gave out and returned home, leaving us to proceed alone. in the afternoon we unexpectedly came to a body of water, and at first thought we had inclined too far eastward and struck the lake, but on examination we found it to be tidewater. from our point of observation we could not see the outlet to the sound, and our anxiety to learn more about it caused us to spend so much time that when we turned homeward it soon became so dark that we were compelled to camp for the night without dinner, supper or blankets, and we came near being without fire also, as it had rained on us nearly all day and wet our matches so that we could only get fire by the flash of a rifle, which was exceedingly difficult under the circumstances." d. t. denny remembers that a. a. denny pulled some of the cotton wadding out of his coat and then dug into a dead fir tree that was dry inside and put it in with what other dry stuff they could find, which was very little, and d. t. denny fired off his gun into it with the muzzle so close as to set fire to it. he also relates that he shot a pheasant and broiled it before the fire, dividing it in halves. a. a. denny further says: "our camp was about midway between the mouth of the bay and the cove, and in the morning we made our way to the cove and took the beach for home. of course, our failing to return at night caused great anxiety at home, and soon after we got on the beach we met bell coming on hunt of us, and the thing of most interest to us just then was he had his pockets filled with hard bread. "this was our first knowledge of shilshole bay, which, we soon after fully explored, and were ready to point newcomers in that direction for locations." old salmon bay curley had told them there was grass in that region, which was true they afterward learned, but not prairie grass, it was salt marsh, in sufficient quantity to sustain the cattle. speaking of the indians, he tells how they settled around the cabins of the whites at alki until there were perhaps a thousand, and relates this incident: "on one occasion during the winter, nelson (chief pialse) came with a party of green river and muckilshoot indians, and got into an altercation with john kanem and the snoqualmies. they met and the opposing forces, amounting to thirty or forty on a side, drew up directly in front of low's house, armed with hudson bay muskets, the two parties near enough together to have powder-burnt each other, and were apparently in the act of opening fire, when we interposed and restored peace without bloodshed, by my taking john kanem away and keeping them apart until nelson and his party left." his daughter, lenora denny, related the same incident to me. she witnessed it as a little child and remembers it perfectly, together with her fright at the preparations for battle, and added that kanem desired her father at their conference behind the cabin just to let him go around behind the enemy's line of battle and stab their chief; nobody would know who did it and that would be sufficient in lieu of the proposed fight. mr. denny dissuaded him and the "war" terminated as above stated. in the fall of , the indians exhibited more and more hostility toward the whites, and narrow escapes were not uncommon before the war fairly broke out. about this time as a. a. denny was making a canoe voyage from olympia down the sound he met with a thrilling experience. when he and his two indian canoemen were opposite a camp of savages on the beach, they were hailed by the latter with: "who is it you have in the canoe and where are you going?" spoken in their native tongue. after calling back and forth for some little time, two of them put out hastily in a canoe to overtake the travelers, keeping up an earnest and excited argument with one of mr. denny's indians, both of whom he observed never ceased paddling. one of the strangers was dressed up in war-paint and had a gun across his lap; he kept up the angry debate with one of the travelers while the other was perfectly silent. finally the pursuers were near enough so that one reached out to catch hold of the canoe when denny's men paddled quickly out of reach and increased their speed to a furious rate, continuing to paddle with all their might until a long distance from their threatening visitors. although mr. denny did not understand their speech, their voices and gestures were not difficult to interpret; he felt they wished to kill him and thought himself lost. he afterward learned that his canoeman, who had answered the attacking party, had saved his life by his courage and cunning. the savages from the camp had demanded that mr. denny be given up to them that they might kill him in revenge for the killing of some indians, saying he was a "hyas tyee" (great man) and a most suitable subject for their satisfaction. he had answered that mr. denny was not near so high up nor as great as some others and was always a good friend of the indians and then carried him to a place of safety by fast and furious paddling. the one who was silent during the colloquy declared afterward that he said nothing for fear they would kill him too. this exhibition of faithfulness on the part of indian hirelings is worthy of note in the face of many accusations of treachery on the part of their race. it is my opinion that arthur armstrong denny led an exemplary life and that he ever desired to do justice to others. if he failed in doing so, it was the fault of those with whom he was associated rather than his own. a leading trait in his character was integrity, another was the modesty that ever accompanies true greatness, noticeable also in his well known younger brother, d. t. denny; neither has been boastful, arrogant or grasping for public honors. a. a. denny fought the long battle of the pioneer faithfully and well and sleeps in an honored grave. mary a. denny. mary ann boren (denny) was born in tennessee, november th, , the first child of richard boren and sarah latimer boren (afterward denny). her grandfather latimer, a kind hearted, sympathetic man, sent a bottle of camphor to revive the pale young mother. this camphor bottle was kept in the family, the children resorting to it for the palliation of cuts and bruises throughout their adolescence, and it is now preserved by her own family as a cherished relic, having seen eighty years and more since its presentation. after the death of her father, leaving her mother a young widow with three small children, they lived in illinois as pioneers, where mary shared the toils, dangers and vicissitudes of frontier life. was not this the school for the greater pioneering of the farthest west? november rd, , she married arthur a. denny, a man who both recognized and acknowledged her worth. when she crossed the plains in with the denny company, mrs. denny was a young matron of twenty-nine years, with two little daughters. the journey, arduous to any, was peculiarly trying to her with the helpless ones to care for and make as comfortable as such tenting in the wilds might be. at fort laramie her own feet were so uncomfortable in shoes that she put on a pair of moccasins which david t. denny had bought of an indian and worn for one day. mrs. denny wore them during the remainder of the journey to portland. one incident among many serves to show her unfaltering courage; an indian reached into her wagon to take the gun hung up inside: mrs. mary a. denny pluckily seized a hatchet and drew it to strike a vigorous blow when the savage suddenly withdrew, doubtless with an increased respect for white squaws in general and this one in particular. the great journey ended, at portland her third child, rolland h., was born. if motherhood be a trial under the most favorable circumstances, what must it have been on the long march? on the stormy and dangerous trip from portland on the schooner exact, out over the bar and around cape flattery to the landing at alki point, went the little band with this brave mother and her babe. on a drizzly day in november, the th, , she climbed the bank at alki point to the rude cabin, bare of everything now considered necessary to begin housekeeping. they were imperfectly protected from the elements and the eldest child, catharine, or kate as she was called, yet remembers how the rain dropped on her face the first night they slept in the unfinished cabin, giving her a decided prejudice against camping out. the mother's health was poor and it became necessary to provide nourishment for the infant; as there were no cows within reach, or tinned substitutes, the experiment of feeding him on clam juice was made with good effect. louisa boren denny, her sister, then unmarried, relates the following incident: "at alki point one day, i stood just within the door of the cabin and mary stood just inside; both of us saw an indian bob up from behind the bank and point his gun directly at my sister mary and almost immediately lower it without firing." mary a. denny, when asked recently what she thought might have been his reason for doing so replied, "well, i don't know, unless it was just to show what he could do; it was indian jim; i suppose he did it to show that he could shoot me if he wanted to." probably he thought to frighten her at least, but with the customary nerve of the pioneer woman, she exhibited no sign of fear and he went his way. they afterward learned that on the same evening there had been some trouble with the indians at the maple place and it was thought that this indian was one of the disaffected or a sympathizer. mrs. mary a. denny moved about from place to place, living first in the cabin at alki point, then a cabin on elliott bay, on the north end of their claim, then another cabin near the great laurel tree, on the site of the stevens hotel, seattle. after a time the family went to olympia. her husband was in the land office, was a member of the territorial legislature and delegate to congress; all the while she toiled on in her home with her growing family. they returned to seattle and built what was for those times a very good residence on the corner of pike street and first avenue, where they had a fine orchard, and there they lived many years. after having struggled through long years of poverty, not extreme, to be sure, but requiring much patient toil and endurance, their property became immensely valuable and they enjoyed well deserved affluence. mrs. mary a. denny's family consists of four sons and two daughters; orion o., the second son, was the second white child born in seattle. catherine (denny) frye, the elder daughter, was happily married in her girlhood and is the mother of a most interesting family. rolland h., orion o., a. wilson and charles l. denny, the four sons, are prominent business men of seattle. mrs. denny makes her home with lenora, the younger unmarried daughter, at her palatial residence in seattle. the last mentioned is a traveled, well read woman of most sympathetic nature, devoted to her friends, one who has shown kindness to many strangers in times past as they were guests in her parents' home. chapter vii. henry van asselt of duwamish. in the post-intelligencer of december th and th, , appeared the following sketches of this well known pioneer: "at the ripe old age of , with the friendship and affection of every man he knew in this life, henry van asselt, one of the founders of king county, and one of the four of the first white men to set foot on the shores of elliott bay, died yesterday morning at his home, on fifteenth avenue, of paralysis. mr. van asselt, with samuel and jacob maple and l. m. collins, landed in a canoe september th, , at the mouth of the duwamish river, where it enters the harbor of seattle. they had come from the columbia river and were more than two months in advance of arthur denny, one of the pioneer builders of the city of seattle. van asselt's name is perpetuated through the town of van asselt, adjoining the southern limits of the city. he was well known all over the puget sound country, and he was the last living member of one of the first bands of white arrivals, on the shores of elliott bay. "mr. van asselt was a hollander, having been born in holland april , , two years after the battle of waterloo. he was in his early youth a soldier in the holland army during its dispute with belgium. an expert marksman and an indefatigable huntsman, he came to america in , on a sailing schooner, and a year later was traveling the trail from the central west to california. instead of going to the land of gold and sunshine, van asselt headed north, reaching the columbia river in the fall of . a year later found him crossing the columbia river, after a short sojourn in the mining camps of northern california. with three companions, l. m. collins, jacob and samuel maple, henry van asselt made the perilous journey from the columbia river to the sound, where, near olympia, he boarded a canoe, and after two days' traveling reached the mouth of the duwamish river. ascending the stream to the junction of the white and black rivers, a distance of only a few miles, he staked out a donation land claim of acres in the heart of the richest section of the duwamish valley." said values increased. "the sturdy hollander cleared the valley of its primeval forest of firs, and made it truly blossom with farm products of every description. the land today ( ) is worth $ , an acre and upwards. at his death, the aged pioneer, the last of his generation, had in his own name some odd acres of this land. not many weeks ago he had sold twenty-four acres of the old homestead as the site of the new rolling mill and foundry to be constructed by the vulcan iron works. "mr. van asselt was not the least interesting, by any means, of the old pioneers of king county. in fact, until his death he was the last living member of the first group of white men to set foot on the shores of elliott bay. he was a very devout man, and in the late years of his life, when he had retired from active business, it was his custom to spend part of every sunday at the county jail, reading to the prisoners excerpts from holy writ and giving them words of hopefulness and cheer. this duty was performed for many years as regularly as was his attendance at the methodist protestant church, in this city, of which he had been for thirty years a member. it is to be said of the dead pioneer that he was universally loved and respected, and it was his proudest boast that he had never made an enemy in his life. this was literally true. "crossing the plains in , young van asselt was of great assistance to his party in procuring game and in driving the hostile indians away, because of his superior marksmanship, which he had acquired as a hunter on the estates of wealthy residents of his native country. he landed at oregon city, ore., in september, , and the ensuing winter he spent in mining in california. he accumulated a considerable sum, and, lured by stories of the richness and vastness of the great northwest, he returned to portland in , and, crossing the columbia, made his way to the sound country. on this trip he was accidentally wounded, the bullet being imbedded in his shoulder. in the days of the indian troubles on the sound, van asselt was safe from the attacks of the hostiles, who held him in superstitious reverence because of the fact that he carried a bullet in his body. they believed that he could not be killed by a tomahawk. this fact, perhaps, had much to do with his escape from assassination at the hands of the hostiles in the indian war of . "jacob and samuel maple, who with l. m. collins accompanied mr. van asselt to puget sound, have been dead many years. arthur a. denny has been gathered to his fathers, along with many others of the old pioneers of king county and washington. van asselt is the last of that hardy race that opened the wilderness on puget sound and made it blossom like the rose. "the news of the death of van asselt was received as a sad blow among the people of van asselt, where the aged pioneer spent the greater portion of his days in the house which still stands as a monument to his rugged pioneer days. in van asselt the people speak the name of the pioneer with reverence on account of the many charities he extended to the poor during his lifetime, and also on account of the many acts which he did in pioneer days to save and maintain the peaceful relations with the savages. "the marriage of mr. and mrs. van asselt was celebrated in this county, on christmas evening . all of those present at the wedding have now passed away with a few exceptions. "mr. van asselt leaves a wife, mrs. mary jane maple van asselt; a son, dr. j. h. van asselt; two daughters, mrs. j. h. benadom, of puyallup, and dr. nettie van asselt burling, and a grandson, floyd julian, son of mrs. mary adriane van asselt julian, who died in . mr. van asselt also leaves a brother, rev. garrett van asselt, of utrecht, holland, and several sisters in holland. "the following were selected as active pallbearers: william p. harper, dexter horton, d. b. ward, o. j. carr, isaac parker, m. r. maddocks. the honorary pallbearers were: edgar bryan, rev. daniel bagley, f. m. guye, joseph foster, william carkeek, judge orange jacobs. "as illustrative of the regard and esteem in which this pioneer was held by those who knew him best, dexter horton, the well known banker and capitalist, who met mr. van asselt in , said last night: "'mr. van asselt was a man of sterling character. his word was as good as a government bond. i knew him almost from the beginning of his life here. he was one of the kindliest men i ever met. "'for fifteen years after i came to seattle i conducted a general merchandise store here. there were mighty few of us here in those early times and we were all intimately acquainted. i dare say that when a newcomer had resided on the sound, anywhere from olympia to the strait of fuca, for thirty days, i became acquainted with him. they dropped in here to trade, traveling in indian canoes. there never was a man of them that i did not trust to any reasonable extent for goods, and my losses on that account in fifteen years' dealing with the early settlers were less than $ , . this is sufficient testimony as to the character and integrity of the men who, like van asselt, faced the privations and dangers of the western trail to find homes for themselves on the pacific coast. "'mr. van asselt located on a level farm in the duwamish valley on his arrival here. he was a man of great energy and thrift, and soon had good and paying crops growing. he used to bring his produce to seattle, either by indian canoe, or afterwards, when a trail was cut under the brow of the hill, by teams. this produce was readily disposed of, as we had a large number of men working in the mills and few to supply their necessities. "'i remember that after he had lived here for several years he moved to town and established a cabinet maker's shop. he was an expert in that line of work. i have an ancient curly maple bureau which he made for me, and mrs. a. a. denny has another. they are beautifully fashioned, van asselt being well skilled in the trade. doubtless others among the old-timers here have mementos of his handicraft. "'van asselt was of the type of men who blazed the path for generations that followed them to the pacific coast. his integrity was unchallenged, and his charities were numerous and unostentatious. he used to give every worthy newcomer work on his ranch, and many an emigrant in those days got his first start from henry van asselt.' "samuel crawford knew mr. van asselt intimately since . he said last night: "'henry van asselt, or uncle henry, as we all called him, spent the winter of - with my great-great-grandfather, robert moore, at oregon city, ore., or more properly speaking, on the west shore of the willamette, just across from oregon city. mr. van asselt told me this himself. moore kept a large place, which was a sort of rendezvous for the immigrants, and many a man found shelter at his ranch. he gave them work enough to keep them going, and van asselt found employment with him that winter, making shingles from cedar bolts with a draw knife. "'mr. van asselt was one of the best men that ever lived. his word was as good as gold, and he never overlooked a chance to do a friend a favor. while he spoke english with difficulty, on occasion he could make a good speech, and he always took a deep interest in public affairs. there was probably no important public question involving the interests of seattle and the puget sound country but that mr. van asselt had his say. he did not care for public office, however, but preferred to go along in his quiet way, doing all the good that was possible. he firmly believed in the future of seattle, which he loved dearly, and i remember many years ago of his purchase of two blocks of ground on renton hill, in the vicinity of the residence where he passed the last years of his life. this was nearly twenty years ago.' "thomas w. prosch had known mr. van asselt for many years. he, too, paid a tribute to his fine character, and rugged honesty. 'six years ago,' said mr. prosch, 'i went to talk with mr. van asselt regarding his early experiences on the sound. he told me of his long and arduous trip across the plains in , and of his escapades with the indians then and afterward. he said himself that he believed he led a charmed life, as the indians took many a shot at him, but without avail. he was a dead shot himself, and the indians had great respect for his skill. he was a very determined man, and undoubtedly had a great influence over the savages. "'mr. van asselt told me that he met hill harmon, a well known oregon settler, in the spring of , and together they crossed the columbia and came to olympia. from there they went with two or three others to nesqually, where they met luther m. collins, one of the first settlers in king county. collins endeavored to persuade them to locate near him, but they wanted a better place. finally collins brought them to the duwamish valley and located them here. one of the party bought collins' place at nesqually, and he came here to locate with van asselt and the others. collins' family was the first white family to establish a home in king county.'" chapter viii. thomas mercer. thomas mercer was born in harrison county, ohio, march , , the eldest of a large family of children. he remained with his father until he was twenty-one, gaining a common school education and a thorough knowledge of the manufacture of woolen goods. his father was the owner of a well appointed woolen mill. the father, aaron mercer, was born in virginia and was of the same family as general mercer of revolutionary fame. his mother, jane dickerson mercer, was born in pennsylvania of an old family of that state. the family moved to princeton, ill., in , a period when buffalo were still occasionally found east of the mississippi river, and savage indians annoyed and harassed outlying settlements in that region. a remarkable coincidence is a matter of family tradition. nancy brigham, who later became mr. mercer's wife, and her family, were compelled to flee by night from their home near dixon at the time of the black hawk war, and narrowly escaped massacre. in , about twenty years later, her daughters, the youngest only eight years old, also made a midnight escape in seattle, two thousand miles away from the scene of their mother's adventure, and they endured the terrors of the attack upon the village a few days later when the shots and shouts of the thousand painted devils rang out in the forest on the hillside from a point near the present gas works to another near where madison street ends at first avenue. crossing the plains. in april, , a train of about twenty wagons, drawn by horses, was organized at princeton to cross the plains to oregon. in this train were thomas mercer, aaron mercer, dexter horton, daniel bagley, william h. shoudy, and their families. some of these still live in or near seattle and others settled in oregon. mr. mercer was chosen captain of the train and discharged the arduous duties of that position fearlessly and successfully. danger and disease were on both sides of the long, dreary way, and hundreds of new made graves were often counted along the roadside in a day. but this train seemed to bear a charmed existence. not a member of the original party died on the way, although many were seriously ill. only one animal was lost. as the journey was fairly at an end and western civilization had been reached at the dalles, oregon, mrs. mercer was taken ill, but managed to keep up until the cascades were reached. there she grew rapidly worse and soon died. several members of the expedition went to salem and wintered there, and in the early spring of mercer and dexter horton came to seattle and decided to make it their home. mr. horton entered immediately upon a business career, the success of which is known in california, oregon and washington, and mr. mercer settled upon a donation claim whose eastern end was the meander line of lake union and the western end, half way across to the bay. mercer street is the dividing line between his and d. t. denny's claims, and all of these tracts were included within the city limits about fifteen years ago. mr. mercer brought one span of horses and a wagon from the outfit with which he crossed the plains and for some time all the hauling of wood and merchandise was done by him. the wagon was the first one in king county. in he went to oregon for the summer and while there married hester l. ward, who lived with him nearly forty years, dying last november. during the twenty years succeeding his settlement here he worked hard clearing the farm and carrying on dairying and farming in a small way and doing much work with his team. in portions of the farm came into demand for homes and his sales soon put him in easy circumstances and in later years made him independent, though the past few years of hard times have left but a small part of the estate. the old home on the farm that the indians spared when other buildings in the county not protected by soldiers were burned, is still standing and is the oldest building in the county. mr. d. t. denny had a log cabin on his place which was not destroyed--these two alone escaped. the indians were asked, after the war, why they did not burn mercer's house, to which they replied, "oh, old mercer might want it again." denny and mercer had always been particularly kind to the natives and just in their dealings, and the savages seem to have felt some little gratitude toward them. in the early ' s mr. mercer and rev. daniel bagley were co-workers in the anti-slavery cause with owen lovejoy, of princeton, who was known to all men of that period in the great middle west. later mr. mercer joined the republican party and has been an ardent supporter of its men and measures down to the present. he served ten years as probate judge of king county, and at the end of that period declined a renomination. in early life he joined the methodist protestant church and has ever been a consistent member of that body. rev. daniel bagley was his pastor fifty-two years ago at princeton, and continued to hold that relation to him in seattle from until , when he resigned his seattle pastorate. to mr. mercer belongs the honor of naming the lakes adjacent to and almost surrounding the city. at a social gathering or picnic in he made a short address and proposed the adoption of "union" for the small lake between the bay and the large lake, and "washington" for the other body of water. this proposition was received with favor and at once adopted. in the early days of the county and city he was always active in all public enterprises, ready alike with individual effort and with his purse, according to his ability, and no one of the city's thousands has taken a keener interest or greater pride than he in the recent development of the city's greatness, although he could no longer share actively in its accomplishment. he was exceedingly anxious to see the canal completed between salt water and the lakes. his oldest daughter, mrs. henry parsons, lives near olympia, and is a confirmed invalid. the second daughter was the first wife of walter graham, of this place, but died in . the next younger daughters, mrs. david graham and mrs. c. b. bagley, lived near him and cared for him entirely since the death of mrs. mercer last november. in all the collateral branches the aged patriarch leaves behind him here in king county fully half a hundred of relatives of greater or lesser degrees of kinship. his generosity and benevolence have ever been proverbial. the churches, y. m. c. a., orphanages and other objects of public benevolence and private charity have good cause to remember his liberality. in a period of five years he gave away at least $ , in public and private donations. judge mercer was a charter member of the pioneers' association, and took great interest in its affairs. he always made a special effort to attend the annual meeting, until the last two years, when his health would not permit. another of the band of hardy pioneers who laid the foundation of the great commonwealth bounded by california on the south, british columbia on the north, the rocky mountains on the east and the illimitable pacific toward the setting sun, has gone to rest. "judge thomas mercer died yesterday morning, may th, at : o'clock, after a brief illness, at his home in north seattle, within a stone's throw of the old homestead where he and his four motherless daughters, all mere children, settled in the somber and unbroken forest two score and five years ago, when the seattle of today consisted of a sawmill, a trading post and less than a half hundred white people."--(from post-intelligencer of may th, .) for many years we looked across the valley to see the smoke from the fire on the mercer hearthstone winding skyward, for they were our only neighbors. even for this, we were not so solitary, nor quite so lonely as we must have been with no human habitation in our view. and then we felt the kindly presence, sympathy we knew we could always claim, the cheerful greetings and friendly visits. when his aged pastor, rev. daniel bagley, with snowy locks, stood above his bier and a troop of silver-haired pioneers in tearful silence harkened, he told of fifty years of friendship; how they crossed the plains together, and of the quiet, steady, christian life of thomas mercer. he said, "whatever other reasons may have been given, that he understood some indians to say the reason they did not burn mercer's house during the war, was that mercer was 'klosh tum-tum,' (kind, friendly, literally a good heart), and 'he wawa-ed sahale tyee' (prayed to the heavenly chief or great spirit). thus did he let his light shine; even the savages beheld it." in closing a touching, suggestive and affectionate tribute, he quoted these lines: "o what hath jesus bought for me! before my ravish'd eyes rivers of life divine i see, and trees of paradise; i see a world of spirits bright, who taste the pleasures there; they all are robed in spotless white, and conqu'ring palms they bear." hester l. mercer. when a child i often visited this good pioneer woman--so faithful, cheerful, kind, self-forgetful. with busy hands she toiled from morning to night, scarcely sitting down without some house-wifely task to occupy her while she chatted. of a very lively disposition, her laugh was frequent and merry. a more generous, frank and warm-hearted nature was hard to find, the demands made upon it were many and such as to exhaust a shallow one. her experiences were varied and thrilling, as the following account from the seattle post-intelligencer of november th, , will show: "there is something in the life of this pioneer woman that makes a lasting impression upon the minds of those who consider it. mrs. mercer's general life differed somewhat from the lives of many pioneer women in that she was always a pioneer. many had given up an existence in the thickly settled portions of the east to accept the burdensome, half-civilized life of the west. they had at least once known the joys of civilization. it was not so with mrs. mercer. she was a pioneer from the time she was ushered into the world. "she was born in kentucky. go back years in the life of that state and you will get something of its early history. those who lived there that long ago were pioneers. her father and mother were jesse and elizabeth ward. they were of that staunch, sturdy people that struggled to obtain a home and accumulate a little fortune in the southern country. jesse ward at the age of joined a regiment of kentucky volunteers which was a part of jackson's army at the defense of new orleans in . "mrs. mercer was born in hartford, the county seat of ohio county, kentucky. she was but a little tot when her mother died. "her father married again, and children, issues of the second marriage, had been born before mr. ward and his family said good-bye to old kentucky or in reality, young kentucky, and moved to arkansas. that was in . there they lived until and hester mercer had a chance of proving her true womanhood. the family had settled near batesville, independence county. at that time the county had much virgin soil and it was not a hard matter to figure up the population of the state. mrs. mercer seemed to be the head of the family. while the male members of the family were at work clearing land and establishing what they thought would be a permanent home, she was busily occupied in making clothes for herself and others of the family. and what a task it was in those days to make clothes. crude machinery, in the settled states of the east, turned out with what was considered wonderful rapidity, cloth for garments. but the common people of the west knew nothing of the details of such luxuries. [illustration: erythronium of lake union] "mrs. mercer, then hester ward, took the wool from the sheep, cleaned it, wove it, dyed the cloth, cut and made it into clothing for her father and brothers. when she wanted a gown she could have it, that is, after she had gone into the fields, picked the necessary cotton, developed it into dress goods and turned the goods into a garment. "mr. d. b. ward, a half brother of mrs. mercer, has in his possession pieces of the goods out of which she made her gowns when a girl. "in , mr. ward, having heard so much of the great opportunities that were offered to the pioneer who would accept life in the far west, started with his family and a party of other pioneers across the great western plains. stories without end could be told of the adventures and incidents, the results of that long journey. there were nine children of mr. ward in his party. the start was made march , , and on september , waldo hills, near salem, oregon, was reached. "the indians, of course, figured in the life of the wards while they were crossing the plains, just as they seemed to come into the life of every other band of pioneers that undertook the journey. when about eight miles, by the emigrant route, east of the north platte, mr. ward's party encountered a big band of arapahoes. every one was a warrior. they were in full war regalia and dangling from their belts were dozens of scalps. they had been in battle with their enemies, the blackfeet and snake river indians the day before. crowned with victory, they were on their way home to celebrate. "the ward party had been resting in the woods and were about breaking camp to continue their journey when the indian braves made their appearance. they insisted that they were friendly, but their behavior was not wholly consistent. they crowded in and about the wagons, wanted this and that and finally became impudent because their requests were denied. "the ward party had an old bugler with them; when he placed his lips to the bugle something that bordered on music came from the instrument. while the indians were making their presence known the old bugler grabbed up his bugle and let out several blasts, which echoed and re-echoed around. the leaves trembled, the trees seemed to shake and the indian braves, who did not fear an encounter with a thousand blackfeet, were dumbfounded. their heads went up in the air, the ears of their horses shot forward. the leader of the braves murmured a few words in his native tongue and then like the wind those braves were gone. if the great white father had appeared, as they probably expected he would, he would have had to travel many miles to find the arapahoes. "the ward party was soon out of the woods, when they met another band. the old chief was with them. he was mounted on a white mule and produced a copy of a treaty with the government to show that his people loved the white men. "down in the valley through which the pioneers were compelled to travel they saw many little tents. other indians were camped there. the old chief and his party accompanied the emigrants. every indian showed an ugly disposition. the emigrants were compelled to stop in the midst of the tents in the valley. the old chief explained through an interpreter that his people had just come back from a great battle. they were hungry, he said, and wanted food and the emigrants would have to give it to them, for were not these whites, he said, passing through the sacred land of the indian? "the ward party was a small one, it could muster but men. each man was well armed, but the indians were mixing up with them and it would have been impossible to get together for united action. it was necessary to submit to the wishes of the indians. bacon, sugar, flour and crackers were given up and the old chief divided them among his people. "while this division was being made young braves were busying themselves by annoying the members of the party. among the white people was a young woman who had charge of two horses attached to a light covered wagon. several of the braves took a fancy to her. they gave the whites to understand that any woman who could drive horses was all right and must not go any farther. mr. ward and his men had a hard time keeping the indians from stealing the girl. once they crowded about her and for a time it was thought she would be taken by force. the white men and several of the women went to her rescue. mrs. mercer was in the rescue party. she shoved the indians right and left and in the end the girl was rescued and smuggled into a closed wagon, where she remained concealed for some hours. "another young woman in the party had beautiful auburn hair. an indian warrior took a fancy to her, thought she was the finest woman he had ever seen, and said that his people would compromise if she were given to him for a wife. again there was trouble and the girl had to be hidden in a closed wagon. "the indians kept up their annoyance of the party for some time, but finally their hunger got the better of them and they sat down to eat the food which the ward party had under compulsion given them. "the indian chief consented that the white people should take their departure. they were quick to do so and were soon some distance from the indian camp. "after the wards reached oregon, hester settled down to pioneer life with the other members of the family, but in the fall of , thomas mercer, then probate judge of king county, washington territory, wooed and won her and they were married. the wedding was one of the important affairs of early days. rev. daniel bagley, of this city, performed the ceremony. after mr. and mrs. mercer came to seattle they took up their residence in a little house on first avenue, near washington street. the mercer home at present occupies a block of the old donation claim. the home is on lombard street between prospect and villard avenues. "when mr. and mrs. mercer came to seattle, john denny and wife and james campbell and wife accompanied them. the three families swelled the population to thirteen families. "d. b. ward, a half brother of mrs. mercer, also came with them. "'seattle was not a very big city in those days,' said mr. ward recently in discussing the matter. 'i remember that soon after my arrival i thought i would take a walk up in the woods. i went to the church, which stood where at present is the boston national bank building. i found windows filled with little holes. it was a great mystery to me. i went down town and made inquiry about it and was told that every hole represented a bullet fired by the indians during the fight three years before.' "mrs. mercer was a woman of many grand qualities; she never permitted any suffering to go on about her if she were in a position to relieve it. she was a good friend of the poor and did many kind acts of which the world knew but little." in the latter years of her life she was a patient, uncomplaining invalid, and finally entered into rest on the th of november, , having lived in seattle for thirty-nine years. she was buried with honor and affection; the pallbearers were old pioneers averaging a forty years' residence in the same place; d. t. denny, the longest, being one of the founders, for forty-five years; they were dexter horton, t. d. hinckley, d. t. denny, edgar bryan, david kellogg and hans nelson. mr. mercer, at the age of (in ), still survives her, passing a peaceful old age in the midst of relatives and friends. chapter ix. dr. henry a. smith, the brilliant writer. this well known pioneer joined the "mighty nation moving west" in . from portland, the wayside inn of weary travelers, he pushed on to puget sound, settling in on elliott bay, at a place known for many years as smith's cove. being a gifted writer he has made numerous contributions to northwestern literature, both in prose and poetry. in a rarely entertaining set of papers entitled "early reminiscences," he brings vividly to the minds of his readers the "good old times" on elliott bay, as he describes the manner of life, personal adventure, odd characters and striking environment of the first decade of settlement. in them he relates that after the white river massacre, he conveyed his mother to a place of safety, by night, in a boat with muffled oars. to quote his own words: "early the next morning i persuaded james broad and charley williamson, a couple of harum-scarum run-away sailors, to accompany me to my ranch in the cove, where we remained two weeks securing crops. we always kept our rifles near us while working in the field, so as to be ready for emergencies, and brave as they seemed their faces several times blanched white as they sprang for their guns on hearing brush crack near them, usually caused by deer. one morning on going to the field where we were digging potatoes, we found fresh moccasin tracks, and judged from the difference in the size of the tracks that at least half a dozen savages had paid the field a visit during the night. as nothing had been disturbed we concluded that they were waiting in ambush for us and accordingly we retired to the side of the field farthest from the woods and began work, keeping a sharp lookout the while. soon we heard a cracking in the brush and a noise that sounded like the snapping of a flintlock. we grabbed our rifles and rushed into the woods where we heard the noise, so as to have the trees for shelter, and if possible to draw a bead on the enemy. on reaching shelter, the crackling sound receded toward salmon bay. but fearing a surprise if we followed the sound of retreat, we concluded to reach the bay by way of a trail that led to it, but higher up; we reached the water just in time to see five redskins land in a canoe, on the opposite side of the bay where the crooks' barn now stands. after that i had hard work to keep the runaways until the crop was secured, and did so only by keeping one of them secreted in the nearest brush constantly on guard. at night we barred the doors and slept in the attic, hauling the ladder up after us. sometimes, when the boys told blood-curdling stories until they became panicky by their own eloquence, we slept in the woods, but that was not often. "in this way the crops were all saved, cellared and stacked, only to be destroyed afterward by the torch of the common enemy. "twice the house was fired before it was finally consumed, and each time i happened to arrive in time to extinguish the flames, the incendiaries evidently having taken to their heels as soon as the torch was applied." while yet new to the country he met with an adventure not uncommon to the earliest settlers in the great forest, recorded as follows: "i once had a little experience, but a very amusing one, of being 'lost.' in the summer of , i concluded to make a trail to seattle. up to that time i had ridden to the city in a 'chinook buggy.' one bright morning i took a compass and started for seattle on as nearly a straight line as possible. after an hour's travel the sun was hid by clouds and the compass had to be entirely relied upon for the right course. this was tedious business, for the woods had never been burned, and the old fallen timber was almost impassable. about noon i noticed to my utter astonishment, that the compass had reversed its poles. i knew that beds of mineral would sometimes cause a variation of the needle and was delighted at the thought of discovering a _valuable iron mine_ so near salt water. a good deal of time was spent in breaking bushes and thoroughly marking the spot so that there would be no difficulty in finding it again, and from that on i broke bushes as i walked, so as to be able to easily retrace my steps. from that place i followed the compass _reversed_, calculating, as i walked, the number of ships that would load annually at seattle with pig-iron, and the amount of ground that would be eventually covered at the cove with furnaces, rolling mills, foundries, tool manufacturing establishments, etc. "as night came on i became satisfied that i had traveled too far to the east, and had passed seattle, and the prospect of spending a night in the woods knocked my iron calculations into pi. soon, however, i was delighted to see a clearing ahead, and a shake-built shanty that i concluded must be the ranch that mr. nagle had commenced improving some time before, and which, i had understood, lay between seattle and lake washington. when i reached the fence surrounding the improvements, i seated myself on one of the top rails for a seat and to ponder the advisability of remaining with my new neighbor over night, or going on to town. while sitting thus, i could not help contrasting his improvements with my own. the size of the clearing was the same, the house was a good deal like mine, the only seeming difference was that the front of his faced the west, whereas the front of mine faced the east. while puzzling over this strange coincidence, my own mother came out of the house to feed the poultry that had commenced going to roost, in a rookery for all the world like my own, only facing the wrong way. 'in the name of all that's wonderful!' i thought, 'what is she doing here? and how did she get here ahead of me?' just then the world took a spin around, my ranch wheeled into line, and, lo! i was sitting on my own fence, and had been looking at my own improvements without knowing them." and from this he draws a moral and adorns the tale with the philosophic conclusion that people cannot see and think alike owing to their point of view, and we therefore must be charitable. until accustomed to it and schooled in wood-craft, the mighty and amazing forest was bewildering and mysterious to the adventurous settler; however, they soon learned how not to lose themselves in its labyrinthine depths. dr. smith is a past master in description, as will be seen by this word-picture of a fire in a vast pitchy and resinous mass of combustible material. i have witnessed many, each a magnificent display. "washington beats the world for variety and magnificence of awe inspiring mountains and other scenery. i have seen old ocean in her wildest moods, have beheld the western prairie on fire by night, when the long, waving lines of flame flared and flashed their red light against the low, fleecy clouds till they blossomed into roseate beauty, looking like vast spectral flower gardens, majestically sweeping through the heavens; have been in the valley of the river platte, when all the windows of the sky and a good many doors opened at once and the cloud-masked batteries of the invisible hosts of the air volleyed and thundered till the earth fairly reeled beneath the terrific cannonade that tore its quivering bosom with red-hot bombs until awe-stricken humanity shriveled into utter nothingness in the presence of the mad fury of the mightiest forces of nature. but for magnificence of sublime imagery and awe-inspiring grandeur a forest fire raging among the gigantic firs and towering cedars that mantle the shores of puget sound, surpasses anything i have ever beheld, and absolutely baffles all attempts at description. it has to be seen to be comprehended. the grandest display of forest pyrotechnics is witnessed when an extensive tract that has been partly cleared by logging is purposely or accidentally fired. when thus partly cleared, all the tops of the fir, cedar, spruce, pine and hemlock trees felled for their lumber remain on the ground, their boughs fairly reeking with balsam. all inferior trees are left standing, and in early days when only the very choicest logs would be accepted by the mills, about one-third would be left untouched, and then the trees would stand thicker, mightier, taller than in the average forest of the eastern and middle states. "i once witnessed the firing of a two thousand acre tract thus logged over. it was noon in the month of august, and not a breath of air moved the most delicate ferns on the hillsides. the birds had hushed their songs for their midday siesta, and the babbling brook at our feet had grown less garrulous, as if in sympathy with the rest of nature, when the torch was applied. a dozen or more neighbors had come together to witness the exhibition of the unchained element about to hold high carnival in the amphitheater of the hills, and each one posted himself, rifle in hand, in some conspicuous place at least a quarter of a mile from the slashing in order to get a shot at any wild animal fleeing from the 'wrath to come.' "the tract was fired simultaneously on all sides by siwashes, who rapidly circled it with long brands, followed closely by rivers of flame in hot pursuit. "as soon as the fire worked its way to the massive winrows of dry brush, piled in making roads in every direction, a circular wall of solid flame rose half way to the tops of the tall trees. soon the rising of the heated air caused strong currents of cooler air to set in from every side. the air currents soon increased to cyclones. then began a race of the towering, billowy, surging walls of fire for the center. driven furiously on by these ever-increasing, eddying, and fiercely contending tornadoes, the flames lolled and rolled and swayed and leaped, rising higher and higher, until one vast, circular tidal wave of liquid fire rolled in and met at the center with the whirl and roar of pandemoniac thunder and shot up in a spiral and rapidly revolving red-hot cone, a thousand feet in mid-air, out of whose flaring and crater-like apex poured dense volumes of tarry smoke, spreading out on every side, like unfolding curtains of night, till the sun was darkened and the moon was turned to blood and the stars seemed literally raining from heaven, as glowing firebrands that had been carried up by the fierce tornado of swirling flame and carried to immense distances by upper air currents, fell back in showers to the ground. the vast tract, but a few moments before as quiet as a sleeping infant in its cradle, was now one vast arena of seething, roaring, raging flame. the long, lithe limbs of the tall cedars were tossing wildly about, while the strong limbs of the sturdier firs and hemlocks were freely gyrating like the sinewy arms of mighty giant athletes engaged in mortal combat. ever and anon their lower, pitch-dripping branches would ignite from the fervent heat below, when the flames would rush to the very tops with the roar of contending thunders and shoot upward in bright silvery volumes from five to seven hundred feet, or double the height of the trees themselves. hundreds of these fire-volumes flaring and flaming in quick succession and sometimes many of them simultaneously, in conjunction with the weird eclipse-like darkness that veiled the heavens, rendered the scene one of awful grandeur never to be forgotten. "so absorbed were we all in the preternatural war of the fiercely contending elements that we forgot our guns, our game and ourselves. * * * * * "the burnt district, after darkness set in, was wild and weird in the extreme. the dry bark to the very tops of the tall trees was on fire and constantly falling off in large flakes, and the air was filled ever and anon with dense showers of golden stars, while the trees in the environs seemed to move about through the fitful shadows like grim brobdignags clad in sheeny armor." having witnessed many similar conflagrations i am able to say that the subject could scarcely be better treated. through the courtesy of the author, dr. h. a. smith, i have been permitted to insert the following poem, which has no doubt caused many a grim chuckle and scowl of sympathy, too, from the old pioneers of the northwest: "the mortgage. "the man who holds a mortgage on my farm and sells me out to gratify his greed, is shielded by our shyster laws from harm, and ever laud for the dastard deed! though morally the man is really worse than if he knocked me down and took my purse; the last would mean, at most, a moment's strife, the first would mean the struggle of a life, and homeless children wailing in the cold, a prey to want and miseries manifold; then if i loot him of his mangy pup the guardians of the law will lock me up, and jaundiced justice fly into a rage while pampered piety askance my rags will scan, and shylock shout, 'behold a dangerous man!' but notwithstanding want to heaven cries, and villains masquerade in virtue's guise, and liberty is moribund or dead-- except for men who corporations head-- one little consolation still remains, the human race will one day rend its chains." in transcribing indian myths and religious beliefs, dr. smith displays much ability. after having had considerable acquaintance with the native races, he concludes that "many persons are honestly of the opinion that indians have no ideas above catching and eating salmon, but if they will lay aside prejudice and converse freely with the more intelligent natives, they will soon find that they reason just as well on all subjects that attract their attention as we do, and being free from pre-conceived opinions, they go directly to the heart of theories and reason both inductively and deductively with surprising clearness and force." dr. smith exhibits in his writings a broadly charitable mind which sees even in the worst, still some lingering or smothered good. dr. smith is one of a family of patriots; his great-grandfather, copelton smith, who came from germany to america in and settled in or near philadelphia, pa., fought for liberty in the war of the revolution under general washington. his father, nicholas smith, a native of pennsylvania, fought for the stars and stripes in . two brothers fought for old glory in the war of the rebellion, and he himself was one of the volunteers who fought for their firesides in the state, then territory of washington. "a family of fighters," as he says, "famous for their peaceful proclivities when let alone." the varied experiences of life in the northwest have developed in him a sane and sweet philosophy, perhaps nowhere better set forth in his writings than in his poem "pacific's pioneers," read at a reunion of the founders of the state a few years ago, and with which i close this brief and inadequate sketch: "pacific's pioneers. "a greeting to pacific's pioneers, whose peaceful lives are drawing to a close, whose patient toil, for lo these many years, has made the forest blossom as the rose. "and bright-browed women, bonny, brave and true, and laughing lasses, sound of heart and head, who home and kindred bade a last adieu to follow love where fortune led. "i do not dedicate these lines alone to men who live to bless the world today, but i include the nameless and unknown the pioneers who perished by the way. "not for the recreant do my numbers ring, the men who spent their lives in sport and spree, nor for the barnacles that always cling to every craft that cruises freedom's sea. "but nearly all were noble, brave and kind, and little cared for fame or fashion's gyves; and though they left their sunday suits behind they practiced pure religion all their lives. "their love of peace no people could excel, their dash in war the poet's pen awaits; their sterling loyalty made possible pacific's golden galaxy of states. "they had no time to bother much about contending creeds that vex the nation's hub, but then they left their leather latches out to every wandering arab short of grub. "cut off from all courts, man's earthly shield from harm, they looked for help to him whose court's above, and learned to lean on labor's honest arm, and live the higher law, the law of love. "not one but ought to wear a crown of gold, if crowns were made for men who do their best amid privations cast and manifold that unborn generations may be blest. "among these rugged pioneers the rule was equal rights, and all took special pride in 'tending mother nature's matchless school, and on her lessons lovingly relied. "and this is doubtless why they are in touch with nature's noblemen neath other skies; and though of books they may not know as much their wisdom lasts, as nature never lies. "and trusting god and his unerring plan as only altruistic natures could their faith extended to their fellow man, the image of the author of all good. "since nature here has done her best to please by making everything in beauty's mold, loads down with balm of flowers every breeze, and runs her rivers over reefs of gold, "it seems but natural that men who yearn for native skies, and visit scenes of yore, are seldom satisfied till they return to roam the gardens of the gods once more! "and since they fell in love with nature here how fitting they should wish to fall asleep where sparkling mountain spires soar and spear the stainless azure of the upper deep. "and yet we're saddened when the papers say another pioneer has passed away! and memory recalls when first, forsooth, we saw him in the glorious flush of youth. "how plain the simple truth when seen appears, no wonder that faded leaves we fall! this is the winter of the pioneers that blows a wreath of wrinkles to us all! "a few more mounds for faltering feet to seek, when, somewhere in this lovely sunset-land like some weird, wintry, weather-beaten peak some rare old roman all alone will stand. "but not for long, for ere the rosy dawn of many golden days has come and gone, our pine-embowered bells will shout to every shore 'pacific's pioneers are now no more!' "but lovely still the glorious stars will glow and glitter in god's upper deep like pearls and mountains too will wear their robes of snow just as they did when we were boys and girls. "ah well, it may be best, and is, no doubt, as death is quite as natural as birth and since no storms can blow the sweet stars out, why should one wish to always stay on earth? "especially as god can never change, and man's the object of his constant care and though beyond the pleiades we range his boundless love and mercy must be there." chapter x. famous indian chiefs. sealth or "old seattle," a peaceable son of the forest, was of a line of chieftains, his father, schweabe, or schweahub, a chief before him of the suquampsh tribe inhabiting a portion of the west shore of puget sound, his mother, a duwampsh of elliott bay, whose name was wood-sho-lit-sa. sealth's birthplace was the famous oleman house, near the site of which he is now buried. oleman house was an immense timber structure, long ago inhabited by many indians; scarcely a vestige of it now remains. it was built by sealth's father. chief sealth was twice married and had three sons and five daughters, the last of whom, angeline, or ka-ki-is-il-ma, passed away on may , . in an interview she informed me that her grandfather, schweabe, was a tall, slim man, while sealth was rather heavy as well as tall. sealth was a hunter, she said, but not a great warrior. in the time of her youth there were herds of elk near oleman house which sealth hunted with the bow or gun. the elk, now limited to the fastnesses of the olympic mountains, were also hunted in the cove south of west seattle, by englishmen, sealth's cousin, tsetseguis, helping, with other indians, to carry out the game. angeline further said that her father, "old seattle," as the white people called him, inherited the chiefship when a little boy. as he grew up he became more important, married, obtained slaves, of whom he had eight when the dennys came, and acquired wealth. of his slaves, yutestid is living ( ) and when reminded of him she laughed and repeated his name several times, saying, "yutestid! yutestid! how was it possible for me to forget him? why, we grew up together!" yutestid was a slave by descent, as also were five others; the remaining two he had purchased. it is said that he bought them out of pity from another who treated them cruelly. sealth, keokuk, william and others, with quite a band of duwampsh and suquampsh indians, once attacked the chimacums, surrounded their large house or rancheree at night; at some distance away they joined hands forming a circle and gradually crept up along the ground until quite near, when they sprang up and fired upon them; the terrified occupants ran out and were killed by their enemies. on entering they found one of the wounded crawling around crying "ah! a-ah!" whom they quickly dispatched with an ax. a band of indians visited alki in , who told the story to the white settlers, imitating their movements as the attacking party and evidently much enjoying the performance. about the year , sealth set himself to avenge the death of his nephew, almos, who was killed by owhi. with five canoe loads of his warriors, among whom was curley, he ascended white river and attacked a large camp, killed more than ten men and carried the women and children away into captivity. at one time in olympia some renegades who had planned to assassinate him, fired a shot through his tent but he escaped unhurt. dr. maynard, who visited him shortly after, saw that while he talked as coolly as if nothing unusual had occurred, he toyed with his bow and arrow as if he felt his power to deal death to the plotters, but nothing was ever known of their punishment. sealth was of a type of puget sound indian whose physique was not by any means contemptible. tall, broad shouldered, muscular, even brawny, straight and strong, they made formidable enemies, and on the warpath were sufficiently alarming to satisfy the most exacting tenderfoot whose contempt for the "bowlegged siwash" is by no means concealed. many of the old grizzly-haired indians were of large frame and would, if living, have made a towering contrast to their little "runts" of critics. neither were their minds dwarfed, for evidently not narrowed by running in the grooves of other men's thoughts, they were free to nourish themselves upon nature and from their magnificent environment they drew many striking comparisons. not versed in the set phrases of speech, time-worn and hackneyed, their thoughts were naive, fresh, crude and angular as the frost-rended rocks on the mountain side. a number of these indians were naturally gifted as orators; with great, mellow voices, expressive gestures, flaming earnestness, piteous pathos and scorching sarcasm, they told their wrongs, commemorated their dead and declared their friendship or hatred in a voluminous, polysyllabic language no more like chinook than american is like pigeon english. the following is a fragment valuable for the intimation it gives of their power as orators, as well as a true description of the appearance of sealth, written by dr. h. a. smith, a well known pioneer, and published in the seattle sunday star of october , : "old chief seattle was the largest indian i ever saw, and by far the noblest looking. he stood nearly six feet in his moccasins, was broad-shouldered, deep-chested and finely proportioned. his eyes were large, intelligent, expressive and friendly when in repose, and faithfully mirrored the varying moods of the great soul that looked through them. he was usually solemn, silent and dignified, but on great occasions moved among assembled multitudes like a titan among lilliputians, and his lightest word was law. "when rising to speak in council or to tender advice, all eyes were turned upon him, and deep-toned, sonorous and eloquent sentences rolled from his lips like the ceaseless thunders of cataracts flowing from exhaustless fountains, and his magnificent bearing was as noble as that of the most civilized military chieftain in command of the force of a continent. neither his eloquence, his dignity nor his grace was acquired. they were as native to his manhood as leaves and blossoms are to a flowering almond. "his influence was marvelous. he might have been an emperor but all his instincts were democratic, and he ruled his subjects with kindness and paternal benignity. "he was always flattered by marked attentions from white men, and never so much as when seated at their tables, and on such occasions he manifested more than anywhere else his genuine instincts of a gentleman. "when governor stevens first arrived in seattle and told the natives that he had been appointed commissioner of indian affairs for washington territory, they gave him a demonstrative reception in front of dr. maynard's office near the water front on main street. the bay swarmed with canoes and the shore was lined with a living mass of swaying, writhing, dusky humanity, until old chief seattle's trumpet-toned voice rolled over the immense multitude like the reveille of a bass drum, when silence became as instantaneous and perfect as that which follows a clap of thunder from a clear sky. "the governor was then introduced to the native multitude by dr. maynard, and at once commenced in a conversational, plain and straightforward style, an explanation of his mission among them, which is too well understood to require recapitulation. "when he sat down, chief seattle arose, with all the dignity of a senator who carries the responsibilities of a great nation on his shoulders. placing one hand on the governor's head, and slowly pointing heavenward with the index finger of the other, he commenced his memorable address in solemn and impressive tones: "'yonder sky has wept tears of compassion on our fathers for centuries untold, and which to us, looks eternal, may change. today it is fair, tomorrow it may be overcast with clouds. my words are like the clouds that never set. what seattle says the chief washington can rely upon, with as much certainty as our pale-face brothers can rely upon the return of the seasons. the son of the white chief says his father sends us greetings of friendship and good-will. this is kind, for we know he has little need of our friendship in return, because his people are many. they are like the grass that covers the vast prairie, while my people are few and resemble the scattering trees of a storm-swept plain. "'the great, and i presume good, white chief sends us word that he wants to buy our lands, but is willing to allow us to reserve enough to live on comfortably. this indeed appears generous, for the red man no longer has rights that he need respect, and the offer may be wise also, for we are no longer in need of a great country. "'there was a time when our people covered the whole land as the waves of a wind-ruffled sea covers its shell-paved shore. that time has long since passed away with the greatness of tribes almost forgotten. i will not mourn over our untimely decay, or reproach my pale-face brothers with hastening it, for we, too, may have been somewhat to blame. "'when our young men grew angry at some real or imaginary wrong and disfigured their faces with black paint, their hearts also are disfigured and turned black, and then cruelty is relentless and knows no bounds, and our old men are not able to restrain them.' "he continued in this eloquent strain and closed by saying: 'we will ponder your proposition and when we have decided we will tell you, but should we accept it i here and now make this first condition: that we shall not be denied the privilege, without molestation, of visiting at will the graves of our ancestors and friends. every part of this country is sacred to my people; every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my tribe. "'even the rocks that seem to lie dumb, as they swelter in the sun, along the silent seashore in solemn grandeur, thrill with memories of past events, connected with the fate of my people and the very dust under our feet responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it is the ashes of our ancestors and their bare feet are conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our kindred. at night when the streets of your cities and villages shall be silent and you think them deserted they will throng with the returning hosts that once filled and still love this beautiful land. the white man will never be alone. let him be just and deal kindly with my people, for the dead are not altogether powerless.'" concerning the well-known portrait of sealth, clarence bagley has this to say: "it was in the early summer of that the original picture which is now so much seen of the old chief was taken. i think i probably have a diary giving the day upon which the old chief sat for his picture. an amateur artist named e. m. sammis had secured a camera at olympia and coming to seattle established himself in a ramshackle building at the southeast corner of what is now main and first avenue south. old chief seattle used often to hang about the gallery and scrutinize the pictures with evident satisfaction. i myself spent not a little time in and about the gallery and on the particular day the picture of the old chief was taken, was there. it occurred to the photographer to get a picture of the chief. the latter was easily persuaded to sit and it is a wrong impression, that has become historic, that the indians generally were afraid of the photographer's art, considering it black magic. "the chief's picture was taken and i printed the first copy taken from the negative. there may possibly have been photographs taken of the old chief at a later date, but i do not remember any, certainly none earlier, that i ever knew of." with regard to sealth's oratory, d. t. denny relates that when the chief with his "tillicum" camped on the "point" near the site of the new england hotel, often in the evening he would stand up and address his people. d. t. denny's home was near the site of the stevens hotel (marion and first avenue, seattle), and many indians were camped near by. when these heard chief sealth's voice, they would turn their heads in a listening attitude and evidently understood what he was saying, although he was about three-fourths of a mile away, such was the resonance and carrying power of his voice. my father has also related to me this incident: sealth and his people camped alongside the little white settlement at alki. while there one of his wives died and a. a. denny made a coffin for the body, but they wrapped the same in so many blankets that it would not go in and they were obliged to remove several layers, although they probably felt regret as the number of wrappings no doubt evidenced wealth and position. d. t. denny was well acquainted with george seattle, or see-an-ump-kun, one of sealth's sons, who was a friendly, good-natured indian, married to a woman of the sklallam tribe. the other surviving son when the whites arrived, was called jim seattle. thlid kanem was a cousin of sealth. on the th of june, , the famous old chieftain joined the great majority. he had outlived many of his race, doubtless because of his temperate habits. if, as the white people concluded, he was born in , his age was eighty years. it might well have been greater, as they have no records and old indians show little change often in twenty or twenty-five years, as i have myself observed. in some leading pioneers of seattle erected a monument to his memory over his grave in the port madison reservation. a christian emblem it is, a cross of italian marble adorned with an ivy wreath and bears this legend: "seattle chief of the suqamps and allied tribes, died june , . the firm friend of the whites, and for him the city of seattle was named by its founders." also on the side opposite, "baptismal name, noah sealth, age probably years." leschi. leschi was a noted nesqually-klickitat chief, who at the head of a body of warriors attacked seattle in . other chiefs implicated were, kitsap, kanasket, quiemuth, owhi and coquilton. leschi being accused of influencing the indians at seattle, who were friendly, in january, , an attempt was made to capture him by captain keyes of fort steilacoom. keyes sent maloney and his company in the hudson bay company's steamer "beaver" to take him prisoner. they attempted to land but leschi gathered up his warriors and prepared to fight. being at a decided disadvantage, as but a few could land at a time, the soldiers were obliged to withdraw. keyes made a second attempt in the surveying steamer "active;" having no cannon he tried to borrow a howitzer from the "decatur" at seattle, but the captain refused to loan it and keyes returned to get a gun at the fort. leschi prudently withdrew to puyallup, where he continued his warlike preparations. followed by quite an army of hostile indians, he landed on the shore of lake washington, east of seattle, at a point near what is now called leschi park, and on the th of january, , made the memorable attack on seattle. the cunning and skill of the indian in warfare were no match for the white man's cannon and substantial defenses and leschi was defeated. he threatened a second attack but none was ever made. by midsummer the war was at an end. by an agreement of a council held in the yakima country, between col. wright and the conquered chiefs, among whom were leschi, quiemuth, nelson, stahi and the younger kitsap, they were permitted to go free on parole, having promised to lead peaceable lives. leschi complied with the agreement but feared the revenge of white men, so gave himself up to dr. tolmie, as stated elsewhere. dr. tolmie was chief factor of the hudson bay company. he came from scotland in with another young surgeon and served in the medical department at fort vancouver several years. dr. tolmie was a prominent figure at fort nesqually, a very influential man with the indians and distinguished for his ability; he lived in victoria many years, where he died at a good old age. [illustration: types of indian houses] a special term of court was held to try leschi for a murder which it could not be proven he committed and the jury failed to agree. he was tried again in march, , convicted and sentenced to be hanged on the th of june. the case was carried up to the supreme court and the verdict sustained. again he was sentenced to die on the nd of january, . a strong appeal was made by those who wished to see justice done, to gov. mcmullin, who succeeded gov. stevens, but a protest prevailed, and when the day set for execution arrived, a multitude of people gathered to witness it at steilacoom. but the doomed man's friends saw the purpose was revenge and a sharp reproof was administered. the sheriff and his deputy were arrested, for selling liquor to the indians, before the hour appointed, and held until the time passed. greatly chagrined at being frustrated, the crowd held meetings the same evening and by appealing to the legislature and some extraordinary legislation in sympathy with them, supplemented by "ground and lofty tumbling" in the courts, leschi was sentenced for the third time. on the th of february, , worn by sickness and prolonged imprisonment he was murdered in accordance with the sentiment of his enemies. no doubt the methods of _savage_ warfare were not approved, but that did not prevent their hanging a man on parole. on july rd, , a large gathering of indians assembled on the nesqually reservation. over one thousand were there. they met to remove the bones of leschi and quiemuth to the reservation. the ceremonies were very impressive; george leschi, a nephew of leschi and son of quiemuth, made a speech in the indian tongue. he said the war was caused by the whites demanding that the nesqually and puyallup indians be removed to the quiniault reservation on the pacific coast, and their reservation thrown open for settlement. it was in battling for the rights of their people and to preserve the lands of their forefathers, he said, that the war was inaugurated by the indian chiefs. pat kanem. the subject of this sketch was one of the most interesting characters brought into prominence by the conflict of the two races in early days of conquest in the northwest. that he was sometimes misunderstood was inevitable as he was self-contained and independent in his nature and probably concealed his motives from friend and foe alike. the opinion of the indians was not wholly favorable to him as he became friendly to the white people, especially so toward some who were influential. pat kanem was one of seven brothers, his mother a snoqualmie of which tribe he was the recognized leader, his father, of another tribe, the soljampsh. it is said that he planned the extermination or driving out of the whites and brought about a collision at old fort nesqually in , when leander wallace was killed, he and his warriors having picked a quarrel with the indians in that vicinity who ran to the fort for protection. it seems impossible to ascertain the facts as to the intention of the snoqualmies because of conflicting accounts. some who are well acquainted with the indians think it was a quarrel, pure and simple, between the indians camped near by and the visiting snoqualmies, without any ulterior design upon the white men or upon the fort itself. also, leander wallace persisted in boasting that he could settle the difficulty with a club and contrary to the persuasions of the people in the fort went outside, thereby losing his life. four of pat kanem's brothers were arrested; and although one shot killed wallace, two indians were hung, a proceeding which would hardly have followed had they been white men. john kanem, one of pat kanem's brothers, often visited mr. and mrs. d. t. denny afterward, and would repeat again and again, "they killed my brother" (kluskie mem-a-loose nika ow). a snoqualmie indian in an interview recently said that qushun (little cloud) persuaded pat kanem to give up his brother so that he might surely obtain and maintain the chiefship. whatever may have been his attitude at first toward the white invaders he afterward became their ally in subduing the indian outbreak. as a. a. denny recounts in his valuable work "pioneer days on puget sound," pat kanem gave him assurance of his steadfast friendship before the war and further demonstrated it by appearing according to previous agreement, accompanied by women and children of the tribe, obviously a peace party, with gifts of choice game which he presented on board to the captain of the "decatur." with half a hundred or more of his warriors, his services were accepted by the governor and they applied themselves to the gruesome industry of taking heads from the hostile ranks. eighty dollars for a chief's head and twenty for a warrior's were the rewards offered. lieut. phelps, gratefully remembered by the settlers of seattle, thus described his appearance at olympia, after having invested some of his pay in "boston ictas" (clothes): "pat kanem was arrayed in citizen's garb, including congress gaiters, white kid gloves, and a white shirt with standing collar reaching half-way up his ears, and the whole finished off with a flaming red neck-tie." pat kanem died while yet young; he must have been regarded with affection by his people. years afterward when one of his tribe visited an old pioneer, he was given a photograph of pat kanem to look at; wondering at his silence the family were struck by observing that he was gazing intently on the pictured semblance of his dead and gone chieftain, while great tears rolled unchecked down the bronze cheeks. what thoughts of past prosperity, the happy, roving life of the long ago and those who mingled in it, he may have had, we cannot tell. studah. studah, or williams, was one of three sons of a very old duwampsh chief, "queaucton," who brought them to a. a. denny asking that he give them "boston" names. he complied by calling them tecumseh, keokuk and william. the following sketch was written by rev. g. f. whitworth, a well-known pioneer: "william, the chief of the surviving indians of the duwampsh tribe, died at the indian camp on cedar river on wednesday, april . he was one of the few remaining indians who were at all prominent in the early settlement of this country, and is almost, if not actually, the last of those who were ever friendly to the whites. his father, who died about the time that the first white settlements were made in this country, was the principal or head chief of the duwamish indians. he left three sons, tecumseh, keokuk and william. all of whom are now dead. tecumseh, presumably the eldest son, succeeded his father, and was recognized as chief until he was deposed by capt. (now gen.) dent, u. s. a., who acted under authority of the united states government in relation to the indians, at that time. he had some characteristics which seemed to disqualify him for the office, while on the other hand william seemed pre-eminently fitted to fill the position, and was therefore chief and had been recognized both by whites and indians up to the time of his death. "at the time of the indian war, he, like seattle and curley, was a true friend of the whites. the night before seattle was attacked there was a council of war held in the woods back of the town, and william attended that council, and his voice was heard for peace and against war. he was always friendly to the whites, and for nearly forty years he has been faithful in his friendship to e. w. smithers, to whom i am indebted for much of the information contained in this article. "those who knew william will remember that he was distinguished for natural dignity of manner. he was an earnest and sincere catholic, was a thoroughly good indian, greatly respected by his tribe, and having the confidence of those among the whites who knew him. william was an orator and quite eloquent in his own language. on one occasion shortly after capt. hill, u. s. a., came to the territory, some complaints had been made to the superintendent, which were afterwards learned to be unfounded, asking to have the duwamish indians removed from black river to the reservation. capt. hill was sent to perform this service, and went with a steamer to their camp, which was on mr. smither's farm, a little above the railroad bridge. the captain was accompanied by united states agent finkbonner, and on his arrival at the camp addressed the indians, through an interpreter, informing them of the nature of his errand, and directing them to gather their 'ictas' without delay and go on board the steamer, to be at once conveyed to the reservation. william and his indians listened respectfully to the captain, and when he had closed his remarks william made his reply. "his speech was about an hour in length, in which his eloquence was clearly exhibited. he replied that the father at olympia or the great father at washington city, had no right to remove his tribe. they were peaceful, had done no wrong. they were under no obligation to the government, had received nothing at its hands, and had asked for nothing; they had entered into no treaty; their lands had been taken from them. this, however, was their home. he had been born on cedar river, and there he intended to remain, and there his bones should be laid. they were not willing to be removed. they could not be removed. he might bring the soldiers to take them, but when they should come he would not find them, for they would flee and hide themselves in the 'stick' (the woods) where the soldiers could not find them. capt. hill found himself in a dilemma, out of which he was extricated by mr. smithers, who convinced the captain that the complaints were unfounded, and that with two or three exceptions those who had signed the complaint and made the request did not reside in that neighborhood, but lived miles away. they were living on mr. smithers' land with his consent, and when he further guaranteed their good behavior, and mrs. smithers assured him that she had no fears and no grievance, but that when mr. smithers was away she considered them a protection rather than otherwise, the captain concluded to return without them, and to report the facts as he found them. "william's last message was sent to mr. smithers a few days before he died, and was a request that he would see that he was laid to rest as befitted his rank, and not allow him to be buried like a seedy old vagrant, as many of the newcomers considered him to be. "it is hardly necessary for me to say that this request was faithfully complied with, and that on friday, april , his remains were interred in the indian burying ground near renton. the funeral was a large one, indians from far and near coming to render their last tribute of respect to his memory. "from the time of his birth until his death he had lived in the region of cedar and black rivers, seventy-nine years. "his successor as chief will be his nephew, rogers, who is a son of tecumseh." "angeline." ka-ki-is-il-ma, called angeline by the white settlers, about whom so much has been written, was a daughter of sealth. in an interview, some interesting facts were elicited. angeline saw white people first at nesqually, "king george" people, the indians called the hudson bay company's agents and followers. she saw the brothers of pat kanem arrested for the killing of wallace; she said that sealth thought it was right that the two snoqualmies were executed. when a little girl she wore deerskin robes or long coats and a collar of shells; in those days her tribe made three kinds of robes, some of "suwella," "shulth" or mountain beaver fur, and of deer-skins; the third was possibly woven, as they made blankets of mountain sheep's wool and goat's hair. angeline was first married to a big chief of the skagits, dokubkun by name; her second husband was talisha, a duwampsh chief. she was a widow of about forty-five when americans settled on elliott bay. two daughters, chewatum or betsy and mamie, were her only children known to the white people, and both married white men. betsy committed suicide by hanging herself in the shed room of a house on commercial street, tying herself to a rafter by a red bandanna handkerchief. betsy left an infant son, since grown up, who lived with angeline many years. mary or mamie married wm. deshaw and has been dead for some time. it has been said that some are born great, some achieve greatness, while others have greatness thrust upon them. of the last described class, angeline was a shining representative. souvenir spoons, photographs, and cups bearing her likeness have doubtless traveled over a considerable portion of the civilized world, all of the notoriety arising therefrom certainly being unsought by the poor old indian woman. newspaper reporters, paragraphers, and magazine writers have never wearied of limning her life, recounting even the smallest incidents and making of her a conspicuous figure in the literature of the northwest. it quite naturally follows that some absurd things have been written, some heartless, others pathetic and of real literary value, although it has been difficult for the tenderfoot to avoid errors. upon the event of her death, which occurred on sunday, may st, , a leading paper published an editorial in which a brief outline of the building of the city witnessed by angeline was given and is here inserted: "angeline, as she had been named by the early settlers, had seen many wonders. born on the lonely shores of an unknown country, reared in the primeval forest, she saw all the progress of modern civilization. she saw the first cabin of the pioneer; the struggles for existence on the part of the white man with nature; the hewing of the log, then the work of the sawmill, the revolt of the aboriginal inhabitants against the intruder and the subjugation of the inferior race; the growth from one hut to a village; from village to town; the swelling population with its concomitants of stores, ships and collateral industries; the platting of a town; the organization of government; the accumulation of commerce; the advent of railroads and locomotives; of steamships and great engines of maritime warfare; the destruction of a town by fire and the marvelous energy which built upon its site, a city. where there had been a handful of shacks she saw a city of sixty thousand people; in place of a few canoes she saw a great fleet of vessels, stern-wheelers, side-wheelers, propellers, whalebacks, the charleston and monterey. she saw the streets lighted by electricity; saw the telephone, elevators and many other wonders. * * * * * "death came to her as it does to all; but it came as the precursor of extinction, it adds another link in the chain which exemplifies the survival of the fittest." these comments are coldly judicial and exactly after the mind of the unsympathetic tenderfoot or the "hard case" of early days. in speaking of the "survival of the fittest" and the "subjugation of the inferior race" a contrast is drawn flattering to the white race, but any mention of the incalculable injury, outrages, indignities and villainies practiced upon the native inhabitants by evil white men is carefully avoided. angeline "saw" a good many other things not mentioned in the above eulogy upon civilization. she saw the wreck wrought by the white man's drink; the indians never made a fermented liquor of their own. angeline said that her father, sealth, once owned all the land on which seattle is built, that he was friendly to the white people and wanted them to have the land; that she was glad to see fine buildings, stores and such like, but not the saloons; she did not like it at all that the white people built saloons and joe, her grandson, would go to them and get drunk and then they made her pay five dollars to get him out of jail! however, i will not dwell here on the dark side of the poor indians' history, i turn therefore to more pleasant reminiscence. ankuti (a great while ago) when the days were long and happy, in the time of wild blackberries, two pioneer women with their children, of whom the writer was one, embarked with angeline and mamie in a canoe, under the old laurel (madrona) tree and paddled down elliott bay to a fine blackberry patch on w. n. bell's claim. after wandering about a long while they sat down to rest on mossy logs beside the trail. they sat facing the water, the day was waning, and as they thought of their return one of them said, "o look at the canoe!" it was far out on the shining water; the tide had come up while the party wandered in the woods and the canoe, with its stake, was quite a distance from the bank. mamie ran down the trail to the beach, took off her moccasins and swam out to the canoe, her mother and the rest intently watching her. then she dived down to the bottom; as her round, black head disappeared beneath the rippling surface, angeline said "now she's gone." but in a few moments we breathed a sigh of relief as up she rose, having pulled up the stake, and climbed into the canoe, although how she did it one cannot tell, and paddled to the shore to take in the happy crew. this little incident, but more especially the scene, the forms and faces of my friends, the dark forest, moss-cushioned seats under drooping branches, and the graceful canoe afloat on the silvery water--and it _did_ seem for a few, long moments that mamie was gone as angeline said in her anxiety for her child's safety showing she too was a human mother--all this has never left my memory! angeline lived for many years in her little shanty near the water front, assisted often with food and clothing from kindly white friends. she had a determination to live, die and be buried in seattle, as it was her home, and that, too, near her old pioneer friends, thus typifying one of the dearest wishes of the indians. she was one of the good indian washerwomen, gratefully remembered by pioneer housewives. these faithful servitors took on them much toil, wearing and wearisome, now accomplished by machinery or chinese. the world is still deceived by the external appearance; but even the toad "ugly and venomous" was credited with a jewel in its head. now angeline was ugly and untidy, and all that, but not as soulless as some who relegated her to the lowest class of living creatures. a white friend whom she often visited, mrs. sarah kellogg, said to the writer, "angeline lived up to the light she had; she was honest and would never take anything that was offered her unless she needed it. i always made her some little present, saying, 'well, angeline, what do you want? some sugar?' 'no, i have plenty of sugar, i would like a little tea.' so it was with anything else mentioned, if she was supplied she said so. i had not seen her for quite a while at one time, and hearing she was sick sent my husband to the door of her shack to inquire after her. sure enough she lay in her bunk unable to rise. when asked if she wanted anything to eat, she replied, 'no, i have plenty of muck-amuck; arthur denny sent me a box full, but i want some candles and matches.' "she told me that she was getting old and might die any time and that she never went to bed without saying her prayers. "during a long illness she came to my house quite often, but was sent away by those in charge; when i was at last able to sit up, i saw her approaching the house and went down to the kitchen to be ready to receive her. as usual i inquired after her wants, when she somewhat indignantly asked, 'don't you suppose i can come to see you without wanting something?' "one day as she sat in my kitchen a young white girl asked before her, in english, of course, 'does angeline know anything about god?' she said quickly in chinook, 'you tell that girl that i know god sees me all the time; i might lie or steal and you would never find it out, but god would see me do it.'" in her old age she exerted herself, even when feeble from sickness, to walk long distances in quest of food and other necessities, stumping along with her cane and sitting down now and then on a door-step to rest. all the trades-people knew her and were generally kind to her. at last she succumbed to an attack of lung trouble and passed away. having declared herself a roman catholic, she was honorably buried from the church in seattle, rev. f. x. prefontaine officiating, while several of the old pioneers were pallbearers. a canoe-shaped coffin had been prepared on which lay a cross of native rhododendrons and a cluster of snowballs, likely from an old garden. a great concourse of people were present, many out of curiosity, no doubt, while some were there with real feeling and solemn thought. her old friend, mrs. maynard, stood at the head of the grave and dropped in a sprig of cedar. she spoke some encouraging words to joe foster, betsy's son, and angeline's sole mourner, advising him to live a good life. and so angeline was buried according to her wish, in the burying ground of the old pioneers. yutestid. after extending numerous invitations, i was pleasantly surprised upon my return to my home one day to find mr. and mrs. yutestid awaiting an interview. in the first place this indian name is pronounced _yute-stid_ and he is the only survivor (in ) of chief sealth's once numerous household. his mother was doubtless a captive, a cowichan of british columbia; his father, a puget sound indian from the vicinity of olympia. he was quite old, he does not know how old, but not decrepit; angeline said they grew up together. [illustration: last voyage of the lumei] he is thin and wiry looking, with some straggling bristles for a beard and thick short hair, still quite black, covering a head which looks as if it had been flattened directly on top as well as back and front as they were wont to do. this peculiar cranial development does not affect his intelligence, however, as we have before observed in others; he is quick-witted and knows a great many things. yutestid says he can speak all the leading dialects of the upper sound, soljampsh, nesqually, puyallup, snoqualmie, duwampsh, snohomish, but not the sklallam and others north toward vancouver. several incidents related in this volume were mentioned and he remembered them perfectly, referred to the naming of "new york" on alki point and the earliest settlement, repeating the names of the pioneers. the murder at bean's point was committed by two soljampsh indians, he said, and they were tried and punished by an indian court. he remembers the hanging of pat kanem's brothers, kussass and quallawowit. "long ago, the indians fight, fight, fight," he said, but he declared he had never heard of the duwampsh campaign attributed to sealth. yutestid was not at the battle of seattle but at oleman house with sealth's tribe and others whom gov. stevens had ordered there. he chuckled as he said "the bad indians came into the woods near town and the man-of-war (decatur) mamoked pooh (shot) at them and they were frightened and ran away." lachuse, the indian who was shot near seneca street, seattle, he remembered, and when i told him how the indian doctor extracted the buckshot from the wounds he sententiously remarked, "well, sometimes the indian doctors did very well, sometimes they were old humbugs, just the same as white people." oleman house was built long before he was born, according to his testimony, and was adorned by a carved wooden figure, over the entrance, of the great thunder bird, which performed the office of a lightning rod or at least prevented thunder bolts from striking the building. when asked what the medium of exchange was "ankuti" (long ago), he measured on the index finger the length of pieces of abalone shell formerly used for money. in those days he saw the old women make feather robes of duck-skins, also of deer-skins and dog-skins with the hair on; they made bead work, too; beaded moccasins called "_yachit_." the old time ways were very slow; he described the cutting of a huge cedar for a canoe as taking a long time to do, by hacking around it with a stone hammer and "chisel." before the advent of the whites, mats served as sails. i told him of having seen the public part of black tamanuse and they both laughed at the heathenism of long ago and said, "we don't have that now." yutestid denied that _his_ people ate dog when making black tamanuse, but said the sklallams did so. "if i could speak better english or you better chinook i could tell you lots of stories," he averred. chinook is so very meager, however, that an interpreter of the native tongue will be necessary to get these stories. they politely shook hands and bade me "good-bye" to jog off through the rain to their camping place, indian file, he following in the rear contentedly smoking a pipe. yutestid is industrious, cultivating a patch of ground and yearly visiting the city of seattle with fruit to sell. the chief's reply. yonder sky through ages weeping tender tears o'er sire and son, o'er the dead in grave-banks sleeping, dead and living loved as one, may turn cruel, harsh and brazen, burn as with a tropic sun, but my words are true and changeless, changeless as the season's run. waving grass-blades of wide prairie shuttled by lithe foxes wary, as the eagle sees afar, so the pale-face people are; like the lonely scattering pine-trees on a bleak and stormy shore, few my brother warriors linger faint and failing evermore. well i know you could command us to give o'er the land we love, with your warriors well withstand us and ne'er weep our graves above. see on whulch the south wind blowing and the waves are running free! once my people they were many like the waves of whulch's sea. when our young men rise in anger, gather in a war-bent band, face black-painted and the musket in the fierce, relentless hand, old men pleading, plead in vain, their dark spirits none restrain. if to you our land we barter, this we ask ere set of sun, to the graves of our forefathers, till our days on earth are done, we may wander as our hearts are wandering till our race is run. speak the hillsides and the waters, speak the valleys, plains and groves, waving trees and snow-robed mountains, speak to him where'er he roves, to the red men's sons and daughters of their joys, their woes and loves. by the shore the rocks are ringing that to you seem wholly dumb, ever with the waves are singing, winds with songs forever come; songs of sorrow for the partings death and time make as of yore, songs of war and peace and valor, red men sang on whulch's shore. see! the ashes of our fathers, mingling dust beneath our feet, common earth to you, the strangers, thrills us with a longing sweet. fills our pulses rhythmic beat. at the midnight in your cities empty seeming, silent streets shall be peopled with the hosts of returning warriors' ghosts. tho' i shall sink into the dust, my warning heed; be kind, be just, or ghosts shall menace and avenge. part iii. indian life and settlers' beginnings. chapter i. savage deeds of savage men. at bean's point, opposite alki on puget sound, an indian murdered, at night, a family of indians who were camping there. the puyallups and duwampsh came together in council at bean's point, held a trial and condemned and executed the murderer. old duwampsh curley was among the members of this native court and likely sealth and his counsellors. one of the family escaped by wading out into the water where he might have become very cool, if not entirely cold, if it had not been that captain fay and george martin, a swedish sailor, were passing by in their boat and the indian begged to be taken in, a request they readily granted and landed him in a place of safety. again at bean's point an indian was shot by a white man, a scandinavian; the charge was a liberal one of buckshot. some white men who went to inquire into the matter followed the indian's trail, finding ample evidence that he had climbed the hill back of the house, where he may have been employed to work, and weak from his wounds had sat down on a log and then went back to the water; but his body was never found. it was supposed that the murderer enticed him back again and when he was dead, weighted and sunk him in the deep, cold waters of the sound. at one time there was quite a large camp of indians where now runs seneca street, seattle, near which was my home. it was my father's custom to hire the indians to perform various kinds of hard labor, such as grubbing stumps, digging ditches, cutting wood, etc. for a while we employed a tall, strong, fine-looking indian called lachuse to cut wood; through a long summer day he industriously plied the ax and late in the twilight went down to a pool of water, near an old bridge, to bathe. as he passed by a clump of bushes, suddenly the flash and report of a gun shattered the still air and lachuse fell heavily to the ground with his broad chest riddled with buckshot. there was great excitement in the camp, running and crying of the women and debate by the men, who soon carried him into the large indian house. he was laid down in the middle of the room and the medicine man, finding him alive, proceeded to suck the wounds while the tamanuse noise went on. a distracted, grey-haired lum-e-i, his mother, came to our house to beg for a keeler of water, all the time crying, "mame-loose lachuse! achada!" two of the little girls of our family, sleeping in an old-fashioned trundle bed, were so frightened at the commotion that they pulled the covers up over their heads so far that their feet protruded below. the medicine man's treatment seems to have been effective, aided by the tamanuse music, as lachuse finally recovered. the revengeful deed was committed by a port washington indian, in retaliation for the stealing of his "klootchman" (wife) by an indian of the duwampsh tribe, although it was not lachuse, this sort of revenge being in accordance with their heathen custom. "jim keokuk," an indian, killed another indian in the marsh near the gas works; he struck him on the head with a stone. jim worked as deck hand on a steamer for a time, but he in turn was finally murdered by other indians, wrapped with chains and thrown overboard, which was afterward revealed by some of the tribe. there were many cases of retaliation, but the indians were fairly peaceable until degraded by drink. the beginning of hostilities against the white people on the sound, by some historians is said to have been the killing of leander wallace at old fort nesqually. one of them gives this account: "prior to the whitman massacre, owhi and kamiakin, the great chiefs of the upper and lower yakima nations, while on a visit to fort nesqually, had observed to dr. tolmie that the hudson bay company's posts with their white employes were a great convenience to the natives, but the american immigration had excited alarm and was the constant theme of hostile conversation among the interior tribes. the erection in , at fort nesqually, of a stockade and blockhouse had also been the subject of angry criticism by the visiting northern tribes. so insolent and defiant had been their conduct that upon one afternoon for over an hour the officers and men of the post had guns pointed through the loop-holes at a number of skawhumpsh indians, who, with their weapons ready for assault, had posted themselves under cover of adjacent stumps and trees. "shortly before the shooting of wallace, rumors had reached the fort that the snoqualmies were coming in force to redress the alleged cruel treatment of why-it, the snoqualmie wife of the young nesqually chief, wyampch, a dissipated son of lahalet. "dr. tolmie treated such a pretext as a mere cloak for a marauding expedition of the snoqualmies. "sheep shearing had gathered numbers of extra hands, chiefly snohomish, who were occupying mat lodges close to the fort, besides unemployed stragglers and camp followers. "on tuesday, may , , about noon, numbers of indian women and children fled in great alarm from their lodges and sought refuge within the fort. a snoqualmie war party, led by pat kanem, approached from the southwestern end of the american plains. dr. tolmie having posted a party of kanakas in the northwest bastion went out to meet them. "tolmie induced pat kanem to return with him to the fort, closing the gate after their entrance." the following is said to be the account given by the hudson bay company's officials: "the gate nearest the mat lodges was guarded by a white man and an indian servant. while dr. tolmie was engaged in attending a patient, he heard a single shot fired, speedily followed by two or three others. he hastily rushed to the bastion, whence a volley was being discharged at a number of retreating indians who had made a stand and found cover behind the sheep washing dam of segualitschu creek. through a loop-hole the bodies of an indian and a white man were discernible at a few yards distance from the north gate where the firing had commenced. "he hastened thither and found wallace breathing his last, with a full charge of buckshot in his stomach. the dying man was immediately carried inside of the fort. "the dead indian was a young skawhumpsh, who had accompanied the snoqualmies. "the snohomish workers, as also the stragglers, had been, with the newly arrived snoqualmies, in and out of the abandoned lodges, chatting and exchanging news. a thoughtless act of the indian sentry posted at the water gate, in firing into the air, had occasioned a general rush of the snohomish, who had been cool observers of all that had passed outside. "walter ross, the clerk, came to the gate armed, and seeing kussass, a snoqualmie, pointing his gun at him, fired but missed him. kussass then fired at wallace. lewis, an american, had a narrow escape, one ball passing through his vest and trousers and another grazing his left arm. "quallawowit, as soon as the firing began, shot through the pickets and wounded tziass, an indian, in the muscles of his shoulder, which soon after occasioned his death. "the snoqualmies as they retreated to the beach killed two indian ponies and then hastily departed in their canoes. "at the commencement of the shooting, pat kanem, guided by wyampch, escaped from the fort, a fortunate occurrence, as, upon his rejoining his party the retreat at once began. "when dr. tolmie stooped to raise wallace, and the snoqualmies levelled their guns to kill that old and revered friend, an indian called 'the priest' pushed aside the guns, exclaiming 'enough mischief has already been done.' "the four indians of the snoqualmie party whose names were given by snohomish informers to dr. tolmie, together with kussass and quallawowit, were afterward tried for the murder of wallace." their names were whyik, quallawowit, kussass, stahowie, tatetum and quilthlimkyne; the last mentioned was a duwampsh. eighty blankets were offered for the giving up of these indians. the snoqualmies came to steilacoom, where they were to be tried, in war paint and parade. the officials came from far; down the columbia; up the cowlitz, and across to puget sound, about two hundred miles in primitive style, by canoe, oxcart or cayuse. the trial occupied two days; on the third day, the two condemned, kussass and quallawowit, were executed. one shot wallace, _two_ indians were hung; leschi, a leader in the subsequent war of , looked on and went away resenting the injustice of taking two lives for one. other indians no doubt felt the same, thus preparing the way for their deadly opposition to the white race. it certainly seems likely that the "pretext" of the snoqualmies was a valid one as wyampch, the young nesqually chief, was a drunkard, and why-it, his snoqualmie wife, was no doubt treated much as indian wives generally in such a case, frequently beaten and kicked into insensibility. the snoqualmies had been quarreling with the nesquallies before this and it is extremely probable that, as was currently reported among old settlers, the trouble was among the indians themselves. there are two stories also concerning wallace; first, that he was outside quietly looking on, which he ought to have known better than to do; second, that he was warned not to go outside but persisted in going, boasting that he could settle the difficulty with a club, paying for his temerity with his life. a well known historian has said that the "different tribes had been successfully treated with, but the indians had acted treacherously inasmuch as it was well known that they had long been plotting against the white race to destroy it. this being true and they having entered upon a war without cause, however, he (gov. stevens) might sympathize with the restlessness of an inferior race who perceived that destiny was against them, he nevertheless had high duties toward his own." now all this was true, yet there were other things equally true. not all the treachery, not all the revenge, not all the cruelty were on the side of the "inferior" race. even all the inferiority was not on one side. the garbled translation by white interpreters, the lying, deceit, nameless and numberless impositions by lawless white men must have aroused and fostered intense resentment. that there were white savages here we have ample proof. when col. wright received the conquered spokane chiefs in council with some the pipe of peace was smoked. after it was over, owhi presented himself and was placed in irons for breaking an agreement with col. wright, who bade him summon his son, qualchin, on pain of death by hanging if his son refused to come. the next day qualchin appeared not knowing that the order had been given, and was seized and hung without trial. evidently kamiakin, the yakima chief, had good reason to fear the white man's treachery when he refused to join in the council. the same historian before mentioned tells how col. wright called together the walla wallas, informed them that he knew that they had taken part in recent battles and ordered those who had to stand up; thirty-five promptly rose. four of these were selected and hung. now these indians fought for home and country and volunteered to be put to death for the sake of their people, as it is thought by some, those hung for the murder of whitman and his companions, did, choosing to do so of their own free will, not having been the really guilty ones at all. quiemuth, an indian, after the war, emerged from his hiding place, went to a white man on yelm prairie requesting the latter to accompany him to olympia that he might give himself up for trial. several persons went with him; reached olympia after midnight, the governor placed him in his office, locking the door. it was soon known that the indian was in the town and several white men got in at the back door of the building. the guard may have been drowsy or their movements very quiet; a shot was fired and quiemuth and the others made a rush for the door where a white man named joe brannan stabbed the indian fatally, in revenge for the death of his brother who had been killed by indians some time before. three of the indian leaders in western washington were assassinated by white men for revenge. leschi, the most noted of the hostile chiefs on the sound, was betrayed by two of his own people, some have said. i have good authority for saying that he gave himself up for fear of a similar fate. he was tried three times before he was finally hung after having been kept in jail a long time. evidently there were some obstructionists who agreed with the following just and truthful statement by col. g. o. haller, a well-known indian fighter, first published in the seattle post-intelligencer: "the white man's aphorism 'the first blow is half the battle,' is no secret among indians, and they practice it upon entering a war. indeed, weak nations and indian tribes, wrought to desperation by real or fancied grievances, inflict while able to do so horrible deeds when viewed by civilized and christ-like men. war is simply barbarism. and when was war refined and reduced to rules and regulations that must control the indian who fights for all that is dear to him--his native land and the graves of his sires--who finds the white man's donation claim spread over his long cultivated potato patch, his hog a trespasser on his old pasture ground and his old residence turned into a stable for stock, etc.? "leschi, like many citizens during the struggle for secession, appealed to his instincts--his attachment to his tribe--his desire, at the same time to conform to the requirements of the whites, which to many of his people were repulsive and incompatible. he decided and struck heavy blows against us with his warriors. since then we have learned a lesson. [illustration: a few artifacts of puget sound indians] "gen. lee inflicted on the union army heavy losses of life and destruction of property belonging to individuals. when he surrendered his sword agreeing to return to his home and become a law-abiding citizen, gen. grant protected him and his paroled army from the vengeance of men who sought to make treason odious. this was in and but the repetition of the indian war of . "col. geo. wright, commanding the department of the columbia, displayed such an overwhelming force in the klickitat country that it convinced the hostile indians of the hopelessness of pursuing war to a successful issue, and when they asked the terms of peace, col. wright directed them to return to their former homes, be peaceful and obey the orders of the indian agents sent by our government to take charge of them, and they would be protected by the soldiers. "the crimes of war cannot be atoned by crimes in cold blood after the war. two wrongs do not make a right. "leschi, though shrewd and daring in war, adopted col. wright's directions, dropped hostilities, laid aside his rifle and repaired to puget sound, his home. "like lee, he was entitled to protection from the officers and soldiers. but leschi, on the sound, feared the enmity of the whites, and gave himself up to dr. tolmie, an old friend, at nesqually--not captured by two indians of his own tribe and delivered up. then began a crusade against leschi for all the crimes of his people in war. "on the testimony of a perjured man, whose testimony was demonstrated, by a survey of the route claimed by the deponent, to be a falsehood, he was found guilty by the jury, not of the offense alleged against him, for it was physically impossible for leschi to be at the two points indicated in the time alleged; hence he was a martyr to the vengeance of unforgiving white men." i remember having seen the beautiful pioneer woman spoken of in the following account first published in a seattle paper. the castos were buried in the old burying ground in a corner next the road we traveled from our ranch to school. this is the article, head-lines and all: "john bonser's death recalls an indian massacre. beautiful abbie casto's fate. how death came upon three pioneers of squak valley--swift vengeance on the murderers. "the death of john bonser, one of the earliest pioneers of oregon, at sauvie's island, near portland, recently, recalls one of the bloodiest tragedies that ever occurred in king county and one which will go down in history as the greatest example the pioneers had of the evil effect of giving whisky to the indians. the event is memorable for another reason, and that is that the daughter of john bonser, wife of william casto, and probably the most beautiful woman in the territory, was a victim. "'i don't take much stock in the handsome, charming women we read about,' said c. b. bagley yesterday, 'but mrs. casto, if placed in seattle today with face and form as when she came among us in , would be among the handsomest women in the city, and i shall never forget the sensation created in our little settlement when messengers arrived from squak valley, where the castos moved, with the news that mrs. casto, her husband and john holstead had been killed by indians, and that a friendly klickitat had slain the murderers. "the first impression was that there had been an uprising among the treacherous natives and a force, consisting of nearly all the able-bodied men in the community, started for the scene of the massacre. "it is a hard matter for the people of metropolitan seattle to carry themselves back, figuratively speaking, to , and imagine the village of that period with its thirty families. "the boundaries were limited to a short and narrow line extending along the water front not farther north than pike street. the few houses were small and unpretentious and the business portion of the town was confined to commercial street, between main and yesler avenue. "at that time and even after the great fire in , yesler avenue was known as mill street, the name having originated from the fact that yesler's mill was located at its foot. where the magnificent dexter horton bank building now stands stood a small wooden structure occupied by dexter horton as a store, and where the national bank of commerce building, at the corner of yesler avenue and commercial street, stood the mill store of the yesler-denny company. s. b. hinds, a name forgotten in commercial circles, kept store on commercial street, between washington and main streets. charles plummer was at the corner of main and commercial, and j. r. williamson was on the east side of commercial street, a half block north. this comprised the entire list of stores at that time. the forests were the only source to which the settlers looked for commercial commodities, and these, when put in salable shape, were often-times compelled to await means of transportation to markets. briefly summed up, spars, piles, lumber and hop-poles were about all the sources of income. "at that time there was no 'blue book,' and, in fact women were scarce. it is not surprising then that the arrival of william casto, a man aged years and a true representative of the kentucky colonel type, with his young wife, the daughter of john bonser, of sauvies island, columbia river, near portland, should have been a memorable occasion. mrs. casto was a natural not an artificial beauty--one of those women to whom all apparel adapts itself and becomes a part of the wearer. every movement was graceful and her face one that an artist would have raved about--not that dark, imperious beauty that some might expect, but the exact opposite. her eyes were large, blue and expressive, while her complexion, clear as alabaster, was rendered more attractive by a rosy hue. she was admired by all and fairly worshipped by her husband. it was one of those rare cases where disparity in ages did not prevent mutual devotion. "in the spring of the year that casto came to seattle he took up a ranch in the heart of squak valley, where the tibbetts farm now lies. here he built a small house, put in a garden and commenced clearing. in order to create an income for himself and wife he opened a small trading post and carried on the manufacture of hoop poles. the valley was peculiarly adapted to this business, owing to the dense growth of hazel bush, the very article most desired. "'casto did most of his trading with san francisco merchants and frequently received as much as $ , for a single shipment. such a business might be laughed at in , but at that time it meant a great deal to a sparsely settled community where wealth was largely prospective. it is a notable fact that, even in the early days when north seattle was a howling wilderness and large game ran wild between the town limits and lake washington, the advantages of that body of water were appreciated and a successful effort was made by henry l. yesler, l. v. wyckoff and others to connect the one with the other by a wagon road. the lake terminus was at a point called fleaburg, now known as the terminus of the madison street cable line. fleaburg was a small indian settlement, and according to tradition derived its name from innumerable insects that made life miserable for the inhabitants and visitors. the many miles of travel this cut saved was greatly appreciated by the squak settlers, because it was not only to their advantage in a commercial sense, but also made them feel that they were much nearer to the mother settlement. another short cut was made by means of a foot path starting from coal creek on the eastern shore of the lake. this was so rough that only persons well acquainted with the country would have taken advantage of it. while it was not practical, yet it furnished means of reaching the settlement, in case of necessity, in one day, whereas the water route took twice as long. "'even at that time the great fear of the settlers, who were few in number, was the indians. if a young man in seattle went hunting his mother cautioned him to 'be very careful of the indians.' many people now living in or about the city will remember that in the fall of there were fears of an indian uprising. how the rumors started or on what they were founded would be hard to state, nevertheless the fact remains that there was a general feeling of uneasiness. during the summer there had been trouble on the snohomish river between white men and members of the snohomish tribe. three of the latter were killed, and among them a chief. these facts alone would have led a person well versed in the characteristics of the washington indian to look for trouble of some kind, although to judge from what direction and in what manner would have been difficult. "'casto at that time had several of the snohomish indians working for him, but the thought of fear never entered his mind. he had great influence over his workmen and was looked up to by them as a sort of white 'tyee' or chief. any one that knew casto could not but like him, he was so free-hearted, kind and considerate of every person he met, whether as a friend and equal or as his servant. he had one fault, however, which goes hand in hand the world over with a free heart--he loved liquor and now and then drank too much. he also got in the habit of giving it to the indians in his employ. on several occasions the true indian nature, under the influence of stimulants, came out, and it required all his authority to avoid bloodshed. his neighbors, who could be numbered on the fingers of both hands, with some to spare, cautioned him not to give 'a redskin whisky and arouse the devil,' but he laughed at them, and when they warned him of treachery, thought they spoke nonsense. he would not believe that the men whom he treated so kindly and befriended in every conceivable manner would do him harm under any conditions. he reasoned that his neighbors did not judge the character of the native correctly and underestimated his influence. there was no reason why he should not give his indians liquor if he so desired. "'he acted on this decision on the afternoon of november , , and then went to his home for supper. the indians got gloriously drunk and then commenced to thirst for blood. in the crowd were two of the snohomish tribe, bloodthirsty brutes, and still seeking revenge for the death of their tribesmen and chief on the snohomish river the summer previous. their resolve was made. casto's life would atone for that of the chief, his wife and friend, john holstead, for the other two. they secretly took their guns and went to casto's house. the curtain of the room wherein all three were seated at the supper table was up, and the breast of casto was in plain view of the assassins. there was no hesitation on the part of the indians. the first shot crashed through the window and pierced casto in a vital spot. he arose to his feet, staggered and fell upon a lounge. his wife sprang to his assistance, but the rifle spoke again and she fell to the floor. the third shot hit holstead, but not fatally, and the indians, determined to complete their bloody work, ran to the front door. they were met by holstead, who fought like a demon, but at length fell, his body stabbed in more than twenty places. not content with the slaughter already done, the bloodthirsty wretches drove their knives into the body of casto's beautiful wife in a manner most inhuman. having finished their bloody work of revenge they left the house, never for a moment thinking their lives were in danger. in this particular they made a fatal error. "the shots fired had attracted a klickitat indian named aleck to the scene. as fate had it, he was a true friend to the white man and held casto, his employer, in high regard. it took him but a brief period to comprehend the situation, and he determined to avenge the death of his master, wife and friend. he concealed himself, and when the bloody brutes came out of the house he crept up behind them. one shot was enough to end the earthly career of one, but the other took to his heels. aleck followed him with a hatchet he had drawn from his belt, and, being fleeter of foot, caught up. then with one swift blow the skull of the fleeing indian was cleft, and as he fell headlong to the ground aleck jumped on him, and again and again the bloody hatchet drank blood until the head that but a few minutes before had human shape looked like a chipped pumpkin. "while this series of bloody deeds was being enacted the few neighbors became wild with alarm, and, thinking that an indian war had broken out, started for seattle immediately. the band was made up of a mr. bush and family and three or four single men who had ranches in the valley. "they reached seattle the morning of the th and told the news, stating their fears of an indian uprising. a party consisting of all the able-bodied men in the town immediately started for the scene of the tragedy by the short cut, and arrived there in the evening. the sight that met their eyes was horrible. in the bushes was found the body of the indian who had been shot, and not far distant were the remains of the other, covered with blood and dirt mixed. in the house the sight was even more horrible. holstead lay in the front room in a pool of clotted blood, his body literally punctured with knife wounds, and in the adjoining room, on a sofa, half reclining, was the body of casto. on the floor, almost in the middle of the room, was mrs. casto, beautiful even in death, and lying in a pool of blood. "the coroner at that time was josiah settle, and he, after looking around and investigating, found that the only witnesses he had were an old squaw, who claimed to have been an eye witness to the tragedy, and aleck, the klickitat. the inquest was held immediately, and the testimony agreed in substance with facts previously stated. the jury then returned the following verdict: "'territory of washington, county of king, before josiah settle, coroner. "'we, the undersigned jurors summoned to appear before josiah settle, the coroner of king county, at squak, on the th day of november, , to inquire into the cause of death of william casto, abbie casto and john holstead, having been duly sworn according to law, and having made such inquisition after inspecting the bodies and hearing the testimony adduced, upon our oath each and all do say that we find that the deceased were named william casto, abbie casto and john holstead; that william casto was a native of kentucky, abbie casto was formerly a resident of sauvies island, columbia county, ore., and john holstead was a native of wheeling, va., and that they came to their deaths on the th of november, , in this county, by knives and pistols in the hands of indians, the bodies of the deceased having been found in the house of william casto, at squak, and we further find that we believe john taylor and george, his brother, indians of the snoqualmie tribe, to have been the persons by whose hands they came to their deaths.' "the bodies were brought to seattle and buried in what is now known as the denny park, then a cemetery, north seattle. since then they have been removed to the masonic cemetery. "the news of the murder was sent to john bonser, in oregon, and he came to the town at once. for several weeks after the event the columns of the seattle _gazette_ were devoted in part to a discussion of the question of selling and giving liquor to the indians, the general conclusion being that it was not only against the law but a dangerous practice. "out of the killing by aleck of the two snohomish indians grew a feud which resulted in the death of aleck's son. the old man was the one wanted, but he was too quick with the rifle and they never got him. he died a few years ago, aged nearly ninety years." so we see that whisky caused the death of six persons in this case. the lower sound indians were, if anything, more fierce and wild than those toward the south. george martin, the swedish sailor who accompanied capt. fay, in , said that he saw sklallam indians dancing a war dance at which there appeared the head of one of their enemies, which they had roasted; small pieces of it were touched to their lips, but were not eaten. in an early day when ira w. utter lived on salmon bay, or more properly _shilshole_ bay, he was much troubled by cougars killing his cattle, calves particularly. thinking strychnine a good cure he put a dose in some lights of a beef, placed on a stick with the opposite end thrust in the ground. "old limpy," an indian, spied the tempting morsel, took it to his home, roasted and ate the same and went to join his ancestors in the happy hunting grounds. this indian received his name from a limp occasioned by a gunshot wound inflicted by lower sound indians on one of their raids. he was just recovering when the white people settled on elliott bay. the very mention of these raids must have been terrifying to our indians, as we called those who lived on the upper sound. on one occasion as a party of them were digging clams on the eastern shore of admiralty inlet, north of meadow point, they were attacked by their northern enemies, who shot two or three while the rest _klatawaw-ed_ with all the _hyak_ (hurry) possible and hid themselves. chapter ii. pioneer jokes and anecdotes. in early days, the preachers came in for some rather severe criticisms, although the roughest of the frontiersmen had a genuine reverence for their calling. ministers of the gospel, as well as others, were obliged to turn the hand to toil with ax and saw. now these tools require frequent recourse to sharpening processes and the minister with ax on shoulder, requesting the privilege of grinding that useful article on one of the few grindstones in the settlement occasioned no surprise, but when he prepared to grind by putting the handle on "wrong side to," gave it a brisk turn and snapped it off short, the disgust of the owner found vent in the caustic comment, "well, if you're such a blame fool as that, i'll never go to hear you preach in the world!" james g. swan tells of an amusing experience with a neah bay indian chief, in these words: "i had a lively time with old kobetsi, the war chief, whose name was kobetsi-bis, which in the makah language means frost. i had been directed by agent webster to make a survey of the reservation as far south as the tsoess river, where kobetsi lived, and claimed exclusive ownership to the cranberry meadows along the bank of that river. he was then at his summer residence on tatoosh island. the makah indians had seen and understood something of the mariner's compass, but a surveyor's compass was a riddle to them. "a slave of kobetsi, who had seen me at work on the cranberry meadows, hurried to tatoosh island and reported that i was working a tamanuse, or magic, by which i could collect all the cranberries in one pile, and that peter had sold me the land. this enraged the old ruffian, and he came up to neah bay with sixteen braves, with their faces painted black, their long hair tied in a knot on top of their heads with spruce twigs, their regular war paint, and all whooping and yelling. the old fellow declared he would have my head. peter and the others laughed at him, and i explained to him what i had been about. he was pacified with me, but on his return to tatoosh island he shot the slave dead for making a fool of his chief." the same writer is responsible for this account of a somewhat harsh practical joke; the time was november, , the place port angeles bay, in a log cabin where captain rufus holmes resided: "uncle rufus had a chum, a jolly, fat butcher named jones, who lived in port townsend, and a great wag. he often visited uncle rufus for a few days' hunt and always took along some grub. on one occasion he procured an eagle, which he boiled for two days and then managed to disjoint. when it was cold he carefully wrapped the pieces in a cabbage leaf and took it to uncle rufus as a wild swan, but somewhat tough. the captain chopped it up with onions and savory herbs and made a fine soup, of which he partook heartily, jones contenting himself with some clam fritters and fried salmon, remarking that it was his off day on soup. after dinner the wretched wag informed him that he had been eating an eagle, and produced the head and claws as proof. this piece of news operated on uncle rufus like an emetic, and after he had earnestly expressed his gastronomic regrets, jones asked with feigned anxiety, 'did the soup make you sick, uncle rufus?' "not to be outdone, the captain made reply, 'no, not the soup, but the thought i had been eating one of the emblems of my country.'" a young man of lively disposition and consequently popular, was the victim of an april fool joke in the "auld lang syne." very fond he was of playing tricks on others but some of the hapless worms turned and planned a sweet and neat revenge, well knowing it was hard to get ahead of the shrewd and witty youth. a "two-bit" piece, which had likely adorned the neck or ear of an indian belle, as it had a hole pierced in it, was nailed securely to the floor of the postoffice in the village of seattle, and a group of loungers waited to see the result. early on the first, the young man before indicated walked briskly and confidently in. observing the coin he stooped airily and essayed to pick it up, remarking, "it isn't everybody that can pick up two bits so early in the morning!" "april fool!" and howls of laughter greeted his failure to pocket the coin. with burning face he sheepishly called for his mail and hurried out with the derisive shout of "it isn't everybody that can pick up two bits so early in the morning, ha! ha! ha!" ringing in his ears. such fragments of early history as the following are frequently afloat in the literature of the sound country: "they voted themselves guns. "how pioneer legislators equipped themselves to fight the indians. "if the state legislature should vote to each member of both houses a first-class rifle, a sensation indeed would be created. but few are aware that such a precedent has been established by a legislature of washington territory. it has been so long ago, though, that the incident has almost faded from memory, and there are but few of the members to relate the circumstances. "it was in , when i was a member of the council, that we passed a law giving each legislator a rifle," said hon. r. s. robinson, a wealthy old pioneer farmer living near chimacum in jefferson county, while going to port townsend the other night on the steamer rosalie. being in a reminiscent humor, he told about the exciting times the pioneers experienced in both dodging indians and navigating the waters of puget sound in frail canoes. "it was just preceding the indian outbreak of - , the settlers were apprehensive of a sudden onslaught," continued mr. robinson. "gov. stevens had secured from the war department several stands of small arms and ammunition, which were intended for general distribution, and we thought one feasible plan was to provide each legislator with a rifle and ammunition. many times since i have thought of the incident, and how ridiculous it would seem if our present legislature adopted our course as a precedent, and armed each member at the state's expense. things have changed considerably. in those days guns and ammunition were perquisites. now it is stationery, lead pencils and waste baskets." among other incidents related by a speaker whose subject was "primitive justice," was heard this story at a picnic of the pioneers: "an instance in which i was particularly interested being connected with the administration of the sheriff's office occurred in what is now shoshone county, idaho, but was then a part of washington territory. a man was brought into the town charged with a crime; he was taken before the justice at once, but the trial was adjourned because the man was drunk. the sheriff took the prisoner down the trail, but before he had gone far the man fell down in a drunken sleep. a wagon bed lay handy and this was turned over the man and weighted down with stones to prevent his escape. the next morning he was again brought before the justice, who, finding him guilty, sentenced him to thirty days confinement _in the jail from whence he had come_ and to be fed on bread and water." no doubt this was a heavy punishment, especially the water diet. an incident occurred in that historic building, the yesler cook house, never before published. a big, powerful man named emmick, generally known as "californy," was engaged one morning in a game of fisticuffs of more or less seriousness, when bill carr, a small man, stepped up and struck emmick, who was too busy with his opponent just then to pay any attention to the impertinent meddler. nevertheless he bided his time, although "bill" made himself quite scarce and was nowhere to be seen when "californy's" bulky form cast a shadow on the sawdust. after a while, however, he grew more confident and returned to a favorite position in front of the fire in the old cook house. he was just comfortably settled when in came "californy," who pounced on him like a wildcat on a rabbit, stood him on his head and holding him by the heels "chucked" him up and down like a dasher on an old-fashioned churn, until carr was much subdued, then left him to such reflections as were possible to an all but cracked cranium. it is safe to say he did not soon again meddle with strife. this mode of punishment offers tempting possibilities in cases where the self-conceit of small people is offensively thrust upon their superiors. the village of seattle crept up the hill from the shore of elliott bay, by the laborious removal of the heavy forest, cutting, burning and grubbing of trees and stumps, grading and building of neat residences. in the clearing of a certain piece of property between fourth and fifth streets, on columbia, seattle, now in the heart of the city, three pioneers participated in a somewhat unique experience. one of them, the irrepressible "gard" or gardner kellogg, now well known as the very popular chief of the fire department of seattle, has often told the story, which runs somewhat like this: mr. and mrs. gardner kellogg were dining on a sunday, with the latter's sister and her husband, mr. and mrs. o. c. shorey, as they often did, at their home on third avenue. it was a cold, drizzly day, but in spite of that "gard" and mr. shorey walked out to the edge of the clearing, where the dense young fir trees still held the ground, and the former was soon pushing up a stump fire on his lots. as he poked the fire a bright thought occurred to him and he observed to his companion that he believed it "would save a lot of hard work, digging out the roots, to bring up that old shell and put it under the stump." the "old shell" was one that had been thrown from the sloop-of-war "decatur" during the indian war, and had buried itself in the earth without exploding. in excavating for the kellogg's wood house it had been unearthed. mr. shorey thought it might not be safe if some one should pass by: "o, nobody will come out this way this miserable day; it may not go off anyway," was the answer. so the shell was brought up and they dug under the roots of the stump, put it in and returned to the shorey residence. when they told what they had done, it was, agreed that it was extremely unlikely that anyone would take a pleasure walk in that direction on so gloomy a day. meanwhile a worthy citizen of the little burgh had gone roaming in search of his stray cow. as before stated, it was a chilly, damp day, and the man who was looking for his cow, mr. dexter horton, for it was none other than he, seeing the fire, was moved to comfort himself with its genial warmth. he advanced toward it and spread his hands benignantly as though blessing the man that invented fire, rubbed his palms together in a mute ecstasy of mellow satisfaction and then reversed his position, lifted his coat-tails and set his feet wide apart, even as a man doth at his own peaceful hearthstone. the radiant energy had not time to reach the marrow when a terrific explosion took place. it threw earth, roots and splinters, firebrands and coals, yards away, hurled the whilom fire-worshiper a considerable distance, cautioned him with a piece of hot iron that just missed his face, covered him with the debris, mystified and stupefied him, but fortunately did not inflict any permanent injury. as he recovered the use of his faculties the idea gained upon him that it was a mean, low-down trick anyhow to blow up stumps that way. he was very much disgusted and refused very naturally to see anything funny about it; but as time passed by and he recovered from the shock, the ludicrous side appeared and he was content to let it be regarded as a pioneer pleasantry. the innocent perpetrator of this amazing joke has no doubt laughed long and loud many times as he has pictured to himself the vast astonishment of his fellow townsman, and tells the story often, with the keenest relish, to appreciative listeners. yes, to be blown up by an old bomb-shell on a quiet sunday afternoon, while resting beside a benevolent looking stump-fire that not even remotely suggested warlike demonstrations, was rather tough. how bean's point was named. opposite alki point was a fine prairie of about forty acres to which c. c. terry at first laid claim. some of the earliest settlers of the first mentioned locality crossed the water, taking their cattle, ploughed and planted potatoes on this prairie. terry subsequently settled elsewhere and the place was settled on by a large man of about sixty years, a nova scotian, it was supposed, who bore the name of _bean_. this lonely settler was a sort of spiritualist; in fort decatur, while one of a group around a stove, he leaned his arm on the wall and when a natural tremor resulted, insisted that the "spirits" did it. after the war he returned to his cabin and while in his bed, probably asleep, was shot and killed by an indian. since then the place has been known as bean's point. dr. h. a. smith, the happiest story-teller of pioneer days, relates in his "early reminiscences" how "dick atkins played the dickens with poor old beaty's appetite for cheese" in this engaging manner: "one day when he (dick atkins) was merchandising on commercial street, seattle, as successor to horton & denny, he laid a piece of cheese on the stove to fry for his dinner. a dozen loafers were around the stove and among them mr. beaty, remarkable principally for his appetite, big feet and good nature. and he on this occasion good-naturedly took the cheese from the stove and cooled and swallowed it without waiting to say grace, while dick was in the back room, waiting on a customer. when the cheese was fairly out of sight, beaty grew uneasy and skedadled up the street. when atkins returned and found his cheese missing, and was told what became of it, he rushed to the door just in time to catch sight of beaty's coat-tail going into dr. williamson's store. without returning for his coat or hat, off he darted at full speed. beaty had fairly got seated, when dick stood before him and fairly screamed: "'did you eat that cheese?' "'wal--yes--but i didn't think you'd care much.' "'care! care! good thunder, no! but i thought _you_ might care, as i had just put a double dose of arsenic in it to kill rats.' "'don't say!' exclaimed beaty, jumping to his feet, 'thought it tasted mighty queer; what can i do?' "'come right along with me; there is only one thing that can save you.' "and down the street they flew as fast as their feet would carry them. as soon as they had arrived at the store, atkins drew off a pint of rancid fish-oil and handed it to beaty saying, 'swallow it quick! your life depends upon it!' "poor beaty was too badly frightened to hesitate, and after a few gags, pauses and wry faces he handed back the cup, drained to the bitter dregs. 'there now,' said dick, 'go home and to bed, and if you are alive in the morning come around and report yourself.' "after he was gone one of the spectators asked if the cheese was really poisoned. "'no,' replied dick, 'and i intended telling the gormand it was not, but when i saw that look of gratitude come into his face as he handed back the empty cup, my heart failed me, and my revenge became my defeat.' 'no, gentlemen, beaty is decidedly ahead in this little game. i never before was beaten at a game of cold bluff after having stacked the cards myself. i beg you to keep the matter quiet, gentlemen.' but it was always hard for a dozen men to keep a secret." these same "early reminiscences" contain many a merry tale, some "thrice told" to the writer of this work, of the people who were familiar figures on the streets of seattle and other settlements, in the long ago, among them two of the rev. j. f. devore, with whom i was acquainted. "when he lived in steilacoom, at a time when that city was even smaller than it is now, a certain would-be bully declared, with an oath, that if it were not for the respect he had for the 'cloth,' he would let daylight through his portly ministerial carcass. thereupon the 'cloth' was instantly stripped off and dashed upon the ground, accompanied with the remark, 'the "cloth" never stands in the way of a good cause. i am in a condition, now sir, to be enlightened.' but instead of attempting to shed any light into this luminary of the pulpit, whose eyes fairly blazed with a light not altogether of this world, the blustering bully lit out down the street at the top of his speed." the following has a perennial freshness, although i have heard it a number of times: "when olympia was a struggling village and much in need of a church, this portly, industrious man of many talents took upon himself the not overly pleasant task of raising subscriptions for the enterprise, and in his rounds called on mr. crosby, owner of the sawmill at tumwater, and asked how much lumber he would contribute to the church. mr. crosby eyed the 'cloth' a moment and sarcastically replied, 'as much as _you_, sir, will raft and take away between this and sundown.' 'show me the pile!' was the unexpected rejoinder. then laying off his coat and beaver tile he waded in with an alacrity that fairly made mr. crosby's hair bristle. all day, without stopping a moment, even for dinner, his tall, stalwart form bent under large loads of shingles, sheeting, siding, scantling, studding and lath, and even large sills and plates were rolled and tumbled into the bay with the agility of a giant, and before sundown mr. crosby had the proud satisfaction of seeing the 'cloth' triumphantly poling a raft toward olympia containing lumber enough for a handsome church and a splendid parsonage besides. "mr. crosby was heard to say a few days afterward that no ten men in his employ could, or would, have done that day's work. meeting the divine shortly afterwards, mr. crosby said, 'well, parson, you can handle more lumber between sunrise and dark than any man i ever saw.' "'oh,' said the parson, 'i was working that day for my maker.' "moral: never trust pioneer preachers with your lumber pile, simply because they wear broadcloth coats, for most of them know how to take them off, and then they can work as well as pray." this conjuror with the pen has called up another well known personality of the earliest times in the following sketch and anecdote: "dr. maynard was of medium size. he had blue eyes, a square forehead, a strong face and straight black hair, when worn short, but when worn long, as it was when whitened by the snows of many winters, it was quite curly and fell in ringlets over his shoulders. add to this description, a long, gray beard, and you will see him as he appeared on our streets when on his last legs. when 'half seas over,' he overflowed with generous impulses, would give away anything within reach and was full of extravagant promises, many of which were out of his power to fulfill. he once owned alki point and sometimes would move there in order to 'reform,' but seldom remained longer than a month or six weeks. alki point was covered with huge logs and stumps, excepting a little cleared ground near the bay where the house stood. but when the doctor saw it through his telescopic wine-glasses it was transformed into a beautiful farm with broad meadows covered with lowing herds and prancing steeds whose 'necks were clothed with thunder.' "one day, in the fall of , while viewing his farm through his favorite glasses, david stanley, the venerable salmon bay hermit, happened along, when maynard gave him a glowing description of his alki point farm as he himself beheld it just then, and wound up by proposing to take the old man in partnership, and offered him half of the fruit and farm stock for simply looking after it and keeping the fences in repair. the temptation to gain sudden riches was too much for even his unworldliness of mind, and he made no delay in embarking for alki point with all his worldly effects. his object in living alone, was, he said, to comply with the injunction to keep one's self 'unspotted from the world,' but the doctor assured him that the change would not seriously interfere with his meditations, inasmuch as few people landed at alki point, notwithstanding its many attractions. "the day of his departure for the mecca of all his earthly hopes turned out very stormy. it was after dark before he reached the point, and on trying to land his boat filled with water. he lost many of his fowls and came near losing his life in the boiling surf. after getting himself and his 'traps' ashore, he built a fire, dried his blankets, fried some bacon, ate a hearty supper and turned in. "the excitement of the day, however, prevented sleep, and he got up and sat by the fire till morning. as soon as it was light he strolled out to look at the stock, but to his surprise, only a bewildering maze of logs and interminable stumps were to be seen where he expected to behold broad fields and green pastures. the only thing he could find resembling stock were--to use his own language--'an old white horse, stiff in all his joints and blind in one eye, and a little, runty, scrubby, ornery, steer calf.' after wandering about over and under logs till noon, he concluded he had missed the doctor's farm, and returned to the beach with the intention of pulling further around, but seeing some men in a boat a short distance from shore, he hailed it and inquired for dr. maynard's farm. charley plummer was one of the party and he told the old man that he had the honor of being already upon it. stanley explained his object in being there, and after a fit of rib-breaking laughter, mr. plummer advised him to return to salmon bay as soon as possible, which he did the very next day. "the old man had a keen sense of the ludicrous, and joined heartily in the laugh, saying he had been taken in a great many times in his life, but never in so laughable manner as on this occasion. a few days afterward as charley plummer was sitting in dr. maynard's office the hermit put in an appearance. 'good afternoon, doctor,' said he, with an air of profound respect. 'why, how do you do, uncle stanley, glad to see you--how does the poultry ranch prosper? by the way, have you moved to alki point yet?' 'o, yes, i took my traps, poultry and all, over there several days ago, and had the pleasure of meeting mr. plummer there. did he mention the circumstances?' 'no,' said the doctor, 'he just came in. how did you find things?' "'to tell the truth, doctor, i couldn't rest until i could see you and thank you from the bottom of my heart for the inestimable blessing you have conferred upon me.' "at this demonstration of satisfaction uttered with an air of profound gratitude, the doctor leaned back complacently in his easy chair, while an expression of benignant self-approval illuminated his benevolent face. "'yes,' continued he, 'i can never be sufficiently grateful for the benefit your generosity has already been to me individually, besides it bids fair to prove a signal triumph for religion and morality, and it may turn out to be a priceless contribution to science.' "at the utterance of this unexpected 'rhapsody' the doctor turned with unalloyed delight, and seeing that the old man hesitated, he encouraged him by saying, 'go on, uncle, go right along and tell all about it, although i can't understand exactly how it can prove a triumph for religion or science.' "'well,' continued the old man with solemn countenance, 'my orthodoxy has been a little shaky of late, in fact i have seriously doubted the heavenly origin of various forms of inspiration, but when i got to alki point and looked around my skepticism fell from my eyes as did the scales from the eyes of saul of old.' "'yes,' interrupted the doctor, 'the scenery over there is really grand and i have often felt devotional myself while contemplating the grand mountain scenery----' "'scenery? well--yes, i suppose there is some scenery scattered around over there, but it isn't that.' "'no, well what was it, uncle?' "'why, sir, as i was saying, when i get a chance to fairly look around i was thoroughly satisfied that nothing but a miracle, in fact, nothing short of the ingenuity and power of the almighty could possibly have piled up so many logs and stumps to the acre as i found on your _farm_.' "here the doctor's face perceptibly lengthened and a very dry laugh, a sort of hysterical cross between a chuckle and a suppressed oath, escaped him, but before he had time to speak the old man went on: "'so much for the triumph of religion, but science, sir, will be under much weightier obligations to us when you and i succeed in making an honest living from the progeny of an old blind horse and a little, miserable runty steer calf.' "this was too much for the doctor and springing to his feet he fairly shouted, 'there, there, old man, not another word! come right along and i will stand treat for the whole town and we will never mention alki point again.' "'no, thank you,' said the hermit, dryly, 'i never indulge, and since you have been the means of my conversion you ought to be the last man in the world to lead me into temptation, besides our income from the blind horse and runty steer calf will hardly justify such extravagance.' "hat and cane in hand he got as far as the door, when maynard called to him saying, 'look here, old man, i hope you're not offended, and if you will say nothing about this little matter, i'll doctor you the rest of your life for nothing.' "after scratching his head a moment the hermit looked up and naively answered, 'no, i'm not mad, only astonished, and as for your free medicine, if it is all as bitter as the free dose you have just given me, i don't want any more of it,' and he bowed himself out and was soon lost to the doctor's longing gaze. with eyes still fixed on the door he exclaimed, 'blast my head if i thought the old crackling had so much dry humor in him. come, charley, let's have something to brave our nerves.'" among the unfortunate victims of the drink habit in an early day was poor old tom jones. nature had endowed him with a splendid physique, but he wrecked himself, traveling downward, until he barely lived from hand to mouth. he made a house on the old conkling place, up the bay toward the duwampsh river, his tarrying place. having been absent from his customary haunts for a considerable time, it was reported that he was dead. in the village of seattle, some marauder had been robbing henroosts and tom jones was accused of being the guilty party. grandfather john denny told one of his characteristic stories about being awakened by a great commotion in his henhouse, the lusty cocks crowing "tom jo-o-o-ones is dead! tom jo-o-o-ones is dead!" rejoicing greatly that they were henceforth safe. d. t. denny gathered up seven men and went to investigate the truth of the report of his demise. they found him rolled up in his blankets, in his bunk, not dead but helplessly sick. when they told him what they had come for--to hold an inquest over his dead body, the tears rolled down his withered face. they had him moved nearer town and cared for, but he finally went the way of all the earth. another of the army of the wretched was having an attack of the "devil's trimmings," as grandfather john denny called them, in front of a saloon one day and a group stood around waiting for him to "come to"; upon his showing signs of returning consciousness, _all but one_ filed into the saloon to get a nerve bracer. d. t. denny, who relates the incident, turned away, he being the only temperance man in the group. chapter iii. trails of commerce. samuel l. simpson wrote this sympathetic poem concerning the old hudson bay company's steamer beaver, the first steam vessel on the north pacific coast. she came out from london in and is well remembered by puget sound pioneers. in she went on the rocks in burrard inlet, british columbia. the beaver's requiem. "forlorn in the lonesome north she lies, that never again will course the sea, all heedless of calm or stormy skies, or the rocks to windward or a-lee; for her day is done and her last port won let the wild, sad waves her minstrel be. "she will roam no more on the ocean trails, where her floating scarf of black was seen like a challenge proud to the shrieking gales by the mighty shores of evergreen; for she lies at rest with a pulseless breast in the rough sea's clasp and all serene. "how the world has changed since she kissed the tide of the storied thames in the georgian reign, and was pledged with wine as the bonny bride of the west's isle-gemmed barbaric main-- with a dauntless form that could breast the storm as she wove the magic commercial chain. "for science has gemmed her brow with stars from many and many a mystic field, and the nations have stood in crimsoned wars and thrones have fallen and empires reeled since she sailed that day from the thames away under god's blue sky and st. george's shield. "and the world to which, as a pioneer, she first came trailing her plume of smoke, is beyond the dreams of the clearest seer that ever in lofty symbols spoke-- in the arts of peace, in all life's increase, and all the gold-browed stress invoke. "a part of this was a work of hers, in a daring life of fifty years; but the sea-gulls now are her worshipers, wheeling with cries more sad than tears, where she lies alone and the surges moan-- and slowly the north sky glooms and clears. "and may we not think when the pale mists glide, like the sheeted dead by that rocky shore, that we hear in the rising, rolling tide the call of the captain's ring once more? and it well might be, so forlorn is she, where the weird winds sigh and wan birds soar." the development of the most easily reached natural resources was necessarily first. the timber and fisheries were a boundless source of wealth in evidence. as early as , a sawmill run with power afforded by the falls of the des chutes at tumwater, furnished lumber to settlers as a means of profit. the first cargo was taken by the brig _orbit_ in , to san francisco, she being the first american merchant vessel in the carrying trade of puget sound. the brig _george emory_ followed suit; each carried a return cargo of goods for trade with the settlers and indians. at first the forest-fallers had no oxen to drag the timbers, after they were hewn, to the water's edge, but rolled and hauled them by hand as far as practicable. it was in this manner that the brig _leonesa_ was loaded with piles at alki in the winter of - , by the dennys, terry, low, boren and bell. lee terry brought a yoke of oxen to complete the work of loading, from puyallup, on the beach, as there was no road through the heavy forest. several ships were loaded at port townsend, where the possession of three yoke of oxen gave them a decided advantage. one ship, the _g. w. kendall_, was sent from san francisco to puget sound for ice. it is needless to say the captain did not get a cargo of that luxury; he reported that water did not freeze in puget sound and consoled the owner of the ship by returning with a valuable cargo of piles. the cutting of logs to build houses and the grubbing of stumps to clear the land for gardens alternated with the cutting of piles. in the clearing of land, the indians proved a great assistance; far from being lazy many of them were hard workers and would dig and delve day after day to remove the immense stumps of cedar and fir left after cutting the great trees. the settlers burned many by piling heaps of logs and brush on them, others by boring holes far into the wood and setting fire, while some were rent by charges of powder when it could be afforded. the clearing of land in this heavily timbered country was an item of large expense if hired, otherwise of much arduous toil for the owner. the women and children often helped to pile brush and set fires and many a merry party turned out at night to "chunk up" the blazing heaps; after nightfall, their fire-lit figure flitting hither and yon against the purple darkness, suggested well-intentioned witches. cutting down the tall trees, from two hundred fifty to four hundred fifty feet, required considerable care and skill. sometimes we felt the pathos of it all, when a huge giant, the dignified product of patient centuries of growth, fell crashing, groaning to the earth. this side of the subject, is presented in a poem "the lone fir tree," not included in this volume. when finally the small patches of land were cleared, planted and tended, the returns were astonishing, such marvelous vegetables, small fruits and flowers, abundant and luxuriant, rewarded the toiler. nature herself, by her heaps of vegetation, had foreshown the immense productiveness of the soil. in the river valleys were quite extensive prairies, which afforded superior stock range, but the main dependence of the people was in the timber. in h. l. yesler came, who built the first steam sawmill on puget sound, at seattle. other mills sprang up at port ludlow, port gamble, port madison and port blakely, making the names of meigs, pope, talbot, keller, renton, walker, blinn and others, great in the annals of sawmilling on puget sound. this very interesting account concerning yesler's sawmill and those who worked in it in the early days was first published in a seattle paper many years ago: "the other day some of parke's men at work on the foundation of the new union block on front, corner of columbia street, delving among ancient fragments of piles, stranded logs and other debris of sea-wreck, long buried at that part of the waterfront, found at the bottom of an excavation they were making, a mass of knotted iron, corroded, attenuated and salt-eaten, which on being drawn out proved to be a couple of ancient boom-chains. "the scribe, thinking he might trace something of the history of these ancient relics, hunted up mr. yesler, whom, after considerable exploration through the mazes of his wilderness on third and jefferson streets, he found, hose in hand, watering a line of lilies, hollyhocks, penstemons, ageratums, roses, et al. "the subject of the interview being stated, mr. yesler proceeded to relate: 'yes, after i got my mill started in , the first lot of logs were furnished by dr. maynard. he came to me and said he wanted to clear up a piece on the spit, where he wanted to lay out and sell some town lots. it was somewhere about where the new england and arlington now stand. the location of the old mill is now an indeterminate spot, somewhere back of z. c. miles' hardware store. the spot where the old cookhouse stood is in the intersection of mill and commercial streets, between the colman block and gard. kellogg's drug store. hillory butler and bill gilliam had the contract from maynard, and they brought the logs to the mill by hand--rolled or carried them in with handspikes. i warrant you it was harder work than hillory or bill has done for many a day since. afterwards, judge phillips, who went into partnership with dexter horton in the store, got out logs for me somewhere up the bay. "'during the first five years after my mill was started, cattle teams for logging were but few on the sound, and there were no steamboats for towing rafts until . capt. john s. hill's "_ranger no. _," which he brought up from san francisco, was the first of the kind, and george a. meigs' little tug _resolute_, which blew up with capt. johnny guindon and his crew in , came on about the same time. a great deal of the earliest logging on the sound was done exclusively by hand, the logs being thrown into the water by handspikes and towed to the mill on the tide by skiffs. "'in hillory butler took a contract to get me out logs at smith's cove. george f. frye was his teamster. in the fall of and spring and summer of , edward hanford and john c. holgate logged for me on their claims, south of the townsite toward the head of the bay. t. d. hinckley was their teamster, also jack harvey. on one occasion, when bringing in a raft to the mill, john lost a diary which he was keeping and i picked it up on the beach. the last entry it contained read: "june , . started with a raft for yesler's mill. fell off into the water." i remember i wrote right after "and drowned," and returned the book. i don't know how soon afterward john learned from his own book of his death by drowning. "'the indian war breaking out in the fall of ' put a stop to their logging operations, as of all the rest. "'the indians killed or drove off all the cattle hereabouts and burned the dwellings of hanford, holgate and bell on the borders of the town, besides destroying much other property throughout the country. "'the logging outfits in those days were of the most primitive and meager description. rafts were fastened together by ropes or light boom-chains. supplies of hardware and other necessaries were brought up from san francisco by the lumber vessels on their return trips as ordered by the loggers. i remember on one occasion edmund carr, john a. strickler, f. mcnatt and john ross lost the product of a season's labor by their raft getting away from them and going to pieces while in transit between the mill and the head of the bay. my booming place was on the north side of the mill along the beach where now the foundations are going up for the toklas & singerman, gasch, melhorn and lewis brick block. there being no sufficient breakwater thereabouts in those times, i used often to lose a great many logs as well as boom-chains and things by the rafts being broken up by storms. "'my mill in the pioneer times before the indian war furnished the chief resource of the early citizens of the place for a subsistence. "'when there were not enough white men to be had for operating the mill, i employed indians and trained them to do the work. george frye was my sawyer up to the time he took charge of the _john b. libby_ on the whatcom route. my engineers at different times were t. d. hinckley, l. v. wyckoff, john t. moss and douglass. arthur a. denny was screw-tender in the mill for quite a while; d. t. denny worked at drawing in the logs. nearly all the prominent old settlers at some time or other were employed in connection with the mill in some capacity, either at logging or as mill hands. i loaded some lumber for china and other foreign ports, as well as san francisco.'" the primitive methods, crude appliances and arduous toil in the early sawmills have given place to palaces of modern mechanical contrivance it would require a volume to describe, of enormous output, loading hundreds of vessels for unnumbered foreign ports, and putting in circulation millions of dollars. as a forcible contrast to mr. yesler's reminiscence, this specimen is given of modern milling, entitled "sawing up a forest," representing the business of but one of the great mills in later days ( ) at work on puget sound: "the best evidence of the revival of the lumber trade of the sound, is to be found at the great blakeley mill, where four hundred thousand feet of lumber is being turned out every twenty-four hours, and the harbor is crowded with ships destined for almost all parts of the world. "one of the mill officials said, 'we are at present doing a large business with south american and australian ports, and expect with proper attention to secure the south african trade, which, if successful, will be a big thing. we have the finest lumber in the world, and there is no reason why we should not be doing five times the business that is being done on the sound. why, there is some first quality and some selected norway lumber out there on the wharf, and it does not even compare with our second quality lumber.' "the company has at present ( ) men employed and between $ , . and $ , . in wages is paid out every month. "the following vessels are now loading or are loaded and ready to sail: "bark columbia, for san francisco, , feet; ship aristomene, for valparaiso, , , feet; ship earl burgess, for amsterdam, , , feet; bark mercury, for san francisco, , , feet; ship corolla, for valparaiso, , , feet; barkentine katie flickinger, for fiji islands, , feet; bark matilda, for honolulu, , feet; bark e. ramilla, for valparaiso, , feet; ship beechbank, for valparaiso, , , feet. "to load next week: "barkentine george c. perkins, for sidney, n. s. w., , feet; bark guinevere, for valparaiso, , feet. "those to arrive within the next two weeks: "bark antoinette, for valparaiso, , feet; barkentine j. l. stanford, for melbourne, , , feet; ship saga, for valparaiso, , , feet; bark george f. manson, for shanghai, china, , feet; ship harvester, for south africa, , , feet." shingle making was a prominent early industry. the process was slow, done entirely by hand, in vivid contrast with the great facility and productiveness of the modern shingle mills of this region; in consequence of the slowness of manufacture they formerly brought a much higher price. it was an ideal occupation at that time. after the mammoth cedars were felled, sawn and rived asunder, the shingle-maker sat in the midst of the opening in the great forest, towering walls of green on all sides, with the blue sky overhead and fragrant wood spread all around, from which he shaped the thin, flat pieces by shaving them with a drawing knife. cutting and hewing spars to load ships for foreign markets began before . as recorded in a san francisco paper: "in , the bark anadyr sailed from utsalady on puget sound, with a cargo of spars for the french navy yard at brest. in the same ship took a load from the same place to an english navy yard. "to china, spain, mauritius and many other places, went the tough, enduring, flexible fir tree of puget sound. the severe test applied have proven the douglas fir to be without an equal in the making of masts and spars. "in later days the fram, of arctic fame, was built of puget sound fir." the discovery and opening of the coal mines near seattle marks an epoch in the commerce of the northwest. as early as coal was found and mined on a small scale east of seattle. the first company, formed in - , was composed of old and well-known citizens: d. bagley, g. f. whitworth and selucius garfield, who was called the "silver-tongued orator." others joined in the enterprise of developing the mines, which were found to be extensive and valuable. legislation favored them and transportation facilities grew. the names of mcgilvra, yesler, denny and robinson were prominent in the work. tramways, chutes, inclines, tugboats, barges, coalcars and locomotives brought out the coal to deep water on the sound, across lakes washington and union, and three pieces of railroad. a long trestle at the foot of pike street, seattle, at which the ship "belle isle," among others, often loaded, fell in, demolished by the work of the teredo. the writer remembers two startling trips up the incline, nine hundred feet long, on the east side of lake washington, in an empty coal car, the second time duly warned by the operatives that the day before a car load of furniture had been "let go" over the incline and smashed to kindlingwood long before it reached the bottom. the trips were made amidst an oppressive silence and were never repeated. the combined coal fields of washington cover an area of one thousand six hundred fifty square miles. since the earliest developments great strides have been made and a large number of coal mines are operated, such as the black diamond, gilman, franklin, wilkeson, the u. s. government standard, carbonado, roslyn, etc., with a host of underground workers and huge steam colliers to carry an immense output. the carrying of the first telegraph line through the dense forest was another step forward. often the forest trees were pressed into service and insulators became the strange ornaments of the monarchs of the trackless wilderness. pioneer surveyors, of whom a. a. denny was one, journalists, lawyers and other professional men, with the craftsmen, carpenters who helped to repair the decatur and build the fort, masons who helped to build the old university of washington, and other industrious workers brought to mind might each and every one furnish a volume of unique and interesting reminiscence. the women pioneers certainly demand a work devoted to them alone. simultaneously with the commercial and political development, the educational and religious took place. the children of the pioneers were early gathered in schools and the parents preceded the teachers or supplemented their efforts with great earnestness. books, papers and magazines were bountifully provided and both children and grown people read with avidity. for many years the mails came slowly, but when the brimming bags were emptied, the contents were eagerly seized upon, and being almost altogether eastern periodical literature, the children narrowly escaped acquiring the mental squint which o. w. holmes speaks of having affected the youth of the east from the perusal of english literature. the pioneer mail service was one of hardship and danger. the first mail overland in the sound region was carried by a. b. rabbeson in , and could not have been voluminous, as it was transported in his pockets while he rode horseback. a well known mail carrier of early days was nes jacob ohm or "dutch ned," as every one called him. he, with his yellow dog and sallow cayuse, was regarded as an indispensable institution. all three stood the test of travel on the trail for many years. the yellow canine had quite a reputation as a panther dog, and no doubt was a needed protection in the dark wild forest, but he has long since gone where the good dogs go and the cayuse probably likewise. "ned" was somewhat eccentric though a faithful servant of the public. in common with other forerunners of civilization he was a little superstitious. one winter night, grown weary of drowsing by his bright, warm fireplace in his little cabin, he began to walk back and forth in an absent-minded way, when suddenly his hair fairly stood on end; there were two stealthy shadows following him every where he turned. in what state of mind he passed the remainder of the night is unknown, but soon after he related the incident to his friends evincing much anxiety as to what it might signify. probably he had two lights burning in different parts of the room or sufficiently bright separate flames in the fireplace. doubtless it remained a mystery unexplained to him, to the end of his days. the pioneer merchants who traded with the indians, and swapped calico and sugar for butter and eggs, with the settlers, pioneer steamboat men who ran the diminutive steamers between olympia and seattle, pioneer editors, who published tri-weeklies whose news did not come in daily, pioneer milliners who "did up" the hats of the other pioneer women with taste and neatness, pioneer legislators, blacksmiths, bakers, shoemakers, foundry men, shipbuilders, etc., blazed the trails of commerce where now there are broad highways. chapter iv building of the territorial university. early in , the university commissioners, rev. d. bagley, john webster and edmund carr, selected the site for the proposed building, ten acres in seattle, described as a "beautiful eminence overlooking elliott bay and puget sound." a. a. denny donated eight and a fraction acres, terry and lander, one and a fraction acres. the structure was fifty by eighty feet, two stories in height, beside belfry and observatory. there were four rooms above, including the grand lecture room, thirty-six by eighty feet, and six rooms below, beside the entrance hall of twelve feet, running through the whole building. the president's house was forty by fifty, with a solid foundation of brick and cement cellar; the boarding house twenty-four by forty-eight, intended to have an extension when needed. a supply was provided of the purest spring water, running through one thousand four hundred feet of charred pump logs. buildings of such dimensions were not common in the northwest in those days; materials were expensive and money was scarce. it was chiefly through the efforts of john denny that a large appropriation of land was made by congress for the benefit of the new-born institution. although advanced in years, his hair as white as snow, he made the long journey to washington city and return when months were required to accomplish it. by the sale of these lands the expense of construction and purchase of material were met. the land was then worth but one dollar and a half per acre, but enough was sold to amount to $ , . . at that time the site lay in the midst of a heavy forest, through which a trail was made in order to reach it. of the ten-acre campus, seven acres were cleared of the tall fir and cedar trees at an expense of two hundred and seventy-five dollars per acre, the remaining three were worse, at three hundred and sixteen dollars per acre. the method of removing these forest giants was unique and imposing. the workers partially grubbed perhaps twenty trees standing near each other, then dispatched a sailor aloft in their airy tops to hitch them together with a cable and descend to terra firma. a king among the trees was chosen whose downfall should destroy his companions, and relentlessly uprooting it, the tree-fallers suddenly and breathlessly withdrew to witness a grand sight, the whole group of unnumbered centuries' growth go crashing down at once. they would scarcely have been human had they uttered no shout of triumph at such a spectacle. to see but one great, towering fir tree go grandly to the earth with rush of boughs and thunderous sound is a thrilling, pathetic and awe-inspiring sight. about the center of the tract was left a tall cedar tree to which was added a topmast. the tree, shorn of its limbs and peeled clean of bark, was used for a flagstaff. the old account books, growing yearly more curious and valuable, show that the majority of the old pioneers joined heartily in the undertaking and did valiant work in building the old university. they dug, hewed, cleared land, hauled materials, exchanged commodities, busily toiled from morn to night, traveled hither and yon, in short did everything that brains, muscle and energy could accomplish in the face of what now would be deemed well nigh insurmountable obstacles. the president of the board of commissioners, the rev. d. bagley, has said that in looking back upon it he was simply foolhardy. "why, we had not a dollar to begin with," said he; nevertheless pluck and determination accomplished wonders; many of the people took the lands at one dollar and a half an acre, in payment for work and materials. clarence b. bagley, son of rev. d. bagley, is authority for the following statement, made in : "forty-eight persons were employed on the work and nearly all the lumber for the building was secured from the mills at port blakeley and port madison, while the white pine of the finishing siding, doors, sash, etc., came from a mill at seabeck, on hood canal. i have been looking over the books my father kept at that time and find the names of many persons whom all old-timers will remember. i found the entry relating to receiving , brick from capt. h. h. roeder, the price being $ . per thousand, while lime was $ per barrel and cement $ . per barrel. another entry shows that seven gross of ordinary wood screws cost in that early day $ . . capt. roeder is now a resident of whatcom county. the wages then were not very high, the ordinary workman receiving $ and $ . per day and the carpenters and masons $ per day. "on the th of march, john pike and his son, harvey pike, began to clear the ground for the buildings and a few days later james crow and myself commenced. the pikes cleared the acre of ground in the southeast corner and we cleared the acre just adjoining, so that we four grubbed the land on which the principal building now stands. all the trees were cut down and the land leveled off, and the trees which now grace the grounds started from seeds and commenced to grow up a few years later and are now about twenty-five years old. among the men who helped clear the land were: hillory butler, john carr, w. h. hyde, edward richardson, l. holgate, h. a. atkins, jim hunt, l. b. andrews, l. pinkham, ira woodin, dr. josiah settle, parmelee & dudley, and of that number that are now dead are carr, hyde, holgate, atkins and parmelee and dudley. mr. crow is now living at kent and owns a good deal of property there. mr. carr was a relative of the hanfords. mr. holgate was a brother of the holgate who was killed in seattle during the indian war, being shot dead while standing at the door of the fort. he was an uncle of the hanfords. mr. atkins was mayor of the town at one time. "r. king, who dressed the flagstaff, is not among the living. the teamsters who did most of the hauling were hillory butler, thomas mercer and d. b. ward, all of whom are still living. william white was blacksmith here then and did a good deal of work on the building. he is now living in california and is well-to-do, but his son is still a resident of seattle. thomas russell was the contractor for putting up the frame of the university building. he died some time since and of his estate there is left the russell house, and his family is well known. john dodge and john t. jordan did a good deal of the mason work, both of whom are now dead, but they have children who still live in this city. the stone for the foundation was secured from port orchard and the lime came from victoria, being secured here at a large cost." george austin, who raised the flagstaff and put the top on, has been dead many years. dexter horton and yesler, denny & co. kept stores in those days and furnished the nails, hardware and general merchandise. mr. horton's store was where the bank now stands and the store of yesler, denny & co. was where the national bank of commerce now stands. l. v. wyckoff, the father of van wyckoff, who was sheriff of the county for many years, did considerable hauling and draying. he also is dead. frank mathias was a carpenter and did a good deal of the finishing work. he died in california and his heirs have since been fighting for his estate. h. mcalear kept a stove and hardware store and furnished the stoves for the building. he is now dead and there has been a contest over some of his property in the famous hill tract in this city. d. c. beatty and r. h. beatty, not relatives, were both carpenters. the former is now living on a farm near olympia and the latter is in the insane asylum at steilacoom. ira woodin is still alive and is the founder of woodinville. in the early days mr. woodin and his father owned the only tannery in the country, which was located at the corner of south fourth street and yesler avenue, then mill street. o. j. carr, whose name appears as a carpenter, lives at edgewater. he was the postmaster of the town for many years. o. c. shorey and a. p. delin, as "shorey & delin," furnished the desks for the several rooms and also made the columns that grace the front entrance to the building. plummer & hinds furnished some of the materials used in the construction. george w. harris, the banker, auditor of the lake shore road, is a stepson of mr. plummer. jordan and thorndyke were plasterers and both have been dead for many years. david graham, who did some of the grading, is still living in seattle. a. s. mercer did most of the grading with mr. graham. mr. mercer is a brother of thomas mercer, who brought out two parties of young ladies from the atlantic coast by sea, many of whom are married and are now living in seattle. harry hitchcock, one of the carpenters, is now dead. harry gordon was a painter and was quite well known for some years. he finally went east, and i think is still living, although i have not heard from him for many years. of the three who composed the board of university commissioners mr. carr and mr. webster are dead. all the paint, varnishes, brushes, etc., were purchased in victoria and the heavy duties made the cost very high; in fact, everything was costly in those days. an entry is made of a keg of lath nails which cost $ , and a common wooden wheelbarrow cost $ . the old bell came from the east, and cost, laid down in seattle, $ . it cost $ to put in position, and thus the whole cost was nearly $ . it is made of steel and was rung from the tower for the first time in march, . the only tinner in the place covered the cupola where hung the bell. its widely reaching voice proclaimed many things beside the call to studies, fulfilling often the office of bell-buoy and fog-horn to distracted mariners wandering in fog and smoke, and giving alarm in case of fire. the succeeding lines set forth exactly historical facts as well as expressing the attachment of the old pupils to the bell and indeed to the university itself: the voice of the old university bell. a vibrant voice thrilled through the air, now here, now there, seemed everywhere; my young thoughts stirred, laid away in a shroud, and joyfully rose and walked abroad. it was long ago in my youth and pride, when my young thoughts lived and my young thoughts died, and often and over all unafraid they wander and wander like ghosts unlaid. through calm and storm for many a year, i faithfully called my children dear, and honest and urgent have been my tones to hurry the laggard and hasten the drones, but earnest and early or lazy and late they toiled up the hill and entered the gate, across the campus they rushed pell-mell at the call of the old university bell. if danger menaced on land or sea, the note of warning loud and free; or a joyous peal in the twilight dim of the new year's dawn, after new year's hymn. if a ship in the bay floated out ablaze, or the fog-wreaths blinded the mariner's gaze, safe into port they steered them well, cheered by the old university bell. when lincoln the leader was stricken low, o! a darker day may we never know, a bitter wail from my heart was wrung to float away from my iron tongue, on storm-wing cast it traveled fast, above me writhed the flag half-mast. my children wept, their fathers frowned, with clenched hands looked down to the ground, for the saddest note that ever fell from the throat of the old university bell. but deep was the joy and wild was the clamor, with leaping hot haste they hurried the hammer, when the battles were fought and the war was all over, o'er the north and the south did the peace angels hover; my children sang sweetly and softly and low "the union forever, is safe now we know," the years they may come and the years they may go, and hearts that were loyal will ever be so. there's a long roll-call, i ring over all that have harkened and answered in the old hall; adams and andrews, (from a unto z, alphabetic arrangement as any can see), bonney and bagley and mercer and hays, francis and denny in bygone days, hastings and ebey, the oregon strongs, and many another whose name belongs to fame and the world, or has passed away to realms that are bright with endless day. the presidents ruled with a right good will, mercer and barnard, whitworth and hill, anderson, powell, gatch and hall, harrington now and i've named them all. witten and thayer, hansee and lee, the wise professors were fair to see, they strictly commanded, did study compel at the call of the old university bell. osborne, mccarty, thornton and spain, with their companions in sunshine and rain, back in the seventies, might tell what befell at the ring of the old university bell. the eighties came on and the roll-call grew longer emboldened with learning, my voice rang the stronger; the day of commencement saw young men and maids proudly emerge from the classic shades where oft they had heard and heeded well the voice of the old university bell. they bore me away to a shrine new and fine, where the pilgrims of learning with yearning incline; enwrapped they now seem, in a flowery dream, the stars of good fortune so radiant beam. of the long roll call not one is forgot, if sorrow beset them or happy their lot; my wandering children all love me so well, their life-work done, they'll wish a soft knell might be tolled by the old university bell. such is the force of habit that it was many years before i could shake off the inclination to obey the imperative summons of the old university bell. with other small children, i ran about on the huge timbers of the foundation, in the dusk when the workmen were gone, glancing around a little fearfully at the dark shadows in the thick woods, and then running home as fast as our truant feet could carry us. the laying of the cornerstone was an imposing ceremony to our minds and a significant as well as gratifying occasion to our elders. the speeches, waving of flags, salutes, masonic emblems and service with the music rendered by a fine choir, accompanied by a pioneer melodeon, made it quite as good as a fourth of july. all the well-to-do ranchers and mill men sent their children from every quarter. the ebeys of whidby island, hays of olympia, strongs of oregon, burnetts of down sound and dennys of seattle, beside the children of many other prominent pioneers, received their introduction to learning beneath its generous shelter. a cheerful, energetic crowd they were with clear brains and vigorous bodies. the school was of necessity preparatory; in modern slang, a university was rather previous in those days. but all out-of-doors was greater than our books when it came to physical geography and natural history, to say nothing of botany, geology, etc. observing eyes and quick wits discovered many things not yet in this year of grace set down in printed pages. a curious thing, and rather absurd, was the care taken to instruct us in "bounding" new hampshire, vermont and all the rest of the eastern states, while owing to the lack of local maps we were obliged to gain the most of our knowledge of washington by traveling over it. the first instruction given within its walls was in a little summer school taught by mrs. o. j. carr, which i attended. previous to this my mother was my patient and affectionate instructor, an experienced and efficient one i will say, as teaching had been her profession before coming west. asa mercer was at the head of the university for a time, followed by w. e. barnard, under whose sway it saw prosperous days. a careful and painstaking teacher with a corps of teachers fresh from eastern schools, and ably seconded in his efforts by his lovely wife, a very accomplished lady, he was successful in building up the attendance and increasing the efficiency of the institution. but after a time it languished, and was closed, the funds running low. under the rev. f. h. whitworth it again arose. it was then run with the common school funds, which raised such opposition that it finally came to a standstill. d. t. denny was a school director and county treasurer at the same time, but could not pay any monies to the university without an order from the county superintendent. on one occasion he was obliged to put a boy on horseback and send him eleven miles through the forest and back, making a twenty-two mile ride, to obtain the required order. the children and young people who attended the university in the old times are scattered far and wide, some have attained distinction in their callings, many are worthy though obscure, and some have passed away from earthly scenes. we spoke our "pieces," delivered orations, wrote compositions, played ball games of one or more "cats" and many old-fashioned games in and around the big building and often climbed up to the observatory to look out over the beautiful bay and majestic mountains. that glistening sheet of water often drew the eyes from the dull page and occasionally an unwary pupil would be reminded in a somewhat abrupt fashion to proceed with his researches. one afternoon a boy who had been gazing on its changing surface for some minutes, caught sight of a government vessel rounding the point, and jumped up saying excitedly, "there's a war ship a-comin'!" to the consternation though secret delight of the whole school. "well, don't stop her," dryly said the teacher, and the boy subsided amid the smothered laughter of his companions. cupid sometimes came to school then, as i doubt not he does in these days, not as a learner but distracter--to those who were his victims. it's my opinion, and i have it from st. catherine, he should have been set on the dunce block and made to study malthus. two notable victims are well remembered, one a lovely blonde young girl, a beautiful singer; the other as dark as a spaniard, with melting black eyes and raven tresses. they did not wait to graduate but named the happy day. the blonde married a democratic editor, well known in early journalism, the other a very popular man, yet a resident of seattle. the whole of the second story of the university consisted of one great hall or assembly room with two small ante-rooms. here the school exhibitions were held, lectures and entertainments given. christmas trees, sunday schools, political meetings and i do not know what else, although i think no balls were ever permitted in those days, a modern degeneration to my mind. the old building has always been repainted white until within a few years and stood among the dark evergreen a thing of dignity and beauty, the tall fluted columns with doric capitals being especially admired. but changes will come; a magnificent, new, expensive and ornate edifice has been provided with many modern adjuncts--and the old university has been painted a grimy putty color! the days of old, the golden days, will never be forgotten by the students of the old university, which, although perhaps not so comfortable or elegant nor of so elevated a curriculum as the new, compassed the wonderful beginnings of things intellectual, sowing the seed that others might harvest, planting the tree of knowledge from which others should gather the fruit. chapter v. a chehalis letter, penned in ' . mound prairie, chehalis river, near mr. ford's tavern, lewis county, oregon territory. nov. . my dear elizabeth: i believe this is the first letter i have addressed to you since we removed from wisconsin, and i feel truly thankful to say that through the infinite mercy of god both my family and self have been in the enjoyment of excellent, uninterrupted health. the last letter we received from wisconsin was from my brother thomas, complaining of our long silence. we found, too, that mr. james' long letter, containing an account of our route--arrival in oregon--our having made a claim on the clackamas, with description of it--and all our progress up to february last, had been received. so here begins the next chapter. about the middle of march we removed into our new log house; here we found everything necessary to make a homestead comfortable and even delightful--a beautiful building spot on a pleasant knoll of considerable extent--a clear brook running along within a few yards of our door; and surrounded by the grandest mountain scenery--and more than that, decidedly healthy. within walking distance of oregon city and milwaukee, and eight miles from portland. with all these advantages the boys could not reconcile themselves to it on account of the great lack of grass which prevails for twenty miles 'round. brush of all description, hazel, raspberry, salal, rose, willow and fern grow to a most gigantic size. and in february what appeared to us and others--a kind of grass--sprang up quickly over the ground and mountain side; nor was it 'till may, when it blossomed out, that we discovered what we hoped would be nourishment for our cattle, was nothing more than the grass iris, and fully accounted for the straying of our cattle and the constant hunt that was kept up by our neighbors and selves after cattle and horses. in fact we soon found that this was no place for cattle until it had been subdued and got into cultivation. to make the matter worse we were every now and then in the receipt of messages and accounts from our friends and acquaintances who were located, some in umpqua, some in the willamette valley, some at puget sound. those from umpqua sent us word that there was grass enough all winter, on one claim for a thousand head of cattle. mr. lucas in the callipooiah mountains at the head of the willamette, sent us pressing invitations to come up and settle by him, where he had grass as high as his knees in february. in the willamette the first rate places were all taken up. samuel and billy joined in begging their father to make a tour north or south to see some of these desirable places. finally he was induced, though rather reluctantly (so well he liked our pleasant home and so confident was he of raising grass and grain) to visit one or the other after harvest. we finished our harvest in july and in august mr. j., accompanied by billy, set off on a journey of exploration to the north. the land route lay along the north bank of the columbia for sixty miles to the mouth of the cowlitz, then thirty miles up that river over indian trails, all but impassable. this brought them into the beautiful prairies of puget sound, sixty or seventy miles through which brought them to that branch of the pacific. they returned after an absence of between three and four weeks. so well were mr. james and billy pleased with the country that they made no delay on their return in selling out their improvements which they had an opportunity of doing immediately. we had milked but two cows during the summer, but even with the poor feed we had, i had kept the family in butter and sold $ worth, but then i had fifty cents and five shillings per pound. as to my poultry, i obtained with some difficulty the favor of a pullet and a rooster for $ . . in march i added another hen to my stock, and so rapidly did they increase, that in september i had, small and big, eighty. after keeping six pullets and a rooster for myself, i made $ . off the rest, so you may judge by a little what much will do in oregon. well, it is time for me to take you on board the batteaux, as i wish you all had been on the th of september, when we set sail down the willamette from milwaukee. after two days we entered the columbia, one of the noblest of rivers. after three days, with a head wind all the time, we entered the mouth of the cowlitz, a beautiful stream, but so swift that none but indians can navigate it. we had to hire five indians for $ . to take us up. four days brought us to what is called the upper landing of the cowlitz. here ended our river travel--by far the most pleasant journey i ever made. there we met samuel and billy who with tom had taken the cattle by the trail. we halted at a mr. jackson's, where we stopped for a fortnight, while mr. j. and the boys journeyed away in search of adventures and a claim. on the banks of the chehalis, miles north of where we stopped and miles south of the sound, they found a claim satisfactory in every respect to all parties, and what was not a little, we found a cabin a great deal better than the one we found last winter. the indians told us that _tennes_ (white) jack, who _momicked_ (worked) it had _clatawawed_ (traveled or went) to california in quest of _chicamun_ (metal) and had never _chacooed_ (come back), so we entered on _tennes_ jack's labours. as a farm and location, this certainly exceeds our most sanguine expectations. i often thought last year that we had bettered our conditions from what they were in wisconsin, and now i think we have improved ours ten times beyond what we then were. our claim is along the banks of the chehalis, a navigable river which empties into the pacific at grays harbor, about miles below us. a settlement is just commenced at the mouth of the river and a sawmill is erected miles below us, or rather is building. these are all the settlements on the river below us, and our nearest neighbor above us is miles up. a prairie of miles long and varying in width from to miles stretched away to the north of us, watered with a beautiful stream of water and covered with grass at this time as green as in may. a stream of water flows within a few yards of our house, so full of salmon that tom and johnny could with ease catch a barrel in an hour; they are from to lbs. in a fish. besides which we have a small fish here very much resembling a pilchard. we are blessed with the most beautiful springs of water, one of which will be enclosed in our door yard. as far as i can learn there are in the thickest settled parts of this portion of oregon, about one family in a township--many towns are not so thickly settled. we are the only inhabitants of this great prairie except a few indians who have a fishing station about a mile from us. these are on very friendly terms with us, supplying us with venison, wild fowl and mats at a very reasonable price, as we are the only customers and we in return letting them have what _sappalille_ (flour) and molasses we can at a reasonable price, which they are always willing to pay. soap is another article i am glad to see in request among them. and it affords them no little amusement to look at the plates of the encyclopedia. but i fear it will be long before they will be brought to _momick_ the _illahe_ (earth). they are the finest and stoutest set of indians we have seen. we converse with them by means of a jargon composed of english, french and chinook, and which the indians speak fluently, and we are getting to _waw-waw_ (speak) pretty well. my children, i am thankful to say, look better than i ever saw them in america; they have not had the least symptoms of any of the diseases that they were so much afflicted with in wisconsin. and now, my dear elizabeth, if wishing would bring you here, you should soon be here in what appears to me to be one of the most delightful portions of the globe. but then, ever since i have been in america i have regarded a mild climate as a "pearl of great price" in temporal things and felt willing to pay for it accordingly and i have not had the least reason to think i have valued it too high. many and many a year has passed since i have enjoyed life as i have since i have been in oregon. i should have told you that the chehalis is one of the most beautiful rivers in oregon. our claim stretches a mile along the north bank of it. it flows through quite an elevated part of the country. our house, though within a few rods of the river, has one of the finest views in oregon, the prairie stretching away to the north like a fine lawn, skirted on each side by oak and maple, at this time in all the brilliant hues of autumn; behind, on gently rising hills, forests of fir and cedar of most gigantic height and size; farther still to the northeast rises the ever snow-clad mountains of rainier and st. helens, on the opposite side to the southwest of the coast range, so near that we can see the trees on them. so magnificent are those immense snow mountains that none but those who have seen them can form any idea of it. this prairie takes its name from a remarkable mound about a mile from our house; it stands in about acres and is feet high, with a pure spring half way up. the rest of the prairie is almost level without a spring except in the margin. the soil of the mound, as well as some of the margin, has just enough clay to make it a rich and excellent soil; the rest of the prairie is deficient in clay; it has a rich black mould overlaying two feet deep, resting on substratum of sand and gravel, which in some places is so mixed with the soil as to give it the name of a gravelly prairie. you might have the choice of fifty such prairies as this and some better on this river. farmers were never better paid in the world, even my little dairy of two cows has for the month past turned me in, at least i have sold butter to the amount of two and a half bushels of wheat a day at wisconsin prices of cents, and have by me pounds for which i shall have at least cents or $ . per pound. i now milk three cows; we have four; and mr. james means to add two more and a few sheep. mr. j. sold the worst yoke of cattle he had for $ . . cows are worth from $ . to $ . ; sheep are from $ . to $ . ; chickens, cents to $ . each; eggs, cents per dozen; dry goods and groceries just the same as in the states; wheat $ . per bushel. we left our wheat on the clackamas to be threshed. they, samuel and billy, are now preparing to put in ten acres of fall wheat, potatoes are $ . per bushel. indians easy to hire, both men and women, at reasonable wages. extensive coal mines of excellent quality have been discovered within miles of this place. but all these things are secondary in my estimation compared with the climate, which is allowed by all english to be superior to their native clime. it makes me very sad to think how we are separated as a family, never to meet again (at least in all probability) under one roof. o, that we may all meet at least at the right hand of god, let this be our sole concern and our path will be made plain in temporals. you have the advantage of us in schools, churches and society, but i feel quite patient to wait the arrival of those blessings in addition to those we enjoy. this letter will be accompanied by a paper to mr. mcnaves, "_the columbian_," published at olympia, puget sound. mr. james has just written an article for it, entitled the "rainy season." i wonder how amy and edward are getting on; how i wish they were here. do you think they will ever come over? should any of you (of course i include any old friends and acquaintances at caledonia) determine on removing to this part, the instructions in my husband's letter are the best we can give. there has been great suffering on the road this year. we have seen a great many families who came through in a very fair manner, some of them without even the loss of a single head of cattle; these were among the first trains; among the latter the loss of cattle and lives was awful. some horrid murders were committed on the road, for which the murderers were tried and shot or hung on the spot. the papers say there will be fifteen thousand added to the population of oregon by this year's emigration. it is in contemplation to open a road through from grand ronde on to puget sound, which will shorten the distance at least miles and out of the very worst of the road. samuel and billy are determined to come to meet you on the new route with jack and dandy, and more if wanted. now we are settled in earnest you shall hear from us oftener and hope we shall the same from you. give my kindest and best love to mother. one old lady, about her age, crossed the plains when we did; she was alive and well when we left the other side of the columbia. i must introduce to you an old acquaintance--the rooks--caw! caw! caw! all around us. we have a rookery on our farm. it is now the th of nov., a fortnight since i wrote the above, in hopes that it would be on its passage to wisconsin ere this, but was disappointed of sending to the postoffice. weather warm and sunshiny as may, two or three white frosts that vanished with the rising of the sun are all we have had, not the slightest prospect of sleighing nearer than the slopes of mt. rainier. i have just asked all hands for the dark side of oregon, not one could mention anything worth calling such. mr. j. says the shades are so light as to be invisible. the grey squirrel on the south of the columbia was the most formidable enemy to the farmer; more of that when i write next. my kindest love to all the dear children; how i long to see them all again, particularly anna; o, that she may be a very good girl. richard and allan often talk of writing to avis and lydia. how are mr. and mrs. welch and family? how gladly would i welcome them to my humble cabin. i cannot help thinking, too, that mrs. w. and i could enjoy ourselves here on the green sward and in looking at the beautiful evergreen shrubs and plants on the banks of the chehalis, though we might be overtaken by a mild sprinkling. a canoe on the waters of that beautiful stream would help to compensate for the loss of a sleigh on the snows of wisconsin, particularly when it can be enjoyed at the same season of the year. but i suppose i must look upon all this as a utopian dream, as i expect few if any of you would barter your comfortable house for a log cabin; well, it is my home, and i hope i have not given you an exaggerated description of it. i wished my husband to write a more particular description of the soil and its productions than i could give, but he was in no writing mood. he says the prairies as far as he has seen are not equal to iowa or illinois, but for climate and health he thinks oregon equals if not surpasses most parts of the world. * * * * * well, i must bid you good-bye, with kind regards to mr. and mrs. drummond, with all my other friends in yorkville, mr. moyle and susan, with all my friends and acquaintances in caledonia. i will write again, all's well, about christmas, and hope you will attend to the same rate and write once in a month. farewell my dear sister. yours in true affection, a. m. james. p. s.--if jane and dick are married, i will risk saying that the best thing they can do is to come here. all the children send their love to you all. i should be thankful for a few flower seeds. chapter vi some pioneers of port townsend. in port townsend and seattle papers of appeared the following items of history pertaining to settlers of port townsend: "port townsend, feb. , .--on friday, february , there is to be held in port townsend a reunion of old settlers to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the landing at this place of some of the first white families to settle on puget sound north of the little town of steilacoom. "much interest is being manifested in the coming celebration among the old-timers on puget sound, many of whom have already responded to invitations that have been sent them. most of these letters contain interesting anecdotes or references touching the past. one of them is from judge e. d. warbass, of san juan county, who writes from 'idlewild,' his country home, near friday harbor, under date of february . in his letter to j. a. kuhn, whom he addresses as 'my dear ankutty tillikum,' he says: "'this is my birthday, born in a. d. . please figure up the time for yourself. i have just finished my breakfast and chores, and will get this letter off on the o'clock mail. i am sincerely obliged for the honor of being invited to come to the port townsend celebration and to prepare and read some reminiscences of my experiences during all these years. i hope to be able to do so, and will, if i can, but you know i am no longer the same rollicking ed, but quite an old man. however, i am willing to contribute my mite towards making your celebration a success, and weather and health permitting, will be there. delate mika siam.' "a. a. plummer, sr., and henry bacheller came to port townsend by sailing vessel from san francisco, in the fall of , and remained here during the winter. a few days after they arrived here, l. b. hastings and f. w. pettygrove came in overland from portland, carrying their blankets on their backs. they soon decided to return to portland and bring their families over. mr. hastings arranged with plummer and bacheller to build a cabin for him by the time he returned. "he and pettygrove went back to portland, and soon afterward mr. hastings bought the schooner mary taylor. he made up a party of congenial people, and on february , , the mary taylor sailed from the columbia river with the following named persons, and their families, on board: l. b. hastings, f. w. pettygrove, benjamin ross, david shelton, thomas tallentyre and smith hayes. the last named had no family. "on february the schooner passed in by cape flattery, and on the afternoon of the th came upon the hudson bay settlement on vancouver island, at victoria. present survivors of the trip, who were then children, recall how their fathers lifted them up to their shoulders and pointed out the little settlement, telling them at the same time that that country belonged to england, and of their own purpose of crossing over to the american side and there establishing a home for themselves. that night the schooner dropped anchor in port townsend bay. "early next morning--february --the schooner was boarded by quincy a. brooks, deputy collector and inspector of customs. mr. brooks had arrived here only a few hours ahead of the mary taylor, coming from olympia and bringing with him the following customs inspectors: a. m. poe, h. c. wilson and a. b. moses. these men had been sent here by the collector of customs to investigate stories of smuggling being carried on between the hudson bay company and indians on the sound. the customs officials were camped on the beach. with them were b. j. madison and william wilton, the former of whom later settled here. a. a. plummer and henry bacheller were also camped on the beach here at the same time, having been here since their arrival from san francisco in the preceding fall. [illustration: ship "belle isle" loading coal, ] "early in the forenoon of february all on board the schooner mary taylor were landed on the beach and immediately began the work of carving out homes for themselves in what was then a wilderness thickly inhabited by indians. mr. hastings found his cabin ready for occupancy, all but the roof, which had not been put on. a temporary roof was constructed and the family moved in. that night twelve inches of snow fell, it being the first snow that had fallen here during the entire winter. mr. hastings' schooner afterward made several trips between the columbia river and the sound, bringing additional families here. "the present survivors of the mary taylor's passengers are the following: l. w. d. shelton and his sister, mary, oregon c. hastings, frank w. hastings, maria hastings littlefield, benj. s. pettygrove and sophia pettygrove mcintyre. all but mr. shelton and his sister and oregon c. hastings are residents of port townsend. "oregon c. hastings was born in illinois in , and crossed the plains in with his parents. he is living in victoria. "benjamin s. pettygrove is a native of portland, oregon, where he was born on september , . he was the first white male child born in portland. "frank w. hastings was born in portland on november , . "sophia pettygrove was born in portland on november , . she was married on her th birthday to captain james mcintyre, who lost his life a few weeks ago in the wreck of the steamship bristol in alaskan waters. "judge j. a. kuhn is the moving spirit in the matter of these pioneers' reunions and in the organization of native sons and native daughters lodges. he made a promise to g. morris haller of seattle, as far back as , he says, that he would take up the organizations referred to, in the interest of history and research. the matter remained dormant, however, till the year , when, on march , of that year, he instituted in port townsend, jefferson camp no. , native sons of washington, with members present. the camp now has members. on july , , he instituted in port townsend, lucinda hastings parlor no. , native daughters of washington. there are now in the state nine camps of native sons and four parlors of native daughters. "a. a. plummer, sr., now deceased, was one of the fathers of port townsend and was considered quite a remarkable man. he was born in the state of maine, march , , and was a veteran of the mexican war. he fought under col. stevens in that conflict and at its close went to california, going from there to portland by sailing vessel in . "major quincy a. brooks was the second deputy collector of customs ever sworn into the service in the puget sound district. in january, , he succeeded elwood evans as deputy collector for the district. the collector of customs was then simpson p. moses, of cincinnati, ohio, and the custom house was located at olympia." at the reunion on the st of february, , many things were brought to light. "among the many stories of early days and reminiscences recalled at the pioneers' gathering one of the most interesting was mr. shelton's story of the trip of the mary taylor from portland to port townsend. mr. shelton had committed his reminiscences to manuscript as follows: "'fifty years ago, some time about the first of february, the little -ton schooner mary taylor left portland, ore., for puget sound, having on board the families of l. b. hastings, f. w. pettygrove, david shelton, thomas tallentyre, benjamin ross and smith hayes. mr. hayes had no family here, but i think he had a family in the east. mr. ross had one son, about years old. "'our little craft was navigated by captain hutchinson and a crew of four or five men. the families were all old acquaintances. those of hastings, ross and shelton crossed the plains together in , and concluded to cast their fortunes together again in their last great move, which was to this country. "'we lay at astoria several days, waiting for a favorable opportunity to cross the bar. we made three trials before we ventured out to sea and were three or four days getting up to cape flattery, where we lay quite a while in a calm. we found here that we were in soundings, and some of the party commenced fishing, but all they could catch were dog fish, which we tried to eat, but we found that they were not the kind of fish that we cared about. "'our first sight of indians in this part of the country was off neah bay. we were drifting near waadah island, when canoes came swarming out of their village in the bay. we had heard ugly stories about this tribe, and prepared for them by stacking our arms around the masts, to be handy in case of need. they were clamorous to come on board, but we thought that they were as well off in their canoes as they would be anywhere else. some of our party sauntered along the deck with guns in their hands, in view of the indians. "'the indians then wanted to trade fish for tobacco and trinkets. a few pieces of tobacco were thrown into their canoes and then they commenced throwing fish aboard, and such fish for a landsman to look at! there were bull-heads, rock-cod, kelp-fish, mackerel, fish as flat as your hand, and skates, and other monstrosities, the likes of which the most of our party had never seen before, and when our old cook dished them up for us at dinner we found that they were fine and delicious. there is where we made the acquaintance of sea-bass and rock-cod, and we have cultivated their acquaintance ever since. there were also mussels and clams among the lot, which we found to be very good. we were surrounded by another lot of indians near clallam bay, with about the same performances and with the same results as at neah bay.' "another incident that i recall happened near dungeness spit. a couple of canoes filled with indians came alongside and as there was only a few of them they were allowed to come on board. the tyee of the crowd introduced himself as lord jim. he wore a plug hat, a swallowtailed coat, a shirt and an air of immense importance. i suppose he had secured his outfit as a 'cultus potlatch' from persons he had met. he had evidently met several white people in his time, as he had a number of testimonials as to his character as a good indian. i remember of hearing one of his testimonials read and it impressed me as having come from one who had studied the indian character to some effect. it read something like this: "'to whom it may concern: this will introduce lord jim, a noted indian of this part of the country. look out for him or he will steal the buttons off your coat.' a further acquaintance with lord jim seemed to inspire the belief that the confidence of the writer was not misplaced. "shortly after we left lord jim we sailed along protection island, one of the beauty spots of the strait of juan de fuca. somewhere along here another thing happened--trivial in its nature--the memory of which has stayed with me all these years. mr. pettygrove was walking the deck in a meditative manner, when he happened to feel that he needed a cigar. he called to his son, ben, about six years old, and told him to bring him some cigars. ben wanted to know how many he should get. his father told him to get as many as he had fingers on both hands. ben, proud of his commission, darted away and soon returned with eight cigars. his father looked at them a moment and said: 'how is this; you have only brought me eight cigars?' 'well,' said ben, 'that is all the fingers i have.' 'no,' said his father, 'you have ten on both your hands.' 'why, no i haven't,' said ben, 'two of them are thumbs,' and i guess ben was right. "the next morning, after passing dungeness spit, we found our vessel anchored abreast of what is now the business part of port townsend, which was then a large indian village. that was february , , fifty years ago today. how it stirs the blood and quickens the memory to look back over those eventful years--eventful years for our state, our pacific coast and our entire country--and these years have been equally eventful for the little band that landed here that day so full of hope and energy. "our fathers and mothers are all gone to their well-earned rest and reward. of the thirteen children that were with them at that time nine are still living, and i am proud of the fact that they are all respectable citizens of the community in which they live. they have seen all the history of this part of the country that amounts to much and in their humble way have helped to make it. they have helped conquer the wilderness and the savages and have done their share in laying the foundation of what will be one of the greatest states of our union. their fathers were men of honesty and more than ordinary force of character, as their deeds and labors in behalf of their country and families show, and the mothers of blessed memory--their children never realized the power for good they were in this world until they were grown and had families of their own, but they know it now. they know now how they encouraged their husbands when dark days came; how they cheerfully shared the trials and hardships incident to those early pioneer days, and when brighter fortunes came they exercised the same helpful guiding influence in their well ordered, comfortable homes that they did in their first log cabins in the wilderness." chapter vii. personnel of the pioneer army. a long roll of honor i might call of the brave men and women who dared and strove in the wild northwest of the long ago. if i speak of representative pioneers, those unnamed might be equally typical of the bold army of "forest-felling kings," "forest-fallers" as well as "fighters," like those northland men of old. there are the names of denny, yesler, phillips, terry, low, boren, butler, bell, mercer, maple, van asselt, horton, hanford, mcconaha, smith, maynard, frye, blaine and others who felled the forest and laid foundations at and near seattle; briggs, hastings, van bokkelin, hammond, pettygrove with others founded port townsend, while lansdale, crockett, alexander, cranney, kellogg, hancock, izett, busby, ebey and coupe, led the van for whidby island; eldridge and roeder at bellingham bay; toward the head of navigation, mcallister, bush, simmons, packwood, chambers, shelton, are a few of those who blazed the way. the blows of the sturdy forest-felling kings rang out from many a favored spot on the shores of the great inland sea, cheerful signals for the thousands to come after them. [illustration: william r. boren rev. d. e. blaine carson d. boren] these, and the long list of the here unnamed, waged the warfare of beginnings, which required such large courage, independence, persistence, faith and uncompromising toil, as the velvet-shod aftercomers can scarcely conceive of. simultaneously with the early subjugation of the country, the political, educational, commercial and social initiatory movements were made of whose present development the people of puget sound may well be proud. since the organization of the washington pioneer association in october, , the old pioneers and their children have met year by year in the lavish month of june to recount their adventures, toils and privations, and enjoy the sympathy begotten of similar experiences, in the midst of modern ease and plenty. a concourse of this kind in seattle evoked the following words of appreciation: "no organization, no matter what its nature might be, could afford the people of seattle more gratification by holding its assemblage in their midst than is afforded them by the action of the pioneers' association of washington territory in holding its annual gathering in this city. unlike conventions and gatherings in which only a portion of the community is interested, the meeting of the pioneers is interesting to all. to some, of course, the event is of more importance than to others, but all have an interest in the pioneers' association, all have a pride in the achievement of its members, and all can feel that they are the beneficiaries of the struggle and hardships of which the pioneers tell. "the reminiscences of the pioneers from the history of the first life breathings of our commonwealth--of a commonwealth which, though in its infancy, is grand indeed, and which gives promise of attaining greatness in the full maturity of its powers of which those who laid the foundations of the state scarcely dreamed. the pioneers are the fathers of the commonwealth; their struggles and their hardships were the struggles and the hardships of a state coming into being. they cleared the forests, not for themselves alone, but for posterity and for all time. as they subdued a wild and rugged land and prepared it to sustain and support its share of the people of the earth, each blow of their ax was a blow destined to resound through all time, each furrow turned by their ploughshares that the earth might yield again and again to their children's children so long as man shall inhabit the earth. no stroke of work done in the progress of that great labor was done in vain. none of the mighty energy was lost. each tree that fell, fell never to rise. each nail driven in a settler's hut was a nail helping to bind together the fabric of the community. each day's labor was given to posterity more surely than if it had been sold for gold to be buried in the earth and brought forth by delighted searchers centuries hence. "it is for this that we honor the pioneers. it is for this that we are proud and happy to have them meet among us. we are their heirs. our inheritance is the fruit of their labor, the reward of their fortitude, the recompense of their hardships. the home of today, the center of comfort and contentment, the very soul of the state, could not have been but for the log cabins of forty years ago. the imposing edifice of learning, the complete system of education, could not have been but for the crude school house of the past. the churches and religious institutions of today are the result of the untiring and unselfish labors of the itinerant preacher who wandered back and forth, now painfully picking his way through the forest, now threading with his frail canoe the silver streams, now gliding over the calm waters of the sound, ever laying broad and deep the true foundations of the grand civilization that was to be. the flourishing cities, the steel rails that bind us to the world, the stately steamers that, behemoth-like, journey to and fro in our waters,--these things could not be but for the rude straggling hamlets, the bridle path cut with infinite labor through the most impenetrable of forests, and the canoe which darted arrow-like through gloomy passages, over bright bays and up laughing waters. "all honor to the pioneers--all honor and welcome. we say it who are their heirs, we whose homes are on the land which they reclaimed from the forests, we who till the fields that they first tilled, we whose pride and glory is the grand land-locked sea on which they gazed delighted so many years ago. welcome to them, and may they come together again and again as the years pass away. when their eyes are dim with age and their hair is as white as the snows that cover the mountains they love, may they still see the land which they created the home of a great, proud people, a people loving the land they love, a people honoring and obeying the laws that they have honored and obeyed so long, a people honoring, glorying in, the flag which they bore over treeless plains, over lofty mountains, over raging torrents, through suffering and danger, always proudly, always confidently, always hopefully, until they planted it by the shore of the western sea in the most beautiful of all lands. may each old settler, as he journeys year by year toward the shoreless sea, over whose waters he must journey away, feel that the flag which he carried so far and so bravely will wave forever in the soft southwestern breeze, which kisses his furrowed brow and toys with his silvery hair. may he feel, too, that the love of the people is with him, that they watch him, lovingly, tenderly, as he journeys down the pathway, and the story of his deeds is graven forever on their minds, and love and honor forever on their hearts." and so do i, a descendent of a long line of pioneers in america, reiterate, "honor the pioneers." [illustration: mrs. lydia c. low] lydia c. low. mrs. low was one of the party that landed at alki, nov. th, , having crossed the plains with her husband and children. i have heard her tell of seeing my father, d. t. denny, the lone white occupant of alki, as she stepped ashore from the boat that carried the passengers from the schooner. the lows did not make a permanent settlement there, but moved to a farm back of olympia, thence to sonoma, cal., and back again to puget sound, where they made their home at snohomish for many years. mrs. low was the mother of a large family of nine children, who shared her pioneer life. some died in childhood, accidents befell others, a part were more fortunate, yet she seemed in old age serene, courageous, undaunted as ever, faithful and true, lovely and beloved. she passed from earth away on dec. th, , her husband, john d. low, having preceded her a number of years before. other pioneers. both mr. and mrs. izett of whidby island are pioneers of note. mrs. izett crossed the plains in , and in came to the sound on a visit, at the same time mr. izett happened to arrive. he persuaded her not to return to her old home. mr. izett in went to india from england by way of cape horn, and two years later came to seattle. for four years he secured spars for the british government at utsalady. in he built the first boat of any size to be constructed on puget sound. this was a -ton schooner, and she was built at oak harbor. in he framed two of the first columbia river steamers. mrs. izett is a sister of mrs. f. a. chenoweth, whose husband was a judge, with four associates, of the first washington territorial tribunal. another of the members was judge mcfadden. mr. izett knew well gen. isaac i. stevens, the first governor of the territory. he came to washington in the fall of , and issued his first proclamation as governor the following february. the legislature met soon after. j. w. maple. john wesley maple was not only one of the oldest settlers of this (king) county, but he was one of its most prominent men. he figured to some extent in political life, but during the last few years had retired to the homestead by the duwamish, where his father had settled after crossing the plains nearly fifty years ago, and where he himself met his death yesterday. (in march of .) he was born in guernsey county, ohio, january , . as a little boy he spent his childhood days near the farm of the mckinleys, and often during his later years he was fond of relating apple stealing expeditions in which he indulged as a little boy, and for which the father of the late president mckinley often chastised him. from ohio his father, jacob maple, moved to keokuk, ia., where he lived near the farm on which mayor humes, of seattle, was reared. in , jacob maple, the father, and samuel maple, the brother of john w., came to puget sound. in the rest of the family followed them. in crossing the plains john w. maple was made captain of the four wagon trains which were united in the expedition. he guided them to pendleton, ore., where they separated. thence he came to the duwamish river, where his father and brother had settled. later mr. maple and samuel snyder took up a homestead on squak slough. a few years after that mr. maple went to ellensburg. he finally returned to spend the rest of his life on the homestead. held many offices. in the early days he was several times elected to county offices. he was at one time supervisor for the road district extending from yesler way to o'brien station and to renton. in he was elected treasurer of king county on the populist ticket. he furnished a bond of $ , , . at the end of his term a shortage was found. every cent of this was finally made good by him to those who stood on his bond. in mr. maple received a complimentary vote on the part of several members of the state legislature for the office of united states senator. for this office his neighbors indorsed him, and august toellnor, of van asselt, was sent by them to olympia to see what could be done to further the candidacy. since the end of his term as treasurer mr. maple has held no office, save that of school director in his district. only a week ago mr. maple announced to his friends that he had left the populist party and had returned to the republican party, to which he had belonged prior to the wave of populism which swept over the west in the early nineties. during all of his life he was an ardent student of literature, and he possessed one of the finest libraries in the state. he was known as a strong orator, and was during his younger days an exhorter in the methodist protestant church, of which he was a member. mr. maple was married twice. his first wife, who died more than twenty years ago, was elizabeth snyder, a daughter of samuel snyder, one of the oldest residents of the duwamish valley. six children were the fruit of this union, charles, alvin b., cora, now mrs. frank patten; dora, now mrs. charles norwich; bessie, now dead, and clifford j. maple. his second wife was minnie borella. three children were born to her, telford c., lelah and beulah maple. of his brothers and sisters the following are living: mrs. katherine van asselt and mr. eli b. maple, of this city; mrs. jane cavanaugh, of california; mrs. elvira jones and mrs. ruth smith, of kent, and aaron maple, who now lives on the old maple homestead in iowa. charles prosch and thomas prosch. "the summer in which the gold excitement broke out in the colville country, in ," said thomas prosch, "several members of a party of gold hunters from seattle were massacred by the indians in the yakima valley while on their way to the gold fields. the party went through snoqualmie pass in crossing the mountains. the territorial legislature sent word to washington and the government undertook to punish the guilty tribes by a detachment of troops under maj. haller. this was defeated and war followed for several years. it was most violent in king county in and , and in eastern washington in and . the principal incidents in the west were the massacre of the whites in and the attack upon seattle the following year. in col. steptoe sustained a memorable defeat on the eastern side of the mountains, and the hostilities were terminated by the complete annihilation of the indian forces in the same locality the following year by col. wright. he killed , horses and hanged many of the indians besides the frightful carnage of the battlefield." mr. prosch and his father, charles prosch, with several other members of his family, arrived in the state and in seattle between the years and . gen. m. m. carver, the founder of tacoma, who was mrs. thomas prosch's father, came to the territory in with dr. whitman, who was massacred, with applegate and nesmith. time and strength would fail me did i attempt to obtain and record accounts of many well known pioneers; i must leave them to other more capable writers. however, i will briefly mention some who were prominent during my childhood. the hortons, dexter horton and mrs. horton, the latter a stout, rosy-cheeked matron whose house and garden, particularly the dahlias growing in the yard, elicited my childish admiration. i remember how certain little pioneer girls were made happy by a visit from her, at which time she fitted them with her own hands some pretty grey merino dresses trimmed with narrow black velvet ribbon. also how one of them was impressed by the sorrow she could not conceal, the tears ran down her cheeks as she spoke of a child she had lost. one family have never forgotten the santa claus visit to their cottage home, the same being impersonated by dexter horton, who departed after leaving some substantial tokens of his good will. the pioneer ministers of the gospel were among the most fearless of foundation builders. reverends wm. close, alderson, franklin, doane, bagley, whitworth, belknap, greer, mann, atwood, hyland, prefontaine, and others; of rev. c. alderson, who often visited my father and mother, hon. allen weir has this to say: "i remember very clearly when, during the 'sixties,' brother alderson used to visit the settlement in which my father's family lived at dungeness, in clallam county, washington territory. he was then stationed at white river, twelve miles or more south of seattle. there was no tacoma in those days. to reach dungeness, brother alderson had to walk over a muddy road a dozen miles or more to seattle, then by the old steamer eliza anderson to port townsend, and then depend upon an indian canoe twenty-five miles to the old postoffice at elliot cline's house. after his arrival it would require several days to get word passed around among the neighbors so as to get a preaching announcement circulated. sometimes he would preach at mr. cline's house, sometimes at alonzo davis', and sometimes at my father's. he was literally blazing the trail where now is an highway. the first announcement of these services in the dungeness river bottom was when a bearded, muddy-booted old bachelor from long prairie stopped to halloo to father and interrupt log piling and stump clearing long enough to say: 'h-a-y! mr. weir! the's a little red-headed englishman goin' to preach at cline's on sunday! better go an' git your conschense limbered up.' everybody knew the road to cline's. at each meeting the audience was limited to the number of settlers within a dozen miles. all had to attend or proclaim themselves confirmed heathen. the preacher, who came literally as the 'voice of one crying in the wilderness,' was manifestly not greatly experienced at that time in his work--but he was intensely earnest, courageous, outspoken, a faithful messenger; and under his ministrations many were reminded of their old-time church privileges 'back in old mizzoory,' in 'kentuck,' or in 'eelinoy,' or elsewhere. i remember that to my boyish imagination it seemed a wonderful amount of 'grit' was required to carry on his gospel work. he made an impression as an honest toiler in the vineyard, and was accepted at par value for his manly qualities. he was welcomed to the hospitable homes of the people. if we could not always furnish yellow-legged chickens for dinner we always had a plentiful supply of bear meat or venison. "after brother alderson returned to oregon i never met him again, except at an annual conference in albany (in , i think it was), but i always remembered him kindly as a sturdy soldier of the cross who improved his opportunities to administer reproof and exhortation. the memory is a benediction." of agreeable memory is mrs. s. d. libby, to whom the pioneer women were glad to go for becoming headgear--and the hats were very pretty, too, as well as the wearers, in those days. good straw braids were valued and frequently made over by one who had learned the bleacher's and shaper's art in far illinois. a little pioneer girl used often to rip the hats to the end that the braids might be made to take some new and fashionable form. "the beautiful bonney girls," emmeline, sarah and lucy, afterward well known as mrs. shorey, mrs. g. kellogg and mrs. geo. harris, might each give long and interesting accounts of early times. others i think of are the john ross family, whose sons and daughters are among the few native white children of pioneer families of seattle (the ross family were our nearest neighbors for a long time, and good neighbors they were, too); the peter andrews family, the maynards, who were among the earliest and most prominent settlers; mrs. maynard did many a kindness to the sick; the samuel coombs family, of whom "sam coombs," the patriarch, known to all, is a great lover and admirer of pioneers; ray coombs, his son, the artist, and louisa, his daughter, one of the belles of early times; the l. b. andrews family; mr. andrews was a friend of grandfather john denny, and himself a pioneer of repute; his fair, pleasant, blue-eyed daughter was my schoolmate at the old u., then new; the hanfords, valued citizens, now so distinguished and so well known; mrs. hanford's account of the stirring events of early days was recognized and drawn from by the historian bancroft in compiling his great work; the de lins; the burnetts, long known and much esteemed; the sires family; the harmons, woodins, campbells, plummers, hinds, weirs of dungeness, later of olympia, of whom allen weir is well known and distinguished; yes, and port gamble, port madison, steilacoom and olympia people, what volumes upon volumes might have been, might be written--it will take many a basket to hold the chips to be picked up after their and our _blazing the way_. hail, and farewell. heroic pioneers! of kings and conquerors fully peers; well may the men of later day proclaim your deeds, crown you with bay; forest-fallers, reigning kings, in that far time that memory brings. nor savage beast, nor savage man, majestic forests' frowning ban, could palsy arms or break the hearts, till wilds gave way to busy marts; you served your time and country well, let tuneful voices paeans swell! o, steadfast pioneers! bowed 'neath the snows of many years, your patient courage never fails, your strong true prayers arise, e'en from the heavenly trails to "mansions in the skies." to noble ones midst daily strife, and those who've crossed the plains of life, far past the fiery, setting sun, the dead and living loved as one, (tolls often now the passing bell) we greeting give and bid farewell. o mother pioneers! we greet you through our smiles and tears; you laid foundations deep, climbed oft the sun-beat rocky steep of sorrow's mountain wild, descended through the shadowy vales led by the little child. within, without your cabins rude as toiling builders well you wrought, with busy hands and constant hearts, and eager children wisdom taught; long be delayed the passing bell, long be it ere we say "farewell!" beloved pioneers! whom glory waits in coming years, you planted here with careful hand the youngest scion in our land cut from the tree of liberty; to fullest stature it shall grow, with fruitful branches bending low, your worth then shall the people know. when all your work on earth is done, your marches o'er and battles won, (no more will toll the passing bell) they'll watch and wait at heaven's gate to bid you hail! and nevermore, farewell! * * * * * transcriber notes: punctuation has been normalized. footnote has been moved closer to its reference. archaic and alternate spellings have been retained with the exception of those listed below: page : "intenton" changed to "intention" (it is my intention to). page : "desirablity" changed to "desirability" (beauty and general desirability). page : "strivinig" changed to "striving" (impotently striving to stay). page : "clapsed" changed to "clasped" (how she clasped her little child). page : "capt" changed to "cape" (around cape flattery and up the sound). page : "comformation" changed to "conformation" (and the conformation of the leg bones). page : "to" changed to "too" (too littlee boat for too muchee big waters). page : "of" changed to "off" (the salmon they got off the indians). page : "[a]pheasant'" changed to "[a]pheasant's" (bringing some wild [a]pheasant's eggs the men). page : "funiture" changed to "furniture" (the furniture of their cabin). page : "buldings" changed to "buildings" (historic buildings erected and occupied). page : "to" changed to "too" (where my men go, i go too). page and : "klikitats" changed to "klickitats" to match spelling using in other places in the book. page and : "whiskey" changed to "whisky" to match spelling in other places in the book. page : "descrtuction" changed to "destruction" (looked sorrowfully upon the vandal destruction). page : "wth" changed to "with" (not yet satisfied with the work of execution). page : "exhilirating" changed to "exhilarating" (found to be an exhilarating pastime). page : "baloonlike" changed to "balloonlike" (a balloonlike inflation). page : "prespiration" changed to "perspiration" (and perspiration ooze from every pore). page : "necleus" changed to "nucleus" (to be the nucleus of a great collection). page : "isnt'" changed to "isn't" (well, it isn't yours). page : "denny's" changed to "dennys'" (to and fro in the dennys' cottage). page : "childrens'" changed to "children's" (the children's graves) page : "occured" changed to "occurred" (the first occurred when i was a small child). page : "well-night" changed to "well-nigh" (its head was well-nigh severed from its body). page : "swop" changed to "swap" (so he told the indian he would swap his girl). page : "cattles'" changed to "cattle's" (the cattle's feet burned) page : "taulatin" changed to "tualatin" (then we moved out to the tualatin plains). page : "was" changed to "what" (arriving at what was called) page : "already" changed to "all ready" (we were all ready to start). page : "hasty-constructed" changed to "hastily-constructed" (to cross them in hastily-constructed boats). page : "hardlly" changed to "hardly" (i can hardly imagine how any one could understand). page : "convenince" changed to "convenience" (what is their daily convenience). page : "withour" changed to "without" (and without murmur). page : "culumny" changed to "calumny" (humiliation, calumny, extreme and underserved). page : "reptitions" changed to "repetitions" (hence there appear some repetitions). page : "setlement" changed to "settlement" (the women in the settlement). page : "flower-decekd" changed to "flower-decked" (flower-decked virgin prairie). page : "shore" changed to "short" (a short time before). page : "diging" changed to "digging" (digging out "suwellas"). page : "others" changed to "others'" (best of others' conclusions). page : "accidently" changed to "accidentally" (he was accidentally wounded). page : "tims" changed to "times" (few of us here in those early times). page : "obejct" changed to "object" (and man's the object of his constant care). page : "have" added to text (and would, if living, have made). page : "pollysyllabic" changed to "polysyllabic" (polysyllabic language not more like). page : "explantion" changed to "explanation" (an explanation of his mission). page : "rememben" changed to "remember" (but i do not remember any). page : "supose" changed to "suppose" (don't you suppose i can). page : "rythmic" changed to "rhythmic" (fills our pulses rhythmic beat). page : "protuded" changed to "protruded" (their feet protruded below). page : "or." changed to "ore." for consistency (columbia county, ore.) page : "tself" changed to "itself" (and had buried itself in the earth). page : "ecstacy" changed to "ecstasy" (in a mute ecstasy of mellow satisfaction). page : "atkin" changed to "atkins" (dick atkins). page : "orothodoxy" changed to "orthodoxy" ('my orthodoxy has been a little shaky of late). page : "hundrd" changed to "hundred" (at three hundred and sixteen dollars per acre). page : "foolhardly" changed to "foolhardy" (he was simply foolhardy). page : "finishishing" changed to "finishing" (while the white pin of the finishing). page : "the the" changed to "the" (and the family moved in). page : "childred" changed to "children" (their children never realized). page : "massacreed" changed to "massacred" (who was massacred). produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) the oregon territory, its history and discovery; including an account of the convention of the escurial, also, the treaties and negotiations between the united states and great britain, held at various times for the settlement of a boundary line, and an examination of the whole question in respect to facts and the law of nations. by travers twiss, d.c.l., f.r.s., professor of political economy in the university of oxford, and advocate in doctors' commons. new york: d. appleton & co., broadway. philadelphia: geo. s. appleton, chesnut-street. cincinnati:--derby, bradley & co., main-street. mdcccxlvi. preface. the object which the author had in view, in instituting the accompanying inquiry into the historical facts and the negotiations connected with the oregon territory, was to contribute, as far as his individual services might avail, to the peaceful solution of the question at issue between the united states of america and great britain. he could not resist the conviction, on reading several able treatises on the subject, that the case of the united states had been overstated by her writers and negotiators; and the perusal of mr. greenhow's official memoir, and subsequent history of oregon and california, confirmed him in this impression, as they sought to establish more than was consistent with the acknowledged difficulty of a question, which has now been the subject of four fruitless negotiations. he determined, in consequence of this conviction, to investigate carefully the records of ancient discoveries and other matters of history connected with the north-west coast of america, concerning which much contradictory statement is to be met with in writers of acknowledged reputation. the result is, the present work, which has unavoidably assumed a much larger bulk than was anticipated by the author when he commenced the inquiry: it is hoped, however, that the arrangement of the chapters will enable the reader to select, without difficulty, those portions of the subject which he may deem to be most deserving of his attention. the expeditions of drake and of gali have thus necessarily come under consideration; and the views of the author will be found to differ, in respect to both these navigators, from those advanced by mr. greenhow, more especially in respect to drake. had the author noticed at an earlier period mr. greenhow's remark in the preface to the second edition of his history, that he has "never deviated from the rule of not citing authorities at second-hand," he would have thought it right to apologise for attributing the incorrectness of mr. greenhow's statements as to the respective accounts of drake's expedition, to his having been misled by the authority of the article "drake," in the biographie universelle. he would even now apologise, were not any other supposition under the circumstances less respectful to mr. greenhow himself. in regard to juan de fuca, if the author could have supposed that in the course of the last negotiations at washington, mr. buchanan would have pronounced that de fuca's voyage "no longer admits of reasonable doubt," he would have entered into a more careful analysis of michael lock's tale, to show that it is utterly irreconcileable with ascertained facts. as it is, however, the author trusts that enough has been said in the chapter on the pretended discoveries of the north-west coast, to convince the reader that both the stories of juan de fuca and maldonado[ ], to the latter of whom, mr. calhoun, at an earlier stage of the same negotiations, refers by name as the pioneer of spanish enterprise, are to be ranked with admiral fonte's account, in the class of mythical discoveries. [ ] maldonado's pretended voyage bears the date of . in the copy of mr. calhoun's letter, circulated on this side of the atlantic, it is referred to the year . in regard to vancouver, the author, it is hoped, will be pardoned for expressing an opinion, that mr. greenhow has permitted his admitted jealousy for the fame of his fellow-citizens to lead him to do injustice to vancouver's character, and to assail it with arguments founded in one or two instances upon incorrect views of vancouver's own statements. mr. gallatin expressed a very different opinion of this officer, in his counter-statement, during the negotiation of , when he observes that vancouver "had _too much probity_ to alter his statement, when, on the ensuing day, he was informed by captain gray of the existence of the river, at the mouth of which he had been for several days without being able to enter it." the chapter on the convention of the escurial is intended to give an outline of the facts and negotiations connected with the controversy between spain and great britain in respect to nootka sound, and the subsequent settlement of the points in dispute. the arguments which the author conceived them to furnish against the positions of the commissioners of the united states, have been inserted, as the opportunity offered itself, in the chapters on the several negotiations. the author, however, has introduced in this chapter, what appears to him to be a conclusive refutation of mr. buchanan's statement, "that no sufficient evidence has been adduced that either nootka sound, or any other spot on the coast, was ever actually surrendered by spain to great britain." the chapter on the columbia river attempts to adjust the respective claims of heceta, gray, and broughton, to the discovery and exploration of that river. a few chapters have been next inserted on points of international law connected with territorial title, which, it was thought, might facilitate the examination of the questions raised in the course of the negotiations by the commissioners of great britain and the united states. they do not profess to be complete, but they embrace, it is believed, nearly all that is of importance for the reader to be familiar with. the chapters on the limits of louisiana, and the treaty of washington, were required to elucidate the "derivative title" of the united states. if the author could have anticipated the publication of the correspondence between mr. pakenham and the plenipotentiaries of the united states, he would most probably have adopted a different arrangement in his review of the several negotiations, so as to avoid an appearance of needless repetition. his manuscript, however, with the exception of the two last chapters, was completed before the president's message reached this country. as the earlier sheets, however, were passing through the press, one or two remarks have been inserted which have a bearing on the recent correspondence; but it should be observed, that a separate review of each negotiation was designedly adopted, for the purpose of enabling the reader to appreciate more readily the variety of phases, which the claims of the united states have assumed in the course of them. some observations have been made in chapter xii. and other places, upon the general futility of the argument from maps in the case of disputed territory. the late negotiations at washington have furnished an apposite illustration of the truth of the author's remarks. mr. buchanan, towards the conclusion of his last letter to mr. pakenham, addressed an argument to the british minister, of the kind known to logicians as the _argumentum ad verecundiam_:--"even british geographers have not doubted our title to the territory in dispute. there is a large and splendid globe now in the department of the state, recently received from london, and published by maltby & co., manufacturers and publishers to 'the society for the diffusion of useful knowledge,' which assigns this territory to the united states." the history, however, of this globe is rather curious. it was ordered of mr. malby (not maltby) for the department of state at washington, before mr. everett quitted his post of minister of the united states in this country. it no doubt deserves the commendation bestowed upon it by mr. buchanan, for mr. malby manufactures excellent globes; but the globe sent to washington was not made from the plates used on the globes published under the sanction of "the society for the diffusion of useful knowledge," though this is not said by way of disparagement to it. the society, in its maps, has carried the boundary line west of the rocky mountains, along the th parallel to the columbia river, and thence along that river to the sea; but in its globes the line is not marked beyond the rocky mountains. mr. malby, knowing that the globe ordered of him was intended for the department of state at washington, was led to suppose that it would be more satisfactorily completed, as it was an american order, if he coloured in, for it is not engraved, the boundary line proposed by the commissioners of the united states. the author would apologise for discussing so trifling a circumstance, had not the authorities of the united states considered the fact of sufficient importance to ground a serious argument upon it. in conclusion, the author must beg pardon of the distinguished diplomatists in the late negotiations at washington, whose arguments he has subjected to criticism, if he has omitted to notice several portions of their statements, to which they may justly attribute great weight. it is not from any want of respect that he has neglected them, but the limits of his work precluded a fuller consideration of the subject. london, jan. , . contents. chapter page i. the oregon territory ii. the discovery of the north-west coast of america iii. the discovery of the north-west coast of america iv. the pretended discoveries of the north-west coast v. the convention of the escurial vi. the oregon or columbia river vii. the acquisition of territory by occupation viii. title by discovery ix. title by settlement x. derivative title xi. negotiations between the united states and great britain in xii. the limits of louisiana xiii. the treaty of washington xiv. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - xv. examination of the claims of the united states xvi. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - xvii. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - xviii. review of the general question the oregon question. chapter i. the oregon territory. north-west america.--plateau of anahuac.--rocky mountains.--new-albion.--new caledonia.--oregon, or oregan, the river of the west.--the columbia river.--extent of the oregon territory.--the country of the columbia.--opening of the fur trade in .--vancouver.--straits of anian.--straits of juan de fuca.--barclay.--meares.--the american sloop washington.--galiano and valdés.--journey of mackenzie in .--the tacoutche-tesse, now frazer's river.--north-west company in .--the hudson's bay company in .--the first settlement of the north-west company across the rocky mountains in , at frazer's lake.--journey of mr. thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company, down the north branch of the columbia river, in .--expedition of lewis and clarke, in .--the missouri fur company, in .--their first settlement on the west of the rocky mountains.--the pacific fur company, in .--john jacob astor, the representative of it.--astoria, established in .--dissolution of the pacific fur company, in july, .--transfer of astoria to the north-west company, by purchase, in october, .--subsequent arrival of the british sloop-of-war, the racoon.--name of astoria changed to fort george. north-western america is divided from the other portions of the continent by a chain of lofty mountains, which extend throughout its entire length in a north-westerly direction, in continuation of the mexican andes, to the shores of the arctic ocean. the southern part of this chain, immediately below the parallel of ° north latitude, is known to the spaniards by the name of the sierra verde, and the central ridge, in continuation of this, as the sierra de las grullas; and by these names they are distinguished by humboldt in his account of new spain, (essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, l. i., c. ,) as well as in a copy of mitchell's map of north america, published in . mr. greenhow, in his history of oregon and california, states that the anahuac mountains is "the appellation most commonly applied to this part of the dividing chain extending south of the th degree of latitude to mexico," but when and on what grounds that name has come to be so applied, he does not explain. anahuac was the denomination before the spanish conquest of that portion of america which lies between the th and st degrees of north latitude, whereas the cordillera of the mexican andes takes the name of the sierra madre a little north of the parallel of °, and the sierra madre in its turn is connected with the sierra de las grullas by an intermediate range, commencing near the parallel of °, termed la sierra de los mimbres. the application, indeed, of the name anahuac to the entire portion of the chain which lies south of °, may have originated with those writers who have confounded anahuac with new spain; but as the use of the word in this sense is incorrect, it hardly seems desirable to adopt an appellation which is calculated to produce confusion, whilst it perpetuates an error, especially as there appear to be no reasonable grounds for discarding the established spanish names. the plateau of anahuac, in the proper sense of the word, comprises the entire territory from the isthmus of panama to the st parallel of north latitude, so that the name of anahuac mountains would, with more propriety, be confined to the portion of the cordillera south of °. if this view be correct, the name of the sierra verde may be continued for that portion of the central range which separates the head waters of the rio bravo del norte, which flows into the gulf of mexico, and forms the south-western boundary of texas, from those of the rio colorado, (del occidente,) which empties itself into the gulf of california. the rocky mountains, then, or, as they are frequently called, the stony mountains, will be the distinctive appellation of the portion of the great central chain which lies north of the parallel of °; and if a general term should be required for the entire chain to the south of this parallel, it may be convenient to speak of it as the mexican cordillera, since it is co-extensive with the present territory of the united states of mexico, or else as the mexican andes, since the range is, both in a geographical and a geological point of view, a continuation of the south american andes. between this great chain of mountains and the pacific ocean a most ample territory extends, which may be regarded as divided into three great districts. the most southerly of these, of which the northern boundary line was drawn along the parallel of °, by the treaty of washington in , belong to the united states of mexico. the most northerly, commencing at behring's straits, and of which the extreme southern limit was fixed at the southernmost point of prince of wales's island in the parallel of ° ' north, by treaties concluded between russia and the united states of america in , and between russia and great britain in , forms a part of the dominions of russia; whilst the intermediate country is not as yet under the acknowledged sovereignty of any power. to this intermediate territory different names have been assigned. to the portion of the coast between the parallels of ° and °, the british have applied the name of new albion, since the expedition of sir francis drake in - , and the british government, in the instructions furnished by the lords of the admiralty, in , to captain cook, directed him "to proceed to the coast of new albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of °." (introduction to captain cook's voyage to the pacific ocean, to, , vol. i., p. xxxii.) at a later period, vancouver gave the name of new georgia to the coast between ° and °, and that of new hanover to the coast between ° and °; whilst to the entire country north of new albion, between ° and ° ', from the rocky mountains to the sea, british traders have given the name of new caledonia, ever since the north-west company formed an establishment on the western side of the rocky mountains, in . (journal of d. w. harmon, quoted by mr. greenhow, p. .) the spanish government, on the other hand, in the course of the negotiations with the british government which ensued upon the seizure of the british vessels in nootka sound, and terminated in the convention of the escurial, in , designated the entire territory as "the coast of california, in the south sea." (declaration of his catholic majesty, june th, transmitted to all the european courts, in the annual register, .) of late it has been customary to speak of it as the oregon territory, or the columbia river territory, although some writers confine that term to the region watered by the oregon, or columbia river, and its tributaries. the authority for the use of the word oregon, or, more properly speaking, oregan, has not been clearly ascertained, but the majority of writers agree in referring the introduction of the name to carver's travels. jonathan carver, a native of connecticut and a british subject, set out from boston in , soon after the transfer of canada to great britain, on an expedition to the regions of the upper mississippi, with the ultimate purpose of ascertaining "the breadth of that vast continent, which extends from the atlantic to the pacific ocean, in its broadest part, between ° and ° of north latitude. had i been able," he says, "to accomplish this task, i intended to have proposed to government to establish a post in some of those parts, about the straits of anian, which having been discovered by sir francis drake, of course belong to the english." the account of his travels, from the introduction to which the above extract in his own words is quoted, was published in london in . carver did not succeed in penetrating to the pacific ocean, but he first made known, or at least established a belief in, the existence of a great river, termed apparently, by the nations in the interior, oregon, or oregan, the source of which he placed not far from the head waters of the river missouri, "on the other side of the summit of the lands that divide the waters which run into the gulf of mexico from those which fall into the pacific ocean." he was led to infer, from the account of the natives, that this "great river of the west" emptied itself near the straits of anian, (carver's travels, d edit., london, , p. ,) although it may be observed that the situation of the so-called straits of anian themselves was not at this time accurately fixed. carver, however, was misled in this latter respect, but the description of the locality where he placed the source of the oregon, seems to identify it either with the flatbow or m'gillivray's river, or else, and perhaps more probably, with the flathead or clark's river, each of which streams, after pursuing a north-western course from the base of the rocky mountains, unites with a great river coming from the north, which ultimately empties itself into the pacific ocean in latitude ° '. the name of oregon has consequently been perpetuated in this main river, as being really "the great river of the west," and by this name it is best known in europe; but in the united states of america, it is now more frequently spoken of as the columbia river, from the name of the american vessel, "the columbia," which first succeeded in passing the bar at its mouth in . the native name, however, will not totally perish in the united states, for it has been embalmed in the beautiful verse of bryant, whom the competent judgment of mr. washington irving has pronounced to be amongst the most distinguished of american poets:-- "take the wings of morning, and the barcan desert pierce, or lose thyself in the continuous woods where rolls the oregon, and hears no sound save his own dashings." if we adopt the more extensive use of the term oregon territory, as applied to the entire country intermediate between the dominions of russia and mexico respectively, its boundaries will be the rocky mountains on the east, the pacific ocean on the west, the parallel of ° ' n. l. on the north, and that of ° n. l. on the south. its length will thus comprise degrees minutes of latitude, or about geographical miles. its breadth is not so easily determined, as the rocky mountains do not run parallel with the coast, but trend from south-east to north-west. the greatest breadth, however, appears to comprise about degrees of longitude, and the least about degrees; so that we may take degrees, or geographical miles, as the average breadth. the entire superficies would thus amount to , geographical square miles, equal to , english miles. if, on the other hand, we adopt the narrower use of the term, and accept the north-western limit which mr. greenhow, in his second edition of his history of oregon and california, has marked out for "the country of the columbia," namely, the range of mountains which stretches north-eastward from the eastern extremity of the straits of fuca, about miles, to the rocky mountains, separating the waters of the columbia from those of frazer's river, it will still include, upon his authority, not less than , square miles in superficial extent, which is more than double that of france, and nearly half of all the states of the federal union. "its southernmost points" in this limited extent "are in the same latitudes with boston and with florence; whilst its northernmost correspond with the northern extremities of newfoundland, and with the southern shores of the baltic sea." such are the geographical limits of the oregon territory, in its widest and in its narrowest extent. the indian hunter roamed throughout it, undisturbed by civilised man, till near the conclusion of the last century, when captain james king, on his return from the expedition which proved so fatal to captain cook, made known the high prices which the furs of the sea otter commanded in the markets of china, and thereby attracted the attention of europeans to it. the enterprise of british merchants was, in consequence of captain king's suggestion, directed to the opening of a fur trade between the native hunters along the north-west coast of america, and the chinese, as early as . the attempt of the spaniards to suppress this trade by the seizure of the vessels engaged in it, in , led to the dispute between the crowns of spain and great britain, in respect of the claim to exclusive sovereignty asserted by the former power over the port of nootka and the adjacent latitudes, which was brought to a close by the convention of the escurial in . the european merchants, however, who engaged in this lucrative branch of commerce, confined their visits to stations on the coasts, where the natives brought from the interior the produce of their hunting expeditions; and even in respect of the coast itself, very little accurate information was possessed by europeans, before vancouver's survey. vancouver, as is well known, was despatched in by the british government to superintend, on the part of great britain, the execution of the convention of the escurial, and he was at the same time instructed to survey the coast from ° to °, with a view to ascertain in what parts civilised nations had made settlements, and likewise to determine whether or not any effective water communication, available for commercial purposes, existed in those parts between the atlantic and pacific oceans. the popular belief in the existence of a channel, termed the straits of anian, connecting the waters of the pacific with those of the atlantic ocean, in about the th or th parallel of latitude, through which gaspar de cortereal, a portuguese navigator, was reported to have sailed in , had caused many voyages to be made along the coast on either side of north america during the th and th centuries, and the exaggerated accounts of the favourable results of these voyages had promoted the progress of geographical discovery by stimulating fresh expeditions. in the th century, a narrative was published by purchas, in his "pilgrims," professing that a greek pilot, commonly called juan de fuca, in the service of the spaniards, had informed michael lock the elder, whilst he was sojourning at venice in , that he had discovered, in , the outlet of the straits of anian, in the pacific ocean, between ° and °, and had sailed through it into the north sea. the attention of subsequent navigators was for a long time directed in vain to the rediscovery of this supposed passage. the spanish expedition under heceta, in , and the british under cook, in , had both equally failed in discovering any corresponding inlet in the north-west coast, doubtless, amongst other reasons, because it had been placed by the author of the tale between the parallels of ° and °, where no strait existed. in , however, the mouth of a strait was descried a little further northward, between ° and °, by captain barclay, of the imperial eagle, and the entrance was explored in the following year by captain meares, in the felice, who perpetuated the memory of michael lock's greek pilot, by giving it the name of the straits of juan de fuca. meares, in his observations on a north-west passage, p. lvi., prefixed to his voyage, published in , states that the american merchant sloop the washington, upon the knowledge which he communicated, penetrated the straits of fuca in the autumn of , "as far as the longitude of ° east of greenwich," ( ° west,) and came out into the pacific through the passage north of queen charlotte's island. vancouver's attention was directed, in consequence of captain meares' report, to the especial examination of this strait, and it was surveyed by him, with the rest of the coast, in a most complete and effectual manner. a spanish expedition, under galiano and valdés, was engaged about the same time upon the same object, so that from this period, i. e., the concluding decade of the last century, the coast of oregon may be considered to have been sufficiently well known. the interior, however, of the country, had remained hitherto unexplored, and no white man seems ever to have crossed the rocky mountains prior to alexander mackenzie, in . having ascended the unjigah, or peace river, from the athabasca lake, on the eastern side of the rocky mountains, to one of its sources in ° ', mackenzie embarked upon a river flowing from the western base of the mountains, called, by the natives, tacoutche-tesse. this was generally supposed to be the northernmost branch of the columbia river, till it was traced, in , to the gulf of georgia, where it empties itself in ° latitude, and was thenceforth named frazer's river. mackenzie, having descended this river for about miles, struck across the country westward, and reached the sea in ° ', at an inlet which had been surveyed a short time before by vancouver, and had been named by him cascade canal. _this was the first expedition of civilised men through the country west of the rocky mountains._ it did not lead to any immediate result in the way of settlement, though it paved the way by contributing, in conjunction with vancouver's survey, to confirm the conclusion at which captain cook had arrived, that the american continent extended, in an uninterrupted line, north-westward to behring's straits. the result of mackenzie's discoveries was to open a wide field to the westward for the enterprise of british merchants engaged in the fur trade; and thus we find a settlement in this extensive district made, not long after the publication of his voyage, by the agents of the north-west company. this great association had been growing up since , upon the wreck of the french canadian fur trade, and gradually absorbed into itself all the minor companies. it did not, however, obtain its complete organisation till , when it soon became a most formidable rival to the hudson's bay company, which had been chartered as early as , and had all but succeeded in monopolising the entire fur trade of north america, after the transfer of canada to great britain. the hudson's bay company, with the characteristic security of a chartered company, had confined their posts to the shores of the ample territory which had been granted to them by the charter of charles ii., and left the task of procuring furs to the enterprise of the native hunters. the practice of the hunters was to suspend their chase during the summer months, when the fur is of inferior quality, and the animals rear their young, and to descend by the lakes and rivers of the interior to the established marts of the company, with the produce of the past winter's campaign. the north-west company adopted a totally different system. they dispatched their servants into the very recesses of the wilderness, to bargain with the native hunters at their homes. they established _wintering partners_ in the interior of the country, to superintend the intercourse with the various tribes of indians, and employed at one time not fewer than , _voyageurs_ or boatmen. the natives being thus no longer called away from their pursuit of the beaver and other animals, by the necessity of resorting as heretofore to the factories of the hudson's bay company, continued on their hunting grounds during the whole year, and were tempted to kill the cub and full-grown animal alike, and thus to anticipate the supply of future years. as the nearer hunting grounds became exhausted, the north-west company advanced their stations westwardly into regions previously unexplored, and, in , they pushed forward a post across the rocky mountains, through the passage where the peace river descends through a deep chasm in the chain, and formed a trading establishment on a lake now called frazer's lake, situated in ° n. l. "_this_," according to mr. greenhow, "_was the first settlement or post of any kind made by british subjects west of the rocky mountains._" it may be observed, likewise, that it was the first settlement made on the west of the rocky mountains, _by civilised men_. it is from this period, according to mr. harmon, who was a partner in the company, and the superintendent of its trade on the western side of the rocky mountains, that the name of new caledonia had been used to designate the northern portion of the oregon territory. other posts were soon afterwards formed amongst the flathead and kootanie tribes on the head waters or main branch of the columbia; and mr. david thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company, descended with a party to the mouth of the columbia in . mr. thomson's mission, according to mr. greenhow, was expressly intended to anticipate the pacific fur company in the occupation of a post at the mouth of the columbia. such, indeed, may have been the ultimate intention, but the survey of the banks of the river, and the establishment of posts along it, was no less the object of it. mr. thomson was highly competent to conduct such an expedition, as may be inferred from the fact that he had been employed in to determine the latitude of the northernmost source of the mississippi, and had on that occasion shown the impossibility of drawing the boundary line between the united states of america and canada, due west from the lake of the woods to the mississippi, as had been stipulated in the second article of the treaty of . _mr. thomson and his followers were_, according to mr. greenhow, _the first white persons who navigated the northern branch of the columbia, or traversed any part of the country drained by it._ the united states of america had, in the mean time, not remained inattentive to their own future commercial interests in this quarter, as they had despatched from the southern side an exploring party across the rocky mountains, almost immediately after their purchase of louisiana, in . on this occasion, mr. jefferson, then president of the united states, commissioned captains lewis and clarke "to explore the river missouri and its principal branches to their sources, and then to seek and trace to its termination in the pacific some stream, whether the columbia, the oregon, the colorado, or any other, which might offer the most direct and practicable water communication across the continent for the purposes of commerce." the party succeeded in passing the rocky mountains towards the end of september, , and after following, by the advice of their native guides, the kooskooskee river, which they reached in the latitude ° ', to its junction with the principal southern tributary of the great river of the west, they gave the name of lewis to this tributary. having in seven days afterwards reached the main stream, they traced it down to the pacific ocean, where it was found to empty itself, in latitude ° '. they thus identified the oregon, or great river of the west of carver, with the river to whose outlet captain gray had given the name of his vessel, the columbia, in ; and having passed the winter amongst the clatsop indians, in an encampment on the south side of the river, not very far from its mouth, which they called fort clatsop, they commenced, with the approach of spring, the ascent of the columbia on their return homeward. after reaching the kooskooskee, they pursued a course eastward till they arrived at a stream, to which they gave the name of clarke, as considering it to be the upper part of the main river, which they had previously called clarke at its confluence with the lewis. here they separated, at about the th parallel of latitude. captain lewis then struck across the country, northwards, to the rocky mountains, and crossed them, so as to reach the head waters of the maria river, which empties itself into the missouri just below the falls. captain clarke, on the other hand, followed the clarke river towards its sources, in a southward direction, and then crossed through a gap in the rocky mountains, so as to descend the yellowstone river to the missouri. both parties united once more on the banks of the missouri, and arrived in safety at st. louis in september, . the reports of this expedition seem to have first directed the attention of traders in the united states to the hunting grounds of oregon. the missouri fur company was formed in , and mr. henry, one of its agents, established a trading post on a branch of the lewis river, the great southern arm of the columbia. _this seems to have been the earliest establishment of any kind made by citizens of the united states west of the rocky mountains._ the hostility, however, of the natives, combined with the difficulty of procuring supplies, obliged mr. henry to abandon it in . the pacific fur company was formed about this time at new-york, with the object of monopolising, if possible, the commerce in furs between china and the north-west coast of america. the head of this association was john jacob astor, a native of heidelberg, who had emigrated to the united states, and had there amassed very considerable wealth by extensive speculations in the fur trade. he had already obtained a charter from the legislature of new-york in , incorporating a company, under the name of the american fur company, to compete with the mackinaw company of canada, within the atlantic states, of which he was himself the real representative, according to his biographer, mr. washington irving, his board of directors being merely a nominal body. in a similar manner, mr. astor himself writes to mr. adams in , (letter from j. j. astor, of new-york, to the hon. j. q. adams, secretary of state of the united states, amongst the proofs and illustrations in the appendix to mr. greenhow's work,) "you will observe that the name of the pacific fur company is made use of at the commencement of the arrangements for this undertaking. i preferred to have it appear as the business of a company rather than of an individual, and several of the gentlemen engaged, mr. hunt, mr. crooks, mr. m'kay, m'dougal, stuart, &c., were in effect to be interested as partners in the undertaking, so far as respected the profit which might arise, but the means were furnished by me, and the property was solely mine, and i sustained the loss." mr. astor engaged, on this understanding, nine partners in his scheme, of whom six were scotchmen, who had all been in the service of the north-west company, and three were citizens of the united states. he himself had become naturalised in the united states, but of his scotch partners the three at least who first joined him seem to have had no intention of laying aside their national character, as, previously to signing, in , the articles of agreement with mr. astor, they obtained from mr. jackson, the british minister at washington, an assurance that "in case of a war between the two nations, they would be respected as british subjects and merchants." mr. astor, having at last arranged his plans, despatched in september, , four of his partners, with twenty-seven subordinate officers and servants, all british subjects, in the ship tonquin, commanded by jonathan thorne, a lieutenant in the united states navy, to establish a settlement at the mouth of the columbia river. they arrived at their destination in march, , and erected in a short time a factory or fort on the south side of the river, about ten miles from the mouth, to which the name of astoria was given. the tonquin proceeded in june on a trading voyage to the northward, and was destroyed with her crew by the indians in the bay of clyoquot, near the entrance of the strait of fuca. in the following month of july, mr. thomson, the agent of the north-west company, to whom allusion has already been made, descended the northern branch of the columbia, and visited the settlement at the mouth of the columbia. he was received with friendly hospitality by his old companion, mr. m'dougal, who was the superintendent, and shortly took his departure again, mr. stuart, one of the partners, accompanying him up the river as far as its junction with the okinagan, where he remained during the winter, collecting furs from the natives. the factory at astoria, in the mean time, was reinforced in january, , by a further detachment of persons in the service of the pacific fur company, who had set out overland early in , and after suffering extreme hardships, and losing several of their number, at last made their way, in separate parties, to the mouth of the columbia. a third detachment was brought by the ship beaver, in the following may. all the partners of the company, exclusive of mr. astor, had now been despatched to the scene of their future trading operations. mr. mackay, who had accompanied mackenzie in his expedition to the pacific in , was alone wanting to their number: he had unfortunately proceeded northwards with captain thorne, in order to make arrangements with the russians, and was involved in the common fate of the crew of the tonquin. the circumstances, however, of this establishment underwent a great change upon the declaration of war by the united states against great britain in june, . tidings of this event reached the factory in january, . in the mean time mr. hunt, the chief agent of the company, had sailed from astoria, in the ship beaver, in august, , to make arrangements for the trade along the northern coast; whilst mr. m'dougal, the senior partner, with mr. mackenzie and others, superintended the factory. they were soon informed of the success of the british arms, and of the blockade of the ports of the united states, by messrs. m'tavish and laroque, partners of the north-west company, who visited astoria early in , with a small detachment of persons in the employment of that company, and opened negotiations with m'dougal and mackenzie for the dissolution of the pacific fur company, and the abandonment of the establishment at astoria. the association was in consequence formally dissolved in july, ; and on the th of october following, an agreement was executed between messrs. m'tavish and john stuart, on the part of the north-west company, and messrs. m'dougal, mackenzie, david stuart, and clarke, on the part of the pacific fur company, by which all the establishments, furs, and stock in hand of the late pacific fur company were transferred to the north-west company, at a given valuation, which produced, according to mr. greenhow, a sum total of , dollars. it may be observed, that four partners only of the pacific fur company appear to have been parties to this agreement; but they constituted the entire body which remained at astoria, mr. hunt, being absent, as already stated, and messrs crooks, maclellan, and r. stuart, having returned over-land to new-york in the spring of . the bargain had hardly been concluded when the british sloop of war, the racoon, under the command of capt. black, entered the columbia river, with the express purpose of destroying the settlement at astoria; but the establishment had previously become the property of the north-west company, and was in the hands of their agents. all that remained for captain black to perform, was to hoist the british ensign over the factory, the name of which he changed to fort george. mr. m'dougal and the majority of the persons who had been employed by the pacific fur company, passed into the service of the north-west company; and the agents of the latter body, with the aid of supplies from england, which arrived in , were enabled to extend the field of their operations, and to establish themselves firmly in the country, undisturbed by any rivals. chapter ii. on the discovery of the north-west coast of america. voyage of francisco de ulloa, in .--cabrillo, in .--drake, in - .--the famous voyage.--the world encompassed.--nuño da silva.--edward cliffe.--francis pretty, not the author of the famous voyage.--fleurieu.--pretty the author of the voyage of cavendish.--purchas' pilgrims.--notes of fletcher.--world encompassed, published in .--mr. greenhow's mistake in respect to the world encompassed and the famous voyage.--agreement between the world encompassed and the narrative of da silva.--fletcher's manuscript in the sloane collection of the british museum.--furthest limit southward of drake's voyage.--northern limit ° and upwards by the famous voyage, ° by the world encompassed.--the latter confirmed by stow, the annalist, in , and by john davis, the navigator, in , and by sir w. monson in his naval tracts.--camden's life of elizabeth.--dr. johnson's life of sir f. drake.--fleurieu's introduction to marchand's voyage.--introduction to the voyage of galiano and valdés.--alexander von humboldt's new spain. the spaniards justly lay claim to the discovery of a considerable portion of the north-west coast of america. an expedition from acapulco under francisco de ulloa, in , first determined california to be a peninsula, by exploring the gulf of california from la paz to its northern extremity. the chart, which domingo del castillo, the pilot of ulloa, drew up as the result of this voyage, differs very slightly, according to alexander von humboldt, from those of the present day. ulloa subsequently explored the western coast of california. of the extent of his discoveries on this occasion there are contradictory accounts, but the extreme limit assigned to them does not reach further north than cape engaño, in ° north latitude. in the spring of the following year, , two vessels were despatched under juan rodriguez cabrillo from the port of navidad. he examined the coast of california, as far north as ° ', when he was driven back by a storm to the island of san bernardo, in °, where he died. his pilot, bartolemé ferrelo, continued his course northwards after the death of his commander. the most northern point of land mentioned in the accounts of the expedition which have been preserved, was cabo de fortunas, placed by ferrelo in °, which is supposed by mr. greenhow to have been the headland in ° ', to which the name of c. mendocino was given, in honor of the viceroy, mendoza. other authors, however, whose opinion is entitled to consideration, maintain that ferrelo discovered cape blanco in °, to which vancouver subsequently gave the name of cape orford. (humboldt, essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, l. iii., c. viii. introduccion al relacion del viage hecho por las goletas sutil y mexicana en el año de .) the bull of pope alexander vi., as is well known, gave to ferdinand and isabella of spain all the new world to the westward of a meridian line drawn a hundred leagues west of the azores. when england, however, shook off the yoke of the papacy, she refused to admit the validity of spanish titles when based only on such concessions. elizabeth, for instance, expressly refused to acknowledge "any title in the spaniards by donation of the bishop of rome, to places of which they were not in actual possession, and she did not understand why, therefore, either her subjects, or those of any other european prince, should be debarred from traffic in the indies." in accordance with such a policy, sir francis drake obtained, through the interest of sir christopher hatton, the vice-chamberlain of the queen, her approval of an expedition projected by him into the south sea. he set sail from plymouth in , passed through the straits of magellan in the autumn of , and ravaged the coast of mexico in the spring of . being justly apprehensive that the spaniards would intercept him if he should attempt to re-pass magellan's straits with his rich booty, and being likewise reluctant to encounter again the dangers of that channel, he determined to attempt the discovery of a north-east passage from the south sea into the atlantic, by the reported straits of anian. there are two accounts, professedly complete, of drake's voyage. the earliest of these first occurs in hakluyt's collection of voyages, published in , and is entitled "the famous voyage of sir francis drake into the south sea, and there-hence about the whole globe of the earth, begun in the yeere of our lord, ." it was re-published, by hakluyt, with some alterations, in his subsequent edition of - , and may be most readily referred to in the fourth volume of the reprint of this latter edition, published in . the other account is intitled "the world encompassed by sir francis drake, collected out of the notes of mr. francis fletcher, preacher in this employment, and compared with divers others' notes that went in the same voyage." this work was first published in , by nicholas bourne, and "sold at his shop at the royal exchange." it appears to have been compiled by francis drake, the nephew of the circumnavigator, as a dedication "to the truly noble robert earl of warwick" is prefixed, with his name attached to it. it will be found most readily in the second volume of the harleian collection of voyages. there are also to be found in hakluyt's fourth volume, two independent, but unfortunately imperfect, narratives, one by nuño da silva, the portuguese pilot, who was pressed by sir f. drake into his service at st. jago, one of the cape verde islands, and discharged at guatulco, where his account terminates; the other by edward cliffe, a mariner on board the ship elizabeth, commanded by mr. john winter, one of drake's squadron, which parted company from him on the west coast of south america, immediately after passing through the straits of magellan. the elizabeth succeeded in re-passing the straits, and arrived safe at ilfracombe on june d, ; and mr. cliffe's narrative, being confined to the voyage of his own ship, is consequently the least complete of all, in respect to drake's adventures. it is a disputed point, whether drake, in his attempt to find a passage to the atlantic, by the north of california, reached the latitude of ° or °. the famous voyage, is the account, on which the advocates for the lower latitude of ° rely. the world encompassed, supported by stow the annalist, and two independent naval authorities, cotemporaries of sir f. drake, is quoted in favour of the higher latitude of °. before examining the interval evidence of the two accounts, it may be as well to consider the authority which is due to them from external circumstances, as mr. greenhow's account of the two works is calculated to mislead the judgment of the reader in this respect. mr. greenhow, (p. ,) in referring to the famous voyage, says that it was "written by francis pretty, one of the crew of drake's vessel, at the request of hakluyt, and published by him in . it is a plain and succinct account of what the writer saw, or believed to have occurred during the voyage, and bears all the marks of truth and authenticity." this statement could not but excite some surprise, as the famous voyage has no author's name attached to it, either in the first edition of , or in any of the later editions of hakluyt, the more so because hakluyt himself, in his address to the favorable reader, prefixed to the edition of , leads us to suppose that he was himself the author of the work. "for the conclusion of all, the memorable voyage of master thomas candish into the south sea, and from thence about the globe of the earth doth satisfie me, and i doubt not but will fully content thee, which as in time it is later than that of sir f. drake, so in relation of the philippines, japan, china, and the isle of st. helena, it is more particular and exact; and therefore the want of the first made by sir francis drake will be the lesse; _wherein i must confess to have taken more than ordinary paines, meaning to have inserted it in this worke_; but being of late (contrary to my expectation,) seriously dealt withall, not to anticipate or prevent another man's paines and charge in drawing all the services of that worthie knight into one volume, i have yielded unto those my friends which pressed me in the matter, referring the further knowledge of his proceedings to those intended discourses." hakluyt, however, appears to have had the narrative privately printed, and, contrary to the intention which he entertained at the time when he wrote his preface, and compiled his table of contents, and the index of his first edition, in neither of which is there any reference to the famous voyage, he has inserted the famous voyage between pages and , evidently as an interpolation. it is nowhere stated that any copy of this edition exists, in which this interpolation does not occur. it is alluded to by lowndes in his bibliographical manual, vol. ii., p. , art. "hakluyt." it is printed apparently on the same kind of paper, with the same kind of ink, and in the same kind of type with the rest of the work, but the signatures at the bottom of the pages, by which term are meant the numbers which are placed on the sheets for the printer's guidance, do not correspond with the general order of the signatures of the work. this fact, combined with the circumstance that the pages are not numbered, furnishes a strong presumption that it was printed subsequently to the rest of the work. on the other hand there is evidence that it was printed to bind up with the rest, from the circumstance that at the bottom of the last page the word "instructions" is printed to correspond with the first word at the top of p. , being the title of the next treatise--"instructions given by the honorable the lords of the counsell to edward fenton, esq. for the order to be observed in the voyage recommended to him for the east indies, and cathay, april , ." it can hardly be doubted that this account is the narrative about which hakluyt himself "had taken more than ordinary paines." hakluyt, as is well known, was a student of christ church, oxford, who like his imitator purchas, was imbued with a strong natural bias towards geographical studies, and himself compiled many of the narratives which his collection contained. this inference as to the authorship of the famous voyage, drawn from the allusion in hakluyt's preface to the work, will probably appear to many minds more justifiable, if the claim set up in behalf of francis pretty can be shown to be utterly without foundation. it may be as well, therefore, to dispose of this at once. what may have been mr. greenhow's authority it would be difficult to say, though it may be conjectured, from another circumstance which will be stated below, that he has been misled by an incorrect article on sir francis drake in the biographie universelle. m. eyriés, the writer of this article, refers to fleurieu as his authority. fleurieu, however, who was a distinguished french hydrographer, and edited, in paris, in the year viii. ( ) a work intitled "voyage autour du monde, par etienne marchand," with which he published some observations of his own, intitled "recherches sur les terres de drake," enumerates briefly in the latter work the different accounts of drake's voyage, but he no where mentions the name of the author of the famous voyage. fleurieu's information, indeed, was not in every respect accurate, as he states that the edition of hakluyt which contained the famous voyage "ne parut à londres qu'en ." what he says, however, of the author, is comprised in a short note to this effect:--"le gentilhomme picard, (employé sur l'escadre de drake,) auteur de cette relation, en ayant remis une copie au baron de st. simon, seigneur de courtomer, celui-ci engagea françois de louvencourt, seigneur de vauchelles, à en faire un extrait en français sous le titre de 'le voyage curieux faict autour du monde par françois drach, amiral d'angleterre,' qui fut imprimé chez gesselin, paris, , en vo." it might be supposed from this statement, that the work of m. de louvencourt would disclose the name of the gentleman of picardy, who had been the companion of drake; but on referring to the edition just cited of the french translation, the only allusion to drake's companion which is to be found in the work, occurs in a few words forming part of the dedication to m. de st. simon:--"or, monsieur, je le vous dédie, parceque c'est vous que m'aviez donné, m'ayant fait entendre, que vous l'aviez eu d'un de vos sujets de courtomer, qui a fait le même voyage avec ce seigneur." nothing further can safely he inferred from this, than that m. de st. simon received the english copy, which m. de louvencourt made use of, from one of his vassals who had accompanied drake in his expedition; but whether this picard subject of the lord of courtomer was the author of the narrative, does not appear from the meagre dedication, which seems to have been the basis upon which fleurieu's statement was founded. fleurieu refers to the famous voyage as printed in duodecimo, in london, in the year . this edition, however, cannot be traced in the catalogue of the british museum or the bodleian library, nor does watt refer to it in his bibliotheca britannica: but fleurieu may have had authority for his statement, though the size of the edition is at least suspicious. even the french translation of , of which there was an earlier edition in , apparently unknown to fleurieu, is in vo, and an english edition of the famous voyage, slightly modified, which was published in london in , and may be found in the british museum, is a very mean pamphlet, though in vo. the separate editions likewise of drake's other voyages which are to be met with in public libraries are in small quarto, so that there would be no argument from analogy in favor of an edition in mo. the fact, however, of its having disappeared, might perhaps be urged as a sign of the insignificance of the edition. it is very immaterial, even if fleurieu has hazarded a hasty statement in respect to there having been a separate edition of the famous voyage as early as . thus much, at least, is certain, that fleurieu is incorrect in stating that the edition of hakluyt, in which it was inserted, did not appear before ; for a careful comparison between the french translation, and the respective english editions of and , furnishes conclusive evidence that m. de louvencourt's translation was made from the narrative in the edition of . two examples will suffice. the edition of gives - / degrees of southern latitude, and degrees of northern latitude, as the extreme limits of drake's voyage towards the two poles, which the french translation follows; whilst the edition of gives - / degrees of southern latitude, and degrees of northern latitude, as the southern and northern extremes. there can therefore be little doubt that the work, which m. de louvencourt translated, was the narrative about which hakluyt himself had taken no ordinary pains: and which he printed separately from his general collection of voyages, so that it might be circulated privately, though he incorporated it into the work after it was completed. so far, indeed, are we from finding any good authority for attributing the authorship of the famous voyage of sir francis drake to francis pretty, one of his crew, as unhesitatingly advanced by mr. greenhow, that, on the contrary there is the strongest negative evidence that it was not written by a person of that name, unless we are prepared to admit that there were two individuals of that name, the one a native of picardy, and vassal of the sieur de courtomer, the other an english gentleman, "of ey in suffolke;" the one a companion of drake, in his voyage round the world in - , the other a companion of cavendish, in his voyage round the world in - ; the one the author of the famous voyage of sir francis drake, the other the writer of the admirable and prosperous voyage of the worshipful master thomas candish. hakluyt, in his edition of , gave merely "the worthy and famous voyage of master thomas candishe, made round about the globe of the earth in the space of two yeeres, and lesse than two months, begon in the yeere ," which is subscribed at the end, "written by n. h.;" but in his edition of , he published a fuller and more complete narrative, entitled, "the admirable and prosperous voyage of the worshipfull master thomas candish, of frimley, in the countie of suffolke, esquire, into the south sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole earth; begun in the yeere of our lord , and finished . written by master francis pretty, lately of ey, in suffolke, a gentleman employed in the same action." the author, in the course of the narrative, styles himself francis pretie, and says that he was one of the crew of the "hugh gallant, a barke of tunnes," which, with the desire, of , and the content, of tons, made up cavendish's small fleet. this suffolk gentleman, for several reasons, could not be the same individual as the picard vassal of the lord of courtomer, nor is it probable that he ever formed part of the crew of drake's vessel in the famous voyage, as he no where alludes to the circumstance, when he speaks of places which drake visited, nor even when he describes the hull of a small bark, pointed out to them by a spaniard, whom they had lately taken on board, in the narrowest part of the straits of magellan, "which we judged to be a bark called the john thomas." now it is contrary to all probability that the writer of this passage should have been one of drake's crew, for the vessel, whose hull was seen on this occasion, was the marigold, a bark of tons, which had formed one of drake's fleet of five vessels, and had been commanded by captain john thomas, which fact would have been known to one of drake's companions, who could never have committed so gross a blunder as to confound the name of the ship with the name of the captain. that the circumstances of the loss of the marigold made no slight impression upon the minds of drake's companions, is shown from its being alluded to in all the narratives of nuño da silva, cliffe, and fletcher, without exception. drake had succeeded in passing the straits of magellan with three of his vessels: the golden hind, his own ship; the elizabeth, commanded by captain winter; and the marigold, by captain thomas. on the th of september, , the marigold parted from them in a gale of wind, and was wrecked in the straits. on the th of october the elizabeth likewise parted company from the admiral; she, however, succeeded in making her way back through the straits, and arrived safe at ilfracombe on the th of june, . it is singular that, in all the three accounts, which are known to be written by companions of drake, the separation of the marigold, as well as of the elizabeth, is alluded to; whereas, in the famous voyage, there is no allusion to the loss of the marigold, but only to the separation of the elizabeth, whose safe arrival in england made the fact notorious. if hakluyt wrote the famous voyage, the general notoriety of the separate return of the elizabeth would account for his not overlooking that circumstance, whilst he omitted all allusion to the marigold, about which his information would be comparatively imperfect. if one of drake's own crew was the author, it is difficult to suppose that he would have carefully alluded to "their losing sight of their consort, in which mr. winter was," who did not perish, and should omit all mention of the loss of the marigold, which is spoken of in the world encompassed "as the sorrowful separation of the marigold from us, in which was captain john thomas, with many others of our dear friends." the course of this inquiry seems to justify the following conclusions: that the "famous voyage of sir francis drake" is, strictly speaking, an anonymous work; that it is very improbable that it was compiled by one of drake's crew; on the contrary, hakluyt's own preface to his edition of , seems to warrant us in supposing that he had himself been employed in preparing the narrative, which he printed separately from the rest of his work, but subsequently inserted into it. hakluyt had most probably procured information from original sources, but he had certainly not access, in , to what he subsequently considered to be more trustworthy sources, for he made various alterations in his narrative, in his edition of . there is assuredly not the slightest ground for attributing it to francis pretty; and if m. eyriés was the originator of this mistake, he must undoubtedly have confounded the famous voyage of drake with the famous voyage of candish. all that can be inferred from m. de louvencourt's dedication of his french translation to m. de st. simon is, that the lord of courtomer had received the english original from one of his vassals, who had sailed with drake; but the most ingenious interpretation of his words will not warrant us in inferring that the donor was likewise the author of the work. it may be not unworthy of remark, that purchas, in the fifth volume of his pilgrims, (p. ,) gives a list of persons known to the world as the companions of drake, in which the name of francis pretty is not found. "men noted to have compassed the world with drake, which have come to my hands, are thomas drake, brother to sir francis, thomas hood, thomas blaccoler, john grippe, george, a musician, crane, fletcher, cary, moore, john drake, john thomas, robert winterly, oliver, the gunner, &c." it would be a reflection upon the well-known pains-taking research of purchas, to suppose that he would have omitted from his list the name of the author of the famous voyage, had he been really one of drake's crew. the other narrative, which is far more full and complete than the famous voyage, is entitled the "world encompassed." it was published under the superintendence of francis drake, a nephew of the admiral, if not compiled by him; the foundation of it, as stated in the title, seems to have been the notes of francis fletcher, the chaplain of drake's vessel, "compared with divers others' notes that went in the same voyage." fleurieu, in speaking of this work, says: "celleci est le récit d'un témoin oculaire: et la fonction qu'il remplissait à bord du vaisseau amiral pourrait faire présumer que, s'il n'était pas l'homme de la flotte le plus expérimenté dans l'art de la navigation, du moins il devait être celui que les études exigées de sa profession avaient mis le plus à portée d'acquérir quelques connaissances, et qui pouvait le mieux exprimer ce qu'il avait vu." (recherches sur les terres australes de drake, p. .) fleurieu, in further illustration of the probable fitness of fletcher for his task, refers to the excellent account of anson's voyages, written by his chaplain, r. walter, and to the valuable treatise on naval evolutions, compiled by the jesuit paul hoste, the chaplain of tourville. the earliest edition of "the world encompassed" appeared in , and a copy of this date is to be found in the bodleian library, at oxford. it was printed for nicholas bourne, as "the next voyage to that to nombre de dios, in , formerly imprinted." a second edition was printed in , and is in the king's library at the british museum. a third edition was published in , and may be found in the library of the british museum. it was therefore impossible not to feel surprise at mr. greenhow's deliberately stating, that this work was not published before , the more so as watt, in his bibliotheca britannica, refers to the first edition of . it is the coincidence of this second error, which warrants the supposition that mr. greenhow has placed too implicit a faith in the writer of the article upon drake, in the biographie universelle. m. eyriés, the author of that article, there writes, "un autre ouvrage original est celui qui fut composé sur les mémoires de francis fletcher, chapelain sur le vaisseau de drake. ces mémoires furent comparés et fondus avec ceux de plusieurs autres personnes qui avaient été employées dans la même expédition; le résultat de ce travail parut sous ce titre: the world encompassed, by sir f. drake, collected out of the notes of master f. f., preacher in this employment, and others. londres, , vo." there is another slight error in this statement, as the work is a small to, not an vo. it has been deemed the more necessary to point out carefully the errors of mr. greenhow, in regard to these two narratives, because he contrasts them expressly (p. ) as "the one proceeding entirely from a person who had accompanied drake in his expedition, and published in , during the life of the hero; the other compiled from various accounts, and not given to the world until the middle of the following century." in respect to the narrative of the world encompassed, mr. greenhow thus expresses himself:--"it is a long and diffuse account, filled with dull and generally absurd speculations, and containing moreover a number of statements, which are positive and evidently wilful falsehoods; yet it contains scarcely a single fact not related in the famous voyage, from which many sentences and paragraphs are taken verbatim, while others convey the same meaning in different terms. the journal, or supposed journal of fletcher's, remains in manuscript in the british museum: and from it were derived the false statements above mentioned, according to barrow, who consulted it." mr. greenhow's opinion of the length and diffuseness of the narrative, and of the dulness and general absurdity of the speculations, will probably be acquiesced in by those who have read the world encompassed, but the rest of his observations have been made at random. the world encompassed does not profess to be an original work, but to be a compilation from the notes of several who went the voyage. it is therefore highly probable that the compiler had before him "the famous voyage" amongst other narratives, and we should be prepared to find many statements alike in the two accounts. but it seems hard to suppose with mr. greenhow, that, where the world encompassed differs from the famous voyage, the statements are "positive and evidently wilful falsehoods." there are several statements, for instance, where the two narratives differ, and where the world encompassed agrees with nuño da silva's account, or with cliffe's narrative. for instance, on the second day after clearing the straits of magellan, on sept. th, a violent gale came on from the northeast, which drove drake's three vessels, the golden hind, the elizabeth, and the marigold to the height of ° south according to cliffe, and about leagues in longitude west of the strait, according to the famous voyage. they could make no head against the gale for three weeks, and during that interval there was an eclipse of the moon, which is alluded to in all the narratives. according to nuño da silva, they lay driving about, without venturing to hoist a sail till the last day of september, and about this time lost sight of the marigold. the elizabeth still kept company with the golden hind, but on or before october th, drake's vessel parted from her consort. we now come to a very important event in drake's voyage, which would seem to be one of the supposed "positive and evidently wilful falsehoods," to which mr. greenhow alludes. the famous voyage conducts sir f. drake in a continuous course north-westward, after losing sight of the elizabeth, to the island of mocha, in ° ' south, whereas the world encompassed says, that "drake, being driven from the bay of the parting of friends out into the open sea, was carried back again to the southward into ° south, on which height they found shelter for two days amongst the islands, but were again driven further to the southward, and at length fell in with the uttermost part of land towards the south pole," in about ° south. here fletcher himself landed, and travelled to the southernmost part of the island, beyond which there was neither continent nor island, but one wide ocean. we altered the name, says fletcher in his ms. journal, from terra incognita, to terra nunc bene cognita. now this account in the world encompassed, varying so totally from that in the famous voyage, is fully borne out by the positive evidence of nuño da silva, who says, that after losing sight of another ship of their company, the admiral's ship being now left alone, with this foul weather they ran till they were under °, where they entered into the haven of an island, and stayed there three or four days. the famous voyage would lead the reader to suppose, that after leaving the bay of severing of friends, the elizabeth and golden hind were driven in company to ° ' south; but it is altogether contrary to probability that cliffe should have omitted the fact of the elizabeth having been in company with drake when he discovered the southernmost point of land, had such been the case. the author of the famous voyage has evidently mixed up the events of the gale in the month of september with those of the storm after the th of october. this is a very striking instance of the truth of captain w. burney's remark, "that the author of the famous voyage seems purposely, on some occasions, to introduce confusion as a cloak for ignorance." again, the world encompassed mentions that drake was badly wounded in the face with an arrow by the natives in the island of mocha, about which the famous voyage is altogether silent, but nuño da silva confirms this statement. other instances might be cited to the like purport. mr. greenhow, at the end of his note already cited, says, "the journal, or supposed journal of fletcher, remains in ms. in the british museum, and from it were derived the false statements above mentioned, according to barrow, who consulted it." mr. greenhow has nowhere particularised what these false statements are, unless he means that the statements are false which are at variance with the famous voyage. it is evident, however, that such a view assumes the whole point at issue between the two narratives to be decided upon internal evidence in favour of the famous voyage, which a careful examination of the two accounts will not justify. but it is incorrect to refer to fletcher's journal, as the source of the assumed false statements in the world encompassed. the manuscript to which captain james burney refers, in his voyage of sir francis drake round the world, as "the manuscript relation of francis fletcher, minister, in the british museum," forms a part of the sloane collection, in which there is likewise a manuscript of drake's previous expedition to nombre de dios. it is not, however, properly speaking, a ms. of fletcher's, but a ms. copy of fletcher's ms. it bears upon the fly-leaf the words, "e libris joh. conyers, pharmacopolist,--memorandum, hakluyt's voyages of fletcher." its title runs thus: "the first part of the second voyage about the world, attempted, contrived, and happily accomplished, to wit, in the time of three years, by mr. francis drake, at her highness's command, and his company: written and faithfully laid down by ffrancis ffletcher, minister of christ, and presbyter of the gospel, adventurer and traveller in the same voyage." on the second page is a map of england, and above it these words: "this is a map of england, an exact copy of the original to a hair; that done by mr. ffrancis ffletcher, in queen elizabeth's time; it is copied by jo. conyers, citizen and apothecary of london, together with the rest, and by the same hand, as follows." the work appears to have been very carefully executed by conyers, and is illustrated with rude maps and drawings of plants, boats, instruments of music and warfare, strange animals, such as the vitulus marinus and others, which are referred to in the text of the ms., opposite to which they are generally depicted, and each is specially vouched to be a faithful copy of fletcher's ms. there is no date assigned to fletcher's own ms., but we might fairly be warranted in referring it to a period almost immediately subsequent to the happy accomplishment of the voyage, from the leader of the company being spoken of as "mr. francis drake." the golden hind reached england in november, , and drake was knighted by queen elizabeth in april, ; there was then an interval of four months, during which the circumstances of his voyage and his conduct were under the consideration of the queen's council, and fletcher may have completed his journal before their favourable decision led to drake's receiving the honour of knighthood. on comparing the world encompassed with this ms., it will be found that most of the speculations, discussions, and fine writing in the world encompassed have emanated from the nephew of the hero, or whoever may have been the compiler of the work, and have not been derived from this ms., which is written in rather a sober style, and is much less diffuse than might reasonably be expected. fletcher's imagination seems certainly to have been much affected by the giant stature of the patagonians, and by the terrible tempest which dispersed the fleet after it had cleared the straits of magellan. in respect to the patagonians, cliffe, it must be allowed, says, they were "of a mean stature, well limbed, and of a duskish tawnie or browne colour." on the other hand, nuño da silva says, they were "a subtle, great, and well-formed people, and strong and high of stature." whichever of the two accounts be the more correct, this circumstance is certain, that four of the natives beat back six of drake's sailors, and slew with their arrows two of them, the one an englishman, and the other a netherlander, so that they could be no mean antagonists. in respect to the tempest, the events of it must have with reason fixed themselves deep into fletcher's memory, for he writes in his journal, "about which time the storm being so outrageous and furious, the barke marigold, wherein edward bright, one of the accusers of thomas doughty, was captain, with souls, was swallowed up, which chanced in the second watch of the night, wherein myself and john brewer, our trumpeter, being watch, did hear their fearful cries continued without hope, &c." there is a greater discrepancy between the famous voyage and the world encompassed, as to the furthest limit of drake's expedition to the north of the equator, than, as already shown, in regard to the southern limit. we have here, unfortunately, no independent narrative to appeal to in support of either statement, as the portuguese pilot was dismissed by drake at guatulco, and did not accompany him further. hakluyt himself does not follow the same version of the story in the two editions of his narrative. in the famous voyage, as interpolated in the edition of , he gives - / ° south, as the furthest limit southward; but in the edition of , he gives - / °; in a similar manner we find ° north, as the highest northern limit mentioned in the edition of , whilst in that of it is extended to °. hakluyt thus seems to have found that his earlier information was not to be implicitly relied upon, but we have no clew to the fresh sources to which he had at a later period found access. the world encompassed, on the other hand, continues drake's course up to the th parallel of north latitude. the two narratives, however, do not appear to be altogether irreconcileable. in the famous voyage, as amended in the edition of , we have this statement:--"we therefore set sail, and sayled (in longitude) leagues at least for a good winde, and thus much we sayled from the of april till the of june. the day of june, being in degrees towards the pole arcticke, we found the ayre so colde that our men, being greevously pinched with the same, complained of the extremitie thereof, and _the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us_. whereupon we thought it best for that time to seek the land, and did so, finding it not mountainous, but low plaine land, till we came within degrees towards the line. in which height it pleased god to send us into a faire and good baye, with a good winde to enter the same." it will be seen from this account, that it was in the d, or, as in the earlier edition of , the d parallel of north lat., that the cold was first felt so intensely by drake's crew, and that the further they went, the more the cold increased upon them; so that from the latter passage it may be inferred that they did not discontinue their course at once as soon as they reached the d parallel. it appears, likewise, that drake, from the nature of the wind, was obliged to gain a considerable offing, before he could stand towards the northward: leagues _in longitude_, according to the first edition (the second edition omitting the words 'in longitude,') which does not differ much from the world encompassed. the latter states--"from guatulco, or aquatulco, we departed the day following, viz., april , setting our course directly into the sea, whereupon we sailed leagues in longitude to get a wind: and between that and june , leagues in all, till we came into degrees of latitude, where the night following we found such an alternation of heat into extreme and nipping cold, that our men in general did grievously complain thereof." the cold seems to have increased to that extremity that, in sailing two degrees further north, the ropes and tackling of the ship were quite stiffened. the crew became much disheartened, but drake encouraged them, so that they resolved to endure the uttermost. on the th of june they were forced by contrary winds to run into an ill-sheltered bay, where they were enveloped in thick fogs, and the cold becoming still more severe, "commanded them to the southward whether they would or no." "from the height of degrees, in which now we were, to , we found the land by coasting along it to be but low and reasonable plain: every hill, (whereof we saw many, but none very high,) though it were in june, and the sun in his nearest approach to them, being covered with snow. in ° ' we fell in with a convenient and fit harbour, and june th came to anchor therein, where we continued until the d day of july following." the writer of this account, in another paragraph, confirms the above statement by saying, "add to this, that though we searched the coast diligently, even unto °, yet we found not the land to trend so much as one point in any place towards the east, but rather running on continually north-west, as if it went directly into asia." mr. greenhow is disposed to reject the statement of the world encompassed, for two reasons: first, because it is improbable that a vessel like drake's could have sailed through six degrees of latitude from the d to the th of june; secondly, because it is impossible that such intense cold could be experienced in that part of the pacific in the month of june, as is implied by the circumstances narrated, and therefore they must be "direct falsehoods." the first objection has certainly some reason in it; but in rejecting the world encompassed, mr. greenhow adopts the famous voyage as the true narrative, so that it becomes necessary to see whether hakluyt's account is not exposed to objections equally grave. hakluyt agrees with the author of the world encompassed, in dating drake's arrival at a convenient harbour on june ,--(hakluyt gives this date in vol. iii., p. ,)--so that drake would have consumed twelve days in running back three and a half degrees, according to one version of the famous voyage, and four and a half degrees according to the other, before a wind which was so violent that he could not continue to beat against it. there is no doubt about the situation of the port where drake took shelter, at least within half a degree, that it was either the port de la bodega, in ° ', as some have with good reason supposed, (maurelle's journal, p. , in barrington's miscellanies,) or the port de los reyes, situated between la bodega and port san francisco, in about °, as the spaniards assert; and there is no difference in the two stories in respect to the interval which elapsed after drake turned back, until he reached the port. there is, therefore, the improbability of drake's vessel, according to hakluyt, making so little way in so long a time _before_ a wind, to be set off against the improbability of its making, according to the world encompassed, so much way in so short a time on a wind, the wind blowing undoubtedly all this time very violently from the north-west. many persons may be disposed to think that the two improbabilities balance each other. in respect to the intense cold, it must be remembered that the famous voyage, equally with the world encompassed, refers to the great extremity of the cold as the cause of drake's drawing back again till he reached °. there can, therefore, be no doubt that drake did turn back on account of his men being unable to bear up against the cold, after having so lately come out of the extreme heat of the tropics. is it more probable that this intense cold should have been experienced in the higher or the lower latitude? for the intense cold must be admitted to be a fact. drake seems to have been exposed to one of those severe winds termed _northers_, which in the early part of the summer, bring down the atmosphere, even at new orleans and mexico, to the temperature of winter; but without seeking to account for the cold, as that would be foreign to the present inquiry, the fact, to whatever extent it be admitted, would rather support the statement that drake reached the th parallel, than that he was constrained to turn back at the lower latitude of °. it may likewise be observed that the description of the coast, "as trending continually north-westward, as if it went directly into asia," would correspond with the th parallel, but be altogether at variance with the d; and it is admitted by all, that drake's object was to discover a passage from the western to the eastern coast of north america. his therefore finding the land not to trend so much as one point to the east, but, on the contrary, to the westward, whilst it fully accounts for his changing his course, determines also where he decided to return. it should not be forgotten that the statement in the world encompassed, that the coast trended to the westward in °, was in contradiction of the popular opinion regarding the supposed straits of anian, and if it were not the fact, the author hazarded, without an adequate object, the rejection of this part of his narrative, and unavoidably detracted from his own character for veracity. we have, however, two cotemporaries of sir francis drake, who confirm the statement of the world encompassed. one of these has been strangely overlooked by mr. greenhow; namely, stow the annalist, who, under the year , gives an account of the return of master francis drake to england, from his voyage round the world. "he passed," he says, "forth northward, till he came to the latitude of forty-seven, thinking to have come that way home, but being constrained by fogs and cold winds to forsake his purpose, came backward to the line ward the tenth of june, , and stayed in the latitude of thirty-eight, to grave and trim his ship, until the five-and-twenty of july." this is evidently an account derived from sources quite distinct from those of either of the other two narratives. it occurs as early as , in an edition of the annals which is in the bodleian library at oxford, so that it was circulated two years at least before drake's death. the other authority is that of one of the most celebrated navigators of drake's age, john davis, of sandrug by dartmouth, who was the author of a work entitled "the world's hydrographical discovery." it was "imprinted at london, by thomas dawson, dwelling at the three cranes in the vine-tree, in ," and may be found most readily in the th volume of the last edition of hakluyt's voyages. after giving some account of the dangers which drake had surmounted in passing through the straits of magellan, which davis had himself sailed through three times, he proceeds to say, that "after sir francis drake was entered into the south seas, he coasted all the western shores of america, until he came into the septentrional latitude of forty-eight degrees, being on the back side of newfoundland." now davis is certainly entitled to respectful attention, from his high character as a navigator. he had made three voyages in search of a north-west passage, and had given his name to davis' straits, as the discoverer of them; he had likewise been the companion of cavendish in his last voyage into the south seas, in - , when, having separated from cavendish, he discovered the falkland islands. he was therefore highly competent to form a correct judgment of the value of the accounts which he had received respecting drake's voyage, nor was he likely, as a rival in the career of maritime discovery, to exaggerate the extent of it. we find him, on this occasion, deliberately adopting the account that drake reached that portion of the north-west coast of america, which corresponded to newfoundland on the north-east coast, or, as he distinctly says, the septentrional latitude of degrees. davis, however, is not the only naval authority of that period who adopted this view, for sir william monson, who was admiral in the reign of elizabeth and james i., and served in expeditions against the spaniards under drake, in his introduction to sir francis drake's voyage round the world, praises him because "lastly and principally that after so many miseries and extremities he endured, and almost two years spent in unpractised seas, when reason would have bid him sought home for his rest, he left his known course, and ventured upon an unknown sea in forty-eight degrees, which sea or passage we know had been often attempted by our seas, but never discovered." and in his brief review of sir f. drake's voyage round the world, he says: "from the th of april to the th of june he sailed without seeing land, and arrived in forty-eight degrees, thinking to find a passage into our seas, which land he named albion." (sir w. monson's naval tracts, in churchill's collection of voyages, vol. iii., pp. , .) mr. greenhow (p. ) says, that davis's assertion carries with it its own refutation, "as it is nowhere else pretended that drake saw any part of the west coast of america between the th degree of latitude and the th." but surely davis might use the expression, "coasted all the western shores of america," without being supposed to pretend that drake kept in sight of the coast all the way. the objection seems to be rather verbal than substantial. again, sir w. monson is charged by the same author with inconsistency, because he speaks of c. mendocino as the "furthest land discovered," and the "furthermost known land." but sir w. monson is on this occasion discussing the probable advantages of a north-west passage as a saving of distance, and he is speaking of c. mendocino, as the "furthermost known part of america," i. e., the furthermost headland from which a course might be measured to the moluccas, and he is likewise referring especially to the voyage of francisco gali, so that this objection is more specious than solid. it should likewise not be forgotten, that in the most approved maps of that day, in the last edition of ortelius, for example, and in that of hondius, which is given in purchas's pilgrims, c. mendocino is the northernmost point of land of north america. it may also not be amiss to remark, that in the map which mr. hallam (in his literature of europe, vol. ii., c. viii., § v.) justly pronounces to be the best map of the sixteenth century, and which is one of uncommon rarity, cabo mendocino is the last headland marked upon the north-west coast of america, in about ° north latitude. this map is found with a few copies of the edition of hakluyt of : in other copies, indeed, there is the usual inferior map, in which c. mendocino is placed between ° and °. the work, however, in which it has been examined for the present purpose, is hakluyt's edition of , in which it is sometimes found with sir f. drake's voyage traced out upon it: but in the copy in the bodleian library, no such voyage is observed; whilst the line of coast is continued above c. mendocino and marked, in large letters, "nova albion." thus hakluyt himself, in adopting this map as "a true hydrographical description of so much of the world as hath been hitherto discovered and is common to our knowledge," has so far admitted that nova albion extended beyond the furthest land discovered by the spaniards. on the other hand, camden, in his life of elizabeth, first published in , adopts the version of the story which hakluyt had put forth in his earliest edition of the famous voyage, making the southern limit ° south, and the northern ° north, which hakluyt has himself rejected in his later edition. there can be little doubt that camden's account bears internal evidence of having been copied in the main from hakluyt. purchas, as we may gather from his work, merely followed hakluyt. in addition to these, mr. greenhow enumerates several comparatively recent authors as adopting hakluyt's opinion. of these, perhaps dr. johnson has the greatest renown. he published a life of drake in parts, in five numbers of the gentleman's magazine for - . it was, however, amongst his earliest contributions, when he was little more than thirty years of age, and therefore is not entitled to all the weight which the opinion of dr. johnson at a later period of life might carry with it. but as it is, the passage, as it stands at present, seems to involve a clerical error. "from guatulco, which lies in ° ', they stood out to sea, and without approaching any land, sailed forward till on the night following the d of june, being then in the latitude of °, they were suddenly benumbed with such cold blasts that they were scarcely able to handle the ropes. this cold increased upon them, as they proceeded, to such a degree that the sailors were discouraged from mounting upon deck; nor were the effects of the climate to be imputed to the warmth of the regions to which they had been lately accustomed, for the ropes were stiff with frost, and the meat could scarcely be conveyed warm to the table. on june th they came to anchor in ° '." in the original paper, as published in the gentleman's magazine for january, , dr. johnson writes ° in numbers as the parallel of latitude where the cold was felt so acutely. this would be in a far lower latitude than what any of the accounts of drake's own time gives; so that it may for that reason alone be suspected to be an error of the press, more particularly as drake is made ultimately to anchor in ° ', a higher latitude than that in which his crew were benumbed with the cold. we must either suppose that dr. johnson entirely misunderstood the narrative, and intentionally represented drake as continuing his voyage northward in spite of the cold, and anchoring in a higher latitude than where his men were so much discouraged by its severity, or that there is a typographical error in the figures. the latter seems to be the more probable alternative; and if, in order to correct this error, we may reasonably have recourse to the authority from which he derived his information as to the latitude of the port where drake cast anchor, it is to the world encompassed, and not to the famous voyage, that we must refer; for it is the world encompassed which gives us ° ' as the latitude of the convenient and fit harbour, whereas the famous voyage sends drake into a fair and good bay in °. the dispute between spain and great britain respecting the fur trade on the north-west coast of america having awakened the attention of the european powers to the value of discoveries in that quarter, a french expedition was in consequence despatched in , under captain etienne marchand, who, after examining some parts of the north-west coast of america, concluded the circumnavigation of the globe in . fleurieu, the french hydrographer, published a full account of marchand's voyage, to which he prefaced an introduction, read before the french institute in july, . in this introduction he reviews briefly the course of maritime discovery in these parts, and states his opinion, without any qualification, that sir francis drake made the land on the north-west coast of america in the latitude of degrees, which no spanish navigator had yet reached. mr. greenhow (p. ) speaks highly of fleurieu's work, though he considers him to have been careless in the examination of his authorities. he observes, that "his devotion to his own country, and his contempt for the spaniards and their government, led him frequently to make assertions and observations at variance with truth and justice." it may be added, that at the time when he composed his introduction, the relations of france and great britain were not of a kind to dispose him to favour unduly the claims of british navigators. the same train of events which terminated in the nootka convention, led to a spanish expedition under galiano and valdés, of which an account was published, by order of the king of spain, at madrid, in . the introduction to it comprises a review of all the spanish voyages of discovery along the north-west coast, in the course of which it is observed, that, from want of sufficient information in spanish history, certain foreign writers had undervalued the merit of cabrillo, by assigning to drake the discovery of the coast between ° and °; whereas, thirty-six years before drake's appearance on that coast, cabrillo had discovered it between ° and °. a note appended to this passage states:--"the true glory which the english navigator may claim for himself is the having discovered the portion of coast comprehended between the parallels of ° and °; to which, consequently, the denomination of new albion ought to be limited, without interfering with the discoveries of preceding navigators." (relacion del viage hecho por las goletas sutil y mexicana en el año de . introduccion, pp. xxxv. xxxvi.) to the same purport, alexander von humboldt, in his essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, says:--"d'après des données historiques certaines, la dénomination de nouvelle albion devrait être restreinte à la partie de la côte qui s'étend depuis les ° aux °, ou du cap de martin de aguilar, à l'entrée de juan de fuca," (l. iii., c. viii.) and in another passage: "on trouve que francisco gali côtoya une partie de l'archipel du prince de galles ou celui du roi george (en .) sir francis drake, en , n'était parvenu que jusqu'aux ° de latitude au nord du cap grenville, dans la nouvelle georgie." the question of the northern limits of drake's expedition has been rather fully entered into on this occasion, because it is apprehended that drake's visit constituted a _discovery_ of that portion of the coast which was to the north of the furthest headland which ferrelo reached in , whether that headland were cape mendocino, or cape blanco; and because mr. greenhow, in the preface to the second edition of his history of oregon and california, observes, that in the accounts and views there presented of drake's visit to the north-west coast, all who had criticised his work were silent, or carefully omitted to notice the principal arguments adduced by the author. we may conclude with observing, that on reviewing the evidence it will be seen, that in favour of the higher latitude of ° we have a well authenticated account drawn up by the nephew of sir francis drake himself, from the notes of several persons who went the voyage, confirmed by independent statements in two contemporary writers, stow the annalist, and davis the navigator, and supported by the authority of sir w. monson, who served with drake in the spanish wars after his return; and on this side we find ranked the influential judgment of the ablest modern writers who have given their attention to the subject, such as the distinguished french hydrographer fleurieu, the able author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, published by the authority of the king of spain, and the learned and laborious alexander von humboldt. on the opposite side stands hakluyt, and hakluyt alone; for camden and purchas both followed hakluyt implicitly, and though they may be considered to approve, they do not in any way confirm his account; while hakluyt himself has nowhere disclosed his sources of information, and by the variation of the two editions of his work in the two most important facts of the whole voyage, namely, the extreme limits southward and northward respectively of drake's expedition, he has indirectly made evident the doubtful character of the information on which he relied, and has himself abandoned the version of the story, which camden and the author of the vie de drach, have adopted upon his authority. chapter iii. on the discovery of the north-west coast of america. the voyage of francisco de gualle, or gali, in .--of viscaino, in in .--river of martin d'aguilar.--cessation of spanish enterprises.--jesuit missions in california in the th century.--voyage of behring and tchiricoff in .--presidios in upper california.--voyage of juan perez in ; of heceta and de la bodega in .--heceta's inlet.--port bucareli.--bay of bodega.--hearne's journey to the coppermine river.--captain james cook in .--russian establishments, in , as far as prince william's sound; in , as far as mount elias.--expeditions from macao, under the portuguese flag, in and ; under that of the british east india company in .--voyage of la perouse in .--king george's sound company.--portland and dixon, in .--meares and tipping, in , under flag of east india company.--duncan and colnett in .--captain barclay discovers in the straits in ° ', to which meares gives the name of juan de fuca in .--prince of wales's archipelago.--gray and kendrick. the spaniards had long coveted a position in the east indies, but the bull of pope alexander vi. precluded them from sailing eastward round the cape of good hope; they had, in consequence, made many attempts to find their way thither across the pacific. it was not, however, till , that they succeeded in establishing themselves in the philippine islands. thenceforth spanish galleons sailed annually from acapulco to manilla, and back by macao. the trade winds wafted them directly across from new spain in about three months: on their return they occupied about double that time, and generally reached up into a northerly latitude, in order to avail themselves of the prevailing north-westers, which carried them to the shores of california. an expedition of this kind is the next historical record of voyages on this coast, after drake's visit. hakluyt has published the navigator's own account of it in his edition of , as the "true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by francisco de gualle, a spanish captain and pilot, &c., in the year of our lord ." it purports to have been translated out of the original spanish, verbatim, into low dutch, by j. h. van lindschoten; and thence into english by hakluyt. according to this version of it, gualle, on his return from macao, made the coast of new spain "under seven-and-thirty degrees and a half." the author of the "introduction to the journal of galiano and valdés" has substituted - / for - / degrees in gualle's, or rather gali's, account, without stating any reason for it. mr. greenhow, indeed, refers to a note of that author's, as intimating that he relied upon the evidence of papers found in the archives of the indies, but on examining the note in p. xlvi., it evidently refers to two letters from the archbishop of mexico, then viceroy of new spain, to the king, in reference to an expedition which he proposed to intrust to jayme juan, for the discovery of the straits of anian. it is true that the archbishop is stated to have consulted gali upon his project, but the author of the "introduction" specially alludes to lindschoten, as the person to whom the account of gali's voyage in was due, and refers to a french translation of lindschoten's work, under the title of "le grand routier de mer," published at amsterdam in . but lindschoten's original work was written in the dutch language, being intitled "reysgeschrift van de navigatien der portugaloysers in orienten," and was published towards the end of the sixteenth century; and two english translations of gali's voyage immediately appeared, one in wolf's edition of lindschoten, in ; the other in the third volume of hakluyt, - . lindschoten's own dutch version was subsequently inserted in witsen's "nord en oost tarterye," in . all these latter accounts, including the original, agree in stating seven-and-thirty degrees and a half as the latitude where gali discovered "a very high and fair land, with many trees, and wholly without snow." the passage in the original dutch may be referred to in burney's history of voyages, vol. v., p. . the french translation, however, which the author of the introduction consulted, gives - / °, the number being expressed in figures; but as this seems to be the only authority for the change, it can hardly justify it. "a high land," observes captain burney, "ornamented with trees, and entirely without snow, is not inapplicable to the latitude of - / °, but would not be credible if said of the american coast in - / ° n., though nothing were known of the extraordinary high mountains which are on the western side of america in that parallel." it may be observed, that the french translator has likewise misstated the course which gali held in reaching across from japan to the american coast, by rendering "east and east-by-north" in the original, as "east and north-east" in the french version, making a difference of three points in the compass, which would take him much farther north than his true course. m. eyriés, in the article "gali," in the biographie universelle, puts forward the same view of the cause of the variation of the latitude in the account adopted by the author of the introduction, namely, that it was derived from the french translation which he consulted. the words in the french version of the grand routier de mer are; "estans venus suivant ce mesme cours près de la coste de la nouvelle espagne à la hauteur de degrez et demi, nous approchasmes d'un haut et fort beau pays, orné de nombre d'arbres et entièrement sans neige." m. eyriés, however, has fallen into a curious mistake, as he represents gali to have made the identical voyage which is the subject of the narrative, in company with jayme juan, in execution of the project of the viceroy of mexico, which was never accomplished, instead of his having made the account of the voyage for him. that m. eyriés is in error will be evident, not merely from the account of the author of the introduction, if more carefully examined, as well as from the title and conclusion of the voyage of gali itself, as given in hakluyt's translation of the dutch version of lindschoten; but also from this circumstance, which seems to be conclusive. m. de contreras, archbishop of mexico, was viceroy of new spain for the short space of one year only, and the letters which he wrote to the king of spain, submitting his project of an expedition to explore the north-west coast of america for his majesty's approval, bore date the d january and th march, . but gali commenced his voyage from acapulco in march , and had returned by the year , most probably before the archbishop had entered upon his office of viceroy, certainly before he submitted his plans to the king, which he had matured after consultation with gali. it is difficult to account for m. eyriés' mistake, unless it originated in an imperfect acquaintance with the spanish language, as the statement by the author of the introduction is by no means obscure. gali's voyage was thus a private mercantile enterprise, and not an expedition authorised and directed by the government of new spain, which the account of m. eyriés might lead his reader to suppose. it has acquired, accidentally, rather more importance of late than it substantially deserves, from the circumstance of its having been cited in support of the spanish title to the north-west coast of america; it has consequently been thought to merit a fuller examination on the present occasion, as to its true limits northward, which clearly fall short of those attained by the spaniards under ferrelo, and very far short of those reached by the british under drake. the next authentic expeditions on these coasts were those conducted by sebastian viscaino. the growing rumours of the discovery of the passage between the atlantic and pacific by the straits of anian, and the necessity of providing accurate charts for the vessels engaged in the trade between new spain and the philippine islands, induced philip ii. to direct an expedition to be dispatched from acapulco in , to survey the coasts. nothing however of importance was accomplished on this occasion, but on the succession of philip iii. in , fresh orders were despatched to carry into execution the intentions of his predecessor. thirty-two charts, according to humboldt, prepared by henri martinez, a celebrated engineer, prove that viscaino surveyed these coasts with unprecedented care and intelligence. "the sickness, however, of his crew, the want of provisions, and the extreme severity of the season, prevented his advancing further north than a headland in the d parallel, to which he gave the name of cape sebastian." the smallest of his three vessels, however, conducted by martin d'aguilar and antonio florez, doubled cape mendocino, and reached the d parallel, where they found the mouth of a river which cabrillo has been supposed by some to have previously discovered in , and which was for some time considered to be the western extremity of the long-sought straits of anian. the subsequent report of the captain of a manilla ship, in , according to mr. greenhow, led the world to adopt a different view, and to suppose that it was the mouth of a passage into the northern extremity of the gulf of california; and accordingly, in maps of the later half of the seventeenth century, california was represented to be an island, of which cape blanco was the northernmost headland. after this error had been corrected by the researches of the jesuit kuhn, in , we find in the maps of the eighteenth century, such as that of guillaume de lisle, published in paris in , california a peninsula, cape blanco a headland in °, and near it marked "entrée découverte par d'aguilar." with gali and viscaino terminates the brilliant period of spanish discoveries along the north-west coast of america. the governors of new spain during the remainder of the seventeenth century and the greater part of the eighteenth, confined their attention to securing the shores of the peninsula of california against the armed vessels of hostile powers, which, after the discovery of the passage round cape horn in , by the dutch navigators lemaire and van schouten, carried on their depredations in the pacific with increasing frequency. the country itself of california, was in subjected, by a royal warrant, to an experimental process of civilisation at the hands of the jesuits, which their success in paraguay emboldened them to undertake. in about sixty years a chain of missions was established along the whole eastern side of california, and the followers of loyola may be considered to have ruled the country, till the decree issued by charles iii. in , for the immediate banishment of the society from the spanish dominions, led to their expulsion from the new world. during this long period, the only expedition of discovery that ventured into these seas was that which behring and tchiricoff led forth in from the shores of kamtchatka, under the russian flag. behring's own voyage southward is not supposed to have extended beyond the th parallel of north latitude, where he discovered a stupendous mountain, visible at the distance of more than eighty miles, to which he gave the name of mount st. elias, which it still bears. the account is derived from the journal of steller, the naturalist of behring's ship, which professor pallas first published in , as behring himself died on his voyage home, in one of the islands of the aleutian archipelago, between - / and - / degrees north latitude. here his vessel had been wrecked, and the island still bears the name of the russian navigator. tchiricoff, on the other hand, advanced further eastward, and the russians themselves maintain that he pushed his discoveries as far south as the th parallel of north latitude, (letter from the chevalier de poletica, russian minister, to the secretary of state at washington, february , , in british and foreign state papers, - , p. ;) but this has been disputed. mr. greenhow considers, from the description of the latitude and bearings of the land discovered by him, that it must have been one of the islands of the prince of wales's archipelago, in about °. the discoveries of the russians, of which vague rumours had found their way into europe, and of which a detailed account was given to the academy of sciences at paris, in , by j. n. de l'isle, the astronomer, on his return from st. petersburg, revived the attention of spain to the importance of securing her possessions in the new world against the encroachments of other powers. it was determined that the vacant coasts and islands adjacent to the settled provinces of new spain should be occupied, so as to protect them against casual expeditions, and that the more distant shores should be explored, so as to secure to the crown of spain a title to them, on the grounds of first discovery. with this object "the marine department of san blas" was organised, and was charged with the superintendence of all operations by sea. its activity was evinced by the establishment of eight "presidios" along the coast in upper california, in the interval of the ten years immediately preceding . of these san diego, in ° ' ", was the most southerly; san francisco, in ° ' ", the most northerly. during the same period, three expeditions of discovery were dispatched from san blas. the earliest of these sailed forth in january, , under the command of juan perez, but its results were not made known before , when the narrative of the expedition of the sutil and mexicana was published, as already stated. according to this account, perez, having touched at san diego and monterey, steered out boldly into the open sea, and made the coast of america again in ° ' north. in the latitude of ° he discovered a headland, to which he gave the name of santa margarita, at the northern extremity of queen charlotte's island. the strait which separates this island from that of the prince of wales, is henceforward marked in spanish maps as the entrada de perez. a scanty supply of water, however, soon compelled him to steer southward, and he cast anchor in the bay of san lorenzo in ° ', in the month of august, and for a short time engaged in trade with the natives. spanish writers identify the bay of san lorenzo with that to which captain cook, four years afterwards, gave the name of nootka sound. perez was prevented from landing on this coast by the stormy state of the weather, and his vessel was obliged to cut her cables, and put to sea with the loss of her anchors. he is supposed, in coasting southward, to have caught sight of mount olympus in ° '. having determined the true latitude of c. mendocino, he returned to san blas, after about eight months' absence. unfortunately for the fame of perez, the claim now maintained for him to the discovery of nootka sound, was kept secret by the spaniards till after general consent had assigned it to captain cook. the spaniards have likewise advanced a claim to the discovery of the straits of fuca, upon the authority of don esteban josé martinez, the pilot of the santiago, perez' vessel; who, according to mr. greenhow, announced many years afterwards that he remembered to have observed a wide opening in the land between ° and °: and they have consequently marked in their charts the headland at the entrance of the straits as cape martinez. no allusion, however, is made to this claim in the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, nor in humboldt's new spain. in the following year ( ) a second expedition sailed from san blas under the orders of don bruno heceta, don juan de ayala, and don juan de la bodega y quadra. the spanish government observed their usual prudent silence as to the results of this expedition, but the journal of antonio maurelle, "the second pilot of the fleet," who acted as pilot in the senora, which bodega commanded, fell into the hands of the hon. daines barrington, who published an english translation of it in his miscellanies, in . there are four other accounts in ms. amongst the archives at madrid. from one of these, the journal of heceta himself, a valuable extract is given in mr. greenhow's appendix. their first discovery north of c. mendocino, was a small port in ° ', to which they gave the name of la trinidad, and where they fixed up a cross, which vancouver found still remaining in . they then quitted the coast, and did not make the land again till they reached ° ', whence they examined the shore in vain towards the south for the supposed strait of fuca, which was placed in bellin's fanciful chart, constructed in , between ° and °. having had seven of the senora's men massacred by the natives in the latitude of ° ', where twelve years later a portion of the crew of the imperial eagle were surprised and murdered, they resumed their voyage northward, though heceta, owing to the sickness of his crew, was anxious to return. a storm soon afterwards separated the two vessels, and heceta returned southward. on his voyage homewards he first made the land on the th of august, in ° ', on the south-west side of the great island now known as vancouver's island, and passing the part which perez had visited, came upon the main land below the entrance of the straits of fuca. on the th of august, as he was sailing along the coast between ° ' and ° ', according to heceta's own report, or in ° ' according to the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, heceta discovered a great bay, the head of which he could no where recognise. so strong, however, were the currents and eddies of the water, that he believed it to be "the mouth of some great river, or passage to another sea." he was disposed, according to his own statement, to conceive it to be the same with the straits of fuca, as he was satisfied no such straits existed between ° and °, where they were laid down in the charts. he did not, however, venture to cast anchor; and the force of the currents, during the night, swept him too far to leeward to allow him to examine it any further. heceta named the northern headland of the bay, c. san roque; and the southern headland, c. frondoso; and to the bay itself he gave the name of the assumption, though, in the spanish charts, according to humboldt, it is termed "l'ensenada de ezeta," heceta's inlet. heceta likewise gave the name of c. falcon to a headland in ° ', known since as c. lookout; and continuing his course to the southward along the coast, reached monterey on august th. de la bodega, in the mean time, had stretched out to °, when he unexpectedly made the coast, leagues more to the westward than bellin's chart had led him to expect. he soon afterwards discovered the lofty conical mountain in king george iii.'s archipelago, to which he gave the name of san jacinto, and which cook subsequently called mount edgecumb, and having reached the th parallel, turned back to examine that portion of the coast, where the rio de los reyes was placed in the story of the adventures of admiral fonte. having looked for this fabulous stream in vain, they landed and took possession of the shores of an extensive bay, in ° ', in the prince of wales' archipelago, which they named port bucareli, in honour of the viceroy. proceeding southward, they observed the entrada de perez, north of queen charlotte's island; but, though coasting from ° within a mile of the shore, according to maurelle's account, they overlooked the entrance of fuca's straits. a little below ° unfavourable winds drove them off the coast, which they made once more in ° '; from which parallel they searched in vain to ° for the river of martin d'aguilar. in the latitude of ° ' they reached a spacious and sheltered bay, which they had imagined to be port san francisco; but it proved to be a distinct bay, not yet laid down in any chart, so de la bodega bestowed his own name upon it, having noted in his journal that it was here that sir francis drake careened his ship. vancouver, however, considered the bay of sir francis drake to be distinct from this bay of bodega, as well as from that of san francisco. expeditions had been, in the mean time, made by direction of the hudson's bay company, across the northern regions of north america, to determine, if possible, the existence of the supposed northern passage between hudson's bay and the pacific ocean. mr. samuel hearne, one of the company's agents, in , in the course of one of these journeys, succeeded in tracing a river, since known as the coppermine river, to a sea, where the flux and reflux of the tide was observed. hearne calculated the mouth of this river to be in about ° north latitude; and he had assured himself, by his own observations, that no channel connecting the two seas extended across the country which he had traversed. it appears that a parliamentary grant of , _l._ had been voted, in , by the house of commons, for the discovery of a north-west passage, through hudson's bay, by ships belonging to his britannic majesty's subjects; and in , this reward was further extended to the ships of his majesty, which might succeed in discovering a northern passage between the two oceans, in any direction or under any parallel north of °. the lords of the british admiralty, in pursuance of hearne's report, determined on sending out an expedition to explore the north-easternmost coast of the pacific; and captain james cook, who had just returned from an expedition in the southern hemisphere, was ordered, in , to proceed round the cape of good hope to the coast of new albion, in degrees. he was besides directed to avoid all interference with the establishments of european powers: to explore the coast northward, after reaching new albion, up to °; and there to commence a search for a river or inlet which might communicate with hudson's bay. he was further directed to take possession, in the name of his sovereign, of any countries which he might discover to be uninhabited; and if there should be inhabitants in any parts not yet discovered by other european powers, to take possession of them, with the consent of the natives. no authentic details of any discoveries had been made public by the spaniards since the expedition of viscaino, in , though rumours of certain voyages along the north-west coast of america, made by order of the viceroy of new spain, in the two preceding years, had reached england shortly before cook sailed; but the information was too vague to afford cook any safe directions. the expedition reached the shores of new albion in ° north, and thence coasted at some distance off up to °. cook arrived at the same conclusion which heceta had adopted, that between ° and ° north there were no straits of fuca, as alleged. he seems to have passed unobserved the arm of the sea a little further northward, having most probably struck across to the coast of vancouver's island, which trends north-westward. having now reached the parallel of ° ', he cast anchor in a spacious bay, to which he gave the name of king george's sound; but the name of nootka, borrowed from the natives, has since prevailed. it has been supposed, as already stated, that nootka sound was the bay in which perez cast anchor, and which he named port san lorenzo; and that the implements of european manufacture, which captain cook, to his great surprise, found in the possession of one of the natives, were obtained on that occasion from the spaniards. the first notification, however, of the existence of this important harbour, dates from this visit of captain cook, who continued his voyage northward up to the th parallel, and from that point commenced his survey of the coast, in the hope of discovering a passage into the atlantic. it is unnecessary to trace his course onward. although spanish navigators claim to have seen portions of the coast of north america between the limits of ° and ° prior to his visit, yet their discoveries had not been made public, and their observations had been too cursory and vague to lead to any practical result. captain cook is entitled, beyond dispute, to the credit of having first dispelled the popular errors respecting the extent of the continents of america and asia, and their respective proximity: and as drake, according to fletcher, changed the name of the land south of magellan's straits from terra incognita to terra nunc bene cognita, so cook was assuredly entitled to change the name of the north pacific sea from "mare incognitum" to "mare nunc bene cognitum." on the return of the vessels engaged in this expedition to england, where they arrived in october, , it was thought expedient by the board of admiralty to delay the publication of an authorised account, as great britain was engaged in hostilities with the united states in america, and with france and spain in the old world. the russians in the mean time hastened to avail themselves of the information which they had obtained when captain king, on his way homewards by china, touched at the harbor of petropawlosk, and an association was speedily formed amongst the fur merchants of siberia and kamtchatka to open a trade with the shores of the american continent. an expedition was in consequence dispatched in , for the double purpose of trading and exploring, and several trading posts were established between aliaska and prince william's sound. mr. greenhow (p. ) assigns to this period the russian establishment on the island of kodiak, near the entrance of the bay called cook's bay, but the russian authorities refer this settlement to a period as remote as . (letter from the chevalier de poletica to the secretary of state at washington, th february, . british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) the russian establishments seem to have extended themselves in , and the following year as far as admiralty bay, at the foot of mount elias. the publication, however, of the journals of cook's expedition, which took place in - , soon introduced a host of rival traders into these seas. private expeditions were dispatched from macao, under the portuguese flag, in and , and under the flag of the east india company in . in the month of june of this latter year, la perouse, in command of a french expedition of discovery, arrived off the coast, and cast anchor in a bay near the foot of mount fairweather, in about °, which he named port des français. he thence skirted the coast southward past port bucareli, the western shores of queen charlotte's island, and nootka, and reached monterey in september, where having stayed sixteen days, he bade adieu to the north-west coast of america. la perouse seems first to have suspected the separation of queen charlotte's island from the continent, but as no account of the results of this expedition was published before , other navigators forestalled him in the description of nearly all the places which he had visited. in the august of , in which year la perouse had sailed, an association in london, styled the king george's sound company, dispatched two vessels under the command of captains dixon and portlock, to trade with the natives on the american coast, under the protection of licences from the south sea company, and in correspondence with the east india company. they reached cook's river in july , where they met with russian traders, and intended to winter in nootka sound, but were driven off the coast by tempestuous weather to the sandwich isles. returning northward in the spring of , they found captain meares, with his vessel the nootka, frozen up in prince william's sound. meares had left calcutta in january , whilst his intended consort, the sea otter, commanded by captain tipping, had been dispatched to malacca, with instructions to proceed to the north-west coast of america; and there carry on a fur trade in company with the nootka. both these vessels sailed under the flag of the east india company. meares, after having with some difficulty got clear of the russian establishment at kodiak, reached cook's river soon after dixon and portlock had quitted it, and proceeded to prince william's sound, where he expected to meet the sea otter; but captain tipping and his vessel were never seen by him again after leaving calcutta, though meares was led by the natives to suppose that his consort had sailed from prince william's sound a few days before his arrival. he determined, however, to pass the winter here, in preference to sailing to the sandwich isles, lest he should be prevented returning to the coast of america. here indeed the severity of the cold, coupled with scurvy, destroyed more than half of his crew, and the survivors were found in a state of extreme distress by dixon and portlock, on their return to the coast in the following spring. we have now reached a period when many minute and detached discoveries took place. prince william's sound and nootka appear to have been the two great stations of the fur trade, and it seems to have been customary, in most of the trading expeditions of this period, that two vessels should be dispatched in company, so as to divide the labor of visiting the trading posts along the coast. thus, whilst portlock remained between prince william's sound and mount st. elias, dixon directed his course towards nootka, and being convinced on his voyage, from the reports of the natives, that the land between ° and ° was separated from the continent, as la perouse had suspected, he did not hesitate to call it queen charlotte's island, from the name of his vessel, and to give to the passage to the northward of it, which is marked on spanish maps as the entrada de perez, the name of dixon's entrance. before dixon and portlock quitted these coasts, in , other vessels had arrived to share in the profits of the fur trade. amongst these the princess royal and the prince of wales had been despatched from england, by the king george's sound company, under command of captains duncan and colnett; whilst the imperial eagle, under captain barclay, an englishman, displayed in those seas for the first time the flag of the austrian east india company. to a boat's crew belonging to this latter vessel captain meares assigns the discovery of the straits in ° ', to which he himself gave in the following year the name of juan de fuca, from the old greek pilot, whose curious story has been preserved in purchas' pilgrims. (introduction to meares' voyages, p. lv.) meares had succeeded in returning to macao with the nootka, in october, . in the next year he was once more upon the american coast, as two other vessels, named the felice and iphigenia, were despatched from macao, under meares and captain douglas respectively, the former being sent direct to nootka, the latter being ordered to make for cook's river, and thence proceeding southward to join her consort. meares, in his observations on a north-west passage, states that captain douglas anticipated captain duncan, of the princess royal, in being the first to sail through the channel which separates queen charlotte's island from the main land, and thereby confirming the suppositions of la perouse and dixon. captain duncan, however, appears at all events to have explored this part of the coast more carefully than douglas had done, and he first discovered the group of small islands, which he named the prince of wales' archipelago. the announcement of this discovery seemed to some persons to warrant them in giving credit once more to the exploded story of admiral fonte's voyage, and revived the expectation of discovering the river, which the admiral is described to have ascended near ° into a lake communicating with the atlantic ocean. it is almost needless to observe, that these expectations have never been realised. the names of several vessels have been omitted in this brief summary, which were engaged in the fur trade subsequently to the year . two vessels, however, require notice,--the washington under captain gray, and the columbia under captain kendrick, which were despatched from boston, under the american flag, in august, . captain gray reached nootka sound, on sept. , , and found meares preparing to launch a small vessel called the north-west america, which he had built there. the columbia does not appear to have joined her consort till after the departure of meares and his companions. meares himself set sail in the felice for china, on sept. , whilst the iphigenia proceeded with the north-west america to the sandwich islands, and wintered there. in the spring of , the two latter vessels returned to nootka sound, and found the columbia had joined her consort the washington, and both had wintered there. the north-west america was despatched forthwith on a trading expedition northward, whilst the iphigenia remained at anchor in nootka sound. events were now at hand which were attended with very important consequences in determining the relations of spain and great britain towards each other in respect to the trade with the natives on their coasts, and to the right of forming settlements among them. these will fitly be reserved, as introductory to the convention of the escurial, which will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. chapter iv. on the pretended discoveries of the north-west coast. memoir of lorenzo ferrer maldonado, in .--voyage of the descubierta and atrevida, in .--tale of juan de fuca, in .--voyages of meares, vancouver, and lieutenant wilkes.--letter of admiral bartolemé fonte or de fuentes, in .--memoir of j. n. de l'isle and ph. buache, in .--california discovered to be a peninsula in ; reported to be an island in ; re-explored by the jesuit kuhn and others, in - .--maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.--fonte's letter, a jeu-d'esprit of petiver, the naturalist. the general belief in the existence of a north-west passage from the atlantic to the pacific ocean in the direction of gaspar de cortereal's reported straits of anian, led to the circulation of many false accounts of the discovery of the desired channel. the most celebrated fictions of this class seem to have originated with individuals who hoped to secure, through their pretended knowledge and experience, future employment, as well as immediate emolument. a memoir of this kind is reported to have been laid before the council of the indies at seville, in , by lorenzo ferrer maldonado, who professed to have sailed in from lisbon to the coast of labrador, and thence into the south sea through a channel in ° north latitude, corresponding to the strait of anian, according to ancient tradition. he petitioned, in consequence, that he might be rewarded for his services, and be entrusted with an expedition to occupy the strait of anian, and defend the passage against other nations. his cotemporaries, according to the author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, were men of more judgment and intelligence than some of the writers of the th century. the former at once discovered, by personal examination of the author, the fictitious character of his narrative, and rejected his proposal. two copies of this memoir are supposed to exist; one of these being preserved in the library of the duke of infantado at madrid, the other in the ambrosian library at milan. the former of these is considered by the author of the introduction to be certainly a cotemporaneous, and perhaps the original, copy of the memoir: the ambrosian manuscript, on the other hand, has been pronounced, in an article in the london quarterly review for october, , to be "the clumsy and audacious forgery of some ignorant german," from the circumstance of fifteen leagues to the degree being used in some of the computations. to the same purpose capt. james burney, in the fifth volume of his voyages, published in , observes, that "it must not be omitted that the reckoning in the narrative is in german leagues. it is said, 'from the latitude of ° you will have to sail leagues to the latitude of °, which corresponds with the german league of to a degree, and not with the spanish league of - / to a degree, by which last the early spanish navigators were accustomed to reckon.' from this peculiarity in the narrative it may be conjectured, that the real author was a fleming, who probably thought he could not better advance his spurious offspring, than by laying it at the door of a man who had projected to invent a compass without variation," as maldonado professed to do to the council of the indies, according to antonio leo in his bibliotheca indica. allusions had been occasionally made to this work by spanish writers in the th century, amongst others by de luque, the author of the "establecimientos ultramarinos de las naceones europeas." it was not, however, till so late a period as that the attention of men of science was drawn to the madrid manuscript by j. n. buache, the geographer of the king of france, in a paper read before the academy of sciences at paris in that year. captain burney states, that the manuscript had been brought to notice shortly before by m. de mendoza, a captain in the spanish navy, who was employed in forming a collection of voyages for the use of that service. m. buache, who had succeeded d'anville as geographer royal in , followed the geographical system of ph. buache, his relative and predecessor, and, like him, clung fondly to questionable discoveries. he had been employed to prepare instructions for the expedition of la perouse, and thus his attention had been especially drawn to voyages of discovery on the north-west coast of america. he declared himself in his memoir so strongly in favor of the genuineness of the manuscript, and of the good faith of maldonado, that the spanish government, in order that the question might be definitively set at rest, directed its archives to be searched, and the manuscript in the library of the duke of infantado to be carefully examined, and at the same time gave orders that the corvettes descubierta and atrevida, which were fitting out at acapulco for a voyage round the world, should explore the coasts and port which maldonado pretended to have discovered in the south sea. the archives, however, furnished ample evidence of the correctness of the ancient opinion that maldonado was an impostor, and the expedition of the corvettes, which sailed in , confirmed this fact beyond dispute. a memoir to that effect, founded upon their observations, was published in , by don ciriaco cevallos, who had accompanied the expedition, to prove the utter falsity of maldonado's story. it was, however, once more revived by the discovery of the ambrosian manuscript in by carlo amoretti. this is said to give a more succinct account than the madrid document, and it has been thought by some to be an abridgment of it. the article in the quarterly review above alluded to was occasioned by its appearance, and to the curious will furnish ample information. the milan account of the voyage may be referred to in the fifth volume of burney's history of voyages. the madrid document will be found in barrow's chronological history of voyages in the arctic regions. a much more plausible narrative was published in , in the third volume of "the pilgrims," by purchas, the successor of hakluyt as the historian of maritime enterprises. it is entitled "a note made by me, michael lock the elder, touching the strait of sea, commonly called fretum anian, in the south sea, through the north-west passage of meta incognita." the writer purported to give an account of what had been communicated to him at venice, in april, , by an ancient greek pilot, commonly called juan de fuca, but properly named apostolos valerianus, who represented himself to have been taken in a spanish ship by captain candish, and to have thereby lost , ducats, and to have been at another time sent by the viceroy of mexico to discover and fortify the straits of anian. his tale was to this effect: "that shortly afterwards, having been sent again, in , by the viceroy of mexico, with a small caravel and pinnace, armed with mariners only, he followed the coast of north america until he came to the latitude of °, and there finding that the land trended east and north-east, with a broad inlet of sea between and degrees of latitude, he entered thereinto, sailing therein more than twenty days, and found that land trending still sometimes north-west and north-east and north, and also east, and south-eastward, and very much broader sea than was at the said entrance, and that he passed by divers islands in that sailing. and that at the entrance of this said strait, there is _on the north-west coast_ thereof a great headland or island, with an exceeding high pinnacle or spired rock, like a pillar, thereupon. "also, he said, he went on land in divers places, and there he saw some people on land, clad is beasts' skins; and that the land is _very fruitful, and rich of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like new spain_. "and also, he said, that he being entered thus far into the said strait, and being _come into the north sea_ already, and finding the sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about _thirty or forty leagues wide in the mouth of the straits, where he entered_, he thought that he had now well discharged his office, and that not being armed to resist the force of the savage people that might happen, he therefore set sail, and returned homewards again towards new spain, where he arrived at acapulco, anno , hoping to be rewarded by the viceroy for the service done in the said voyage. "also, he said that, after coming to mexico, he was greatly welcomed by the viceroy, and had promises of great reward; but that having sued there for two years, and obtained nothing to his content, the viceroy told him that he should be rewarded in spain of the king himself very greatly, and willed him therefore to go to spain, which voyage he did perform. "also, he said, that when he was come into spain, he was welcomed there at the king's court; but after long suit there also, he could not get any reward there to his content. and therefore at length he stole away out of spain, and came into italy, to go home again and live among his own kindred and countrymen, he being very old. "also, he said, that he thought the cause of his ill reward had of the spaniards, to be for that they did understand very well that the _english nation had now given over all their voyages for discovery of the north-west passage_, wherefore they need not fear them any more to come that way into the south sea, and therefore they needed not his service therein any more. "also, he said, that _understanding the noble mind of the queen of england_, of her wars against the spaniards, and hoping that her majesty would _do him justice for his goods lost_ by captain candish, he would be content to go into england, _and serve her majesty in that voyage for the discovery perfectly of the north-west passage into the south sea_, if she would furnish him with only one ship of forty tons burthen and a pinnace, and that he would perform it in thirty days time from one end to the other of the straits, and he wished me so to write to england." as this asserted discovery was one upon which the spanish commissioner, in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty of the floridas, relied to support the claim of the spanish crown to the north-west coast of america, and as authors of late whose opinions are entitled to respect, such as fleurieu, and mr. greenhow, have inclined to admit the general truth of the account, the substantial part of it has been quoted at full length, as it appears both that fuca's narrative, if we admit it to be genuine, does not accord, in respect to any substantial fact, with the authentic reports of subsequent voyages, and that the object of the fiction is patent on the face of the story. the object of the greek pilot was evidently to obtain, upon the faith of his narrative, employment from the queen of england; and as, from his own statement, he was aware that the spirit of discovery was for the moment languid amongst the english nation, he represented the country as "very fruitful and rich of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like new spain." this exaggeration of the probable profits of the undertaking would not perhaps alone disentitle the narrator to credit in respect to the other circumstances of his voyage, though his integrity in making the communication might thereby become open to question: but when we look to the asserted facts of his voyage, the truth or falsehood of which must be conclusive as to the character of the narrative itself, we find that they do not correspond in any respect with ascertained facts. the straits to which meares gave the name of juan de fuca in , are between the th and th parallel. mr. greenhow considers that the difference in the position is sufficiently slight as to be within the limits of supposable error on the part of the greek pilot; and certainly, if this were the only difficulty, it might not be conclusive against his veracity. but the straits which he professed to have discovered were from to leagues wide at the mouth where he entered, and according to his story he sailed through them into the north sea, and upon the faith of this he offered to perfect his discovery of the north-west passage into the south sea for the queen of england, and to perform it in thirty days time from one end to the other of the straits. now this description is so totally at variance with the real character of any straits on the west coast of america, that the happy coincidence of trifling circumstances can hardly be considered sufficient to turn the scale in its favor. amongst the latter, the existence of a pillar has been alleged, as corresponding with de fuca's account. meares, for instance, on approaching the straits from the north, speaks "of a small island, situated about two miles _from the southern land_, that formed the entrance of this strait, near which we saw a very remarkable rock, that wore the form of an obelisk, and stood at some distance from the island," (p. ,) which, in his observations on a north-west passage (p. lxi.) he seems to consider to be the pinnacle rock of de fuca; but unfortunately de fuca has placed his "island with an exceeding high pinnacle or spiral rock" _on the north-west coast_, at the entrance of the strait, instead of on the southern shore. vancouver, on entering the straits, failed himself to recognize any rock as corresponding to the pinnacle rock which mr. meares had represented, but he observes that a rock within tatooche's island, _on the southern side_ of the entrance, which is united to the main land by a ledge of rocks, over which the sea breaks violently, was noticed, and supposed to be that represented as de fuca's pinnacle rock: "this, however, was visible only for a few minutes, from its being close to the shore of the main-land, instead of lying in the entrance of the straits, nor did it correspond with that which has been so described." on the other hand, lieutenant wilkes, in his account of the united states exploring expedition, says, "in leaving de fuca's straits, i anxiously watched for de fuca's pillar, and soon obtained a sketch of it;" but he does not state whether he meant the pillar which meares observed on the southern side, and called de fuca's pillar, or one which, according to the greek pilot, should have formed a prominent object on the north-western coast of the strait. it is not unimportant to observe, that there is no spanish writer who speaks of de fuca or his discovery: that neither in any private archives in spain, nor in the public archives of the indies at seville, is there any notice of this celebrated navigator or of his important expedition, which the author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana observes is the more remarkable, from the great number of other voyages and expeditions of the same period preserved in the archives, which have escaped the notice of contemporary writers; and, what is perhaps still more conclusive, that humboldt, in his account of new spain, (l. iii., ch. viii.,) states, that in spite of all his researches he had not been able to find throughout new spain a single document in which the name of the pilot de fuca occurs. the whole of these latter observations apply with equal force to the voyage of admiral bartolemé fonte or de fuentes, which purposes to have been performed in ; the narrative, however, did not make its appearance till , when it was published in london, in two parts, in "the monthly miscellany, or memoirs of the curious." the mode in which it was ushered into public notice would alone be sufficient to expose it to considerable suspicion, and the gross absurdities with which it is replete would have at once exempted it from any serious criticism, had not the spanish commissioner, in the negotiations already alluded to, and of which a full account will be given in a subsequent place, rested upon it the territorial title of spain to the north-west coast, up to ° of north latitude. fonte, according to the narrative, sailed with four vessels from callao into the north pacific, with orders from the viceroy of peru to intercept certain vessels which had sailed from boston in new england, with the object of exploring a north-west passage. on arriving at c. st. lucas, at the south point of california, he despatched one of his vessels "to discover whether california was an island or not, (for before, it was not known whether it was an island or a peninsula.") he thence coasted along california to ° of north latitude, and having a steady gale from the s.s.e., in the interval between may , and june , "he reached the river los reyes in ° of north latitude, not having occasion to lower a top-sail in sailing leagues n.n.w., leagues from port abel to c. blanco, leagues to rio de los reyes, having sailed about leagues in crooked channels, amongst islands named the archipelagus de st. lazarus, where his ships' boats always sailed a mile a-head, sounding, to see what water, rocks, and sands there was." "they had two jesuits with them, that had been on their mission at ° of n. l., and had made curious observations." fonte ascended the rio de los reyes in his ships to a large lake, which he called lake belle. here, he says, he left his vessels and proceeded down another river, passing eight falls, in all feet perpendicular, into a large lake which he named de fonte. thence he sailed out through the estrecho de ronquillo into the sea, where they found a large ship where the natives had never seen one before, from a town called boston, the master of which, captain shaply, told him that his owner was "a fine gentleman, and major-general of the largest colony in new england, called the maltechusets." having exchanged all sorts of civilities and presents with this gentleman, the admiral went back to his ships in lake belle, and returned by the rio de los reyes to the south sea. one of his officers had in the mean time ascended another river, which he named rio de haro, in the lake velasco, in °, whence he sailed in indian boats as far north as °. here he ascertained that there was no communication out of the spanish or atlantic sea by davis' straits, from one of his own seamen, who had been conducted by the natives to the head of davis' strait, which terminated in a fresh lake of about miles in circumference, in ° n. l. he himself in the meantime had sailed as far north as °, and then the land trended north, and the ice rested on the land. the result of this expedition was, that they returned home, "having found there was no passage into the south seas by what they call the north-west passage." such is the substance of this rather dull story, which may be read in full in the third volume of burney's history of voyages in the south sea, p. . mr. greenhow (p. ) observes, that "the account is very confused and badly written, and is filled with absurdities and contradictions, which should have prevented it from receiving credit at any time since its appearance: yet, as will be shown, it was seriously examined and defended, so recently as in the middle of the last century, by scientific men of great eminence, and some faith continued to be attached to it for many years afterwards." amongst its defenders the most conspicuous were j. n. de l'isle, the brother of william de l'isle, and philippe buache, the geographer of the french king, the predecessor of j. n. buache, who has already been mentioned as the author of a memoir in defence of maldonado's narrative. de l'isle presented to the academy of sciences, in , a memoir "sur les nouvelles découvertes au nord de la mer du sud," with a map prepared by ph. buache, to represent these discoveries. the communication was in other respects of great importance, as it contained the first authentic account of the discoveries lately made by behring and tchiricoff, in . it is not stated from what source de l'isle derived the copy of fonte's letter, which seems to have come into his possession accidentally at st. petersburg, during the absence of the russian expedition: it was not, however, till his return to france in , that he examined it in company with ph. buache. they were agreeably surprised to find that it accorded with buache's own conjectures, that it harmonised in many respects with the discoveries of the russians. in consequence, buache laid down in his new map a water communication between the pacific ocean and hudson's bay. voltaire, relying on the authority of de l'isle, maintained in his history of russia, published in , that the famous passage so long sought for had been at last discovered. the academy, however, received fonte's narrative with discreet reserve; and observed, that it required more certain proofs to substantiate it. the author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana states, that the spanish government, on the representation of the french geographers, instituted a careful search into the archives of the indies in new spain, as well as into the archives of peru, and likewise into the archives at seville, madrid, cadiz, and other places, but that not the slightest allusion to de fonte could be anywhere traced. this result was made known by robert de vaugondy, in his reply to buache, intitled "observations critiques sur les nouvelles découvertes de l'amiral fuentes, vo. ;" and the author of the noticia di california, published in madrid, in , confirmed vaugondy's announcement. it is unnecessary to observe, that the experience of subsequent navigators has failed to confirm the narrative of de fonte. there is one passage in the narrative which seems almost of itself to be sufficient to condemn the story. the admiral is made to state, "that he despatched one of his vessels to discover whether california was an island or not; for before it was not known whether california was an island or a peninsula." now the californian gulf had been completely explored by francisco de ulloa, in , who ascertained the fact of the junction of the peninsula to the main land, near the d degree of latitude; and again by fernando de alarcon, in , who ascended a great river at the head of the gulf of california, supposed to be the colorado. a series of excellent charts were drawn up by domingo del castillo, alarcon's pilot, a fac-simile of which mr. greenhow (p. ) states may be found in the edition of the letters of cortez, published at mexico in , by archbishop lorenzana. the shores of the gulf, and of the west side of california, to the th degree of latitude, were there delineated with a surprising approach of accuracy. it is not a reasonable supposition that the admiral of new spain and peru, who must have had ready access to the archives of the indies at mexico, should have expressed himself in a manner which argued a total ignorance of the previous discoveries of his countrymen; but it was very probable that a contributor to the monthly miscellany should stumble upon this ground, from a notion having been revived in europe, about the middle of the th century, that california was an island. humboldt, in his essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, l. iii., c. viii., states, that when the jesuits kühn, salvatierra, and ugarte, explored, in detail, during the years - , the coasts of the gulf of california, it was thought in europe to have been for the first time discovered that california was a peninsula. but, in his introduction géographique, he observes, that in the sixteenth century no person in mexico denied this fact; nor was it till the seventeenth century that the idea originated that california was an island. during the seventeenth century, the dutch freebooters were amongst the most active and inveterate enemies of spain in the new world; and having established themselves in the bay of pichilingue, on the east coast of california, from which circumstance they received the name of "pichilingues," they caused great embarrassment to the spanish viceroys from their proximity to the coasts of mexico. to these adventurers the origin of the notion, that california was separated from the main land, has been referred by some authors; but mr. greenhow (p. ) states, that it was to be traced to the captain of a manilla ship, in , who reported that the asserted river of d'aguilar was the western mouth of a channel which separated the northern extremity of california from the main land. a survey of the lower part of the peninsula was executed by the governor of cinaloa, and the jesuit jacinto cortes, in pursuance of the orders of the duke of escalona, who was viceroy during - , about the very time when fonte purported to have sailed. they did not, however, go to the head of the gulf; and humboldt informs us, that, during the feeble reign of charles ii. of spain, - , several writers had begun to regard california as a cluster of large islands, under the name of "islas carolinas." thus we find in the maps of this period, in those for example of sanson, paris, ; of du val, geographer to the king of france, abbeville, ; of jenner, london, ; of de wit, amsterdam; of vischer, schenkius, herman, moll, and others, which are in the king's library at the british museum, california is depicted as an island; and in jenner's map, in which c. blanco is the northernmost headland of california, there is this note:--"this california was in times past thought to have been a part of the continent, and so made in all maps; but, by further discoveries, was found to be an island, long leagues." on the other hand, the maps of the later part of the sixteenth, and the earlier part of the seventeenth centuries, such as those by ortelius, the king of spain's geographer, published in his theatrum orbis terrarum, first edited in , the two maps adopted by hakluyt in the respective editions of his voyages, in and , that of le clerc, , of hondius, which purchas adopted in his pilgrims, in , of speed, , and that of blaew in his novus atlas of , agree in representing california as a peninsula. the single passage, therefore, in de fonte's account, in which he, being "then admiral of new spain and peru, and now prince (or rather president) of chili, explicitly states that he despatched one of his vessels, under the command of don diego pennelosa, the nephew of don luis de haro," then great minister of spain, "to discover whether california was an island or not, for before it was not known whether it was an island or a peninsula," seems to point at once to the european origin of the tale. mr. dalrymple, the well-known secretary of the british admiralty at the time of the nootka sound controversy, who was distinguished as the author of many able works on maritime discoveries, considered the story to have been a jeu-d'esprit of mr. james petiver the naturalist, one of the contributors to the monthly miscellany, whose taste for such subjects was evinced by his collection of ms. extracts, since preserved in the british museum, and whose talent for such kind of composition was shown by his account of a voyage to the levant, published in the same miscellany. it is worthy of remark, that the tale of de fuca and the letter of de fonte, as they have derived their origin, so they have derived their support, from writers foreign to the nation in whose favour they set up the asserted discoveries, and from them alone. maldonado, it is true, was a spaniard, but he likewise has found defenders only amongst strangers, whilst in his own country his narrative has been condemned as an imposture by posterity equally as by his cotemporaries. chapter v. the convention of the escurial. the king george's sound company, in .--dixon and portlock.--the nootka and sea otter.--the captain cook and experiment.--expedition of captain hanna under the portuguese flag.--the felice and iphigenia.--the princesa and san carlos, in .--martinez and haro directed to occupy nootka in .--the princess royal arrives at nootka.--colnett arrives in the argonaut, july , , with instructions to found a factory.--he is seized, with his vessel, by martinez.--the princess royal also seized.--both vessels sent as prizes to san blas.--the columbia and washington allowed to depart.--representation of the spanish government to the court of london.--british reply.--memorial of captain meares.--message of the british crown to parliament.--british note of may , , to the spanish minister in london.--british memorial of may .--memorial of the court of spain, july .--declaration of his catholic majesty to all the courts of europe.--treaty of utrecht.--declaration and counter declaration of july .--spain demands aid from france, according to the family compact of .--the national assembly promotes a peaceful adjustment of the dispute.--convention between spain and great britain signed at the escurial, oct. , .--recognition of the claims of great britain. it has been already observed, that no british subject could trade to the west of cape horn without a licence from the south sea company, whilst, on the other hand, to the eastward of the cape of good hope the east india company possessed an exclusive monopoly of commerce. thus the mercantile association which assumed the name of the king george's sound company, and which despatched two vessels under dixon and portlock from england in the autumn of , had found it necessary to obtain licences from the south sea company for them to proceed by way of cape horn, and they had likewise entered into an arrangement with the east india company to carry their furs to canton, and there exchange them for teas and other products of china, to be conveyed in their turn round the cape of good hope to england. these vessels sailed under the british flag. with a similar object, two vessels, the nootka, under captain meares, and the sea otter, under captain tipping, were, by an association under the patronage of the governor general of india, early in , despatched from calcutta, under the flag of the english east india company, whilst the captain cook and the experiment sailed from bombay for the same destination. an attempt, however, had been made by the british merchants in the preceding year, to organise a trade between north-west america and china, under the protection of the portuguese flag, so as to evade the excessive harbour dues demanded by the chinese authorities from other european nations, by means of licences granted by the portuguese authorities at macao. the first expedition of this kind was made by captain hanna, in , and was most successful as a commercial speculation. in a similar manner, in , some british merchants residing in india fitted out the felice and iphigenia for this trade, and through the interest of juan cavallo, a portuguese merchant who had resided for many years at bombay as a naturalised british subject, and traded from that place under the protection of the east india company, obtained from the governor of macao permission for them to navigate under the portuguese flag, if found convenient. meares in his memorial states, that cavallo merely lent his name to the firm, and that he had no real interest in the iphigenia, as on his subsequent bankruptcy the claims of his creditors were successfully resisted, and the iphigenia consequently lost the privileges which she had hitherto enjoyed in the ports of china, in her character of a portuguese ship. on the other hand, in the obligation which martinez exacted from the master and supercargo of the iphigenia, cavallo is spoken of as the lawful owner of the vessel in whose name they bound themselves. it is possible however that they may have bound the ostensible owner on purpose to defeat the object of the spanish commander, instead of the real owners; and assuredly the instructions of the merchant proprietors to captain meares, "commanding the felice and iphigenia," seem to be at variance with the fact of cavallo being the real owner, as they are addressed to him evidently not in the mere character of supercargo, but as having the complete control of the vessels, which are expressly stated to have been fitted out and equipped by the merchant proprietors: and meares is directed to defend his vessel against all attempts of russian, english, or spanish vessels to seize it; to protest, if captured, against the seizure of his vessel and cargo; and to take possession of any vessel that attacked him, as also her cargo, in case he should have the superiority in the conflict. (appendix to meares' voyage.) to the same effect, the orders of captain meares to captain douglas, of the iphigenia, seem to be conclusive that the latter had full control over the vessel. "should you," it is observed, "in the course of your voyage, meet with the vessels of any other nation, you will have as little communication with them as possible. if they be of superior force, and desire to see your papers, you will show them. you will, however, be on your guard against surprise. should they be either russian, english, spanish, or any other civilised nation, and are authorised to examine your papers, you will permit them, and treat them with civility and friendship. but at the same time you must be on your guard. should they attempt to seize you, or even carry you out of your way, you will prevent it by every means in your power, and repel force by force." captain douglas, moreover, was directed to note down the good behaviour of his officers and crew, and thus afford his employers a medium to distinguish merit from worthlessness. "this log-book," they go on to state, "is to be signed by yourself. on your return to china you will seal up your log-book, charts, plans, &c., &c., and forward them to daniel beale, esq., of canton, who is the ostensible agent for the concern; and you have the most particular injunctions not to communicate or give copies of any charts or plans that you may make, as your employers assert a right to all of them, and as such will claim them." the person to whom such instructions were addressed must evidently have had the control of the vessel, and not been merely in charge of the cargo. it has been, however, rightly observed by mr. greenhow, that the papers on board the iphigenia, when seized by martinez, were written in the portuguese language, which captain douglas did not understand, and therefore could not well act upon. the reply to this seems to be, that douglas himself acted upon the letter of captain meares, inserted in the appendix to meares' voyages, which embodied in english the substance of the general instructions drawn up for the expedition in portuguese; and that the ship's papers were in the portuguese language to support her assumed portuguese character. there is no doubt that there was some deception in the transaction, but the deception seems to have been directed rather against the chinese than the spaniards. whatever may have been the character which was sought to be given to the felice and iphigenia, meares appears on landing at nootka to have avowed his british character, by hoisting british colours upon the house which he built on ground granted to him by maquilla, the chief of the neighbouring district, as well as by displaying the english ensign on the vessel which he constructed and launched at nootka. it was his intention to employ this vessel, a sloop of about forty tons, exclusively on the coast of america, in exploring new trading stations, and in collecting furs to be conveyed by the other vessels to the chinese markets. it was named the north-west america, and was manned by a crew of seven british subjects and three natives of china. meares, having left the iphigenia and north-west america to carry on the trade on the american coast, returned with a cargo of furs to macao, in december , and having there sold the felice, associated himself with some merchants of london, who had embarked in this commerce under licences from the east india and south sea companies. two of their vessels, under dixon and portlock, which have already been alluded to, the prince of wales and princess royal, had just arrived at canton from the north-west coast of america. meares, apprehending that mutual loss would result from competition, entered into a formal agreement with mr. john etches, the supercargo of the two ships, making a joint stock of all the vessels and property employed in that trade. the new firm immediately purchased an additional ship, named the argonaut, and the prince of wales being chartered with a cargo of tea to england by the east india company, the princess royal and the argonaut were ordered to sail to nootka sound under the command of captain colnett and captain hudson. it is indisputable that these vessels were sailing under the british flag, and from the instructions delivered to captain colnett, the iphigenia and north-west america were henceforward to be under his orders, and to trade on account of the company. he was accordingly directed to send home captain douglas in the argonaut, and to receive from him the iphigenia and north-west america, shifting their crews, &c. "we also authorise you," the instructions go on to state, "to dismiss from your service all persons who shall refuse to obey your orders, when they are for our benefit, and in this case we give you to understand, the princess royal, america, and other small craft, are always to continue on the coast of america. their officers and people, when the time of their service is up, must be embarked in the returning ship to china, and on no account whatever will we suffer a deviation from these orders." thenceforward, it appears, that the iphigenia and north-west america would be considered as sailing under the same character as the other vessels of this company. the steady advance of the russian establishments along the north-west shores of the pacific, which had become notorious from the publication of captain cook's journals, could not but cause great anxiety to the spanish government. an expedition of inquiry was in consequence sent northward from the port of san blas in , consisting of two vessels, the princesa and san carlos, under the command of esteban josé martinez and gonzalo lopez de haro. they were instructed to proceed directly to prince william's sound, and to visit the various factories of the russians in that neighbourhood. having executed their commission, they returned to san blas in the autumn of the same year, and reported the results of their voyage to the viceroy of mexico. martinez brought back the information that it was the intention of the russians to found a settlement at nootka. the court of madrid in consequence addressed a remonstrance to the emperor of russia against the encroachments upon the territories of his catholic majesty, which were assumed to extend northward up to prince william's sound, and the viceroy of mexico in the mean time took measures to prevent the execution of any such schemes. with this object he despatched martinez and haro in , with instructions to occupy the port of nootka by right of the prior discovery of perez in , to treat any russian or english vessels that might be there with the courtesy which the amicable relations between the several nations required, but to manifest to them the paramount rights of spain to make establishments there, and by inference to prevent all foreign establishments which might be prejudicial to spanish interests. the princesa sailed into nootka sound on the th of may , and found the iphigenia at friendly cove. the san carlos joined her consort on the th. the columbia merchantman, of the united states of america, was lying at anchor at no great distance. mutual civilities passed between the different vessels till the th, when martinez took possession of the iphigenia, and transferred her captain and crew as prisoners to his own vessels. he subsequently allowed the iphigenia to depart, upon an obligation being signed by the captain and supercargo on behalf of juan cavallo of macao, as the owner, to satisfy all demands, in case the viceroy of spain should pronounce her to be a prize, on account of navigating or anchoring in seas or ports belonging to the dominion of his catholic majesty without his permission. captain kendrick of the columbia, and ingraham his first pilot, were called in to witness this agreement. the iphigenia was released on the st of june, and sailed away directly to queen charlotte's island. on the th, the north-west america arrived from a trading voyage along the southern coasts, and was immediately taken possession of by martinez. a few days afterwards the princess royal arrived from macao, bringing intelligence of the failure of the house of cavallo, in consequence of which martinez hoisted spanish colours on board of the north-west america, and employed her to trade along the coast upon his own account. the princess royal was not however molested by him, but, on the d of july, her consort the argonaut arrived with captain colnett, who, upon hearing of the treatment of the iphigenia and the north-west america, hesitated at first to enter the sound. his instructions were to found a factory, to be called fort pitt, in the most convenient station which he might select, for the purpose of a permanent settlement, and as a centre of trade, round which other stations might be established. having at last entered the sound, he was invited to go on board the princesa, where an altercation ensued between martinez and himself, in respect of his object in visiting nootka, the result of which was the arrest of colnett himself and the seizure of the argonaut. her consort the princess royal on her return to nootka on the th of july, was seized in like manner by the spanish commander. both these vessels were sent as prizes to san blas, according to captain meares' memorial. the columbia in the mean while had been allowed to depart unmolested, and her consort the washington, which had been trading along the coast, soon followed her. such is a brief summary of the transactions at nootka sound in the course of , which led to the important political discussions, that terminated in the convention of the th of oct. , signed at the escurial. by this convention the future relations of spain and great britain in respect of trade and settlements on the north-west coast of america, were amicably arranged. immediately upon receiving information of these transactions from the viceroy, the spanish government hastened to communicate to the court of london the seizure of a british vessel, (the argonaut,) and to remonstrate against the attempts of british subjects to make settlements in territories long occupied and frequented by the spaniards, and against their encroachments on the exclusive rights of spain to the fisheries in the south seas, as guaranteed by great britain at the treaty of utrecht. the british ministry in reply demanded the immediate restoration of the vessel seized, as preliminary to any discussion as to the claims of spain. the spanish cabinet in answer to this demand stated, that as the viceroy of mexico had released the vessel, his catholic majesty considered that affair as concluded, without discussing the undoubted rights of spain to the exclusive sovereignty, navigation, and commerce in the territories, coasts, and seas, in that part of the world, and that he should be satisfied with great britain directing her subjects to respect those rights in future. at this juncture, meares, who had received from the columbia, on her arrival at macao, the tidings of the seizure of the north-west america, whose crew returned as passengers in the columbia, as well as of the argonaut and the princess royal, arrived at london with the necessary documents to lay before the british government. a full memorial of the transactions at nootka sound in , including an account of the earlier commercial voyages of the nootka and the felice, was presented to the house of commons on may , . it is published in full in the appendix to meares' voyages, and the substance of it may be found amongst the state papers in the annual register for . this was followed by a message from his majesty to both houses of parliament on may th, stating that "two vessels belonging to his majesty's subjects, and navigated under the british flag, and two others, of which the description had not been hitherto sufficiently ascertained, had been captured at nootka sound by an officer commanding two spanish ships of war." having alluded to the substance of the communications which had passed between the two governments, and to the british minister having been directed to make a fresh representation, and to claim full and adequate satisfaction, the message concluded with recommending that "such measures should be adopted as would enable his majesty to support the honour of his crown and the interests of his people." the house of commons gave their full assent to these recommendations, and readily voted the necessary supplies, so that preparations to maintain the rights of great britain by arms were immediately commenced. in the mean time a note had been addressed on may th, to the spanish minister in london, to the effect that his majesty the king of england would take effectual measures to prevent his subjects from acting against the just and acknowledged rights of spain, but that he could not accede to her pretensions of absolute sovereignty, commerce, and navigation, and that he should consider it his duty to protect his subjects in the enjoyments of the right of fishery in the pacific ocean. in accordance with the foregoing answers, the british chargé-d'affaires at madrid made a demand, on may th, for the restitution of the princess royal, and for reparation proportionate to the losses and injuries sustained by english subjects trading under the british flag. he further asserted for them "an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of such establishments as they should form with the consent of the natives of the country, not previously occupied by any of the european nations." the substance of these communications was embodied in the memorial of the court of spain, delivered on june th to the british ambassador at madrid. it appeared, however, from a subsequent reply from the spanish minister, the conde de florida blanca, that spain maintained, "that the detention of the vessels was made in a port, upon a coast, or in a bay of spanish america, the commerce or navigation of which belonged exclusively to spain by treaties with all nations, even england herself." the nature of these exclusive claims of spain had been already notified to all the courts of europe, in a declaration made by his catholic majesty on june th, where the words are made use of, "in the name of the king, his sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce to the continent and islands of the south sea, it is the manner in which spain, in speaking of the indies, has always used these words: that is to say, to the continent, islands and seas, which belong to his majesty, so far as discoveries have been made, and secured to him by treaties and immemorial possession, and uniformly acquiesced in, notwithstanding some infringements by individuals, who have been punished upon knowledge of their offences. and the king sets up no pretensions to any possessions, the right to which he cannot prove by irrefragable titles." what were the treaties and immemorial possession upon which spain rested her claims, was more explicitly stated in the spanish memorial of the th june. the chief reliance seemed to have been placed upon the th article of the treaty of utrecht, as concluded between great britain and spain in , by which it was agreed, that the exercise of navigation and commerce to the spanish west indies should remain in the same state in which it was in the time of charles ii. of spain; that no permission should at any time be given to any nation, under any pretext whatever, to trade into the dominions subject to the crown of spain in america, excepting as already specially provided for by treaties: moreover, great britain undertook "to aid and assist the spaniards in re-establishing the ancient limits of their dominions in the west indies, in the exact situation in which they had been in the time of charles ii." the extent of the spanish territories, commerce, and dominions on the continent of america was further alleged in this memorial to have been clearly laid down and authenticated by a variety of documents and formal acts of possession about the year , in the reign of the above-mentioned monarch: all attempted usurpations since that period had been successfully resisted, and reiterated acts of taking possession by spanish vessels, had preserved the rights of spain to her dominions, which she had extended to the limits of the russian establishments within prince william's sound. it was still further alleged, that the viceroys of peru and new spain had of late directed the western coasts of america, and the islands and seas adjacent, to be more frequently explored, in order to check the growing increase of smuggling, and that it was in one of the usual tours of inspection of the coasts of california that the commanding officer of a spanish ship had detained the english vessels in nootka sound, as having arrived there, not for the purposes of trade, but with the object of "founding a settlement and fortifying it." from these negotiations it would appear, that spain claimed for herself an exclusive title to the entire north-western coast of america, up to prince william's sound, as having been discovered by her, and such discovery having been secured to her by treaties, and repeated acts of taking possession. she consequently denied the right of any other nation (for almost all the nations of europe had been parties to the treaty of utrecht) to make establishments within the limits of spanish america. great britain, on the other hand, maintained her right "to a free and undisturbed navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of any establishment which she might form with the consent of the natives of the country, where such country was not previously occupied by any of the european nations." these may be considered to have been the two questions at issue between great britain and spain, which were set at rest by the subsequent convention. that such was the object of the convention, is evident from the tenor of two documents exchanged between the two courts on the th of july, , the first of which contained a declaration, on the part of his catholic majesty, of his engagement to make full restitution of all the british vessels which were captured at nootka, and to indemnify the parties with an understanding that it should not prejudice "the ulterior discussion of any right which his majesty might claim to form an exclusive establishment at the port of nootka;" whilst on the part of his britannic majesty a counter-declaration was issued, accepting the declaration of his catholic majesty, together with the performance of the engagements contained therein, as a full and entire satisfaction for the injury of which his majesty complained; with the reservation that neither the declaration nor its acceptance "shall prejudice in any respect the right which his majesty might claim to any establishment which his subjects might have formed, or should be desirous of forming in future, in the said bay of nootka." mr. greenhow's mode of stating the substance of these papers (p. ) is calculated to give an erroneous notion of the state in which they left the question. he adds, "it being, however, at the same time _admitted and expressed on both sides_, that the spanish declaration was not to preclude or prejudice the ulterior discussion of any right which his catholic majesty might claim to form an exclusive establishment at nootka sound." this is not a correct statement of the transaction, as the reservation was expressed in the declaration of his catholic majesty; but so far was his britannic majesty from admitting it in the counter-declaration, that he met it directly with a special reservation of the rights of his own subjects, as already set forth. had the crown of spain been able to rely upon assistance from france, in accordance with the treaty of , known as the family compact, there can be no doubt that she would have attempted to maintain by arms her claim of exclusive sovereignty over "all the coast to the north of western america on the side of the south sea, as far as beyond what is called prince william's sound, which is in the sixty-first degree;" but her formal application for assistance was not attended with the result which the mutual engagements of the two crowns would have secured at an earlier period. the national assembly, to which body louis xvi. was obliged, under the altered state of political circumstances in france, to submit the letter of the king of spain, was rather disposed to avail itself of the opportunity which seemed to present itself for substituting a national treaty between the two nations for the family compact between the two courts; and though it decreed that the naval armaments of france should be increased in accordance with the increased armaments of other european powers, it made no direct promise of assistance to spain. on the contrary, the diplomatic committee of the national assembly resolved rather to strengthen the relations of france with england, and to prevent a war, if possible; and with this object they co-operated with the agent of mr. pitt in paris (tomline's life of pitt, c. xii.) and with m. de montmorenci, the french secretary for foreign affairs, in furthering the peaceable adjustment of the questions in dispute. _convention between his britannic majesty and the king of spain, signed at the escurial the th of october, ._ (annual register, , p. . martens, recueil de traités, t. iv., p. .) "their britannic and catholic majesties, being desirous of terminating, by a speedy and solid agreement, the differences which have lately arisen between the two crowns, have judged that the best way of attaining this salutary object would be that of an amicable arrangement, which, setting aside all retrospective discussion of the rights and pretensions of the two parties, should fix their respective situation for the future on a basis conformable to their true interests, as well as to the mutual desire with which their said majesties are animated, of establishing with each other, in every thing and in all places, the most perfect friendship, harmony, and good correspondence. in this view, they have named and constituted for their plenipotentiaries; to wit, on the part of his britannic majesty, alleyne fitz-herbert, esq., one of his said majesty's privy council in great britain and ireland, and his ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his catholic majesty; and, on the part of his catholic majesty, don joseph monino, count of florida blanca, knight grand cross of the royal spanish order of charles iii., councillor of state to his said majesty, and his principal secretary of state, and of the despatches; who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles:-- "art. i. it is agreed that the buildings and _tracts of land_ situated on the north-west coast of the continent of north america, or on islands adjacent to that continent, of which the subjects of his britannic majesty were _dispossessed_, about the month of april, , by a spanish officer, shall be restored to the said britannic subjects. "art. ii. and further, that a just reparation shall be made, according to the nature of the case, for all acts of violence or hostility which may have been committed, subsequent to the month of april, , by the subjects of either of the contracting parties against the subjects of the other; and that, in case any of the said respective subjects shall, since the same period, have been forcibly dispossessed of their _lands_, buildings, vessels, merchandise, or other property whatever, on the said continent, or on the seas or islands adjacent, they shall be _re-established in the possession thereof_, or a just compensation shall be made to them for the losses which they shall have sustained. "art. iii. and in order to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to preserve in future a perfect harmony and good understanding between the two contracting parties, it is agreed that their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested, either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the pacific ocean, or in the south seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, _in places not already occupied_, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, _or of making settlements there_; the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restrictions and provisions specified in the three following articles. "art. iv. his britannic majesty engages to take the most effectual measures to prevent the navigation and fishery of his subjects in the pacific ocean, or in the south seas, from being made a pretext for illicit trade with the spanish _settlements_; and with this view, it is moreover expressly stipulated, that british subjects shall not navigate, or carry on their fishery in the said seas, within the space of ten sea leagues from any part of the coasts _already occupied by spain_. "art. v. it is agreed, that as well in the places which are to be restored to the british subjects, by virtue of the first article, as in all other parts of the north-western coasts of north america, or of the islands adjacent, situated to the north of the parts of the said coast already occupied by spain, wherever the subjects of either of the two powers _shall have made settlements_ since the month of april, , or _shall hereafter make any_, the subjects of the other shall have free access, and shall carry on their trade, without any disturbance or molestation. "art. vi. it is further agreed, with respect to the eastern and western coasts of south america, and to the islands adjacent, that no _settlement_ shall be formed hereafter, by the respective subjects, in such parts of those coasts as are situated to the south of those parts of the same coasts and of the islands adjacent, which are already occupied by spain: provided that the said respective subjects shall retain the liberty of landing on the coasts and islands so situated, for the purposes of their fishery, and of erecting thereon huts, and other temporary buildings, serving only for those purposes. "art. vii. in all cases of complaint or infraction of the articles of the present convention, the officers of either party, without permitting themselves previously to commit any violence or act of force, shall be bound to make an exact report of the affair, and of its circumstances, to their respective courts, who will terminate such differences in an amicable manner. "art. viii. the present convention shall be ratified and confirmed in the space of six weeks, to be computed from the day of its signature, or sooner, if it can be done. "in witness whereof, we the undersigned plenipotentiaries of their britannic and catholic majesties, have, in their names, and in virtue of our respective full powers, signed the present convention, and set thereto the seals of our arms. "done at the palace of st. laurence, the twenty-eighth of october, one thousand seven hundred and ninety. "alleyne fitz-herbert. (l. s.) "el conde de florida blanca." (l. s.) on examining this convention, it will be seen that the first article confirmed the positive engagement which his catholic majesty had contracted by his declaration of the th july: that the second contained an engagement for both parties to make reparation mutually for any contingent acts of violence or hostility: that the third defined for the future the mutual rights of the two contracting parties, in respect to the questions which remained in dispute after the exchange of the declaration and counter-declaration. by this article the navigation and fisheries of the pacific ocean and the south seas were declared to be free to the subjects of the two crowns, and their mutual right of trading with the natives on the coast, and of _making settlements in places not already occupied_, was fully recognised, subject to certain restrictions in the following articles. by the fourth of these, his britannic majesty bound himself to prevent his subjects carrying on an illicit trade with the spanish settlements, and engaged that they should not approach within ten miles of the coasts already occupied by spain. by the fifth it was agreed that, in the places to be restored to the british, and in whatever parts of the north-western coasts of america, or the adjacent islands, situate to the north of the parts already occupied by spain, the subjects of either power should make settlements, the subjects of the other should have free commercial access. by the sixth it was agreed, that no settlements should be made by either power on the eastern and western coasts of south america, or the adjacent islands, south of the parts already occupied by spain; but that they should be open to the temporary occupation of the subjects of either power, for the purposes of their fishery. by the seventh, provisions were made for the amicable arrangement of any differences which might arise from infringements of the convention; and, by the eighth, the time of ratification was settled. it thus appears that, by the third article, the right insisted upon by the british chargé-d'affaires at madrid, in the memorial of the th of may, was fully acknowledged; namely, "the indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of such establishments as they should form, with the consent of the natives of the country, not previously occupied by any of the european nations." in accordance with this view, it is observed in schoell's histoire abrégée des traités de paix: "en conséquence il fut signé le octobre, au palais de l'escurial, une convention par laquelle la question litigieuse fut entièrement décidée en faveur de la grande bretagne." thus, indeed, after a struggle of more than two hundred years, the principles which great britain had asserted in the reign of elizabeth, were at last recognised by spain: the unlimited pretensions of the spanish crown to exclusive dominion in the western indies, founded upon the bull of alexander vi., were restrained within definite limits; and occupation, or actual possession, was acknowledged to be henceforward the only test between the two crowns, in respect to each other, of territorial title on the west coast of north america. mr. greenhow states, (p. ,) that both parties were, by the convention, equally excluded from settling in the vacant coasts of south america; and from exercising that jurisdiction which is essential to political sovereignty, over any spot north of the most northern spanish settlement in the pacific. the former part of this statement is perfectly correct, but the latter is questionable, in the form in which it is set forth. the right of trading with the natives, or of making settlements in places not already occupied, was secured to both parties by the third article: whereas, in places where the subjects of either power should have made settlements, free access for carrying on their trade was all that was guaranteed to the subjects of the other party. this then was merely a commercial privilege, not inconsistent with that territorial sovereignty, which, by the practice of nations, would attend upon the occupation or actual possession of lands hitherto vacant. in fact, when mr. greenhow observes, in continuation, that "the convention determined nothing regarding the rights of either to the sovereignty of any portion of america, except so far as it may imply an abrogation, or rather suspension of all such claims on both sides, to any of those coasts;" he negatives his previous supposition that the convention precluded the acquisition of territorial sovereignty by either party. the general law of nations would regulate this question, if the convention determined nothing: and, by that general law, "when a nation takes possession of a country to which no prior owner can lay claim, it is considered as acquiring the empire or _sovereignty_ of it at the same time with the _domain_." the discussion of this question, however, as being one of law, not of fact, will be more properly deferred. one object of vancouver's mission, as already observed, was to receive from the spanish officers such lands or buildings as were to be restored to the subjects of his britannic majesty, in conformity to the first article of the convention, and instructions were forwarded to him, after his departure, through lieutenant hergest, in the dædalus, to that effect. the letter of count florida blanca to the commandant at nootka, which lieutenant hergest carried out with him, is to be found in the introduction to vancouver's voyage, p. xxvii. "in conformity to the first article of the convention of th october, , between our court and that of london, ( . . . . . ) you will give directions that his britannic majesty's officer, who shall deliver this letter, shall immediately be put into possession of the buildings, and districts or parcels of land, which were occupied by the subjects of that sovereign in april , as well in the port of nootka or of st. lawrence, as in the other, said to be called port cox, and to be situated about sixteen leagues distant from the former, to the southward; and that such parcels or districts of land of which the english subjects were dispossessed, be restored to the said officer, in case the spaniards should not have given them up." vancouver, however, on his arrival, found himself unable to acquiesce in the terms proposed by señor quadra, the spanish commandant, and despatched lieutenant mudge, by way of china, to england, for more explicit instructions. lieutenant broughton was subsequently directed to proceed home in , with a similar object. on his arrival he was sent by the british government to madrid; and on his return to london, was ordered to proceed to nootka, as captain of his majesty's sloop providence, with mr. mudge as his first lieutenant, to receive possession of the territories to be restored to the british, in case they should not have been previously given up. his own account, published in his voyage, p. , is unfortunately meagre in the extreme. on th march, , he anchored in the sound, where maquinna and another chief brought him several letters, dated march, , which informed him "that captain vancouver sailed from monterey the st december, , for england, and that the spaniards had delivered up the port of nootka, &c., to lieutenant pierce of the marines, agreeably to the mode of restitution settled between the two courts. a letter from the spanish officer, brigadier alava, informed him of their sailing, in march, , from thence." it is evidently to this transaction that schoell, in his edition of koch's histoire abrégée des traités de paix, t. i., ch. xxiv., refers, when he writes,--"l'exécution de la convention du octobre , éprouva, du reste, des difficultés qui la retardèrent jusqu'en . elles furent terminées le mars de cette année, sur les lieux mêmes, par le brigadier espagnol alava, et le lieutenant anglais poara, (pierce?) qui échangèrent des déclarations dans le golfe de nootka même. après que le fort espagnol fut rasé, les espagnols s'embarquèrent, et le pavillon anglais y fut planté en signe de possession." m. koch does not give his authority, but it was most probably spanish, from the modification which the name of the british lieutenant has undergone. on the other hand, mr. greenhow cites a passage from belsham's history of england, to this effect:--"it is nevertheless certain, from the most authentic information, that the spanish flag flying at nootka was never struck, and that the territory has been virtually relinquished by great britain." it ought, however, to have been stated, that this remark occurs in a note to belsham's work, without any clew to the authentic information on which he professed to rely, and with a special reference to a work of no authority--l'histoire de fréderic-guillaume ii., roi de prusse, par le comte de ségur;--in which it is stated, that the determination of the french convention to maintain at all risk the family compact, intimidated great britain into being satisfied with the mere restitution of the vessels which had been captured with her subjects, while engaged in a contraband trade with the spanish settlements! it further appears from an official spanish paper, to which mr. greenhow alludes in a note (p. ,) as existing in the library of congress at washington, intitled "instruccion reservada del reyno de nueva españa, que el exmo señor virey conde de revillagigedo diò à su sucesor el exmo señor marques de branciforte, en el año de ," that orders had been sent to the commandant at nootka to abandon the place, agreeably to a royal _dictamen_. the negative remark, therefore, of mr. belsham, cannot disprove the fact of the restitution of nootka to the british, against the positive statements of so many high authorities: it may, indeed, be conclusive of his own ignorance of the fact, and so far his integrity may remain unimpeached; but it must be at the expense of his character for accurate research and careful statement--the most valuable, as well as the most necessary qualifications of a writer of history. m. duflot de mofras, in his recent work, intitled, "exploration du territoire de l'orégon," tom. ii., p. , further states, that lieutenant pierce passed through mexico. "par suite de quelques fausses interprétations du traité de oct. , les espagnols ne remirent point immédiatement nootka aux anglais, et ce ne fut qu'en mars , que le commandant espagnol opéra cette cession entre les mains du lieutenant pierce, de l'infanterie de marine anglaise, venu tout exprès de londres par le mexique, pour hâter l'exécution du traité de l'escurial." chapter vi. the oregon or columbia river. the oregon, or great river of the west, discovered by d. bruno heceta, in . ensenada de heceta.--rio de san roque.--meares' voyage in the felice, in .--deception bay.--vancouver's mission in .--vancouver vindicated against mr. greenhow in respect to cape orford.--vancouver passes through deception bay.--meets captain gray in the merchant-ship columbia.--gray passes the bar of the oregon, and gives it the name of the columbia river.--extract from the log-book of the columbia.--vancouver defended.--the chatham crosses the bar, and finds the schooner jenny, from bristol, inside.--the discovery driven out to sea.--lieutenant broughton ascends the river with his boats, miles from its mouth.--point vancouver.--the cascades--the dalles.--the chutes or falls of the columbia.--mr. greenhow's criticism of lieutenant broughton's nomenclature.--lord stowell's definition of the mouth of a river.--extent of gray's researches.--the discovery of the columbia river a progressive discovery.--doctrine as to the discovery of a river, set up by the united states, denied by great britain. it is generally admitted that the first discovery of the locality where the oregon or great river of the west emptied itself into the sea, was made in , by d. bruno heceta, as he was coasting homewards to monterey, having parted with his companion bodega in about the th degree of north latitude. we find in consequence that in the charts published at mexico soon after his return, the inlet, which he named ensenada de la asuncion, is called ensenada de heceta, and the river which was supposed to empty itself there, is marked as the rio de san roque. the discovery however of this river by heceta was certainly the veriest shadow of a discovery, as will be evident from his own report, which mr. greenhow has annexed in the appendix to his work. having stated that on the th of august he discovered a large bay, to which he gave the name of the bay of the assumption, in about ° ' n. l., he proceeds to say, that having placed his ship nearly midway between the two capes which formed the extremities of the bay, he found the currents and eddies too strong for his vessel to contend with in safety. "these currents and eddies of water caused me to believe that the place is the mouth of some great river, or of some passage into another sea." in fact, heceta did not ascertain that the water of this current was not sea-water, and as he himself says, had little difficulty in conceiving that the inlet might be the same with the passage mentioned by de fuca, since he was satisfied no such straits as those described by de fuca existed between ° and °. although, however, the discovery of this river was so essentially imperfect, being attended by no exploration, as hardly to warrant the admission of it into charts which professed to be well authenticated, still its existence was believed upon the evidence which heceta's report furnished, and as subsequent examination has confirmed its existence, the spaniards seem warranted in claiming the credit of the discovery for their countryman. no further notice of this supposed river occurs until meares' voyage in the felice, in . meares, according to his published narrative, reached the bay of the river on july th, and steered into it, with every expectation of finding there, according to the spanish accounts, a good port. in this hope, however, he was disappointed, as breakers were observed, as he approached, extending across the bay. he in consequence gave to the northern headland the name of cape disappointment, and to the bay itself the title of deception bay. "we can now with safety assert," he writes, "that no such river as that of saint roc exists, as laid down in the spanish charts." meares had been led from these charts to expect that he should find a place of shelter for his ship at the mouth of this river, and heceta, in his plan, upon which the spanish charts were based, had supposed that there was a port there formed by an island: so that, as "it blew very strong in the offing, and a great westerly swell tumbled in on the land," it was not surprising that meares should have concluded, from there being no opening in the breakers, that there was no such port, and therefore no such river. there can be no doubt that the locality of the bay which meares reconnoitred was the locality of the ensenada de heceta; and on the other hand it cannot be gainsayed, that meares was right in concluding that there was _no such river_ as that of st. roque, as laid down in the spanish charts, for the context of meares' narrative explains the meaning of the word "such." meares states beforehand, that they were in expectation that the distant land beyond the promontory would prove to be "the cape st. roque of the spaniards, near which they _were said to have found a good port_." the river, then, of st. roque, such as it was laid down in spanish charts, was a river "near which was a good port," and the disappointment which meares handed down to posterity by the name which he gave to the promontory, was that of _not obtaining a place of shelter for his vessel_. meares, it must be remembered, was not in search of the straits of anian. he had already in the previous month of june ascertained the existence of the straits of juan de fuca, which he supposed might be one of the passages into hudson's bay: but he was in search of some harbour or port, where the ship could remain in safety, while the boats might be employed in exploring the coast. (voyage, p. .) such a harbour indeed deception bay most assuredly does not supply, and though baker's bay within the bar of the river affords on the north side a good and secure anchorage, yet, as lieut. broughton subsequently ascertained, "the heavy and confused swell that rolls in over the shallow entrance, and breaks in three fathoms water, renders the place between baker's bay and chinock point a very indifferent roadstead." mr. greenhow, (p. ,) in his observations on meares' voyage, writes thus: "yet, strange though it may appear, the commissioners appointed by the british government in , to treat with the plenipotentiary of the united states at london, on the subject of the claims of the respective parties to territories on the northwest side of america, insisted that meares on this occasion discovered the great river columbia, which actually enters the pacific at deception bay, and cite, in proof of their assertion, the very parts of the narrative above extracted," the substance of which has just been referred to. mr. greenhow, however, has attached rather too great an extent to the statement of the british commissioners, which is annexed to the protocol of the sixth conference, held at london, dec. th, . the documents relative to this negotiation have not as yet been published by the british government, but they were made known to the congress of the united states, with the message of president adams, on dec. , , and mr. greenhow has annexed the british statement in his appendix. "great britain," it is there said, "can show that in , that is, four years before gray entered _the mouth of the columbia river_, mr. meares, a lieutenant of the royal navy, who had been sent by the east india company on a trading expedition to the northwest coast of america, had already minutely explored the coast from the th to the th degree of north latitude; had taken formal possession of the straits of de fuca in the name of his sovereign; had purchased land, trafficked and formed treaties with the natives; and had actually entered _the bay of the columbia_, to the north headland of which he gave the name of cape disappointment, a name which it bears to this day." the language of this statement, it will be seen, is carefully worded, so as not to go beyond the actual facts narrated in meares' voyage; and further, on referring to the maps of the coasts and harbours which he visited, it continues, "in which every part of the coast in question, including _the bay of the columbia_ (_into which the log expressly states that meares entered_,) is minutely laid down, its delineation tallying in almost every particular with vancouver's subsequent survey, and with the description found in all the best maps of that part of the world adopted at this moment." the entry in meares' log-book is as follows: "july , lat. ° '; long. ° '; northerly; strong gales, a great sea. passed cape disappointment, _into deception bay_, and hauled out again, and passed quicksand bay, cape grenville, and cape look-out." there is, therefore, nothing strange in the view which the british commissioners really insisted upon, though it is strange that mr. greenhow should have misconstrued their statement, particularly as, in a paragraph almost immediately following, which will be referred to in full in its proper place, they readily admit that mr. gray, four years afterwards, "was the first to ascertain that this bay formed the outlet of a great river." the further examination of these coasts by british subjects was suspended for a short time, as already seen, by the interference of the spanish authorities. after, however, that spain had definitively abandoned her pretensions to exclusive rights along the entire northwest coast of america, as far as prince william's sound, and agreed, by the third article of the convention of , that occupation should be the test of territorial title, the british government judged it expedient "to ascertain with as much precision as possible the number, extent, and situation of any settlement which had been made within the limits of ° and ° north latitude by any european nation, and the time when such settlement was made. with this object, amongst others more immediately connected with the execution of the first article of the convention, captain george vancouver was despatched from deptford with two vessels on january , , and having wintered at the sandwich islands, where he was instructed to wait for further orders in reference to the restoration of the buildings and tracts of land, of which british subjects had been dispossessed at nootka, he arrived off the coast of america on april , , in about ° '. he had received special instructions to ascertain the direction and extent of all such considerable inlets, whether made by arms of the sea, or by the mouths of great rivers, which might be likely to lead to, or facilitate in any considerable degree, an intercourse, for the purposes of commerce, between the northwest coast and the country upon the opposite side of the continent, which are inhabited or occupied by his majesty's subjects;" but he was expressly required and directed "not to pursue any inlet or river further than it should appear to be navigable by vessels of such burden as might safely navigate the pacific ocean." (introduction to vancouver's voyage, p. xix.) having made a headland, which he supposed to be cape mendocino, vancouver directed his course northward, examining carefully the line of coast, and taking soundings as he proceeded. in about latitude ° ', longitude ° ', he remarked a low projecting headland, apparently composed of _black_ craggy rocks in the space between the woods and the wash of the sea, and covered with wood nearly to the edge of the surf, which, as forming a very conspicuous point, he distinguished by the name of cape orford. mr. greenhow has allowed his antipathy to vancouver to lead him into an erroneous statement in respect to this headland. vancouver (vol. i., p. , april , ) writes: "some of us were of opinion that this was the cape blanco of martin d'aguilar; its latitude, however, differed greatly from that in which cape blanco is placed by that navigator; and its _dark_ appearance, which might probably be occasioned by the haziness of the weather, did not seem to entitle it to the appellation of cape blanco." he afterwards goes on to say, that at noon, when cape orford was visible astern, nearly in the horizon, they had a projecting headland in sight on the westward, which he considered to be cape blanco. he here ranged along the coast, at the distance of about a league, in hope of discovering the asserted river of d'aguilar. "about three in the afternoon, we passed within a league of the cape above mentioned, and at about half that distance from some breakers that lie to the westward of it. this cape, though not so projecting a point as cape orford, is nevertheless a conspicuous one, particularly when seen from the north, being formed by a round hill, on high perpendicular cliffs, some of which are _white_, a considerable height from the level of the sea." it appeared to vancouver to correspond in several of its features with captain cook's description of cape gregory, though its latitude, which he determined to be ° ', did not agree with that assigned by captain cook to that headland; but he again states, that there was a "probability of its being also the cape blanco of d'aguilar, if land hereabouts the latter ever saw;" and that "a compact _white_ sandy beach commenced, where the rocky cliffs composing it terminate." mr. greenhow remarks: "near the d degree of latitude, they sought in vain for the river, which martin d'aguilar was said to have seen, entering the pacific thereabouts, in : and they appeared inclined to admit as identical with the cape blanco of that navigator, a _high, whitish_ promontory, in the latitude of ° ', to which, however, they did not scruple to assign the name of cape orford." had these observations been made in reference to cape gregory, the high cliffs of which are described by vancouver as _white_, they would have been intelligible; but, directed as they are by mr. greenhow against a headland which vancouver expressly describes as a "wedge-like, low, perpendicular cliff; composed of _black craggy rock_, with breakers upon sunken rocks about four miles distant, in soundings of forty-five fathoms, _black_ sandy bottom," they expose mr. greenhow himself to the charge of not being sufficiently scrupulous when assailing a writer, towards whom he confesses that he feels considerable animosity. having reached cape lookout, in ° ' n. l., vancouver examined with attention the portion of coast which meares had seen. about ten leagues to the north of this headland, the mountainous inland country descends suddenly to a moderate height, and were it not covered with lofty timber, might be deemed low land. noon, "on the th of april, brought them in sight of a conspicuous point of land, composed of a cluster of hummocks, moderately high, and projecting into the sea from the low land above mentioned. the hummocks are barren, and steep near the sea, but their tops thinly covered with wood. on the south side of this promontory was the appearance of _an inlet, or small river_, the land behind not indicating it to be of any great extent; nor did it seem accessible to vessels of our burden, as the breakers extended from the above point two or three miles into the ocean, until they joined those on the beach, three or four leagues further south. on reference to mr. meares' description of the coast south of this promontory, i was at first induced to believe it to be cape shoalwater; but on ascertaining its localities, i presumed it to be that which he calls cape disappointment, and the opening south of it deception bay. this cape was found to be in latitude of ° ', longitude ° ' east. the sea had now changed from its natural to _river-coloured_ water, the probable consequence of some streams falling into the bay, or into the opening north of it, through the low land. not considering this opening worthy of our attention, i continued our pursuit to the northwest, being desirous to embrace the advantages of the now-prevailing breeze and pleasant weather, so favourable to our examination of the coasts." the purport of vancouver's observations in the passage just cited will not be correctly appreciated, unless his instructions are kept in mind, which directed his attention exclusively to such inlets or rivers which should appear to be navigable to sea-going vessels, and be likely to facilitate in any considerable degree a communication with the northwest coast. vancouver seems to have advanced a step beyond heceta in observing the _river-coloured water_, and so determining the inlet not to be a strait of the sea; but he rightly decided that the opening in the north part of the bay was not worthy of attention, either in respect to his main object of discovering a water-communication with the northwest coast, or to the prospect of its affording a certain shelter to sea-going vessels. vancouver, as he approached de fuca's straits on th april, when off cape flattery, fell in with the merchant ship columbia, commanded by mr. robert gray, which had sailed from boston on the th sept., . captain gray had formerly commanded the washington, when that vessel and the columbia, commanded by captain john kendrick, visited nootka in . having given vancouver some information respecting de fuca's straits, he stated that he had "been off the mouth of a river in the latitude of ° ', where the outset, or reflux, was so strong as to prevent his entering it for nine days. this," continues vancouver, "was probably the opening passed by us on the forenoon of the th, and was apparently then inaccessible, not from the current, but from the breakers that extended across it." gray at this time had not succeeded in passing the bar at the mouth of the columbia. after parting from vancouver, he continued his course to the southward for the purposes of his summer trade. the extract from his own log-book, which mr. greenhow has inserted in his appendix, will furnish the best account of his proceedings:--"may th, at a.m. saw the entrance of our desired port bearing e.s.e., distance six leagues; in steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. at a.m., being a little to windward of the entrance into the harbour, bore away and run in e.n.e. between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms water. when we came over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered." in the british statement it is admitted that "mr. gray, finding himself in the bay formed by the discharge of the waters of the columbia into the pacific, was the first to ascertain that this bay formed the outlet of a great river--a discovery which had escaped lieutenant meares, when in , four years before, he entered the same bay." this passage has been quoted to show that the claim of captain gray to the honour of having first crossed the bar of the river has not been impeached by the british commissioners. he gave to the river the name of his own vessel, the columbia. the columbia remained at anchor on the th and th. on the th of may, gray weighed anchor, and stood up the river n.e. by e. the log-book of the columbia furnishes the following extract:-- "we found the channel very narrow. at p.m. we had sailed upwards of twelve or fifteen miles, when the channel was so very narrow that it was almost impossible to keep in it, having from three to eighteen fathoms water, sandy bottom. at half-past four the ship took ground, but she did not stay long before she came off; without any assistance. we backed her off stern-foremost into three fathoms, and let go the small bower, and moved ship with kedge and hawser. the jolly-boat was sent to sound the channel out, but found it not navigable any further up; _so of course we must have taken the wrong channel_. _so ends_, with rainy weather; many natives alongside." on the following day gray unmoored, and dropped down the river with the tide. on the th he made the latitude of the entrance to be ° ' north. on the th he succeeded, after some difficulty, in beating over the bar out to sea. this log-book, the authenticity of which is vouched for by mr. bulfinch, of boston, one of the owners of the columbia, affords the best evidence that captain gray's claim is limited to the discovery of the _mouth of the columbia_, a discovery different indeed _in degree_ from heceta's or vancouver's, and entitled to higher consideration, but not different _in kind_. it must be remembered that the problem to be solved was the discovery of the great river of the west, but this problem was surely not solved by gray, who expressly states that the channel which he explored was not navigable any further up than twelve or fifteen miles from the entrance; "so of course," he adds, "we must have taken the wrong channel." but such a description would hardly have convinced the world that gray had succeeded in discovering the great river, unless lieutenant broughton had subsequently succeeded in entering the right channel, and had explored its course for the distance of more than one hundred miles from the sea. but the reputation of this enterprising man needs no fictitious laurels. he was decidedly the first to solve the difficult question of their being a passage, such as it is, over the bar of the river. mr. greenhow, in commenting upon gray's discovery, observes, "had gray, after parting with the english ships, _not returned to the river_, and ascended it as he did, there is every reason to believe that it would have long remained unknown; for the assertion of vancouver, that no opening, harbour, or place of refuge for vessels was to be found between cape mendocino and the strait of fuca, and that this part of the coast formed one compact, solid, and nearly straight barrier against the sea, would have served completely _to overthrow the evidence of the american fur-trader_, and to prevent any further attempts to examine those shores, or even to approach them." now the evidence of the american fur-trader, _had he not returned to the river_, would have needed no vancouver to overthrow it, for it would have amounted to this, that gray had been off the mouth of a river for nine days, without being able to enter it; whereas vancouver's own statement would have been, that on the south side of cape disappointment there was the appearance of an inlet or small river, "which did not however seem accessible for vessels of our burthen," as breakers extended right across it. mr. greenhow misrepresents vancouver, when he states that meares' opinion was subscribed without qualification by vancouver, for vancouver carefully limits his opinion of the river to its being inaccessible to vessels of equal burthen with his own sloop of war, the discovery. gray, after entering the columbia, appears to have returned to nootka, and to have given to señor quadra, the spanish commandant, a sketch of the river. vancouver, having attempted in vain to conclude a satisfactory arrangement with quadra in respect to the fulfilment of the first article of the nootka convention, determined to re-examine the coast of new albion. with this object he sailed southward in the discovery, accompanied by the chatham and the dædalus. the dædalus having been left to explore gray's harbour in ° ', the discovery and chatham proceeded round cape disappointment, and the chatham, under lieutenant broughton, was directed to lead into the columbia river, and to signalize her consort if only four fathoms water should be found over the bar. the discovery followed the chatham, till vancouver found the water to shoal to three fathoms, with breakers all around, which induced him to haul off to the westward, and anchor outside the bar in ten fathoms. the chatham, in the meantime, cast anchor in the midst of the breakers, where she rode in four fathoms, with the surf breaking over her. "my former opinion," writes vancouver, "of this port being inaccessible to vessels of our burthen was now fully confirmed, with this exception, that in very fine weather, with moderate winds and a smooth sea, vessels not exceeding tons might, so far as we were able to judge, gain admittance." it may be observed that the vessels of the hudson's bay company, by which the commerce of this part of the country is almost exclusively carried on, do not exceed tons, and draw only fourteen feet water. captain wilkes, in the united states exploring expedition, vol. iv., p. , speaks of a vessel of from to tons, the lausanne, having navigated the columbia; on the other hand, the starling, which accompanied the sulphur exploring vessel, under captain belcher, in july, , left her rudder on the bar, and the american corvette, the peacock, which attempted to enter the river in july, , was lost in very fine weather, having been drifted amongst the breakers by the set of the current. when it is known that the vessels of the hudson's bay company have been obliged to lie-to off the mouth of the columbia for upwards of two months before they could venture to cross the bar, and that vessels have been detained inside the bar for upwards of six weeks, it must be acknowledged that vancouver's declaration of the probable character of the river has not fallen very wide of the mark. on the next day the chatham succeeded, with the flood-tide, in leading through the channel, and anchored in a tolerably snug cove inside cape disappointment; but the discovery, not having made so much way, was driven out by a strong ebb tide into fathoms water, where she anchored for the night, and on the following day was forced by a gale of wind to stand out to sea, and to abandon all hope of regaining the river. on the chatham rounding the inner point of cape disappointment, they were surprised to hear a gun fired from a vessel, which hoisted english colours, and proved to be the jenny, a small schooner of bristol, commanded by mr. james baker, which had sailed from nootka sound direct to england, before vancouver started. this cove or bay inside cape disappointment was in consequence named, by lieut. broughton, baker's bay, which name it retains, and it appeared from captain baker's account that this was not the first occasion of his entering the river, but that he had been there in the earlier part of the year. the chatham in the meantime proceeded up the inlet, and having in her course grounded for a short time on a shoal, anchored ultimately a little below the bay which had terminated gray's researches, to which gray had given his own name in his chart. the sketch of this, with which vancouver had been favoured by the spanish commandant at nootka, was found by broughton not to resemble much what it purported to represent, nor did it mark the shoal on which the chatham grounded, though it was an extensive one, lying in mid-channel. the bay, for instance, which lieut. broughton found to be not more than fifteen miles from cape disappointment, was, according to the sketch, thirty-six miles distant. broughton left the chatham here, and determined to pursue the further examination of the channel in the cutter and the launch. at the distance of about twenty-five miles from the sea, broughton found the stream narrow rather suddenly to about half a mile in breadth, which seemed to warrant him in considering the lower part, (the width of which was from three to seven miles,) to be a sound or inlet, and the true entrance of the river itself to commence from the point where it contracted itself. broughton continued his ascent for seven days, making but slow progress against a strong stream. at the end of that time he was obliged to return from want of provisions, having reached a point which he concluded to be about miles distant from the chatham's anchorage, and nearly from the sea. he was the more readily reconciled to the abandonment of any further examination, "because even thus far the river could hardly be considered as navigable for shipping." previously, however, to his departure, he formally "took possession of the river and the country in its vicinity in his britannic majesty's name, having every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilised nation or state had ever entered this river before." broughton had fallen in with large parties of indians in his ascent of the river, and had been kindly received by them. amongst these was a friendly old chief, who accompanied them almost throughout the voyage, and who assisted at the ceremony and drank his majesty's health on the occasion. it may be reasonably suspected that this worthy old chief would have as readily joined the next comers in drinking the health of the king of spain, or the president of the united states. from him broughton endeavoured to obtain further information respecting the upper country. "the little that could be understood was, that higher up the river, they would be prevented from passing by falls. this was explained by taking water up in his hands, and imitating the manner of its falling from rocks, pointing at the same time to the place where the river rises, indicating that its source in that direction would be found at a great distance." the furthest angle of the river which broughton reached was called by him point vancouver, and upon it stands in the present day fort vancouver, the chief establishment of the hudson's bay company. a little above this are the cascades, a series of falls and rapids extending more than half a mile, which form the limit of the tide-way; about thirty miles higher up are the dalles, where the river rushes rapidly between vast masses of rocks, and about four miles further are the _chutes_ or falls of the columbia, where the river first enters the gap in the cascade mountains, through which it finds its way to the ocean. lieutenant broughton, having occupied twelve days in the examination of the channel, prepared to join the discovery without delay; but for four days the surf broke across the passage of the bar with such violence, as to leave no apparent opening. at last he succeeded in beating out, the jenny schooner leading, as her commander mr. baker was better acquainted with the course of the channel, and after nearly losing their launch and the boat-keeper in the surf, they once more reached the open sea. such is the summary of the account, which may be perused in full in the second volume of vancouver's voyage. mr. greenhow (p. ) considers that the distinction which broughton and vancouver made "between the upper and lower portion of the columbia, is entirely destitute of foundation, and at variance with the principles of our whole geographical nomenclature. inlets and sounds," he continues, "are arms of the sea running up into the land, and their waters, being supplied from the sea, are necessarily salt; the waters of the columbia are on the contrary generally fresh and palatable within ten miles of the pacific, the violence and overbearing force of the current being sufficient to prevent the further ingress of the ocean. the question appears at first to be of no consequence: the following extract from vancouver's journal will, however, serve to show that the quibble was devised by the british navigators, with the unworthy object of depriving gray of the merits of his discovery:--'previously to his (broughton's) departure, he formally took possession of the river, and the country in its vicinity, in his britannic majesty's name, having every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilised nation or state had ever entered this river before. in this opinion he was confirmed by mr. gray's sketch, in which it does not appear that mr. gray either saw or ever was within five leagues of its entrance.' this unjust view has been adopted by the british government and writers, and also, doubtless from inadvertency, by some distinguished authors in the united states. it may, indeed, be considered fortunate for gray, that by communicating the particulars of his discoveries, as he did, to quadra, he secured an unimpeachable witness of his claims: had he not done so, the world would probably never have learned that a citizen of the united states was the first to enter the greatest river flowing from america into the pacific, and to find the only safe harbour on the long line of coast between port san francisco and the strait of fuca." mr. greenhow may be perfectly justified in disputing the propriety of lt. broughton's distinction. the words of the latter are,--"between the ocean and that which should properly be considered the entrance of the river, is a space from three to seven miles wide, intricate to navigate on account of the shoals that extend nearly from side to side, and it ought rather to be considered as _a sound_ than as constituting a part of the river, since the entrance into the river, which they reached about dark, was found not to be more than half a mile wide, formed by the contracting shores of the sound." it may fairly be admitted that the ordinary use of the terms "sound," or "inlet," warrants the verbal criticism of mr. greenhow, and that they are more usually employed to distinguish arms of the sea where there is no fresh water, or tideways outside the bars of rivers. lieutenant broughton, if we may judge from the context would have been more correct had he used the term "estuary" instead of "sound," for, "in common understanding," as lord stowell has observed, "the embouchure or mouth of a river is that spot where the river enters the open space to which the sea flows, and where the points of the coast project no further." (twee gebroeden, robinson's reports, p. .) at the same time, after a careful perusal of vancouver's journal, a protest must be entered against any reader of that work, particularly against one who occupies the position which mr. greenhow fills, attributing such motives to the british navigator, or insinuating such a probability as that gray's discovery would have been suppressed by vancouver, had not gray fortunately secured quadra as an unimpeachable witness to it. mr. greenhow's jealousy for the fame of his countryman may be excusable up to a certain point, but when he states that vancouver "did not hesitate to adopt unworthy means to deprive the americans of the reputation which they had justly earned by their labours in exploring, and to blacken their characters as individuals," he has allowed an unreasonable sensitiveness to hurry him into the commission of the very fault which he censures in others, and has laid himself open to the identical charge, mutatis mutandis, which he has set up against vancouver. had there been any _substantial_ misrepresentation on the part of vancouver in respect to what gray actually did discover, "a want of good faith" might have been reasonably imputed to him. happily, however, for vancouver's memory, the extract from the log-book of the columbia bears out all the facts which lieutenant broughton alleges as to the extent of gray's researches. "from this point," the latter says, alluding to a remarkable projecting point on the southern side, appearing like an island, a little above point george, to which the name of tongue point was given, "was seen the centre of a deep bay, lying at the distance of seven miles n. e. this bay terminated the researches of mr. gray; and to commemorate his discovery, it was called after him, gray's bay." "in mr. gray's sketch," broughton further informs us, "an anchor was placed in this bay," so that he does not attempt in any way to misrepresent the locality of the spot where gray's researches terminated. lieutenant broughton certainly denies the correctness of the sketch in respect to the distance of this bay from the entrance of the river. "it was not more," he writes, "than fifteen miles from cape disappointment, though according to the sketch it measures thirty-six miles." but the log-book itself confirms approximatively lieutenant broughton's statement, for it makes the distance of the spot where gray brought up his vessel to be about twenty-two or twenty-five miles from the entrance between the bars, and cape disappointment is six miles distant from the entrance, so that there must have been an error in the sketch, if we admit the accuracy of the log-book. the result of this inquiry seems fully to warrant the position which the british commissioners insisted on in - , that the discovery of the columbia river was _a progressive discovery_. heceta made the first step in , when he discovered the bay, and concluded that "the place was the mouth of some great river, or of some passage to another sea;" but heceta's report was not made public by the spanish authorities. meares, in , confirmed heceta's discovery of the bay, but impugned the correctness of the spanish charts, as to there being a river there with a good port; his voyages were published in london in . vancouver, having seen meares' account before he left england, examined the bay in april , and at that time came to the conclusion that, though there was river-coloured water in the bay, yet the opening was not worthy of attention, as being inaccessible to vessels of the same burden as the discovery: his account was published in . gray, in the may following, after having on a former occasion beat about in the bay for nine days ineffectually, succeeded on his second visit in passing the bar, and explored the estuary for more than twenty miles: the extract of his log-book, which relates the particulars, was not made public before . lieutenant broughton in the same year may be considered to have completed the discovery of the river, by ascending it for more than eighty miles above the limits of gray's researches, almost to the foot of the cascades, where the tide ceases to be felt: the particulars of this expedition were published in the nd vol. of vancouver's voyage, in . the plenipotentiary of the united states, mr. gallatin, on the other hand, repudiated the notion of gray's enterprise being considered as only a step in the progress of discovery, and maintained that the discovery of the river belonged exclusively to the united states; that quadra (or he should have said, heceta) had overlooked it; that meares had likewise failed, and vancouver had been not more fortunate; and that broughton's merit consisted merely in performing with fidelity the mechanical duty of taking the soundings miles up its course. upon the fact of this asserted first discovery in , followed by the settlement of astoria in , mr. rush, announced, for the first time, in , "that the united states claimed in their own right, and in their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country west of the rocky mountains from the d to at least as far up as the st degree of north latitude." "it had been ascertained that the columbia extended by the river multnomah to as low as degrees north, and by clarke's river to a point as high up as degrees, if not beyond that point; and to this entire range of country, contiguous to the original dominions, and made a part of it by the almost intermingling waters of each, the united states," he said, "considered their title as established, by all the principles that had ever been applied on this subject by the powers of europe to settlements in the american hemisphere. i asserted," he continued, "that a nation discovering a country, by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of such principal river, and its tributary streams." great britain formally entered her dissent to such a claim, denying that such a principle or usage had been ever recognised amongst the nations of europe, or that the expedition of captain gray, being one of a purely mercantile character, was entitled to carry with it such important national consequences, (british and foreign state papers, - .) in the subsequent discussions of - , great britain considered it equally due to herself and to other powers to renew her protest against the doctrine of the united states, whilst on the other hand the united states continued to maintain, that gray's discovery of the columbia river gave, by the acknowledged law and usage of nations, a right to the whole country drained by that river and its tributary streams. haying now passed in review the main facts connected with the discovery and occupation of the oregon territory, we may proceed to consider the general principles of international law which regulate territorial title. chapter vii. on the acquisition of territory by occupation. connexion of the sovereignty of a nation with the domain.--vattel. the sovereignty and eminent domain (dominium eminens) attend on settlement by a nation.--settlement by an individual limited to the acquisition of the useful domain (dominium utile.) a nation may occupy a country by its agents, as by settling a colony. kluber's droits des gens.--the occupation must be the act of the state.--occupation constitutes a perfect title.--bracton de legibus.--wolff's jus gentium.--acts accessorial to occupation, such as discovery, settlement, &c., create only an imperfect title. "when a nation takes possession of a country to which no prior owner can lay claim, it is considered as acquiring the _empire_ or sovereignty over it, at the same time with the _domain_. for, since the nation is free and independent, it can have no intention, in settling in a country, to leave to others the rights of command, or any of those rights that constitute sovereignty. the whole space over which a nation extends its government, becomes the seat of its jurisdiction, and is called its _territory_." (vattel, b. i., § .) the acquisition of sovereignty, therefore, attends as a necessary consequence upon the establishment of a nation in a country. but a nation may establish itself in a country, either by immigration in a body, or by sending forth a colony; and when a nation takes possession of a vacant country, and settles a colony there, "that country, though separated from the principal establishment or mother country, naturally becomes a part of the state, equally with its ancient possessions." (vattel, b. i., § .) the right of _domain_ in a nation corresponds to the right of _property_ in an individual. but every nation that governs itself by its own authority and laws, without dependence on any foreign power, is a sovereign state; and when it acts as a nation, it acts in a sovereign capacity. when a nation therefore occupies a vacant country, it imports its sovereignty with it, and its sovereignty entitles it not merely to a disposing power over all the property within it, which is termed its eminent domain, but likewise to an exclusive right of command in all places of the country which it has taken possession of. in this respect, then, a nation differs from an individual, that, although an independent individual may settle in a country which he finds without an owner, and there possess an independent domain (the dominium utile, as distinguished from the dominium eminens,) yet he cannot arrogate to himself an exclusive right to the country, or to the empire over it. his occupation of it would be, as against other nations, rash and ridiculous (vattel, b. ii., § ;) and it would be termed, in the language of the jus gentium, a "temeraria occupatio, quæ nullum juris effectum parere potest," (wolffii jus gentium, § .) a nation, however, may delegate its sovereign authority to one or more of its members for the occupation of a vacant country, equally as for other purposes, where it cannot act in a body; in such cases the practice of nations allows it to be represented by an agent. thus the right of settling a colony is a right of occupation by an agent. the colonists represent the nation which has sent them forth, and occupy their new country in the name of the mother country. but the colonists must be sent forth _by the public authority of the nation_, otherwise they will possess no national character, but will be considered to be a body of _emigrants_, who have abandoned their country. thus, kluber, in his "droit des gens modernes de l'europe:"--"un état peut acquérir des choses qui n'appartiennent à personne (_res nullius_) par l'occupation (originaire;) les biens d'autrui au moyen de conventions (occupation dérivative.).... pour que _l'occupation_ soit légitime, la chose dolt être susceptible d'une propriété exclusive; elle ne doit appartenir à personne; _l'état doit avoir l'intention d'en acquérir la propriété, et en prendre possession_ (the state ought to have an intention to acquire the right of property in it, and to take possession of it;) c'est à dire, la mettre entièrement à sa disposition et dans son pouvoir physique." _occupation_, then, in this sense of the word, denotes the taking possession of a territory previously vacant, which has either always been unoccupied, or, if ever occupied, has been since abandoned. it constitutes a perfect title, and its foundation may be referred to an axiom of natural law: "quod enim ante nullius est, id ratione naturali occupanti conceditur." (dig. l. , d. de acq. rer. dom.) this principle, engrafted into the roman law, was as fully recognised by bracton and by fleta:--"jure autem gentium sive naturali dominia rerum acquiruntur multis modis. imprimis, per occupationem eorum, quæ non sunt in bonis alicujus, et quæ nunc sunt ipsius regis de jure civili, et non communia ut olim." (bracton de leg., l. ii., c. .) amongst professed writers upon international law, wolff, who is justly considered as the founder of the science, and who, in his voluminous writings, furnished the stores out of which vattel compiled his "law of nations," has set forth so clearly this principle, as that upon which title by occupation is based, that his words may be quoted from luzac's french translation of his "institutions du droit de la nature et des gens:"-- "on appelle _occupation_, un fait par lequel quelqu'un déclare qu'une chose qui n'est à personne doit être à lui, et la réduit en tel état qu'elle peut être sa chose. il paraît de là, que le droit d'occuper une chose, ou de s'en emparer, appartient naturellement à chacun indifféremment, ou bien que c'est un droit commun de tous les hommes, et comme on appelle manière primitive d'acquérir, celle par laquelle on acquiert le domaine d'une chose qui n'est à personne, il s'ensuit que _l'occupation est la manière primitive d'acquérir_." (part ii., ch. ii., § ccx.) as, however, the term _occupation_ has come to signify in common parlance rather a temporary holding than a permanent possession,--e. g., the occupation of ancona by the french, the occupation of lisbon by the english, the occupation of the four legations by the austrians, there is an inconvenience in its ambiguity, and from this circumstance it has resulted, that _occupancy_ is frequently employed to designate what is, properly speaking, occupation. this however is to be regretted, as the word occupancy is required in its own sense to mark the right to take possession, as distinct from the right to keep possession,--the _jus possidendi_ from the _jus possessionis_,--the _jus ad rem_, as civilians would say, from the _jus in re_. thus the right of a nation to colonise a given territory to the exclusion of other nations is a right of _occupancy_; the right of the colonists to exclude foreigners from their settlements would be a right of _occupation_. mr. wheaton, in his elements of international law, (l. i., chap. iv., p. ,) says, "the exclusive right of every independent state to its territory and other property is founded upon the title originally acquired by _occupancy_, and subsequently confirmed by the presumption arising from the lapse of time, or by treaties and other compacts of foreign states." it may be gathered from these writers, that to constitute a valid territorial title by occupation, the territory must be previously vacant (_res nullius_,) and the _state_ must intend to take and maintain possession: and that the vacancy of the territory may be presumed from the absence of inhabitants, and will be placed beyond question by the acquiescence of other nations. if those conditions are fulfilled, the proprietary title which results is _a perfect title against all other nations_. there are however several acts, that are accessorial to occupation, which do not separately constitute a perfect title. such acts are discovery, settlement, demarcation. thus, discovery, may not be accompanied with any intention to occupy, or may not be followed up by any act of occupation within a reasonable time; settlement may be effected in territory not vacant; boundaries may be marked out which encroach upon the territory of others; so that acts of this kind will, separately, only found an imperfect or conditional title: their combination, however, under given circumstances, may establish an absolute and perfect title. chapter viii. on title by discovery. discovery not recognised by the roman law.--wolff.--the discovery must be notified.--illustration of the principle in reference to nootka sound.--vattel.--discovery must be by virtue of a commission from the sovereign.--must not be a transient act.--martens' précis du droit des gens.--kluber.--bynkershoek.--mr wheaton.--practice of nations.--queen elizabeth.--negotiations between great britain and the united states, in .--nootka sound controversy.--discussions between the united states and russia, in .--declaration of british commissioners, in .--mr. gallatin's view.--conditions attached to discovery.--no second discovery.--wolff.--lord stowell.--progressive discovery.--dormant discoveries inoperative for title. among the acts which are accessorial to occupation, the chief is discovery. the title, however, which results from discovery, is only an imperfect title. it is not recognised in the roman law, nor has it a place in the systems of grotius or puffendorff. the principle, however, upon which it is based is noticed by wolff:-- "pareillement, si quelqu'un renferme un fonds de terre dans des limites, ou la destine à quelque usage par un acte non passager, ou qui, se tenant sur ce fonds limité, il dise en présence d'autres hommes, qu'il veut que ce fonds soit à lui, il s'empare." (institutes du droit des gens, § .) to this passage m. luzac has appended the following note, pointing out the application of the principle to international relations:-- "nous ne trouvons pas cette occupation dans le droit romain. c'est sur elle que sont fondés les droits que les puissances s'attribuent, en vertu des découvertes." it will be seen from the text of m. wolff, that the intention to take possession at the time of discovery must be declared. the comity of nations, then, presumes that the execution will follow the intention. but the reason of the thing requires that the discovery should be notified at the time when it takes place, otherwise, where actual possession has not ensued, the presumption will be altogether against a discovery, or if there had been a discovery, that it was a mere passing act, that the territory was never taken possession of, or if so, was abandoned immediately. unless then the intention to appropriate can be presumed from the announcement of the discovery, which the comity of nations will respect,--if the first comer has not taken actual possession, but has passed on, the presumption will be that he never intended to appropriate the territory. thus a discovery, when it has been concealed from other nations, has never been recognised as a good title: it is an inoperative act. a case in point may be cited to illustrate the application of this principle. mr. greenhow (p. ) observes, in reference to the voyage of perez in ,--"the government of spain perhaps acted wisely in concealing the accounts of this expedition, which reflected little honour on the courage or the science of the navigators: but it has thereby deprived itself of the means of establishing beyond question the claim of perez to the discovery of the important harbour called nootka sound, which is now, by general consent, assigned to captain cook." vattel (b. i., l. xviii., § ) discusses this title at large:-- "all mankind have an equal right to things that have not yet fallen into the possession of any one, and those things belong to the person who first takes possession of them. when therefore a nation finds a country uninhabited, and without an owner, it may lawfully take possession of it, and _after it has sufficiently made known its will in this respect_, it cannot be deprived of it by another nation. thus navigators going on voyages of discovery, furnished _with a commission from their sovereign_, and meeting with islands or other lands in a desert state, have taken possession of them in the name of the nation; and this title has been usually respected, provided it was soon after followed by a real possession." according to this statement, the act of discovery must be sanctioned by a commission from the sovereign, and the will of the nation to take possession must be by its agent sufficiently made known. what acts should be respected by the courtesy of nations, and be held sufficient to make known formally the will of a nation to avail itself of a discovery, has been a subject of much dispute. the tendency, however, both of writers and statesmen, has been to limit rather than to extend the title by discovery, ever since the papal bulls of the th century enlarged it to an inconvenient extent, to the exclusive benefit of two favoured nations. thus vattel:--"the law of nations will, therefore, not acknowledge the property and sovereignty of a nation over any uninhabited countries except those of which it has really taken actual possession, in which it has formed settlements, or of which it makes actual use. in effect, when navigators have met with desert countries in which those of other nations had, in their transient visits, erected some monuments to show their having taken possession of them, they have paid as little regard to that empty ceremony as to the regulation of the popes, who divided a great part of the world between the crowns of castile and portugal." to the same purport, martens, in his précis du droit des gens, § :-- "supposé que l'occupation soit possible, it faut encore qu'elle ait eu lieu effectivement,--que le fait de la prise de possession ait concouru avec la volonté manifeste de s'en approprier l'objet. la simple déclaration de volonté d'une nation ne suffit pas non plus qu'une donation papale, ou une convention entre deux nations pour imposer à d'autres le devoir de s'abstenir de l'usage ou de l'occupation de l'objet en question. le simple fait d'avoir été le premier à découvrir ou à visiter une île, &c., abandonnée ensuite, semble insuffisant, même de l'aveu des nations, tant qu'on n'a point laissé de traces permanentes de possession et de volonté, et ce n'est pas sans raison qu'on a souvent disputé entre les nations, comme entre les philosophes, si des croix, des poteaux, des inscriptions, &c., suffisent pour acquérir ou pour conserver la propriété exclusive d'un pays qu'on ne cultive pas." kluber, to the same effect, writes thus: (§ )--"pour acquérir une chose par le moyen de l'occupation, il ne suffit point d'en avoir seulement l'intention, ou de s'attribuer une possession purement mentale; la déclaration même de vouloir occuper, faite antérieurement à l'occupation effectuée par un autre, ne suffirait pas. il faut qu'on ait réellement occupé le premier, et c'est par cela seul qu'en acquérant un droit exclusif sur la chose, on impose à tout tiers l'obligation de s'en abstenir. l'occupation d'une partie inhabitée et sans maître du globe de la terre, ne peut donc s'étendre plus loin qu'on ne peut tenir pour constant qu'il y ait eu _effectivement prise de possession, dans l'intention de s'attribuer la propriété_. comme preuves d'une pareille prise de possession, ainsi que de la continuation de la possession en propriété, peuvent servir tous les signes extérieurs qui marquent l'occupation et la possession continue." on this passage there is the following note:--"le droit de propriété d'état peut, d'après le droit des gens, continuer d'exister, sans que l'état continue la possession corporelle. il suffit qu'il existe un signe qui dit, que la chose n'est ni _res nullius_, ni délaissée. en pareil cas personne ne saurait s'approprier la chose, sans ravir de fait, à celui qui l'a possédée jusqu'alors en propriété, ce qu'il y a opéré de son influence d'une manière légitime: enlever ceci ce serait blesser le droit du propriétaire." it would be difficult to determine theoretically what would constitute a sufficient sign that the territory is not vacant, or abandoned. bynkershoek, who was opposed to the continuance of proprietary right from discovery, unless corporeal possession was maintained, subsequently qualified his view. "præter animum possessionem desidero, sed qualemcunque, quæ probet, me nec corpore desiisse possidere." (de dominio maris, ch. i., de origine dominii.) mr. wheaton, in his work on international law, (vol. i., ch. iv., § ,) writes thus:--"the claim of european nations to the possessions held by them in the new world discovered by columbus and other adventurers, and to the territories which they have acquired on the continents and islands of africa and asia, was originally derived from discovery or conquest and colonisation, and has since been confirmed in the same manner by positive compact." the practice of nations seems fully to bear out the theory of jurists, as it may be gathered from the language of sovereigns and statesmen. thus, in reference to the northwest coast of america, on occasion of the earliest dispute between the crowns of spain and england, queen elizabeth refused to admit the exclusive pretensions of the spaniards. when mendoza, the spanish ambassador, remonstrated against the expedition of drake, she replied, "that she did not understand why either her subjects, or those of any other european prince, should be debarred from traffic in the indies: that, as she did not acknowledge the spaniards to have any title by donation of the bishop of rome, so she knew no right they had to any places other than those they were in actual possession of; for that their having touched only here and there upon a coast, and given names to a few rivers or capes, were such insignificant things as could in no ways entitle them to a propriety further than in the parts where they actually settled, and continued to inhabit." (camden's annals, anno .) such was the language of the crown of england in the sixteenth century, and in no respect is the language of great britain altered in the present day. thus, in reference to the negotiations between great britain and the united states, in , mr. rush, in a letter to mr. adams, of august , , writes thus:--"as to the alleged prior discoveries of spain all along that coast, britain did not admit them, but with great qualification. she could never admit that the mere fact of spanish navigators having first seen the coast at particular points, even where this was capable of being substantiated as the fact, without any subsequent or efficient acts of sovereignty or settlement following on the part of spain, was sufficient to exclude all other nations from that portion of the globe." (state papers, - , p. .) but the spanish crown itself, on the occasion of the nootka sound controversy, felt that a claim to exclusive territorial title could not be reasonably maintained on the plea of mere discovery. thus, in the declaration of his catholic majesty, on june , , which was transmitted to all the european courts, and consequently bound the crown of spain in the face of all nations, the following precise language was employed:-- "nevertheless, the king does deny what the enemies to peace have industriously circulated, that spain extends pretensions and rights of sovereignty over the whole of the south sea, as far as china. when the words are made use of, 'in the name of the king, his sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce to the continent and islands of the south sea,' it is the manner in which spain, in speaking of the indies, has always used these words,--that is to say, to the continent, islands, and seas which belong to his majesty, _so far as discoveries have been made and secured to him by treaties and immemorial possession, and uniformly acquiesced in_, notwithstanding some infringements by individuals, who have been punished upon knowledge of their offences. and the king sets up no pretensions to any possessions, the right to which he cannot prove by irrefragable titles." the pretensions of spain to absolute sovereignty, commerce, and navigation, had already been rejected by the british government, and they had insisted that english subjects, trading under the british flag, "have an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery; and to the possession of such establishments as they should form, _with the consent of the natives of the country, not previously occupied by any of the european nations_." again, the crown of spain, in demanding assistance from france, according to the engagements of the family compact, rested her supposed title upon "treaties, demarcations, _takings of possession_, and the most decided acts of sovereignty exercised by the spaniards from the reign of charles ii., and authorised by that monarch in ." it will thus be seen that spain, in setting up a title by discovery, supported her claims by alleging that the act was authorised by the crown, was attended with "takings of possession," and was confirmed by treaties, e. g., that of utrecht. to a similar purport, in the discussions which took place between russia and the united states of america, in respect to the north-west coast of america, which ultimately resulted in the convention signed at st. petersburgh, / april, , the chevalier de poletica, the russian minister at washington, in his letter of th february, , to the american secretary of state, grounded the claims of russia upon these three bases, as required by the general law of nations and immemorial usage among nations:--"the title of first discovery; the title of first occupation; and, in the last place, that which results from a peaceable and uncontested possession of more than half a century." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) to a similar purport the british commissioners, messrs. huskisson and addington, in the sixth conference held at london, december , , maintained this doctrine:--"upon the question how far prior discovery constitutes a legal claim to sovereignty, the law of nations is somewhat vague and undefined. it is, however, admitted by the most approved writers, that mere accidental discovery, unattended by exploration--by formally taking possession in the name of the discoverer's sovereign--by occupation and settlement, more or less permanent--by purchase of the territory, or receiving the sovereignty from the natives--constitutes the lowest degree of title; and that it is only in proportion as first discovery is followed by any or all of these acts, that such title is strengthened and confirmed." in accordance with the same view, the plenipotentiary of the united states, mr. gallatin, in his counter-statement, which mr. greenhow has appended to the second edition of his work, asserts that "prior discovery gives a right to occupy, provided that occupancy take place within a reasonable time, and is followed by permanent settlements and by the cultivation of the soil." it thus seems to be universally acknowledged, that discovery, though it gives a right of occupancy, does not found the same perfect and exclusive title which grows out of occupation; and that unless discovery be followed within a reasonable time by some sort of settlement, it will be presumed either to have been originally inoperative, or to have been subsequently abandoned. it seems likewise to be fully recognised by the law of nations, as based upon principles of natural law, and as gathered from the language of negotiations and conventions, that in order that discovery should constitute an inchoate title to territory, it must have been authorised by the sovereign power, must have been accompanied by some act of taking possession significative of the intention to occupy, and must have been made known to other nations. thus lord stowell (in the fama, rob. p. ) lays it down, that "even in newly discovered countries, _where a title is meant to be established_ for the first time, some act of possession is usually done and proclaimed as a _notification of the fact_." there can be no second discovery of a country. in this respect title by discovery differs from title by settlement. a title by a later settlement may be set up against a title by an earlier settlement, even where this has been formed by the first occupant, if the earlier settlement can be shown to have been abandoned. m. wolff explains the reason of this very clearly (§ cciii.:)--"on dit qu'une chose est abandonnée, si simplement son maître ne veut pas qu'elle soit plus long temps sienne, c'est à dire, que l'acte de sa volonté ne contienne rien de plus que ceci, que la chose ne doit plus être à lui. d'où il paroit, que celui qui abandonne une chose cesse d'en être le maître, et que par conséquent une chose abandonnée devient une chose qui n'est à personne; mais qu'aussi long temps que le maître n'a pas l'intention d'abandonner sa chose, il en reste le maître." the same writer observes elsewhere (§ mcmxxxix.)--"l'abandon requis pour l'usucaption, et pour la préscription qui en est la suite, ne se présume pas aussi aisément contre les nations qu'entre les particuliers, à cause d'un long silence." a title by second discovery cannot, from the nature of the thing, be set up against a title by first discovery. the term _second discovery_ itself involves a contradiction, and where the discovery has been progressive, "further discovery" would seem to be the more correct phrase. a case can certainly be imagined, where a later discovery may be entitled to greater consideration than a prior discovery, namely, where the prior discovery has been kept secret; but in such a case the prior discovery is not a discovery which the law of nations recognises, for it has not been made known, at the time when it took place, to other nations; and the inconvenience which would attend the setting up of claims of discovery long subsequently to the event upon which they are professed to be based, would be so great, that the comity of nations does not admit it. the comity of nations, indeed, in sanctioning title by discovery at all, as distinct from title by occupation, has sought to strengthen rather than to impugn the proprietary right of nations; but no territorial title would be safe from question, if the dormant ashes of alleged discoveries might at any time be raked up. chapter ix. title by settlement. title by settlement an imperfect title.--presumption of law in its favour.--made perfect by undisturbed possession.--wheaton.--title by usucaption or prescription.--vattel.--acquiescence a bar to conflicting title of discovery.--hudson's bay settlements.--treaty of utrecht.--the vicinitas of the roman law.--mid-channel of rivers.--contiguity, as between conterminous states, a reciprocal title.--negotiations between spain and the united states of america.--vattel.--territorial limits extended by the necessity of the case.--right of maritime jurisdiction, how far accessorial to right of territory.--right of pre-emption.--new zealand.--north american indians.--right of innocent use. title by settlement, like title by discovery, is of itself an imperfect title, and its validity will be conditional upon the territory being vacant at the time of the settlement, either as never having been occupied, or as having been abandoned by the previous occupant. in the former case, it resolves itself into title by occupation; in the latter, the consent of the previous occupant is either expressed by some convention, or presumed from the possession remaining undisputed. title by settlement, however, differs from title by discovery, or title by occupation, in this respect,--that no second discovery, no second occupation can take place, but a series of settlements may have been successively made and in their turn abandoned, so that the last settlement, when confirmed by a certain prescription, may found a good territorial title. again, the presumption of law will always be in favour of a title by settlement. "commodum possidentis in eo est, quod etiamsi ejus res non sit, qui possidet, si modo actor non potuerit suam esse probare, remanet in suo loco possessio; propter quam causam, cum obscura sint utriusque jura contra petitorem judicari solet." (inst., l. iv., tit. , § .) where title by settlement is superadded to title by discovery, the law of nations will acknowledge the settlers to have a perfect title; but where title by settlement is opposed to title by discovery, although no convention can be cited in proof of the discovery having been waived, still, a tacit acquiescence on the part of the nation that asserts the discovery, during a reasonable lapse of time since the settlement has taken place, will bar its claim to disturb the settlement. thus, mr. wheaton (part ii., chap. iv., § ) writes:--"the constant and approved practice of nations shows, that by whatever name it be called, the uninterrupted possession of territory or other property, for a certain length of time, by one state, excludes the claim of every other, in the same manner as by the law of nations, and the municipal code of every civilized nation, a similar possession by an individual excludes the claim of every other person to the article of property in question. this rule is founded upon the supposition, confirmed by constant experience, that every person will naturally seek to enjoy that which belongs to him; and the inference fairly to be drawn from his silence and neglect, of the original defect of his title, or his intention to relinquish it." title, then, by settlement, though originally imperfect, may be thus perfected by enjoyment during a reasonable lapse of time, the presumption of law from undisturbed possession being, that there is no prior owner, because there is no claimant,--no better proprietary right, because there is no asserted right. the silence of other parties presumes their acquiescence: and their acquiescence presumes a defect of title on their part, or an abandonment of their title. a title once abandoned, whether tacitly or expressly, cannot be resumed. "celui qui abandonne une chose cesse d'en être le maître, et par conséquent une chose abandonnée devient une chose qui n'est à personne." (wolff, cciii.) title by settlement, then, as distinguished from title by discovery, when set up as a perfect title, must resolve itself into title by _usucaption_ or _prescription_. wolff defines usucaption to be an acquisition of domain founded on a presumed desertion. vattel says it is the acquisition of domain founded on long possession, uninterrupted and undisputed, that is to say, an acquisition solely proved by this possession. _prescription_, on the other hand, according to the same author, is the exclusion of all pretensions to a right--an exclusion founded on the length of time during which that right has been neglected; or, according to wolff's definition, it is the loss of an inherent right by virtue of a presumed consent. vattel, writing in french, and observing that the word usucaption was but little used in that language, made use of the word _prescription_ whenever there were no particular reasons for employing the other. the same remark may be applied in reference to our own language, and thus this title is generally spoken of as _title by prescription_. what lapse of time is requisite to found a valid title by prescription has not been definitely settled. the law of nature suggests no rule. where, however, the claimant cannot allege undoubted ignorance on his part, or on the part of those from whom he derives his right, or cannot justify his silence by lawful and substantial reasons, or has neglected his right for a sufficient number of years as to allow the respective rights of the two parties to become doubtful, the presumption of relinquishment will be established against him, and he will be excluded by ordinary prescription. lapse of time, in the case equally of nations as of individuals, robs the parties of the means of proof: so that if a _bonâ fide_ possession were allowed to be questioned by those who have acquiesced for a long time in its enjoyment by the possessors, length of possession, instead of strengthening, would weaken territorial title. this result would be so generally inconvenient, as to be inadmissible. thus, in regard to the territories of the hudson's bay company, it was alleged in the negotiations preliminary to the treaty of utrecht, that the french had acquiesced in the settlement of the bay of hudson by the company incorporated by charles ii. in ; since m. fontenac, the governor of canada, in his correspondence with mr. baily, who was governor of the factories in , never complained, "for several years, of any pretended injury done to the french by the said company's settling a trade and building of forts at the bottom of the bay." (general collection of treaties, &c. london, - , vol. i., p. .) the king of england, it is true, in his charter had set forth the title of the british crown, as founded on discovery: the title by discovery, however, required to be perfected by settlement; and thus, in the negotiations, the subsidiary title by settlement was likewise set up by the british commissioners, and the acquiescence of the french was alleged, either as a bar to their setting up any conflicting title by discovery, or as establishing the presumption of their having abandoned their asserted right of discovery. what amount of _contiguous_ territory attaches to a settlement, so as to prevent the titles of two nations from conflicting by virtue of adjoining settlements, seems to be governed by no fixed rule, but must depend on the circumstances of the case. vattel observes (l. ii., § ,) "if, at the same time, two or more nations discover and take possession of an island, or _any other desert land without an owner_, they ought to agree between themselves, and make an equitable partition; but, if they cannot agree, each will have the right of empire and the domain in the parts in which they first settled." the title of _vicinitas_ was recognised in the roman law, in the case of recent alluvial deposits, as entitling the possessor of the adjoining bank to a claim of property; but, if it were an island formed in the mid-channel, there was a common title to it in the proprietors of the two banks. "insula nata in flumine, quod frequenter accidit, si quidem mediam partem fluminis tenet, communis est eorum, qui ab utraque parte fluminis prope ripam prædia possident, pro modo latitudinis cujusque fundi, quæ latitudo prope ripam sit: quod si alteri parti proximior est, eorum est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope ripam prædia possident." (inst. ii., tit. i., § .) so, in the case where a river abandons its former channel, the ancient bed belongs to those "qui prope ripam prædia possident;" and in the digest (xli., tit. i., l. ,) we have a case supposed where a river has changed its course, and occupied for a time the entire property (totum agrum) of an individual, and then deserted its new channel: the roman law did not consider that, strictly speaking, the title of the former proprietor revived, inasmuch as he had no adjoining land. "cujus tamen _totum agrum_ novus alveus occupaverit, licet ad priorem alveum reversum fuerit flumen; non tamen is, cujus is ager fuerat, stricta ratione quicquam in eo alveo habere potest: quia et ille ager, qui fuerat, desiit esse, amissâ propriâ formâ: et quia vicinum prædium nullum habet, non potest _ratione vicinitatis_ ullam partem in eo alveo habere." again, in the case of a river, the banks of which are possessed by contiguous states, the presumption of law is, that the _thalweg_, or mid-channel, is the mutual boundary; since rivers are, in the case of conterminous states, _communis juris_, unless acknowledged by them to be otherwise, or prescribed for by one of the parties. "the general presumption," observes lord stowell, (in the twee gebroeders, rob., p. ,) "certainly bears strongly against such exclusive rights, and the title is matter to be established on the part of those claiming under it, in the same manner as all other demands are to be substantiated, by clear and competent evidence." a title by contiguity, as between conterminous states, would thus appear to be a reciprocal title: it cannot be advanced by one party, excepting as a principle which sanctions a corresponding right in the other. the practice is in accordance with this. thus, the united states of america, in its discussions with spain respecting the western boundary of louisiana, contended, that "whenever one european nation makes a discovery, and takes possession of any portion of that continent (sc., of america,) and another afterwards does the same at some distance from it, where the boundary between them is not determined by the principle above mentioned, (sc., actual possession of the sea-coast,) the middle distance becomes such of course." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) circumstances however will sometimes create exceptions, as for instance, where the control of a district left unoccupied is necessary for the security of a state, and not essential to that of another: in this case the principle of _vicinitas_ would be overruled by higher considerations, as it would interfere with the perfect enjoyment of existing rights of established domain. thus vattel, l. i., § . "a nation may appropriate to herself those things of which the free and common use would be prejudicial or dangerous to her. this is a second reason for which governments extend their dominion over the sea along their coasts, as far as they are able to protect their rights. it is of considerable importance to the safety and welfare of the state that a general liberty be not allowed to all comers to approach so near their possessions, especially with ships of war, as to hinder the approach of trading nations, and molest their navigation." and again, after stating that it was not easy to determine strictly the limits of this right, he goes on to say: "each state may, on this head, make what regulation it pleases so far as respects the transactions of the citizens with each other, or their concerns with their sovereign, but, between nation and nation, all that can reasonably be said is, that in general, the dominion of the state over the neighboring sea extends as far as her safety _renders it necessary_ and her power is able to assert it; since on the one hand she cannot appropriate to herself a thing that is common to all mankind, such as the sea, except so far as she _has need of it for some lawful end_, and on the other, it would be a vain and ridiculous pretension to claim a right which she were wholly unable to assert." at present, by the general law of nations, the possession of the coast is held to entitle a nation to exclusive jurisdiction over the adjoining seas to the extent of a marine league, as being necessary for the free execution of her own municipal laws, and as being within the limits which she can command by her cannon. on the ground then of her own right of self-preservation, a nation which has made a settlement may possess a perfect right of excluding other nations from settling within a given distance. this right, however, is evidently an accessory of the right of settlement. a further accessorial right of settlement has, in modern times, been recognised by the practice of civilised nations in both hemispheres, namely, a right of pre-emption from the aboriginal inhabitants in favor of the nation which has actually settled in the country. it is this right which great britain asserts against all other civilised nations in respect to new zealand, and which the united states of america assert against all other civilised nations in respect to the native indians. the claim involved in it is evidently based upon the principle, that the acquisition of such territory by any other nation would be prejudicial to the full enjoyment of the existing territorial rights of the nation which has made settlement there. such seems to be the only recognised ground upon which a _perfect right of contiguity_ can be set up. the principle of mere vicinity in the case of nations, unless strictly limited, will only result in furnishing a graceful pretext for the encroachments of the strong upon the weak, whenever a powerful state should cast a longing eye upon an adjoining district, and feel a natural inclination to render its own possessions more complete: oh si angulus ille proximus accedat, qui nunc deformat agellum. the right of _innocent use_ seems to have been admitted into the code of international law in order to obviate the strength of this temptation, but it is only an imperfect right, unlike that of necessity, and all attempts to construct a title upon principles of convenience can result only in imperfect titles, which require the express acknowledgment of other nations to give them validity. chapter x. on derivative title. title by conquest.--title by convention.--vattel--martens.--wheaton.--the practice of nations.--united states.--great britain.--kent's commentaries.--mixed conventions.--the fisheries of newfoundland.--treaty of paris.--distinction between rights and liberties.--permanent servitude.--negotiations in .--mr. adams' argument.--lord bathurst's letter.--mr. adams' reply.--convention of . derivative title may result from involuntary or voluntary cession (_traditio._) involuntary cession takes place when a nation vanquished in war abandons its territory to the conqueror who has seized it. voluntary cession, on the other hand, is marked by some compact or convention; its object may be either to prevent a war, or to cement a peace. the repeated occurrence of such voluntary cessions in later times, has led the chief writers on international law to make a distinction accordingly between transitory conventions, which mark such cessions, and treaties properly so called. vattel, b. xi., ch. xii., § , lays it down that,-- "the compacts which have temporary matters for their object are called agreements, conventions, and pactions. they are accomplished by one single act, and not by repeated acts. these compacts are perfected in their execution once for all; treaties receive a successive execution, whose duration equals that of the treaty." martens, § , to the same effect observes,-- "les traités de cession, de limites, d'échange, et ceux même qui constituent une servitude de droit public, ont la nature des conventions transitoires; les traités d'amitié, de commerce, de navigation, les alliances égales et inégales, ont celle des traités proprement dits (_fædera._) "les conventions transitoires sont perpétuelles par la nature de la chose." (§ .) mr. wheaton, part iii., c. , follows in the same line:-- "general compacts between nations may be divided into what are called transitory conventions, and treaties properly so called. the first are perpetual in their nature, so that being carried into effect, they subsist independent of any change in the sovereignty and form of government of the contracting parties; and although their operation may in some cases be suspended during war, they revive on the return of peace without any express stipulation. such are treaties of cession, boundary, or exchange of territory, or those which create a permanent servitude in favor of one nation within the territory of another." if we look to the practice of nations, we find that the tribunals of the united states, equally with those of great britain, maintain this doctrine. thus in the case of the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts v. town of newhaven, in wheaton's reports of cases adjudged in the supreme court of the united states, feb. , vol. viii., p. , mr. justice washington, in delivering judgment for the plaintiffs, said, "but we are not inclined to admit the doctrine urged at the bar, that treaties become extinguished, ipso facto, by war between the two governments, unless they should be revived by an express or implied renewal on the return of peace. whatever may be the latitude of doctrine laid down by elementary writers on the law of nations, dealing in general terms in relation to this subject, we are satisfied that the doctrine contended for is not universally true. there may be treaties of such a nature, as to their object and import, as that war will put an end to them; but where treaties contemplate a permanent arrangement of territorial and other national rights, or which, in their terms, are meant to provide for the event of an intervening war, it would be against every principle of just interpretation to hold them extinguished by the event of the war. if such were the law, even the treaty of , so far as it fixed our limits, and acknowledged our independence, would be gone, and we should have had again to struggle for both upon original revolutionary principles. such a construction was never asserted, and would be so monstrous as to supersede all reasoning. "we think, therefore, that treaties stipulating for permanent rights and general arrangements, and professing to aim at perpetuity, and to deal with the case of war as well as of peace, do not cease on the occurrence of war, but are at most only suspended while it lasts; and unless they are waived by the parties, or new and repugnant stipulations are made, they revive in their operation at the return of peace." in the case of sutton v. sutton, russell and mylne, p. , which was decided by sir j. leach, in the rolls court in london, in , a question was raised whether by the ninth article of the treaty of , between great britain and the united states, american citizens who held lands in great britain on oct. , , and their heirs and assigns, are at all times to be considered, as far as regards those lands, not as aliens, but as native subjects of great britain. the th article of the treaty declared that the ten first articles should be permanent, but the counsel in support of the objection to the title contended, that "it was impossible to suggest that the treaty was continuing in force in ; it necessarily ceased with the commencement of the war. the g. , c. , could not continue in operation a moment longer without violating the plainest words of the act. that the word 'permanent' was used, not as synonymous with 'perpetual or everlasting,' but in opposition to a period of time expressly limited." on the other hand, the counsel in support of the title maintained that "the treaty contained articles of two different descriptions; some of them being temporary, others of perpetual obligation. of those which were temporary, some were to last for a limited period; such as the various regulations concerning trade and navigation; and some were to continue so long as peace subsisted, but being inconsistent with a state of war, would necessarily expire with the commencement of hostilities. there were other stipulations which were to remain in force in all time to come, unaffected by the contingency of peace or war. for instance, there are clauses for fixing the boundaries of the united states. were the boundaries so fixed to cease to be the boundaries, the moment that hostilities broke out?" the master of the rolls, in his judgment, said, "the privileges of natives being reciprocally given, not only to the actual possessors of lands, but to their heirs and assigns, it is a reasonable construction that it was the intention of the treaty, _that the operation of the treaty should be permanent_, and not depend upon the continuance of a state of peace." "the act of the g. , c. , gives full effect to this article of the treaty in the strongest and clearest terms; and if it be, as i consider it, the true construction of this article, that it was to be permanent, and independent of a state of peace or war, then the act of parliament must be held in the th section, to declare this permanency, and when a subsequent section provides that the act is to continue in force, so long only as a state of peace shall subsist, it cannot be construed to be directly repugnant and opposed to the th section, but is to be understood as referring to such provisions of the act only as would in their nature depend upon a state of peace." the third article, however, of the treaty of , which may be referred to in martens' recueil, ii., p. , was of a mixed character, as it recognised a right of one kind, and conceded a liberty of another kind. "it is agreed, that the people of the united states shall continue to enjoy, unmolested, the _right_ to take fish of every kind on the grand bank, and on other banks of newfoundland; also, in the gulf of st. lawrence and all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of both countries used, at any time heretofore, to fish. and also, that the inhabitants of the united states shall have _liberty_ to take fish of every kind on such part of the coast of newfoundland as british fishermen shall use, (but not to dry or cure the same on that island) and also on the coasts, bays, and creeks of all other of _her britannic majesty's dominions_ in america; and that the american fishermen shall have _liberty_ to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbors, and creeks of nova scotia, magdalen islands, and labrador, _so long as the same shall remain unsettled_; but so soon as the same, or either of them, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish _at such settlements_ without a previous agreement for that purpose with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground." that the grant of this liberty to american fishermen to take fish on portions of the coast of his britannic majesty's dominions, and to dry and cure their fish unconditionally on certain districts not yet settled, subject however to conditions when such districts should become settled, was a provision of a distinct character from the recognition of their right to fish in certain seas and gulfs hitherto open to both parties--was to be presumed both from the terms of the provisions being distinct from each other, and from the nature of the things themselves, as the liberties were to be enjoyed within his britannic majesty's dominions, the right was to be exercised in the seas and gulfs, over which his britannic majesty claimed no exclusive sovereignty. the principle established by these two cases seems to be this,--that where a convention in its terms contemplates a permanent arrangement of territorial or other national right, the continuance of which would not be inconsistent with a state of war, it will not expire with the commencement of hostilities, though its operation may in certain cases be suspended till the return of peace. hence indeed, conventions, by which a right is recognised, are no sooner executed than they are completed and perfected. if they are valid, they have in their own nature a perpetual and irrevocable effect. to use the words of vattel, "as soon as a right is transferred by lawful convention, it no longer belongs to the state that has ceded it: the affair is concluded and terminated." to the same effect judge kent, the blackstone of the united states, in his commentaries upon american law, (vol. i., p. ,) adopts almost word for word the judgment of the supreme court:--"where treaties contemplate a permanent arrangement of national rights, or which by their terms are meant to provide for the event of an intervening war, it would be against every principle of just interpretation to hold them extinguished by the event of war. they revive at peace, unless waived, or new and repugnant stipulations be made." discussions, however, and disputes have not unfrequently arisen as to the character of certain conventions, from the circumstance that on occasions where rights have been recognised, liberties or favors have been conceded in other articles of the same agreement. to this effect martens (§ ) observes, "cette distinction entre les conventions transitoires et les traités serait encore plus importante, si nombre des traités, et nommément les traités de paix, n'étaient pas composés d'articles de l'un et de l'autre genre, [mixtes,] ce qui met dela difficulté dans l'application des principes énoncés." a striking illustration of this observation of m. martens may be found in the discussions which took place between the governments of the united states and great britain in respect to the fisheries on the banks of newfoundland, after the treaty of ghent. by the first article of the treaty signed at paris in , between great britain and the united states of america, his britannic majesty had acknowledged the said united states [fourteen in number as specified] to be free, sovereign, and independent states. this article then contained _the recognition of a right once and for all_; and as the main and principal object of the treaty was the recognition of the independence of the united states, this treaty may justly be classed amongst transitory conventions, which are completed and perfected as soon as executed. another question, however, might obviously be raised in case of a war,--whether the words of the article created what martens designates "une servitude de droit public," and what mr. wheaton speaks of as "a permanent servitude in favor of one nation within the territory of another," which from the nature of the thing would be suspended during the war, but would revive on the restoration of peace, or whether they merely conceded a favor, the duration of which would be subject to the continuance of peaceful relations between the two states, so that the obligation would cease with the breaking out of war. in the negotiations which took place in between the two governments [british and foreign state papers, - ,] mr. adams, on the part of the united states, contended that the treaty of was not one of those, "which, by the common understanding and usage of civilized nations, is or can be considered as annulled by a subsequent war between the same parties. to suppose that it is, would imply the inconsistency and absurdity of a sovereign and independent state liable to forfeit its right of sovereignty, by the act of exercising it in a declaration of war. but the very words of the treaty attest, that the sovereignty and independence of the united states were not considered or understood as grants from his majesty. they were taken and expressed as existing before the treaty was made, and as then only first formally recognized and acknowledged by great britain. "precisely of the same nature were the rights and liberties in the fisheries to which i now refer. they were in no respect grants from the king of great britain to the united states; but the acknowledgment of them, as rights and liberties enjoyed before the separation of the two countries, which it was mutually agreed should continue to be enjoyed under the new relations which were to subsist between them, constituted the essence of the article concerning the fisheries. the very peculiarity of the stipulation is an evidence that it was not, on either side, understood or intended as a grant from one sovereign state to another. had it been so understood, neither could the united states have claimed, nor would great britain have granted gratuitously, any such concession. there was nothing either in the state of things or in the disposition of the parties which could have led to such a stipulation, as on the ground of a grant, without an equivalent by great britain." lord bathurst's letter of october , , to mr. adams, contains a full exposition of the doctrine maintained by great britain. it is worthy of perusal in full, but, as its great length precludes its insertion on the present occasion, the passages have been selected which bear most closely on the question. "the minister of the united states appears, by his letter, to be well aware that great britain has always considered the liberty formerly enjoyed by the united states, of fishing within british limits, and using british territories, as derived from the third article of the treaty of , and from that alone; and that the claim of an independent state to occupy and use, at its discretion, any portion of the territory of another, without compensation or corresponding indulgence, cannot rest on any other foundation than conventional stipulation. it is unnecessary to enquire into the motives which might have originally influenced great britain in conceding such liberties to the united states; or whether other articles of the treaty wherein these liberties are specified, did, or did not, in fact afford an equivalent for them; because all stipulations profess to be founded on equivalent advantages and mutual convenience. if the united states derived from that treaty privileges from which other independent nations, not admitted by treaty, were excluded, the duration of the privileges must depend on the duration of the instrument by which they were granted; and, if the war abrogated the treaty, it determined the privileges. it has been urged, indeed, on the part of the united states, that the treaty of was of a peculiar character; and that, because it contained a recognition of american independence, it could not be abrogated by a subsequent war between the parties. to a position of this novel nature, great britain cannot accede. she knows of no exception to the rule, that all treaties are put an end to by a subsequent war between the same parties; she cannot, therefore, consent to give to her diplomatic relations with one state, a different degree of permanency from that on which her connection with all other states depends. nor can she consider any one state at liberty to assign to a treaty made with her, such a peculiarity of character as shall make it, as to duration, an exception to all other treaties, in order to found, on a peculiarity thus assumed, an irrevocable title to indulgences, which have all the features of temporary concessions." * * * * * "_it is by no means unusual for treaties containing recognitions and acknowledgments of title, in the nature of perpetual obligation, to contain, likewise, grants of privileges liable to revocation._ the treaty of , like many others, contained provisions of different characters, some in their own nature irrevocable, and others of a temporary nature. if it be thence inferred, that, because some advantages specified in a treaty could not be put an end to by the war, therefore all the other advantages were intended to be equally permanent, it must first be shown that the advantages themselves are of the same, or, at least, of a similar character: for the character of one advantage recognised or conceded by treaty, can have no connection with the character of another, though conceded by the same instrument, unless it arises out of a strict and necessary connection between the advantages themselves. but what necessary connection can there be between a right to independence, and a liberty to fish within british jurisdiction, or to use british territory? liberties within british limits are as capable of being exercised by a dependent, as an independent state, and cannot therefore be the necessary consequences of independence. "the independence of a state is that which cannot be correctly said to be granted by a treaty but to be acknowledged by one. in the treaty of , the independence of the united states was certainly acknowledged; but it had been before acknowledged, not merely by the consent to make the treaty, but by the previous consent to enter into the provisional articles executed november, . the independence might have been acknowledged, without either the treaty or the provisional articles; but by whatever mode acknowledged the acknowledgment is, in its own nature, irrevocable. a power of revoking, or even modifying it, would be destructive of the thing itself; and, therefore, all such power is necessarily renounced, when the acknowledgment is made. the war could not put an end to it, for the reason justly assigned by the american minister, because a nation cannot forfeit its sovereignty by the act of exercising it; and for the further reason that great britain, when she declared war on her part against the united states, gave them by that very act a new recognition of their independence. "the nature of the liberty to fish within british limits, or to use british territory, is essentially different from the right to independence, in all that may reasonably be supposed to regard its intended duration. the grant of this liberty has all the aspect of a policy temporary and experimental, depending upon the use that might be made of it, on the condition of the islands and places where it was to be exercised, and the more general conveniences or inconveniences, in a military, naval, or commercial point of view, resulting from the access of an independent nation to such islands and places. when, therefore, great britain, admitting the independence of the united states, denies their rights to the liberties for which they now contend, it is not that she selects from the treaty articles or parts of articles, and says, at her own will, this stipulation is liable to forfeiture by war, and that is irrevocable; but the principle of her reasoning is, that such distinctions arise out of the provisions themselves, and are founded on the very nature of the grants. but the rights acknowledged by the treaty of are not only distinguishable from the liberties conceded by the same treaty in the foundation upon which they stand, but they are carefully distinguished in the treaty of itself. "the undersigned begs to call the attention of the american minister to the wording of the st and nd articles, to which he has often referred for the foundation of his arguments. in the st article, great britain acknowledges an independence already expressly recognised by other powers of europe, and by herself, in her consent to enter into provisional articles, of nov. . in the rd article great britain acknowledges the _right_ of the united states to take fish on the banks of newfoundland, and other places, from which great britain had no right to exclude any independent nation. but they are to have the _liberty_ to take fish on the coasts of his majesty's dominions in america, and _liberty_ to cure and dry them in certain unsettled places within his majesty's territory. if these liberties, thus granted, were to be as perpetual and indefeasible as the rights previously recognized, it is difficult to conceive that the plenipotentiaries of the united states would have admitted a variation of language so adapted to produce a different impression, and above all, that they should have admitted so strange a restriction of a perpetual and indefeasible right, as that with which the article concludes, which leaves a right, so practical and so beneficial as this is admitted to be, dependent on the will of british subjects, in their character of inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the soil, to prohibit its exercise altogether. "it is clearly obvious that the word _right_ is, throughout the treaty, used as applicable to what the united states were to enjoy in virtue of a recognized independence, and the word _liberty_ to what they were to enjoy, as concessions strictly dependent on the treaty itself." mr. adams, in his reply to viscount castlereagh, of jan. , , having explicitly "disavowed every pretence of claiming for the diplomatic relations between the united states and great britain a degree of permanency different from that of the same relations between either of the parties and all other powers," goes on to state, "the undersigned believes that there are many exceptions to the rule by which treaties between nations are mutually considered as terminated by the intervention of war; that these exceptions extend to the engagements contracted, with the understanding that they are to operate equally in war and peace, or exclusively during war: to all engagements by which the parties superadd the sanction of a formal compact to principles dictated by the eternal laws of morality and humanity; and finally to all engagements which, according to the expression of lord bathurst's note, are in the nature of a perpetual obligation. to the first and second of these classes may be referred the th article of the treaty of , and all treaties or articles of treaties stipulating the abolition of the slave-trade. the treaty of peace of belongs to the third." "the reasoning of lord bathurst's note seems to confine this perpetuity of obligation to recognitions and acknowledgments of title; and to consider its perpetual nature as resulting from the subject matter of the contract, and not from the engagement of the contractor. whilst great britain leaves the united states unmolested in the enjoyment of all the advantages, rights, and liberties, stipulated in their behalf in the treaty of , it is immaterial to them whether she founds her conduct upon the mere fact that the united states are in possession of such rights, or whether she is governed by good faith and respect for her own engagements. but if she contests any one of them, it is to her engagements only that the united states can appeal as to the rule for settling the question of right. if this appeal be rejected, it ceases to be a discussion of right, and this observation applies as strongly to the recognition of independence, and to the boundary line, in the treaty of , as to the fisheries. it is truly observed by lord bathurst, that in that treaty the independence of the united states was not granted, but acknowledged. he adds, that it might have been acknowledged without any treaty, and that the acknowledgment, in whatever mode made, would have been irrevocable. but the independence of the united states was precisely the question upon which a previous war between them and great britain had been waged. other nations might acknowledge their independence without a treaty, because they had no right, or claim of right, to contest it: but this acknowledgment, to be binding upon great britain, could have been made only by treaty, because it included the dissolution of one social compact between the parties, as well as the formation of another. peace could exist between the two nations only by the mutual pledge of faith to the new social relations established between them, and hence it was that the stipulations of that treaty were in the nature of perpetual obligation, and not liable to be forfeited by a subsequent war, or by any declaration of the will of either party without the assent of the other." mr. adams then proceeds to discuss the variation in the employment of the terms _right_ and _liberty_, considering the former to import an advantage to be enjoyed in a place of common jurisdiction, the latter to refer to the same advantage, incidentally leading to the borders of a special jurisdiction. that the term _right_ was used as applicable to what the united states were to enjoy in virtue of a recognised independence, and the word _liberty_ to what they were to enjoy as concessions strictly dependent on the treaty itself, he declined to admit, as a construction altogether unfounded. he further contended, that "the restriction at the close of the article was itself a confirmation of the permanency of every part of the article," for that, "upon the common and equitable rule of construction for treaties, the expression of one restriction implies the exclusion of all others not expressed; and thus the very limitation, which looks forward to the time when the unsettled deserts should become inhabited, to modify the enjoyment of the same liberty, conformably to the change of circumstances, corroborates the conclusion that the whole purport of the compact was permanent and not temporary." the documents from which these extracts have been made will well repay a perusal of them in full, both from the importance of the principles which are therein discussed, and from the ability with which the discussion was conducted on both sides. the result of the negotiations was the conclusion of the convention of october , , by which the liberty to take and cure fish on certain parts of the british american coasts, so long as they remained unsettled was secured to the citizens of the united states, in common with british subjects "_for ever_." it appears to have been admitted by both parties to this negotiation, that treaties do sometimes contain acknowledgments in the nature of a perpetual obligation: the point at issue between them seems to have been, whether the provisions of a convention could ever be considered as of a mixed character, some of which would be terminable by war, whilst others were irrevocable; and whether the nature of the thing acknowledged determined the character of the provision, or the engagement of a treaty gave permanence to the obligation. it seems to have been implied by the insertion of the words "for ever," in the first article of the convention of , that if the permanent character of the thing recognised is not beyond dispute, the words of the convention must be express, in order to give to the engagements of it the nature of a perpetual obligation. on the other hand, both parties admitted that recognitions of territorial title were of perpetual obligation; they differed as to the grounds: the british commissioner deriving the obligation from the nature of the thing recognised, the plenipotentiary of the united states from the fact of its having been recognised by a convention. chapter xi. negotiation between the united states and great britain in . treaty of ghent, .--negotiations respecting the restoration of fort george.--the united states replaced in possession of the post at the mouth of the columbia river.--general negotiations in london, in .--proposal on the part of the united states.--convention of .--no exclusive claim on either side.--western boundary of the united states by the treaty of .--treaty of .--sources of the mississippi in ° '.--convention of , respecting the boundary, not ratified.--president jefferson's letter.--cession of louisiana to the united states.--convention of .--first allusion to the country west of the rocky mountains.--convention not ratified by the united states.--boundary line according to the treaty of utrecht.--opinion of mr. greenhow.--anderson's history of commerce.--treaty of ryswick.--limits of canada, as surrendered to great britain.--difficulty of boundary treaties from incorrect maps.--treaty of . the treaty of ghent, between great britain and the united states of america, was signed on the th of december , and it was agreed in the first article, "that all territory, places, and possessions whatsoever taken by either party from the other during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned [in the bay of passamaquoddy,] shall be restored without delay." by virtue of this article, mr. monroe, the secretary of state at washington, wrote to mr. baker, the british chargé d'affaires, on july , , to inform him that measures would be taken by the united states to occupy without delay the post on the columbia river, which a british expedition had succeeded in taking possession of during the war, as not being within the exception stipulated. [british and foreign state papers, - , p. .] to this communication an indecisive reply was made by mr. baker, and the affair was allowed to rest till , when it appears that the united states despatched the ontario sloop of war to resume possession of this post, without giving previous notice to mr. bagot, the british minister at washington. this led to an inquiry on the part of mr. bagot, relative to the destination of the ontario, and the object of her voyage, and to a statement from him, that "the post in question had not been captured during the late war, but that the americans had retired from it under an agreement made with the north-west company, who had purchased their effects, and who had ever since retained peaceable possession of the coast." he further observed, that no claim for the restitution of this post could be grounded upon the first article of the treaty of ghent, and that "the territory itself was early taken possession of in his majesty's name, and has been since considered as forming a part of his majesty's dominions." the discussion was soon afterwards transferred to london, when, in february , lord castlereagh intimated his regret that no notice of the expedition of the ontario should have been given to the british minister at washington, great britain having a claim of dominion over the territory in question. it was the desire, however, he said, of the british government, that the claim of title to this post should go before commissioners for arbitration. mr. rush, the minister of the united states, was authorised to state that the omission to give notice of the ontario's departure to mr. bagot, was entirely owing to the accident of the president being absent from the seat of government, but that it had been concluded from mr. baker's communications that no authorised english establishment existed at the place, and "as they intimated no question whatever of the title of the united states to the settlement, which existed there before the late war, it did not occur that any such question had since arisen, which could make it an object of interest to great britain." mr. adams, in the course of his subsequent instructions to mr. rush, in his letter of may , , sets forth very clearly and fully the pretensions of the united states. "as it was not anticipated that any disposition existed in the british government to start questions of title with us on the borders of the south sea, we could have no possible motive for reserve or concealment with regard to the expedition of the ontario. in suggesting these ideas to lord castlereagh, rather in conversation than in any formal manner, it may be proper to remark the minuteness of the present interests, either to great britain or to the united states, involved in this concern; and the unwillingness, for that reason, of this government, to include it among the objects of serious discussion with them. at the same time you might give him to understand, though not unless in a manner to avoid every thing offensive in the suggestion, that from the nature of things, if in the course of future events it should ever become an object of serious importance to the united states, it can scarcely be supposed that great britain would find it useful or advisable to resist their claim to possession by systematic opposition. if the united states leave her in undisturbed enjoyment of all her holds upon europe, asia, and africa, with all her actual possessions in this hemisphere, we may very fairly expect, that she will not think it inconsistent with a very wise or friendly policy, to watch with eyes of jealousy and alarm every possibility of extension to our natural dominion in north america, which she can have no solid interest to prevent, until all possibility of her preventing it shall have vanished." (state papers, - , p. .) lord castlereagh in the mean time had admitted to mr. rush, that in accordance with the principle of _statu quo_, which was the basis of the treaty of ghent, the united states had a right to be reinstated _and to be the party in possession whilst treating of the title_. in accordance with this view, orders were transmitted to the agents of the north-west company at fort george, and to the commodore of the british naval forces in the pacific, expressly in conformity to the first article of the treaty of ghent, to restore to the government of the united states, through its agent, mr. prevost, the settlement of fort george on the columbia river. a formal surrender of the post was, in consequence, made and accepted on the th of october, ; but the north-west company were still allowed to occupy it under the flag of the united states, pending the final decision of the right of sovereignty between the respective governments. great britain, in admitting the right of the united states to be the party in possession of fort george pending the discussion of the title to it, attached the most liberal interpretation to the treaty of ghent, and certainly gave to the united states, in all future discussions, the advantage of the presumption of law, on the ground of possession, as against great britain:--"commodum possidentis in eo est, quod etiamsi ejus res non sit, qui possidet, si modo actor non potuerit suam esse probare, remanet in suo loco possessio." but, beyond this, nothing was conceded. doubtless, in order to oust the united states, it would now be necessary for great britain to make out a perfect and exclusive title, which she does not attempt to set up, but the re-occupation of the post by the officers of the united states, expressly in conformity to the treaty of ghent, established nothing further than the fact that they were in the possession of it before the war broke out. in the mean time negotiations were being carried on in london for the settlement of various points at issue between the two governments--including the fisheries; the boundary line from the lake of the woods westwards; the settlement at the columbia river; the indemnification for slaves carried off from the united states; and the renewal of a treaty of commerce. it would appear from a letter addressed by messrs. gallatin and rush to mr. adams, in october , , that in the course of the above negotiations the british commissioners were altogether unwilling to agree to a boundary line, unless some arrangement was made with respect to the country westward of the stony mountains. "this induced us to propose an extension of the boundary line [as drawn along the th degree of north latitude, from the lake of the woods to the stony mountains,] due west to the pacific ocean. _we did not assert that the united states had a perfect right to that country, but insisted that their claim was at least good against great britain._ the th degree of north latitude had, in pursuance of the treaty of utrecht, been fixed indefinitely as the line between the northern british possessions and those of france, including louisiana, now a part of our territories. there was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward, the same line should not be continued to the pacific ocean. so far as discovery gave a claim, ours to the whole country on the waters of the columbia river, was indisputable. it had derived its name from that of the american ship, commanded by captain gray, who had first discovered and entered its mouth. it was first explored from its sources to the ocean by lewis and clarke, and before the british traders from canada had reached any of its waters; for it was now ascertained that the river tacoutche-tesse, discovered by mackenzie, and which he had mistaken for the columbia, was not a branch of that river, but fell into the sound called 'the gulf of georgia.' the settlement at the place called astoria, was also the first permanent establishment made in that quarter. the british plenipotentiaries asserted that former voyages, and principally that of captain cook, gave to great britain the rights derived from discovery, and they alluded to purchases from the natives south of the river columbia, which they alleged to have been made prior to the american revolution. they did not make any formal proposition for a boundary, but intimated that the river itself was the most convenient that could be adopted, and that they would not agree to any that did not give them the harbour at the mouth of the river, in common with the united states." [state papers, - , p. .] these negotiations were brought to a close by the convention of october , , in which, however, nothing definitive was concluded in regard to the settlement on the columbia river. by the third article it is agreed, that "any such country as may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of america, on the continent of america westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbours, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open, for the term of ten years from the date and signature of this treaty, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the last-mentioned country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country--the only object of the two high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves." [martens' nouveau recueil de traités, iv., p. .] thus much, however, may be considered to have been definitively recognized by the article just cited, that both parties had claims to territory west of the stony mountains, but not exclusive claims; it being implied, by the provision that the agreement should not be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country, that other powers might likewise have claims. by the previous article of this treaty, the object of the framers of the second article of the treaty of was at last accomplished. by that article it had been agreed, that the western boundary of the united states should be defined by a line "drawn from the most north-western point of the lake of the woods on a due west course to the river mississippi; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river mississippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude." at the time, then, when gray crossed the bar of the columbia river in , and first entered the estuary of that river, there was no question about any title of the united states to territories west of the river mississippi. the boundaries were the atlantic ocean on the east, and the river mississippi on the west. the framers, however, of the second article of the treaty of , were ignorant of the true position of the sources of the mississippi. it was in consequence stipulated by the fourth article of the subsequent treaty of , that a "joint survey of the river from one degree below the falls of st. anthony, to the principal source or sources of the said river, and of the parts adjacent thereto," should be made; and if, on the result of the survey, it should appear that the river could not be intersected by the above-mentioned line, the parties were to regulate the boundary line by amicable negotiation, according to justice and mutual convenience, and in conformity to the intent of the treaty of . this joint survey never took effect. in , however, mr. thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company determined the latitude of the sources of the mississippi to be in ° ', and thus it was definitively ascertained, that no line could be drawn due west from the north-western point of the lake of the woods, which is in latitude ° ', so as to meet the head-waters of the mississippi. in consequence, by a convention signed on the th of may , by mr. rufus king and lord hawkesbury, it was agreed that the boundary should be a line from the north-west corner of the lake of the woods by the shortest line, till it touched the river mississippi [british and foreign state papers, - , p. .] it is to this treaty that president jefferson alludes in his letter of august , referred to by mr. pakenham, in his letter of september , :--"the boundaries [of louisiana] which i deem not admitting question, are the high lands on the western side of the mississippi, inclosing all its waters, [the missouri of course,] and terminating in the line drawn from the north-west point of the lake of the woods to the nearest source of the mississippi, _as lately settled_ between great britain and the united states." this treaty, however, was never ratified, most probably in consequence of the cession of louisiana to the united states, by the treaty signed at paris on the th april, ; as this cession gave to the united states the title which france had re-acquired from spain, by the treaty of st. ildefonso in , to the western bank of the mississippi. in consequence, we find that in a convention concluded at london between messrs. monroe and pinckney, and the lords holland and auckland, in , it was agreed by the fifth article, "that a line drawn due north or south [as the case may require,] from the most north-western point of the lake of the woods, until it shall intersect the th parallel of north latitude, and from the point of such intersection due west, along and with the said parallel, shall be the dividing line between his majesty's territories and those of the united states, to the westward of the said lake, as far as their said respective territories extend in that quarter; and that the said line shall, to that extent, form the southern boundaries of his majesty's said territories, and the northern boundary of the said territories of the united states; provided that nothing in the present article shall be construed to extend to the north-west coast of america or to the territories belonging to or claimed by either party on the continent of america to the westward of the stony mountains." (martens' recueil des traités, viii., p. .) this was the first notice of any claim on the part of the united states to territory west of the rocky mountains: it may be presumed that the acquisition of the western bank of the mississippi formed the ostensible basis of her claim, as on that ground the expedition of lewis and clarke had been despatched in the preceding year to follow up the missouri to its source, and thence to trace down to the pacific ocean the most direct and practicable water-communication for the purposes of commerce. it may be observed, that the arrangement contemplated by this fifth article was highly favourable to the united states, as their acquired title to louisiana would not strictly have entitled them to any territory north of the mississippi. this convention, however was never ratified by the united states, on account of the absence of any provisions to restrain the impressment of british sailors serving on board of american ships. (schoell, histoire des traités de paix, ch. .) mr. greenhow, (p. ,) in alluding to the negotiations antecedent to this convention, states that mr. monroe, on the part of the united states, proposed to lord harrowby the th parallel of latitude, upon the grounds that this parallel had been adopted and definitively settled, by commissaries appointed agreeably to the tenth article of the treaty concluded at utrecht in , as the dividing line between the french possessions of western canada and louisiana on the south, and the british territories of hudson's bay on the north; and that this treaty, having been specially confirmed in the treaty of , by which canada and the part of louisiana east of the mississippi and iberville were ceded to great britain, the remainder of louisiana continued as before, bounded on the north by the th parallel. the same fact was alleged by the commissioners of the united states, in their negotiations with spain in , respecting the western boundary of louisiana. (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) he further goes on to state, that there is every reason to believe, that though commissioners were appointed, in accordance with the treaty, for the purpose of determining the boundaries between the french and british possessions, they never executed their task, and that no line was ever definitely adopted by the two governments. this opinion of mr. greenhow seems to be fully supported by the proofs and illustrations annexed in his appendix, but his mode of stating the substance of the tenth article of the treaty of utrecht is calculated to mislead his readers into supposing, that the northern boundary of louisiana was under discussion when that article was signed. on the contrary, the words of the article were as follow:--"but it is agreed on both sides, to determine within a year, by commissaries to be forthwith named by each party, the limits which are to be fixed between the said bay of hudson and _the places appertaining to the french_; which limits both the british and french subjects shall be wholly forbid to pass over, or thereby go to each other by sea or by land. the same commissaries shall also have orders to describe and settle in like manner the boundaries between the _other_ british and french colonies in those parts." on this article mr. anderson, in his history of commerce, published in , vol. iii., p. , observes, under the events of the year :--"although the french king yielded to the queen of great britain, to be possessed by her in full right for ever, the bay and straits of hudson, and all parts thereof, and within the same, then possessed by france; yet the leaving the _boundaries between hudson's bay and the north parts of canada, belonging to france_, to be determined by commissaries within a year, was, in effect, the same thing as giving up the point altogether, it being well known to all europe, that france never permits her commissaries to determine matters referred to such, unless it can be done with great advantage to her. _those boundaries_ therefore _have never yet been settled_, although both british and french subjects are by that article expressly debarred from passing over the same, or merely to go to each other by sea or land." the object of the tenth article of the treaty of utrecht was to secure to the hudson's bay company the restoration of the forts and other possessions of which they had been deprived at various times by french expeditions from canada, and of which some had been yielded to france by the seventh article of the treaty of ryswick. by this latter treaty louis xiv. had at last recognised william iii. as king of great britain and ireland, and william in return had consented that the principle of _ubi possidetis_ should be the basis of the negotiations between the two crowns. by the tenth article, however, of the treaty of utrecht, the french king agreed to restore to the queen (anne) of great britain, "to be possessed in full right for ever, the bay and straits of hudson, together with all lands, seas, sea coasts, rivers and places situate in the said bay and straits, and which belong thereto, no tracts of land or sea being excepted, which are at present possessed by the subjects of france." the only question therefore for commissaries to settle, were the limits of the bay and straits of hudson, _coastwards_, on the side of the french province of canada, as all the country drained by streams entering into the bay and straits of hudson were by the terms of the treaty recognised to be part of the possessions of great britain. if the coast boundary, therefore, was once understood by the parties, the head waters of the streams that empty themselves into the bay and straits of hudson indicate the line which at once satisfied the other conditions of the treaty. such a line, if commenced at the eastern extremity of the straits of hudson, would have swept along, through the sources of the streams flowing into the lake mistassinnie and abbitibis, the rainy lake, in ° ', which empties itself by the rainy river into the lake of the woods, the red lake, and lake travers. this last lake would have been the extreme southern limit, in about ° ', whence the line would have wound upward to the north-west, pursuing a serpentine course, and resting with its extremity upon the rocky mountains, at the southernmost source of the saskatchawan river, in about the th parallel of latitude. such would have been the boundary line between the french possessions and the hudson's bay district; and so we find that, in the limits of canada, assigned by the marquis de vaudreuil himself, when he surrendered the province to sir j. amherst, the red lake is the apex of the province of canada, or the point of departure from which, on the one side, the line is drawn to lake superior; on the other "follows a serpentine course southward to the river ouabache, or wabash, and along it to the junction with the ohio." this fact was insisted upon by the british government in their answer to the ultimatum of france, sent in on the st of september, ; and the map, which was presented on that occasion by mr. stanley, the british minister, embodying those limits, was assented to in the french memorial of the th of september. (historical memorial of the negotiations of france and england from march th to september th, . published at paris, by authority.) by the fourth article, however, of the treaty of , canada was ceded in full, with its dependencies, _including the illinois_; and the future line of demarcation between the territories of their britannic and christian majesties, on the continent of america, was, by the seventh article, irrevocably fixed to be drawn through the middle of the river mississippi, _from its source_ to the river iberville, and thence along the middle of the latter river and the lakes maurepas and pontchartrain to the sea. thenceforward the french territory in north america was confined to the western bank of the mississippi, and this was _the louisiana_ which was ceded by france to spain in , by virtue of the treaty secretly concluded in , but not promulgated till . there would have been no mistake as to the boundaries of louisiana, canada, and the hudson's bay territories, as long as they were defined to be the aggregate of the valleys watered by the rivers flowing into the gulf of mexico, the gulf of st. lawrence, and the bay of hudson respectively. the difficulty in executing the provisions of boundary treaties in america, has arisen chiefly from adopting the data which incorrect maps have furnished, to which there has been nothing in nature corresponding, and from agreeing to certain parallels of latitude, as appearing from those maps to form good natural frontiers, but which have been found upon actual survey to frustrate the intentions of both parties. the relative positions of the lake of the woods, the red lake, and the northernmost source of the mississippi, were evidently not understood by the parties to the d article of the treaty of , when it was proposed to continue a line from the northwestern point of lake superior through the long lake, and thence to the lake of the woods, and due west to the mississippi. in order to hit off the sources of the mississippi, which was the undoubted purport of the treaty, the line should have been drawn from the westernmost point of lake superior up the river st. louis, and thence it might have been carried due westward to the source of the mississippi in ° '. no definite substitute was proposed in the treaty of , which admitted the uncertain character of the proposed frontier; for even then the country had not been surveyed, and as neither of the conventions of nor was ratified by the united states, nor could the respective plenipotentiaries come to any agreement on the subject at the negotiation of the peace at ghent, the question remained unsettled, until it was at last arranged by the provisions of the d article of the convention of , that the boundary line agreed upon in should be the frontier westward as far the rocky mountains. if this view be correct of the boundary line of the hudson's bay territory, as settled by the treaty of utrecht, and of the western limit of canada, as expressed upon its surrender to great britain, it will be conclusive against the opinion that the french possessions ever extended indefinitely northwestward along the continent of north america. it should be kept in mind, that the treaty of utrecht was signed in the interval between the grant to crozat in and the charter of law's mississippi company in . by the former grant louisiana had been definitely limited to the head-waters of the mississippi and the missouri, and before the subsequent annexation of the illinois to the province of louisiana in , all the territory watered by the streams emptying themselves into the bay of hudson had been acknowledged by france to be part of the possessions of the crown of england. as then the hudson's bay territories were implied by that treaty to extend up to the red lake and lake travers, this would definitely bar the french title further north; but the declaration of the french authorities themselves, on the surrender of canada, that its boundary rested upon the red lake, will still more decisively negative the assertion that louisiana, after , extended "to the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and thereby west of canada and new france," unless it can be shown that the illinois country extended to the west of the red lake, which was not the fact. this question, however, will be more fully discussed in the next chapter. chapter xii. on the limits of louisiana. hernando de soto discovers the mississippi, in .--british discoveries in and .--french expeditions.--de la salle, in .--settlement in the bay of st. bernard, in .--d'iberville, in .--charter of louis xiv. to crozat, in .--the illinois annexed, in , in the grant to law's mississippi company.--the treaty of paris, in .--secret treaty between france and spain.--louisiana ceded to spain, in .--retroceded to france, in , by the secret treaty of san ildefonso.--transferred by purchase to the united states, in .--discussions with spain as to the boundaries of louisiana.--grants by charter only valid against other nations upon principles recognised by the law of nations.--western boundaries of louisiana.--evidence of charters against the grantors.--conflict of titles between france and england on the ohio, between france and spain on the missouri.--title of great britain by treaties.--extent of new france westwardly.--escarbot's histoire de la nouvelle france.--map of .--jefferys' history of the french dominions in america.--questionable authority of maps. the spaniards are entitled to claim for their countryman hernando de soto and his followers the merit of having first discovered the river mississippi. about the same time that vasquez de coronado was despatched to explore the district which is supposed to correspond to the modern province of sonora, in search of the great city of cibola and the rich country of quivira, the viceroy mendoza granted a commission to soto for the discovery of florida, which at that time was the general name for the countries on the northern shores of the gulf of mexico. according to the spanish accounts, soto and his followers succeeded, in , in marching across the continent from apalache, to the great river (mississippi,) and thence penetrated as far west as the rio negro. soto himself, however, died at guachoya, and his companions, having committed the body of their leader in a hollow tree to the river, descended the mississippi in boats, and after a series of conflicts with the natives, succeeded in reaching the mexican gulf, under the guidance of luis de moscoso and juan de añasco. thence they continued their voyage westward along the coast until they arrived at panuco, which was the northernmost part of new spain, being within a few miles of the sea, a little higher up the river than the modern tampico. (herrera, decade iv., ch. vii. and x., british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) the spaniards, however, do not appear to have availed themselves of this discovery of the mouth of the mississippi for the purpose of settlement. on the other hand, the northern branches of the river appear to have been first explored by subjects of other powers than spain, in the latter portion of the seventeenth century. mr. greenhow (p. ) has inserted an extract from jefferys' history of the french dominions in america, published in , to the effect that "the mississippi, the chief of all the rivers of louisiana, which it divides almost into two equal parts, was discovered by colonel wood, who spent almost ten years, or from to , in searching its source, as also by captain bolt, in ." no further particulars are given by jefferys, but it may be observed that both the above persons were british subjects. in the year , the french government determined upon an expedition to explore the western parts of new france, and to discover, if possible, a road to penetrate to the spanish possessions in mexico. in consequence, louis xiv. issued letters patent to the sieur de la salle, to authorise him to execute this enterprise, which he commenced towards the end of the following year. it was not, however, till february , that he reached the river colbert or mississippi, by following the course of the illinois river. his voyage down the mississippi was accomplished by the th of april following, and on the th, la salle took formal possession, in the name of the french monarch, "of the country of louisiana, from the mouth of the great river st. louis, otherwise called ohio, on the eastern side, and also above the river colbert or mississippi, and the rivers which discharge themselves into it, from its source in the country of the kious or nadiouessious, as far as its mouth at the sea, or gulf of mexico;" and "upon the assurance which they had received from all the natives through whose country they had passed, that they were the first europeans who had descended or ascended the said river colbert, they hereby protested against all those who may in future undertake to invade any or all of these countries, people, or lands above described, to the prejudice of the right of his majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations herein named." the proces-verbal drawn up on this occasion, of which the above is an extract, which is preserved in the archives of the department of the marine at paris, was first published by mr. jared sparks of boston, the well-known author of the life of washington, and may be found most readily in mr. falconer's able treatise on the discovery of the mississippi. la salle, on his return to france, obtained authority to form a colony near the mouth of the mississippi, but in his voyage outwards he miscalculated his course, and reached the coast far to the westward of that river. here indeed, in , he established a settlement in the bay of st. bernard, called by him the bay of st. louis, which is supposed by some to have been matagorda bay, by others to have been the bay of espiritu santo. this colony met with great disasters; but the french government did not abandon its object, and in we find that the illustrious canadian d'iberville entered the mississippi, and established a settlement at about one hundred leagues from its mouth. before , many french settlements had been made on the banks of the great river, but it was not until that a royal charter was granted by the french king to antoine crozat, which is the earliest document relied upon to establish the limits of louisiana, and which mr. greenhow has inserted in his work, (p. .) "nous avons par ces présentes, signés de notre main, établi, et établissons ledit sieur crozat, pour faire seul le commerce dans toutes les terres par nous possédées, et bornées par le nouveau mexique, et par celles des anglais de la caroline, tous les établissemens, forts, havres, rivières, et principalement le port et havre de l'isle dauphine, appellée autrefois de massacre, le fleuve st. louis, autrefois appellée mississippy, depuis le bord de la mer jusqu'aux illinois, ensemble les rivières st. philippe, autrefois appellée des missourys, et st. hierosme, autrefois appellée ouabache, avec tous les pays, contrées, lacs dans les terres, et les rivières qui tombent directement ou indirectement dans cette partie du fleuve st. louis. voulons que les dites terres, contrées, fleuves, rivières et isles, soient et demeurent compris sous le nom du gouvernement de la louisiane, qui sera dependant du gouvernement général de la nouvelle france, auquel il demeurera subordonné; et voulons en outre que _toutes les terres que nous possédons, depuis les illinois, soient réunis_, en tant que besoin est, _au gouvernement général de la nouvelle france_, et en fassent partie: nous reservant néanmoins d'augmenter, si nous le jugeons à-propos, l'étendue du gouvernement du _dit pays de louisiane_." louisiana, it will be thus seen, according to this authoritative document of the french crown, was the country watered by the mississippi, and its tributary streams from the sea-shore to the illinois: such was the limitation affixed to the province by the french themselves; and, by the same public instrument, all the rest of the french possessions were united under the government of new france. it is true that the illinois was subsequently annexed to louisiana by a royal decree in , after crozat had relinquished his charter, and the whole region was granted to law's mississippi company; but the illinois were still spoken of as the illinois, and the district was not merged in louisiana, though it was annexed to that province, to give the company access to canada, in which the monopoly of the beaver-trade had been granted to them. it has been already observed, that the limits of the hudson's bay territories and french canada were settled by the peace of utrecht, in : one great object of that treaty was to provide against the commercial disputes of the subjects of the two crowns, which had led to a series of conflicts on the shores of hudson's bay; it was in furtherance of this object that the fur-trade of canada was now diverted from the st. lawrence to the mississippi, by this grant of the monopoly of the beaver-trade to the compagnie d'occident, and the annexation of the illinois country to louisiana. upon the surrender of canada to the british arms, considerable discussion arose as to the respective limits of the provinces of canada and louisiana. the british government insisted, as already stated, p. , on a line which would take in the river ouabache, as far as its junction with the ohio; and from thence along the ohio to the mississippi, the country to the south of the ohio being at this time either british possessions, as part of virginia, or occupied by indian tribes. in the course of these negotiations, the marquis de vaudreuil, who signed the surrender, published his own account of what passed between sir j. amherst and himself, of which he considered the english account to be incorrect. "on the officer showing me a map which he had in his hand, i told him the limits were not just, and verbally mentioned others, extending louisiana on one side to the carrying-place of the miamis, _which is the height of the lands whose rivers run in the ouabache_; and on the other to _the head of the river of the illinois_." [annual register, , p. .] even thus, then, all to the north of the illinois was admitted to be canada. however, the french government, in its memorial of the th september, , "agreed to cede canada in the most ample manner, and to admit the line on which england rested her demand, as, without doubt, the most extensive bound which can be given to the cession." in accordance with this we find that, by the seventh article of the treaty of paris, the french possessions were declared to be thenceforth limited by the mid-channel of the mississippi, from its source to the river iberville. the treaty of paris, however, has not furnished the only occasion upon which intricate discussions have arisen respecting the limits of louisiana. by a secret treaty with spain, made in , but not signed till , france ceded to her all the country known under the name of louisiana. this transfer, however, was not promulgated till , two years after the treaty of paris had been signed by france, spain, and great britain; nor did the spaniards obtain possession of the country till . from that time spain retained it till , when she retroceded it to france by the secret treaty of san ildefonso, in exchange for an augmentation of the territories of the duke of parma in italy. france, having thus been reinstated in possession of her ancient province, found she had unexpectedly given alarm and umbrage to the united states of america, and, in order to detach them from their disposition to unite with great britain, ceded it in full to the united states, in , for the sum of sixty thousand francs. this led to a protracted negotiation between the united states and spain, as to the limits of louisiana, on the side both of florida and mexico respectively; which, though commenced in , was not concluded till . the claims of the two states are discussed in full, in a correspondence which may be found in the british and foreign state papers for - , and - . the united states, in the course of these discussions, insisted upon the limits marked out in the letters patent which louis xiv. had granted to crozat, _on the authority of the discovery made, and of the possession taken_, by father hennepin in , and by la salle in . thus the validity of the title conveyed by the letters patent was sought to be grounded by the united states upon principles recognised by the law of nations. charters, by their own intrinsic force, can only bind those who are subject to the authority from which they emanate: against the subjects of other states they can only avail on the supposition that the title of the grantor is valid by the law of nations. thus the charter given by charles ii. to the hudson's bay company, granted to them, _by virtue of the discoveries_ made in those parts, all the lands, &c., within the entrance of the straits commonly called hudson's straits, "which _are not now actually possessed_ by any of our subjects, or _by the subjects of any other christian prince or state_;" and thus we find in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty of utrecht, it was expressly urged in support of the british title to the territories of hudson's bay, "that mons. frontenac, then governor of canada, did not complain of any pretended injury done to france by the said company's settling a trade and building of forts at the bottom of hudson's bay, nor made pretensions to any right of france to that bay, till long after that time." [anderson's history of commerce, a. d. , vol. ii., p. .] in other words, the title which this charter created was good against other subjects of the british crown, by virtue of the charter itself; but its validity against other nations rested on the principle that the country was discovered by british subjects, and, at the time of their settlement, was not occupied by the subjects of any other christian prince or state; and in respect to any special claim on the part of france, the non-interference of the french governor was successfully urged against that power as conclusive of her acquiescence. that the province of louisiana did not at any time extend _further north_ than the source of the mississippi, either if we regard the evidence of public instruments in the form of charters and treaties, or of historical facts, is most assuredly beyond the reach of argument. what, however, were the _western_ limits of the province, has not been so authoritatively determined. mr. greenhow, (p. ,) after examining this question, concludes thus:--"in the absence of more direct light on the subject from history, we are forced to regard the boundaries indicated by nature--namely, the highlands separating the waters of the mississippi from those flowing into the pacific or californian gulf--as the _true western boundaries_ of the louisiana ceded by france to spain in , and retroceded to france in , and transferred to the united states by france in : but then it must also be admitted, for the same as well as for another and stronger reason, that the british possessions further north were bounded on the coast by the same chain of highlands; for the charter of the hudson's bay company, on which the right to those possessions was founded and maintained, expressly included only the countries traversed by the streams emptying themselves into hudson's bay." charters may certainly be appealed to as evidence against the parties which have granted them, that on their own admission they do not extend their claim beyond the limits of them, and mr. greenhow is perfectly justified in confining the limits of rupert's land, for such seems to have been the name recognised in the charter, to the plantation in hudson's bay, and the countries traversed by the streams emptying themselves into the bay; but the right to those possessions, as against france, was not founded upon the charter, but generally upon recognised principles of international law, and especially upon the treaty of utrecht. so in respect to the northern limit of louisiana, crozat's grant, or the grant to law's mississippi company, might be alleged against france, to show that its limits did not extend further north, on the right bank of the mississippi, than the illinois. on the other hand, the treaty of paris might be appealed to, in order to show against great britain, that it did extend on the right bank of the mississippi as far north as the sources of that river. again, in respect to the western boundary of louisiana, crozat's grant might be cited against france, to show that the province of louisiana did not extend further westward than the confines of new mexico. what, however, was the boundary of new mexico, does not seem to have been determined by any treaty between france and spain. france seems, indeed, from the words of crozat's grant, to have considered herself exclusively entitled to the missouri river on the right bank, and to the ohio on the left. the claims, however, of great britain, clashed with her on the banks of the ohio, as remarked by mr. calhoun in his letter to mr. packenham of sept. , . in an analogous manner the spanish title conflicted with the french title on the banks of the missouri; for we find that, in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty of washington, in , the spanish commissioner maintained, that after santa fé, the capital of new mexico, was built, spain considered all the territory lying to the east and north of new mexico, so far as the mississippi and missouri, to be her property. [british and foreign state papers, - , p. .] the united states, indeed, on succeeding to the french title, declined to admit that the spanish frontier ever extended so far to the north-east as was alleged; on the other hand, the letter of president jefferson, of august , shows that they considered their own claims to be limited by "the high lands on the western side of the mississippi, enclosing all its waters, [the missouri of course."] by the treaty of utrecht, the british possessions to the north-west of canada were acknowledged to extend to the head-waters of the rivers emptying themselves into the bay of hudson: by the treaty of paris, they were united to the british possessions on the atlantic by the cession of canada and all her dependencies; and france contracted her dominions within the right bank of the mississippi. that france did not retain any territory after this treaty to the north-west of the sources of the mississippi, will be obvious, when it is kept in mind that the sources of the mississippi are in ° ', whilst the sources of the red river, which flows through lake winnipeg, and ultimately finds its way by the nelson river into the bay of hudson, are in lake travers, in about ° '. some writers are disposed to consider that the limits of new france extended westwardly across the entire continent to the pacific ocean, but no authoritative document has been cited to show that the french crown ever claimed such an extent of unknown territory, or that its claim was ever admitted. escarbot's description, in , of new france, which, however, is of no authority, embraces within its limits almost the entire continent of north america, as may be seen from the extract from his "histoire de la nouvelle france," which m. duflot de mofras gives: "ainsi nostre nouvelle france a pour limites du côté d'ouest les terres jusqu'à la mer dite pacifique en deça du tropique du cancer; au midi, les côtes de la mer atlantique du côté de cube et de l'isle hespagnole; au levant, la mer du nord qui baigne la nouvelle france; et au septentrion, cette terre qui est dite inconnue, vers la mer glacée jusqu'au pole arctique." the same author cites a map of the year , as confirmatory of this view, in which a great river is exhibited in °, on the north-west coast of america, the direction of which is exactly that of the columbia; but mr. greenhow, in the new edition of his work, p. , states, that this map was drawn and presented by the french commissaries appointed under the treaty of aix-la-chapelle in , to expose the extravagant pretensions of the british in north america, and that it does not contain the word _canada_, or _nouvelle france_, or any other sign of french dominion, the whole division of the continent, between ° and ° north latitude, being represented by strong lines and express notes, as included in the limits of the british provinces; nor does it show any large river falling into the pacific north of the peninsula of california, nor any river entering that ocean north of °. a map perhaps better authenticated than this may be referred to in the history of the french dominions in america, by jefferys, the geographer to the king of england, in , which does not, indeed, extend new france to the pacific: on the contrary, whilst it exhibits the river of the west flowing in a course not unlike that of the columbia, it does not include the pacific ocean at all in its limits, but leaves the west coast of the continent in its real obscurity. maps, however, are but pictorial representations of supposed territorial limits, the evidence of which must be sought for elsewhere. there may be cases, it is true, where maps may be evidence; when, for instance, it has been specially provided that a particular map, such as melish's map of north america, shall be the basis of a convention: but it is to be regretted that maps of unsurveyed districts should ever have been introduced into diplomatic discussions, where limits conformable to convenient physical outlines, such as headlands or water-courses, are really sought for, and are understood to be the subject of negotiation. the pictorial features of a country, which, in such cases, have been frequently assumed as the basis of the negotiation, have not unusually caused greater embarrassment to both the parties in the subsequent attempt to reconcile them with the natural features, than the original question in dispute, to which they were supposed to have furnished a solution. that the name of nouvelle france should have been applied by french authors and in french maps to the country as far as the shores of the pacific ocean, was as much to be expected as that the name of california should have been extended by the spaniards to the entire north-west coast of america, which we know to have been the fact, from the negotiations in the nootka sound controversy. chapter xiii. treaty of washington. the treaty of san ildefonso.--ineffectual negotiations between spain and the united states, in , respecting the boundary of louisiana.--resumed in .--m. kerlet's memoir cited by spain, crozat's charter by the united states, as evidence.--spain proposes the missouri as the mutual boundary.--the united states propose to cross the rocky mountains, and draw the line from the snow mountains along ° to the pacific.--negotiations broken off.--spain proposes the columbia river as the frontier.--offers the parallel of ° to the multnomah, and along that river to the sea.--error in melish's map.--the united states propose the parallel of ° to the pacific.--spain proposes the parallel of ° to the multnomah, and along that river to °, thence to the pacific.--the ° parallel adopted.--source of the multnomah or willamette river, in about °.--wilkes' exploring expedition--third article of the treaty.--the asserted rights of spain to the californias.--her title by discovery.--the united states decline to discuss them.--the asserted rights of the united states to the valley of the mississippi.--mr. greenhow's remarks.--the spanish commissioner declines to negotiate.--design of the president of the united states.--question of rights abandoned.--object of the spanish concessions.--santa fé.--ultimate agreement.--review of the claims of the two parties.--principles of international law advanced by the united states.--possession of the sea-coast entitles to possession of the interior country.--vattel.--inconsistency of the diplomatists of the united states.--treaty of paris.--natural boundary of conterminous settlements, the mid-distance.--vattel.--wheaton.--acquisition of title from natives barred by first settlers against other european powers.--right of pre-emption. in the same year in which the convention of was concluded at london between the united states and great britain, negotiations were being carried on at washington between spain and the united states, with the view of determining the effects of the treaty of , whereby louisiana had been ceded by france to the latter power. it had been stipulated in the treaty of san ildefonso in , that spain should retrocede "the colony or province of louisiana, with the same extent which it now has in the hands of spain, and which it had when france possessed it, and such as it ought to be according to the treaties subsequently made between spain and other powers." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. - .) the treaty of in its turn ceded louisiana to the united states, "in the name of the french republic, for ever and in full sovereignty, with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they have been acquired by the french republic, in virtue of the above-mentioned treaty with his catholic majesty." it thus became requisite to determine the limits of this new acquisition of the united states, both on the side of the floridas, and on that of new spain. an examination of the discussion regarding the eastern boundary towards the floridas is unnecessary on the present occasion. the question respecting the western limit was, perhaps, the more difficult to settle, from the circumstance that texas was claimed by spain as a province of new spain, whilst the united states insisted that it was a portion of louisiana: whilst spain contended that she had only ceded the _spanish province_ of louisiana, the united states maintained that she had retroceded the _french colony_. spain thereupon proposed a line which, "beginning at the gulf of mexico between the river carecut or cascasiu, and the armenta or marmentoa, should go to the north, passing between adaes and natchitoches, until it cuts the red river," on the ground that the arroyo-hondo, which is midway between natchitoches and adaes, had been, in fact, considered to be the boundary in . the united states on the other hand, insisted on the rio bravo del norte as the western frontier, on the ground that the settlement of la salle in the bay of st. bernard (matagorda) carried with it a right to the territory as far as the rio bravo. beyond the red river spain proposed that the boundary should be determined by commissioners, after a survey of the territory, then but little known, and a reference to documents and dates, "which might furnish the necessary light to both governments upon limits which had never been fixed or determined with exactness." (state papers, - , p. .) such was the proposal made by don pedro cevallos on the part of spain, on april th, . messrs. pinckney and moore, in reply, proposed a compromise in connection with the western frontier, that a line along the river colorado, from its mouth to its source, and from thence to the northern limits of louisiana, should be the boundary; but the spanish government declined to accept their proposal, and the negotiations were not resumed till the year . spain had, in the mean time, during the captivity of the spanish monarch in france, been unexpectedly deprived of the greater part of west florida, in , by the united states, without any declaration of war, or stipulation of peace, which could seem to authorise it. on re-opening the negotiation in , the spanish government, having waived all demands on this head, proposed to cede the two floridas to the united states in exchange for the territory which lies between the river mississippi and the well-known limit which now separates, and has separated louisiana, when france possessed it, before the year , and even before the death of king charles ii. of spain, from the spanish province of texas: so that the mississippi might be the only boundary of the dominions of his catholic majesty and of those of the united states. (state papers, - , p. .) in the course of the subsequent negotiations, the spanish commissioner, don luis de onis, in a letter of the th of march , refused to admit the authority of the grant of louis xiv. to crozat as evidence of the limits of louisiana, and referred to the memoir drawn up by m. kerlet, for many years governor of the province before it was ceded to spain by the treaty of , containing a description of its proper extent and limits. this memoir had been delivered by the duc de choiseul, minister of france, to the spanish ambassador at paris, as a supplement to the act of cession of louisiana. (state papers, - , p. .) on the other hand, the secretary of state, on the part of the united states, maintained that "the only boundaries ever acknowledged by france, before the cession to spain in nov. , , were those marked out in the grant from louis xiv. to crozat." she always claimed the territory which spain called texas, as being within the limits, and forming part of louisiana, "which in that grant is declared to be bounded westward by new mexico, eastward by carolina, and extending inward to the illinois, and to the sources of the mississippi, and of its principal branches." (state papers, - , p. .) these discussions were suspended for a short time, in consequence of difficulties between the two governments respecting the seminole indians in florida; but on the th of october don luis d'onis proposed, that "to avoid all causes of dispute in future, the limits of the respective possessions of both governments to the west of the mississippi shall be designated by a line beginning on the gulf of mexico, between the rivers marmentoa and cascasiu, following the arroyo-hondo, between adaes and natchitoches, crossing the rio roxo, or red river, at ° of latitude and ° of longitude, from london, according to melish's map, and thence running directly north, crossing the arkansas, the white, and the osage rivers, till it strikes the missouri, and then following the middle of that river to its source, so that the territory on the right bank of the said river will belong to spain, and that on the left bank to the united states. the navigation of the mississippi and marmentoa shall remain free to the subjects of both parties." (state papers, - , p. .) no proposal had as yet been advanced by either party to carry the boundary line across the rocky mountains till october , , when mr. adams offered, as the ultimatum of the united states, a "line from the mouth of the river sabine, following its course to ° n. l., thence due north to the rio roxo, or red river, following the course of that river to its source, touching the chain of the snow mountains in latitude ° ' north, thence to the summit, and following the chain of the same to °, thence following the same parallel to the south sea." the spanish commissioner, in his reply, undertook to admit the river sabine instead of the marmentoa, on condition "that the line proposed by mr. adams should run due north from the point where it crosses the rio roxo till it strikes the missouri, and thence along the middle of the latter to its source;" but in regard to the extension of the line beyond the missouri, _along the spanish possessions to the pacific_, he declared himself to be totally unprepared by his instructions to discuss such a proposal. the negotiations were in consequence broken off. subsequently, the spanish commissioner, having received fresh instructions from his government in a letter of june , , proposed to draw the western boundary line between the united states and the spanish territories from the source of the missouri to the columbia river, and along the course of the latter to the pacific, which mr. adams, on the part of the united states, rejected as inadmissible. don luis d'onis thereupon, having expressly waived all questions as to the right of either power to the territory in dispute, and also as to the limits of louisiana, proposed that the boundary line, as suggested by mr. adams, should follow the sabine river to its source, thence by the th degree of longitude to the red river of natchitoches, and along the same to the th degree; and crossing it at that point, should run by a line due north to the arkansas, and along it to its source, thence by a line due west till it strikes the source of the river st. clemente or multnomah, in latitude °, and along that river to the pacific ocean: the whole agreeably to melish's map. this is another very remarkable instance of the danger of referring even to the best maps, when territorial limits are to be regulated by the physical features of a country. there must have been a monstrous error in melish's map, which the spanish commissioner had before him, if such a line could have been drawn upon it from the source of the arkansas _due west_ to the source of the multnomah, the modern willamette river. mr. adams, in reply, proposed a slightly modified line "to the source of the arkansas in °, and thence due west to the pacific along the parallel of ° according to melish's map up to ; but if the source of the arkansas should fall south or north of °, then the line should be drawn due north or south from its source to the st parallel, and thence due west to the sea." this would have been an intelligible line. don luis d'onis then communicated a project of a further modified line from the th parallel of longitude west of greenwich along the middle of the arkansas to the d parallel; "thence a line shall be drawn westward, by the same parallel of latitude, to the source of the river san clemente, or multnomah, following the course of that river to the ° of latitude, and thence by a line due west to the pacific ocean." another counter project was proposed by mr. adams on the th of february, and ultimately it was agreed between the parties to admit the parallel of ° from the source of the arkansas westward to the pacific ocean, with the proviso that if the source of the arkansas should be north or south of °, the line should be drawn from it south or north to the d parallel. it was fortunate that this proviso was adopted, for actual surveys have since determined the source of the arkansas to be at the foot of the sierra verde, in about ° ' north latitude. on the other hand, as an illustration of the lamentable want of information on the part of the spanish commissioner in respect to the boundary line which he proposed to be drawn, first of all along the parallel of ° due west to the source of the multnomah, and secondly along the parallel of ° due west to the same river, it may be observed, that the source of this river is ascertained to be very little further south than the th parallel of latitude, as may be seen in the excellent american map attached to commander wilkes' exploring expedition, though even so late as in mitchell's map for it is placed in about °. the treaty of washington, or the floridas, was thus at last concluded on the d february, , and by the third article, after specifying the boundary line, as above described, between the two countries west of the mississippi, it concludes thus: "the two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all their rights, claims, and pretensions to the territories described by the said line; that is to say, the united states hereby cede to his catholic majesty, and renounce for ever, all their rights, claims, and pretensions to the territories lying west and south of the above described line; and in like manner his catholic majesty cedes to the united states all his rights, claims, and pretensions to any territories east and north of the said line, and for himself, his heirs and successors, renounces all claim to the said territories for ever." (martens' nouveau recueil des traités, v., p. .) it will be observed from the words of the above article, that the nature of the rights reciprocally ceded are in no manner specified. it thus becomes necessary to look to the antecedent negotiations to determine this question. in the first communication from the chevalier d'onis, on january , , in respect to the western boundary of louisiana, we find him assert that "the right and dominion of the crown of spain to the north-west coast of america, as high up as the californias, is not less certain and indisputable (than her claim to west florida,) the spaniards having explored as far as the th degree in the expedition under juan de fuca in , and in that of admiral fonte to the th degree in . "the dominion of spain in these vast regions being thus established, and her rights of discovery, conquest, and possession, being never disputed, she could scarcely possess a property founded on more respectable principles, whether of the law of nations, of public law, or any others which serve as a basis to such acquisitions as all the independent kingdoms and states of the earth consist of." (state papers, - , p. .) mr. adams, in his reply of january , , stated that "the president of the united states considered it would be an unprofitable waste of time to enter again at large upon topics of controversy, which were at that time [ ] so thoroughly debated, and upon which he perceives nothing in your notes, which was not then substantially argued by don pedro cevallos, and to which every reply essential to elucidate the rights and establish the pretensions on the part of the united states was then given." without, therefore, noticing even in the slightest manner that portion of the spanish title now for the first time set out in respect of the californias, and which had not in any manner been alluded to in the previous correspondence, he simply proposed, "the colorado river from its mouth to its source, and from thence to the northern limits of louisiana, to be the western boundary; or to leave that boundary unsettled for future arrangement." it may be observed, that the paramount object of the united states at this moment, was to obtain the cession of the spanish claims to territories _eastward_ of the mississippi. [state papers, - , p. .] the western frontier was comparatively of less pressing importance. various communications having in the mean time been exchanged, mr. adams at last, in his letter of oct. , , proposed for the first time, on the part of the united states, an extension of the boundary to the pacific ocean, namely, a line drawn due west along the st parallel. he did not attempt, on this occasion, to contest the position which spain had taken up in respect to territory west of the rocky mountains, but contented himself with again asserting, that the rights of the united states to the entire valley of the mississippi and its confluents were established beyond the reach of controversy. mr. greenhow [p. ] observes, "on these positive assertions of the spanish minister, mr. j. q. adams, the american plenipotentiary and secretary of state, did not consider himself required to make any comment; and the origin, extent, and value of the claims of spain to the north-western portion of america, remained unquestioned during the discussion." the spanish commissioner seems to have regarded the silence of mr. adams as a tacit admission that his position was unassailable, and therefore was totally unprepared for the proposal of the united states, if we may judge from his reply:--"what you add respecting the extension of the same line beyond the missouri, along the spanish possessions to the pacific ocean, exceeds by its magnitude and its transcendency all former demands and pretensions stated by the united states. confining, therefore, myself to the power granted to me by my sovereign, i am unable to stipulate any thing on this point." [state papers, - , p. .] mr. adams, in his reply of nov. , , [ibid. ,] writes, "as you have now declared that you are not authorised to agree, either to the course of the red river, [rio roxo,] for the boundary, nor to the st parallel of latitude, from the snow mountains to the pacific ocean, the president deems it useless to pursue any further the attempt at an adjustment of this object by the present negotiation." don luis, in withdrawing for the present moment from the negotiation, in his letter of dec. , , [ibid., p. ,] observes, "i even expressed my earnest desire to conclude the negotiation, so far as to admit the removal of the boundary line, from the gulf of mexico, on the river sabine, as proposed by you; and i only added, that it should run more or less obliquely to the missouri, thereby still keeping in view the consideration of conciliating the wish that your government might have, of retaining such other settlements as might have been formed on the bank of that river, and observing, nevertheless, that it was not to pass by new mexico, or _any other provinces or dominions of the crown of spain_." the spanish commissioner, after obtaining fresh instructions to authorize him to extend the boundary line to the pacific ocean, stated in a letter of jan. , , to mr. adams, [state papers, - , p. ,] that "his majesty will agree that the boundary line between the two states shall extend from the source of the missouri, westward to the columbia river, and along the middle thereof to the pacific ocean;" in the hope that this basis would be accepted by the president, "as it presents the means of realizing his great plan of extending a navigation from the pacific to the remotest points of the northern states." this offer was not accepted, and mr. adams, in his reply of jan. , , simply stated, "that the proposal to draw the western boundary line between the united states and the spanish territories on this continent, from the source of the missouri to the columbia river, cannot be admitted," (ibid. p. ;) and at the same time he renewed his proposal of the st of october last, as to the parallel of °. don luis de onis, as might be expected, did not accede to this, and in his next letter, of feb. , , writes, "i have proved to you in the most satisfactory manner, that neither the red river of natchitoches, nor the columbia, ever formed the boundary of louisiana; but as you have intimated to me that it is useless to pursue the discussion any further, i acquiesce with you therein, and i agree that, keeping out of view the rights which either party may have to the territory in dispute, we should confine ourselves to the settlement of those points which may be for the mutual interest and convenience of both. "upon this view, therefore, of the subject, and considering that the motive for declining to admit my proposal of extending the boundary line from the missouri to the columbia, and along that river to the pacific, appears to be the wish of the president to include, within the limits of the union, all the branches and rivers emptying into the said river columbia, i will adapt my proposals on this point, so as fully to satisfy the demand of the united states, without losing sight of the essential object, namely, that the boundary line shall, as far as possible, be natural and clearly defined, and leave no room for dispute to the inhabitants on either side." he therefore proposed, as the red river rose within a few leagues of santa fé, the capital of new mexico, to substitute the arkansas for the red river; so that the line along the red river should not be drawn further westward than the th degree of longitude, and crossing it at that point, should run "due north to the arkansas, and along it to its source; thence, by a line due west, till it strikes the source of the river st. clemente, or multnomah, in latitude °, and along that river to the pacific ocean. the whole agreeably to melish's map."--(state papers, - , p. .) mr. adams on the other hand, on feb. , , repeated the proposal of the united states as to the line from the source of the arkansas river being drawn along the parallel of ° n. l. to the pacific, with other modifications in the general detail of the boundary. this proposal, however, was not accepted, and the spanish commissioner in his turn, on feb. , proposed a different line, to be drawn "along the middle of the arkansas to the ° of latitude; thence a line shall be drawn westward by the same parallel of latitude to the source of the river san clemente or multnomah, following the course of that river to the ° of latitude, and thence by a line to the pacific ocean." (ibid. p. .) mr. adams, in his answer of february , , still retained the parallel of ° of latitude from the source of the arkansas to the south sea, according to melish's map. (ibid. p. .) the chevalier de onis, on the th of february , ultimately agreed "to admit the ° instead of the ° of latitude from the arkansas to the pacific ocean." (ibid. p. .) these extracts from the documentary correspondence preliminary to the treaty of , will show the nature of the claims maintained by the two parties, and thus serve to explain the meaning of the third article of the treaty. spain asserted her right and dominion over the northwest coast of america as high up as the californias, as based upon the discoveries of juan de fuca in , and admiral fonte in . the united states made _no claim_ to territory west of the rocky mountains. on the other hand, the united states asserted her right over the coasts of the mexican gulf from the mississippi to the rio bravo by virtue of crozat's grant, and of the settlement of la salle in the bay of st. bernard, whilst spain maintained that the expedition of hernando de soto and others entitled her by discovery to the entire coasts of the mexican gulf, and that the crown of spain, before , had extended her dominion eastward over the right side of the mississippi from its mouth to the mouth of the missouri, and northward over the right side of the latter river from its mouth to its source; in other words, that the dependencies of the spanish province of new mexico extended as far as the missouri and the mississippi, and the spanish province of texas as far as the red river and mississippi. the rights, claims, and pretensions, therefore, to any territories lying east and north of the parallel of °, which spain, by the rd article of the treaty of , ceded to the united states, had respect to the spanish province of texas, the spanish province of new mexico, and the californias; the rights, claims, and pretensions which the united states ceded to his catholic majesty to any territories west and south of this line, had reference to the coasts of the gulf of mexico as far the rio bravo, and the inland country; for no claim or pretension had been advanced by the united states to territory beyond the rocky mountains, and the object of the negotiation was expressly to determine the boundaries of louisiana, which the united states insisted had been ceded to them in the full extent in which it had been possessed by france, according to the limits marked out by louis xiv. in his grant to crozat. in the course of these negotiations, we find certain principles of international law laid down by the commissioners of the united states as applicable to the question of disputed boundaries. they seem to have been advanced after careful consideration, for messrs. pinckney and monroe formally enunciated them on the th of april , as "dictated by reason, and adopted in practice by european powers in the discoveries and acquisitions which they have respectively made in the new world;" and mr. adams, on the th of march , restated them again as principles "sanctioned alike by immutable justice, and the general practice of the european nations, which have formed settlements and held possessions in this hemisphere." (british and foreign state papers, - , pp. , .) the _first_ is, "that whenever _any european nation takes possession of any extent of sea-coast_, that possession is understood as extending into the interior country, to the sources of the rivers emptying _within that coast_, to all their branches, and the country they cover, and to give it a right in exclusion of all other nations to the same." "it is evident," write messrs. pinckney and monroe, (ibid., p. ,) "that some rule or principle must govern the rights of european powers in regard to each other in all such cases, and it is certain that none can be adopted, in those to which it applies, more reasonable or just than the present one. many weighty considerations shew the propriety of it. nature seems to have destined a range of territory so described for the same society, to have connected its several parts together by the ties of a common interest, and to have detached them from others. if this principle is departed from, it must be by attaching to such discovery and possession, a more enlarged or contracted scope of acquisition; but a slight attention to the subject will demonstrate the absurdity of either. the latter would be to restrict the rights of a european power, who discovered and took possession of a new country, to the spot on which its troops or settlements rested, a doctrine which has been totally disclaimed by all the powers who made discoveries and acquired possessions in america. the other extreme would be equally improper; that is, that the nation who made such discovery should, in all cases, be entitled to the whole of the territory so discovered. in the case of an island, whose extent was seen, which might be soon sailed round, and preserved by a few forts, it may apply with justice; but in that of a continent it would be absolutely absurd. accordingly, we find, that this opposite extreme has been equally disclaimed and disavowed by the doctrine and practice of european nations. the great continent of america, north and south, was never claimed or held by any one european nation, nor was either great section of it. their pretensions have been always bounded by more moderate and rational principles. the one laid down has obtained general assent. "this principle was completely established in the controversy which produced the war of . great britain contended that she had a right, _founded on the discovery and possession of such territory_, to define its boundaries by given latitudes in grants to individuals, retaining the sovereignty to herself from sea to sea. this pretension on her part was opposed by france and spain, and it was finally abandoned by great britain in the treaty of , which established the mississippi as the western boundary of her possessions. _it was opposed by france and spain on the principle here insisted on, which of course gives it the highest possible sanction in the present case._" to a similar purport vattel, b. i., § , writes: "when a nation takes possession of a country, with a view to settle there, it takes possession of every thing included in it, as lands, lakes, rivers, &c." it is universally admitted, that when a nation takes possession of a country, she is considered to appropriate to herself all its natural appendages, such as lakes, rivers, &c., and it is perfectly intelligible, why the practice of european nations has sanctioned the exclusive title of the first settlers on any extent of sea-coast to the interior country within the limits of the coast which they have occupied, because their settlements bar the approach to the interior country, and other nations can have no right of way across the settlements of independent nations. in reference, however, to the extent of coast, which a nation may be presumed to have taken possession of by making a settlement in a vacant country, the well-known rule of _terræ dominium finitur, ubi finitur armorum vis_, might on the first thought suggest itself; but it has not been hitherto held that there is any analogy between jurisdiction over territory, and jurisdiction over adjoining seas: on the contrary, it was ruled in the circuit court of new york, , in the case of jackson v. porter, paine, , "that under the second article of the treaty with great britain, the precincts and jurisdiction of a fort are not to be considered three miles in every direction, by analogy to the jurisdiction of a country over that portion of the sea surrounding its coasts, but they must be made out by proof." the comity of nations, however, has recognised in the case of settlements made in a vacant territory for the purpose of colonisation, a title in the settlers to such an extent of territory as it may fairly be presumed that they intend to cultivate (vattel, b. i., § ,) and the possession of which is essential either to the convenience or security of the settlement, without being inconvenient to other nations. the limitation of this extent seems rather to have been regulated by special conventions, than by any rule of uniform practice. on the authority of this principle as above stated, messrs. pinckney and monroe contended that "by the discovery and possession of the mississippi in its whole length, and _the coast adjoining it_, the united states are entitled to the whole country dependent on that river, the waters which empty into it, and their several branches, _within the limits on that coast_. the extent to which this would go it is not in our power to say; but the principle being clear, dependent on plain and simple facts, it would be easy to ascertain it." it will have been observed, that the opposition of france and spain to the pretensions of great britain is adduced by messrs. pinckney and monroe, as giving the highest sanction to this principle. a passage in mr. calhoun's letter of sept. , , to mr. pakenham forms a striking contrast. having alluded to the claims of france and great britain, first conflicting on the banks of the ohio, he writes: "if the relative strength of these different claims may be tested by the result of that remarkable contest, that of continuity westward must be pronounced to be the stronger of the two. england has had at least the advantage of the result, and would seem to be foreclosed against contesting the principle--particularly as against us, who contributed so much to that result, and on whom that contest, and her example and her pretensions from the first settlement of our country, have contributed to impress it so deeply and indelibly." in other respects mr. calhoun adopts the same view of the early european settlements in north america, that the respective nations "claimed for their settlements usually, specific limits _along the coasts_ or bays on which they were formed, and generally a region of _corresponding width_ extending across the entire continent to the pacific ocean." that the hypothesis of mr. calhoun's argument was meant to be affirmed, may be inferred from mr. gallatin having categorically asserted the same fact in , as being notorious. it does not however appear from the protracted negotiations prior to the treaty of paris, that any conflicting principles of international law were advanced by the two parties, or any question of disputed title set at rest by the treaty. on the contrary, it was intimated in the course of the negotiations, by great britain, that she considered france to have the natives on the left bank of the mississippi under her protection, when she proposed that the king of france should "consent to leave them under the protection of great britain." the _second_ rule is, "that whenever a european nation makes a discovery, and takes possession of any portion of that continent, and another afterwards does the same _at some distance from it_, where the boundary between them is not determined by the principle above mentioned, the middle distance becomes such of course. the justice and propriety of this rule are too obvious to require illustration." the principle here stated seems very analogous to that which is recognised by all writers on international law, as regulating the navigation of rivers. thus vattel (i., § )--"when a nation takes possession of a country bounded by a river, she is considered as appropriating to herself the river also; for the utility of a river is too great to admit a supposition that the nation did not intend to reserve it for herself. consequently, the nation that first established her dominion on one of the banks of the river, is considered as being the first possessor of all that part of the river which bounds her territory. where there is a question of a _very broad river_, this presumption admits not of a doubt, so far, at least, as relates to a part of the river's breadth, and the strength of the presumption increases or diminishes in the inverse ratio with the breadth of the river; for the narrower the river is, the more does the safety and convenience of its use require that it should be subject entirely to the empire and property of that nation." to make the reasoning more complete, it might have been added, "the broader the river is, the stronger claim has each party to a portion of it, as requisite for its own convenience, and not likely to be attended with inconvenience to the other party." mr. wheaton states the rule of division more explicitly (part ii., ch. iv.)--"where a navigable river forms the boundary of conterminous states, the middle of the channel, or 'thalweg,' is generally taken as the line of separation between the two states, the presumption of law being, that the right of navigation is common to both: but this presumption may be destroyed by actual proofs of prior occupancy, and long undisturbed possession giving one of the riparian proprietors the exclusive title to the entire river." in an analogous manner, where a large tract of unoccupied land forms the boundary of conterminous settlements, the middle distance is suggested by natural equity as the line of demarcation, where such line is not inconvenient to either party, and when one party cannot establish a stronger presumption than the other of a perfect right in its own favour. thus, messrs. pinckney and monroe contended, that "by the application of this principle to the discovery made by m. de la salle of the bay of st. bernard, and his establishment there on the western side of the river colorado, the united states have a just right to a boundary founded on the middle distance between that point and the then nearest spanish settlement; which, it is understood, was in the province of panuco, unless that claim should be precluded on the principle above mentioned. to what point that would carry us, it is equally out of our power to say; nor is it material, as the possession in the bay of st. bernard, taken in connection with that on the mississippi, has been always understood, as of right we presume it ought, to extend to the rio bravo, on which we now insist." the _third_ rule is, "that whenever any european nation has thus acquired a right to any portion of territory on that continent, that right can never be diminished or affected by any other power, by virtue of purchases made, by grants, or conquests of the natives within the limits described." "it is believed," continued the commissioners, "that this principle has been admitted, and acted on invariably, since the discovery of america, in respect to their possessions there, by all the european powers. it is particularly illustrated by the stipulations of their most important treaties concerning those possessions, and the practice under them, viz., the treaty of utrecht in , and that of paris in ." the practice of european nations has certainly recognised in the nation which has first occupied the territory of savage tribes, that live by hunting, fishing, and roaming habits, the sole right of acquiring the soil from the natives by purchase, or cession, or conquest, for the purpose of establishing settlements. the more humane spirit of the modern code of nations seems disposed to reduce this right to a right of _pre-emption_, as against other european nations. the applicability of the above principles to the solution of the questions at present under discussion between the governments of the united states and great britain, will be considered in a subsequent chapter. chapter xiv. negotiations between great britain and the united states in - . proceedings in congress after the convention of .--russian ukase of .--russian title to the north-west coast of america.--declaration of president monroe, of dec. , .--protest of russia and great britain.--report of general jessup.--exclusive claim set up by the united states, on the ground of discovery by captain gray, and settlement at astoria.--extent of title by discovery of the mouth of a river.--the united states claim up to ° n. l.--british objections.--convention of .--discovery by captain gray a private enterprise.--mr. rush's reply.--gray's vessel a national ship for such an occasion.--superior title of spain.--british answer.--pretensions of spain never admitted.--drake's expedition in .--mr. rush's further reply.--treaty of , a bar to great britain westward of the mississippi.--exclusive claim of the united states to the entire valley of the columbia river.--proposal of the british commissioners of the parallel of ° to the north-easternmost branch of the columbia, and thence along the mid-channel of the river to the sea.--counter-proposal of the united states of the parallel of ° to the sea.--negotiations broken off. the convention of had provided that the country westward of the stony mountains should be free and open, for the term of ten years from the signature of the treaty, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, without prejudice to the territorial claims of either party. two years afterwards a committee was appointed by the house of representatives in congress, for an "inquiry as to the situation of the settlements on the pacific ocean, and as to the expediency of occupying the columbia river;" and a bill was subsequently brought in "for the occupation of the columbia, and the regulation of the trade with the indians in the territories of the united states." the bill, however, was suffered to lie on the table of the house, and although it was again brought before congress in the ensuing year, no further steps were taken until the winter of . (greenhow, p. .) in the mean time the attention of both powers was arrested by the publication of a russian ukase on th september , by which an exclusive title was asserted in favour of russian subjects to the north-west coast of america, as far south as ° north lat., and all foreign vessels were prohibited from approaching within one hundred miles of the shore, under penalty of confiscation. great britain lost no time in protesting against this edict, and mr. adams, on the part of the united states, declined to recognise its validity. a correspondence ensued between mr. adams and m. de poletica, the russian minister at washington, which may be referred to in the british and foreign state papers for - . m. de poletica alleged, as authorising this edict on the part of the emperor, first discovery, first occupancy, and, in the last place, a peaceable and uncontested possession of more than half a century. both the other powers, however, contested the extent to which so perfect a title could be made out by russia, and separate negotiations were in consequence opened between russia and the other two powers for the adjustment of their conflicting claims. the question was additionally embarrassed by a declaration on the part of president monroe, on december , , that the "american continents, by the free and independent condition which they had assumed, were henceforth not to be considered as subjects for colonisation by any european power." (greenhow, p. .) against this declaration, both russia and great britain formally protested. a further ground of dissension between great britain and the united states resulted from an official paper laid before the house of representatives in congress, on february , , by general jessup, the quartermaster-general, in which it was proposed to establish certain military posts between council bluffs on the missouri, and the pacific, by which, he adds, "present protection would be afforded to our traders; and at the expiration of the privilege granted to british subjects to trade on the waters of the columbia, we should be enabled to remove them from our territory, and to secure the whole trade to our citizens." in the conference which ensued at london on the following july, the british commissioners remarked that such observations "were calculated to put great britain especially upon her guard, coming, as they did, at a moment when a friendly negotiation was pending between the two powers for the adjustment of their relative and conflicting claims to the entire district of the country." (greenhow, p. .) such proceedings on the part of the executive of the united states were not calculated to facilitate the settlement of the points likely to become subjects of controversy in the approaching negotiations, either at st. petersburgh or at london. the instructions which were to guide the commissioners of the united states were set forth by mr. adams, in a letter to mr. rush, the minister plenipotentiary at london, of the date of july , , which may be referred to in the british and foreign state papers, - , p. . in the previous negotiations of , as already observed, messrs. gallatin and rush "_did not assert a perfect right_" to the country westward of the stony mountains, but insisted that their claim was "_at least good against great britain_." the th degree of north latitude had, in pursuance of the treaty of utrecht, been fixed indefinitely as the line between the northern british possessions and those of france, including louisiana, now a part of our territories. there was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward, the same line should not be continued to the pacific ocean. so far as discovery gave a claim, ours to the whole country on the waters of the columbia river was indisputable. subsequently, however, to these negotiations, his catholic majesty had ceded to the united states, by the treaty of washington, of february , , commonly called the florida treaty, "all his rights, claims, and pretensions to any territory" north of the d parallel of north latitude; and mr. rush opened the negotiations by stating, that "the rights thus acquired from spain were regarded by the government of the united states as surpassing the rights of all other european powers on that coast." apart, however, from this right, "the united states claimed in their own right, and as their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country west of the rocky mountains, from the d to at least as far up as the st degree of north latitude." this claim they rested upon their first discovery of the river columbia, followed up by an effective settlement at its mouth: a settlement which was reduced by the arms of britain during the late war, but formally surrendered up to the united states at the return of peace. their right by first discovery they deemed peculiarly strong, having been made, not only from the sea by captain gray, but also from the interior by lewis and clarke, who first discovered its sources, and explored its whole inland course to the pacific ocean. it had been ascertained that the columbia extended, by the river multnomah, to as low as degrees north; and by clarke's river, to a point as high up as degrees, if not beyond that point; and to this entire range of country, contiguous to the original dominion of the united states, and made a part of it by the almost intermingling waters of each, the united states considered their title as established by all the principles that had ever been applied on this subject by the powers of europe to settlements in the american hemisphere. "i asserted," writes mr. rush, "that _a nation discovering a country, by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of such principal river and its tributary streams_; and that the claim to this extent became doubly strong, where, as in the present instance, the same river had also been explored from its very mountain-springs to the sea. "such an union of titles, imparting a validity to each other, did not often exist. i remarked, that it was scarcely to be presumed that any european nation would henceforth project any colonial establishment on any part of the north-west coast of america, which as yet had never been used to any other useful purpose than that of trading with the aboriginal inhabitants, or fishing in the neighbouring seas; but that the united states should contemplate, and at one day form, permanent establishments there, was naturally to be expected, as proximate to their own possessions, and falling under their immediate jurisdiction. speaking of the powers of europe, who had ever advanced claims to any part of this coast, i referred to the principles that had been settled by the nootka sound convention of , and remarked, that spain had now lost all the _exclusive colonial rights that were recognised under that convention_, first, by the fact of the independence of the south american states and of mexico, and next, by her express renunciation of all her rights, of whatever kind, above the degree of north latitude, to the united states. those new states would themselves now possess the rights incident to their condition of political independence, and the claims of the united states above the parallel, as high up as °, claims as well in their own right as by their succession to the title of spain, would henceforth necessarily preclude other nations from forming colonial establishments upon any part of the american continents. i was, therefore, instructed to say, that my government no longer considered any part of those continents as open to future colonisation by any of the powers of europe, and that this was a principle upon which i should insist in the course of these negotiations." the proposal which mr. rush was authorised to make on the part of the united states was, that for the future no settlements should be made by citizens of the united states north of °, or by british subjects south of °, inasmuch as the columbia river branched as far north as °. mr. adams, however, in his instructions, concludes with these words:--"as, however, the line already runs in latitude ° to the stony mountains, should it be earnestly insisted upon by great britain, we will consent to carry it in continuance on the same parallel to the sea." on the other hand the british plenipotentiaries, on their part, totally declined the proposal, and totally denied the principles under which it had been introduced. "they said that great britain considered the whole of the unoccupied parts of america as being open to her future settlements, in like manner as heretofore. they included within these parts, as well that portion of the north-west coast lying between the d and st degree of latitude, as any other parts. the principle of colonisation on that coast, or elsewhere, on any portion of those continents not yet occupied, great britain was not prepared to relinquish. neither was she prepared to accede to the exclusive claim of the united states. she had not, by her convention with spain of , or at any other period, conceded to that power any exclusive rights on that coast, where actual settlements had not been formed. she considered the same principles to be applicable to it now as then. she could not concede to the united states, who held the spanish title, claims which she had felt herself obliged to resist when advanced by spain, and on her resistance to which the credit of great britain had been thought to depend. "nor could great britain at all admit, the plenipotentiaries said, the claim of the united states, as founded on their own first discovery. it had been objectionable with her in the negotiation of , and had not been admitted since. her surrender to the united states of the post at columbia river after the late war, was in fulfilment of the provisions of the first article of the treaty of ghent, without affecting questions of right on either side. britain did not admit the validity of the discovery by captain gray. he had only been on an enterprise of his own, as an individual, and the british government was yet to be informed under what principles or usage, among the nations of europe, his having first entered or discovered the mouth of the river columbia, admitting this to have been the fact, was to carry after it such a portion of the interior country as was alleged. great britain entered her dissent to such a claim; and least of all did she admit that the circumstance of a merchant vessel of the united states having penetrated the coast of that continent at columbia river, was to be taken to extend a claim in favour of the united states along the same coast, both above and below that river, over latitudes that had been previously discovered and explored by great britain herself, in expeditions fitted out under the authority and with the resources of the nation. this had been done by captain cook, to speak of no others, whose voyage was at least prior to that of captain gray. on the coast only a few degrees south of the columbia, britain had made purchases of territory from the natives before the united states were an independent power; and upon that river itself or upon rivers that flowed into it, west of the rocky mountains, her subjects had formed settlements coeval with, if not prior to, the settlement by american citizens at its mouth." such was the tenor of the opening of the negotiations. mr. rush, in resuming the subject, stated that it "was unknown to his government that great britain had ever even advanced any claim to territory on the north-west coast of america, by the right of occupation, before the nootka sound controversy. it was clear, that by the treaty of paris, of , her territorial claims to america were bounded westward by the mississippi. the claim of the united states, under the _discovery_ by captain gray, was therefore, at all events, sufficient to over-reach, in point of time, any that great britain could allege along that coast, on the ground of _prior occupation or settlement_. as to any alleged settlements by her subjects on the columbia, or on rivers falling into it, earlier, or as early, as the one formed by american citizens at astoria, i knew not of them, and was not prepared to admit the fact. as to the discovery itself of capt. gray, it was not for a moment to be drawn into question. it was a fact before the whole world. the very geographers of great britain had adopted the name which he had given to this river." having alluded to the fact of vancouver having found captain gray there, mr. rush proceeded to meet the objection that the discovery of the columbia river was not made by a national ship, or under national authority. "the united states," he said, "could admit of no such distinction; could never surrender, under it or upon any ground, their claim to this discovery. the ship of captain gray, whether fitted out by the government of the united states, or not, was a _national ship_. if she was not so in a technical sense of the word, she was in the full sense of it, _applicable to such an occasion_. she bore at her stern the flag of the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be identified with the rights of the nation." "the extent of this interior country attaching to this discovery was founded," mr. rush contended, "upon a principle at once reasonable and moderate: reasonable, because, as discovery was not to be limited to the local spot of a first landing-place, there must be a rule both for enlarging and circumscribing its range; and none more proper than that of taking the water-courses which nature has laid down, both as the fair limits of the country, and as indispensable to its use and value; moderate, because the nations of europe had often, under their rights of discovery, carried their claims much farther. here i instanced, as sufficient for my purpose, and pertinent to it, the terms in which many of the royal charters and letters patent had been granted, by the crown of england, to individuals proceeding to the _discovery_ or _settlement_ of new countries on the american continent. amongst others, those from elizabeth in , to sir humphery gilbert, and in , to sir walter raleigh: those from james i. to sir thomas yates, in and , and the georgia charter of . by the words of the last, a grant is passed to all territories along the sea-coast, from the river savannah to the most southern stream 'of another great river, called the alatamaha, and westward from the heads of the said rivers in a direct line to the south seas.' to show that britain was not the only european nation, who, in her territorial claims on this continent, had had an eye to the rule of assuming water-courses to be the fittest boundaries, i also cited the charter of louis xiv. to crozat, by which 'all the country drained by the waters emptying directly or indirectly into the mississippi,' is declared to be comprehended under the name, and within the limits of louisiana." in respect to the title derived by the united states from spain, mr. rush contended that, "if great britain had put forth no claims on the north-west coast, founded _on prior occupation_, still less could she ever have established any, at any period, founded _on prior discovery_. the superior title of spain on this ground, as well as others, was indeed capable of demonstration." _russia had acknowledged it in _, as the state papers of the nootka sound controversy would show. the memorial of the spanish court to the british minister on that occasion expressly asserted, that notwithstanding all the attempted encroachments upon the spanish coasts of the pacific ocean, spain had preserved her possessions there entire,--possessions which she had constantly, and before all europe, on that and other occasions, declared to extend to as high at least as the th degree of north latitude. the very first article of the nootka sound convention attested, i said, the superiority of her title; for whilst by it the nations of europe generally were allowed to make settlements on that coast, it was only for the purposes of trade with the natives, thereby excluding the right of any exclusive or colonial establishments for other purposes. as to any claim on the part of britain under the voyage of captain cook, i remarked that this was sufficiently superseded (passing by every thing else) by the journal of the spanish expedition from san blas in , kept by don antonio maurelle, for an account of which i referred the british plenipotentiaries to the work of daines barrington, a british author. in that expedition, consisting of a frigate and a schooner, fitted out by the viceroy of mexico, the north-west coast was visited in latitude , , , , , , , and degrees, not one of which points there was good reason for believing had ever been explored, or as much as seen, up to that day, by any navigator of great britain. there was, too, i said, the voyage of juan perez, prior to ; that of aguilar, in , who explored that coast in latitude °; that of de fuca in , who explored it in latitude °, _giving the name_, which _they still bore_, to the straits in that latitude, without going through a much longer list of other early spanish navigators in that sea, whose discoveries were confessedly of a nature to put out of view those of all other nations. i finished by saying, that in the opinion of my government, the title to the united states to the whole of that coast, from latitude ° to as far north as latitude °, was therefore superior to that of great britain or any other power; first, through the proper claim of the united states by discovery and settlement, and secondly, as now standing in the place of spain, and holding in their hands all her title." the british plenipotentiaries, in their reply, repeated their animated denials of the title of the united states, as alleged to have been acquired by themselves, enlarging and insisting upon their objections to it, as already stated. nor were they less decided in their renewed impeachments of the title of spain. they said that it was well known to them what had formerly been the pretensions of spain to absolute sovereignty and dominion in the south seas, and over all the shores of america which they washed: but that these were pretensions which britain had never admitted: on the contrary, had strenuously resisted them. they referred to the note of the british minister to the court of spain, of may , , in which britain had not only asserted a full right to an uninterrupted commerce and navigation in the pacific, but also that of forming, with the consent of the natives, whatever establishments she thought proper on the north-west coast, in parts not already occupied by other nations. this had been the doctrine of great britain, and from it, nothing that was due in her estimation to other powers, now called upon her in any degree to depart. as to the alleged prior discoveries of spain all along that coast, britain did not admit them but with great qualification. she could never admit that the mere fact of spanish navigators having first seen the coast at particular points, even where this was capable of being substantiated as the fact, without any subsequent or efficient acts of sovereignty or settlement on the part of spain, was sufficient to exclude all other nations from that portion of the globe. besides, they said, even on the score of prior discovery on that coast, at least as far up as ° north latitude, britain herself had a claim over all other nations. "here they referred to drake's expedition in , who, as they said, explored that coast on the part of england, from ° to ° n., making formal claim to these limits in the name of elizabeth, and giving the name of new albion to all the country which they comprehended. was this, they asked, to be reputed nothing in the comparison of prior discoveries, and did it not even take in a large part of the very coast now claimed by the united states, as of prior discovery on their side?" mr. rush in reply contended, "as to drake, although fleurieu, in his introduction to marchand, did assert that he got as far north as °, yet hakluyt, who wrote about the time that drake flourished, informs us that he got no higher than °, having put back at that point from extremity of cold. all the later authors or compilers, also, who spoke of his voyage, however they might differ as to the degree of latitude to which he went, adopted from hakluyt this fact, of his having turned back from intensity of weather. the preponderance of probability, therefore, i alleged, as well as of authority was, that drake did not get beyond ° along that coast. at all events, it was certain that he had made no settlements there, and the absence of these would, under the doctrine of great britain, as applied by her to spain, prevent any title whatever attaching to his supposed discoveries. they were moreover put out of view by the treaty of , by which great britain agreed to consider the mississippi as the western boundary upon that continent." he concluded with re-asserting formally, "the full and exclusive sovereignty of the united states over the whole of the territory beyond the rocky mountains washed by the columbia river, in manner and extent as stated, subject, of course, to whatever existing conventional arrangements they may have formed in regard to it with other powers. their title to this whole country they considered as not to be shaken. it had often been proclaimed in the legislative discussions of the nation, and was afterwards public before the world. its broad and stable foundations were laid in the first uncontradicted discovery of that river, both at its mouth and its source, followed up by an effective settlement, and that settlement the earliest ever made upon its banks. if a title in the united states, thus transcendant, needed confirmation, it might be sought in their now uniting to it the title of spain. it was not the intention of the united states, i remarked, to repose upon any of the extreme pretensions of that power to speculative dominion in those seas, which grew up in less enlightened ages, however countenanced in those ages; nor had i, as their plenipotentiary, sought any aid from such pretensions; but to the extent of the just claims of spain, grounded upon her fair enterprise and resources, at periods when her renown for both filled all europe, the united states had succeeded, and upon claims of this character it had, therefore, become as well their right as their duty to insist." the british plenipotentiaries, in conclusion, with a view as they said of laying a foundation of harmony between the two governments, proposed that the third article of the convention of should now terminate. that "the boundary line between the territories respectively claimed by the two powers, westward of the rocky mountains, should be drawn due west, along the th parallel of latitude, to the point where it strikes the north-easternmost branch of the columbia, and thence down along the middle of the columbia to the pacific ocean: the navigation of this river to be for ever free to the subjects or citizens of both nations." they remarked, "that in submitting it, they considered great britain as departing largely from the full extent of her right, and that, if accepted by the united states, it would impose upon her the necessity of breaking up four or five settlements, formed by her subjects within the limits that would become prohibited, and that they had formed, under the belief of their full rights as british subjects to settle there. but their government was willing, they said, to make these surrenders, for so they considered them, in a spirit of compromise, on points where the two nations stood so divided." mr. rush, in reply, declared his utter inability to accept such a proposal, and in return consented, "in compliance with this spirit, and in order to meet great britain on ground that might be deemed middle, to vary so far the terms of his own proposal, as to shift the southern line as low as ° in place of °." "i desired it," he writes, "to be understood, that this was the extreme limit to which i was authorised to go; and that, in being willing to make this change, i, too, considered the united states as abating their rights, in the hope of being able to put an end to all conflict of claims between the two nations to the coast and country in dispute." the british commissioners declined acceding to this proposal, and as neither party was disposed to make any modification in their ultimatum, the negotiation was brought to a close. chapter xv. examination of the claims of the united states. exclusive sovereignty for the first time claimed by the united states over the valley of the columbia.--the statements relied upon to support this, not correct.--the multnomah river erroneously laid down in maps.--willamette settlement--source of the multnomah, or willamette, in about ° ' n. l.--clarke's river.--source in ° '.--the northernmost branch of the columbia discovered and explored by mr. thomson.--the pacific fur company not authorised by the united states government.--the american fur company, chartered by the state of new york in , a different company for a different purpose.--the association dissolved at astoria before the arrival of h. b. m.'s sloop of war the racoon.--protection of the national flag.--vattel.--kluber.--letter from mr. gallatin to mr. astor.--a commission from the state required in respect of acquiring territory.--title by discovery of the mouth of a river.--rivers appendages to a territory.--vattel.--common use of great rivers.--mr. wheaton.--effect of the principle to make the highlands, not the water courses, the boundaries.--different principle advanced by messrs. pickney & monroe, in , founded on extent of sea coast.--vattel.--charters of georgia, pennsylvania, and carolina.--crozat's grant opposed to the spanish discovery of the mississippi.--inconvenience in applying the principle.--conflict of titles.--course of the columbia river.--valley of the columbia river does not extend across the cascade range, on the north side of the river.--derivative title of the united states from spain.--spanish version, in , of encroachments by russia.--the russian statement.--the russian american company, in --lord stowell.--discoveries require notification.--the convention of the escurial admitted to contain recognitions of rights.--meaning of the word "settlements." it will have been seen in the previous chapter that messrs. rush and gallatin, in the negotiations of - , no longer confined themselves to the assertion of an imperfect right on the part of the united states, good at least against great britain, as in the negotiations of , but set up a claim on the part of the united states, _in their own right, to absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion_ over the whole of the country westward of the rocky mountains, from ° to at least as high up as °. this claim they rested upon their first discovery of the river columbia, followed up by an effective settlement at its mouth. in respect to the discovery of the river, they alleged the same facts as in , namely, that captain gray, in the american ship columbia, first discovered and entered its mouth, and that captains lewis and clarke first explored it from its sources to the ocean. in respect to settlement, the establishment at astoria was, as before, relied upon, having been formally surrendered up to the united states at the return of peace. the american plenipotentiaries grounded the extent of the exclusive claim of the united states, _in their own right_, upon the fact that "it had been ascertained that the columbia extended by the river multnomah to as low as ° north, and by clarke's river to a point as high up as °, if not beyond that point." in the first place, then, neither of these statements is correct. the erroneous notions respecting the multnomah river have been already alluded to in the chapter upon the treaty of washington. to a similar purport, in the map prefixed to lewis and clarke's travels, we find the source of the multnomah laid down in ° ' north latitude, ° ' west longitude from greenwich, the river being represented to run a due north-west course, and to empty itself into the columbia within about miles of the sea. in the narrative of the expedition, chapter xx., it is expressly stated, that they passed the mouth of this river in their way down the columbia to the pacific, and afterwards found it to be the multnomah; and in chapter xxv. it is said that "the indians call it multnomah from a nation of the same name, residing near it, on wappatoo island." this island lies in the immediate mouth of the river, dividing the channel into two parts. now this river is the modern willamette, which enters the columbia from the south, about five miles below fort vancouver, about eighty-five miles from the sea, according to mr. dunn, and in the valley of this river, in a very fertile district, about fifty miles from its entrance into the columbia, is the willamette settlement, where the majority of the colonists from the united states are located, though according to commander wilkes' account, (vol. iv., chap. x., p. , vo. ed.,) many of the farms belong to canadians who have been in the service of the hudson's bay company. actual survey, as may be seen from commander wilkes' map, has determined that the southernmost source of the multnomah, or willamette, is in about ° ' n. l. in respect to clarke's river, the map of lewis and clarke places the highest source of it in about ° ', whilst commander wilkes' map determines it to be in about ° '. it is the same as the flathead river, and it joins the main stream of the columbia a little below the th parallel. it thus appears that neither of the rivers upon which mr. rush relied, supports his claim to the extent which he maintained. had he grounded the title of the united states towards the south upon the source of the lewis or snake river, which he may possibly have intended to do, this would have given him the d parallel to commence with, and clarke's river would have carried the claim of the united states up to very nearly ° at its junction with the northern branch, but no higher. lewis and clarke saw nothing, and knew nothing, of the northernmost branch of the columbia, which mr. thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company, first explored to its junction with clarke's river, and thence to the sea, in , as already (p. ) detailed. in reference to the settlement of astoria, on the southern bank of the columbia, at its mouth, the pacific fur company does not appear to have been authorised by the united states government to make any effective settlement there. on the contrary, it is asserted by writers in the united states, who, it may be presumed, are well informed on the subject, and the charleston mercury of october , , expressly asserts the fact,--"that the united states government, though earnestly solicited by mr. astor, refused to authorise or sanction his expedition." mr. astor himself states, in his letter of january , , to mr. adams, quoted by mr. greenhow in his appendix, p. , that it was as late as february , when he made an application to the secretary of state at washington, but no reply was given to it. in addition, although mr. astor, according to mr. washington irving, obtained a charter from the state of new york in , incorporating a company under the name of the american fur company, this was intended to carry on the fur trade in the atlantic states, and was a totally distinct speculation from the pacific fur company, which was not formed before july , and was a purely voluntary association for commercial purposes, consisting of ten partners, of whom mr. astor was the chief. of these, however, six were british subjects, who, according to mr. greenhow, p. , communicated the plan of the enterprise to the british minister at washington, and were assured by him, "that in case of a war between the two nations they would be respected as _british subjects and merchants_." such a body of traders could hardly be considered to invest their settlement at astoria with any distinct _national_ character, much less to represent the sovereignty of the united states of america, so as, in taking possession of a portion of territory at the mouth of the columbia, to acquire for the united states the _empire_ or sovereignty of it, at the same time with the _domain_. it must be kept in mind that the pacific fur company was a purely voluntary association, a mercantile firm in fact, not incorporated, as the american fur company had been, by an act of the legislature of the state of new york, nor, though countenanced by the government of the united states, as it well deserved to be, in any respect authorised by it. "the association," according to mr. washington irving, "if successful, was to continue for twenty years, but the _parties had full power to abandon and dissolve it_ within the first five years, should it be found unprofitable." and thus, we find, that the association was dissolved by the unanimous act of the partners present at astoria on the st of july , and the establishment itself, with the furs and stock in hand, transferred by sale on the th of october to the north-west company, so that when the british sloop-of-war the racoon arrived on the st of december, the settlement at astoria was the property of the north-west company. captain black, formally took possession of astoria in the name of his britannic majesty, according to the narrative of mr. john ross cox, and having hoisted the british ensign, named it fort george. there is no mention however of the flag of the united states having been struck on this occasion. thus, indeed, the territory was for the first time taken possession of by a person "_furnished with a commission from his sovereign_," and from this time astoria became a settlement of the british crown, not by the rights of war, but by a national act of taking possession. at a subsequent period, however, upon the representation of the government of the united states, the british government, in conformity, as it was led to suppose, to the first article of the treaty of ghent, directed the settlement of fort george to be restored to the united states. the british ensign was then formally struck, and the flag of the united states hoisted. by this act of cession on the part of the crown of great britain, and the subsequent taking possession of the place by mr. prevost, as agent for the united states, astoria for the first time acquired the national character of a settlement of the united states; and though the facts of the case, when better understood, might not have brought astoria within the scope of the first article of the treaty of ghent, still the act of cession, having been a voluntary act on the part of the british government, would carry with it analogous consequences to those which followed the restoration of the settlement at nootka sound, on the part of spain, to great britain, by virtue of the first article of the treaty of the escurial. from this period, then, the first authoritative occupation of any portion of the oregon territory by the united states is to be dated. but it was alleged on the part of the united states, that the mouth of the columbia river had been first discovered and entered by captain gray, a citizen of the united states, in a vessel sailing under the flag of the united states: and when it was urged by the british commissioners that the discovery was not made by a national ship, or under national authority, it was stated by mr. rush, that "the united states could admit no such distinction, could never surrender under it, or upon any ground, their claim to this discovery. the ship of captain gray, whether fitted out by the government of the united states or not, was a national ship. if she was not so in a technical sense of the word, _she was in the full sense of it applicable to such an occasion_. she bore at her stern the flag of the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be identified with the rights of the nation." the doctrine adduced in the above passage is not in accordance either with the practice of nations, or the principles of natural law. the occasion here contemplated was the discovery of a country with a view of taking possession of it. the practice of nations, according to vattel, has usually respected such a discovery, when made by navigators _furnished with a commission from their sovereign_, but not otherwise; and according to kluber, in order that an act of occupation should be legitimate,--and the same observation applies to all the acts which are accessorial to occupation,--the _state_ ought to have the intention of taking possession. it may be perfectly true that a merchant vessel, sailing under the flag of a nation, is under the protection of the nation, and is to be identified with the rights of the nation, within the limits of its own proper character, that is, for all the purposes of commerce, but not beyond those limits: the flag, indeed, entitles it to all the privileges which the nation has secured to her citizens by treaties of commerce, but the ship is the property of individuals, and the captain is only the agent of the owners: he possesses no authority from the nation, unlike the captain of a vessel of the state, who is the agent of the state, and for whose acts the state is responsible towards other states. the government of the united states, however, did not consider, about the time of these transactions at astoria, that a trading vessel, sailing under the command of a private citizen, could claim the protection of the flag in the same sense in which a ship of the state possesses it, under the command of a commissioned officer. mr. washington irving has annexed, in the appendix to his "astoria," a letter from mr. gallatin himself, addressed to mr. astor, in august , :--"during that period i visited washington twice--in october or november , and in march . on one of these two occasions, and i believe on the last, you mentioned to me that you were disposed once more to renew the attempt and to _re-establish_ astoria, provided you had _the protection of the american flag_: for which purpose _a lieutenant's command_ would be sufficient to you. you requested me to mention this to the president, which i did. mr. madison said he would consider the subject; and, although he did not commit himself, i thought that he received the proposal favourably." this distinction, which the highest authorities in the united states seem at that time to have fully appreciated, between the protection of the national flag in respect of acquiring territory, and the protection of it in respect of carrying on commerce, namely, that a commission from the state is required to convey the former, whilst the latter is enjoyed at his own will by every citizen, is seemingly at variance with mr. rush's remarks. the principle, however, upon which captain gray's discovery, on the hypothesis that it was a national discovery, was alleged to lead to such important consequences, was thus stated:--"i asserted," writes mr. rush, "that a nation discovering a country by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of such principal river and its tributary streams." this is a very sweeping declaration, more particularly when applied to the rivers of the new world; and, in order that it should command the acquiescence of other states, it must be agreeable either to the principles of natural law, or to the practice of nations. the principles involved in this position seem to be, that the discoverer of the mouth of a river is entitled to the exclusive use of the river; and the exclusive use of the river entitles him to the property of its banks. this is an inversion of the ordinary principles of natural law, which regards rivers and lakes as appendages to a territory, the use of which is necessary for the perfect enjoyment of the territory, and rights of property in them only as acquired through rights of property in the banks. thus, vattel (i., § :) "when a nation takes possession of a country bounded by a river, she is considered as appropriating to herself the river also: for the utility of a river is too great to admit of a supposition that the nation did not intend to reserve it for itself. consequently, the nation that first established her dominion on one of the banks of the river is considered as being the first possessor of all that part of the river which bounds her territory. where it is a question of a very broad river, this presumption admits not of a doubt, so far at least as relates to a part of the river's breadth: and the strength of the presumption increases or diminishes in an inverse ratio with the breadth of a river; for the narrower the river is, the more do the safety and convenience of its use require that it should be subject to the empire and property of a nation." according to the civil law, rivers (flumina perennia,) as distinguished from streams (rivi,) were deemed public, which, like the sea shore, all might use. in an analogous manner, in reference to great rivers flowing into the ocean, a common use is presumed, unless an exclusive title can be made out, either from prescription or the acknowledgment of other states. thus, mr. wheaton, in his elements of international law, (part ii., ch. iv., § ,) in referring to the treaty of san lorenzo el real, in , by the th article of which his catholic majesty agreed that the navigation of the mississippi, from its sources to the ocean, should be free to the citizens of the united states, (martens, traités, vi., p. ,) spain having become at this time possessed of both banks of the mississippi at its mouth, observes:--"the right of the united states to participate with spain in the navigation of the mississippi was rested by the american government on the sentiment, written in deep characters on the heart of man, that the ocean is free to all men, and its rivers to all their inhabitants." thus, indeed, the use of a river is considered by mr. wheaton to be accessory to inhabitancy; in other words, to follow the property in the banks. the principle, however, upon which the commissioner of the united states defended his claim to attach such an extent of country to the discovery of captain gray, was, that it was at once _reasonable_ and _moderate_; reasonable, because there must be some rule for determining the local extent of a discovery, and none was more proper than taking the water-courses which nature had laid down, both as the fair limits of the country, and as indispensable to its use and value; moderate, because the natives of europe had often, under their rights of discovery, carried their claims much further. as to the reasonableness of the rule, if mr. rush meant that rivers were the natural and most convenient boundaries of territories, this proposition would command a ready assent: but the result of the principle which he set up as to the extent of the discovery, would be to make the high-lands, and not the water-courses, the territorial limits. in respect, however, to the moderation of the principle, when the magnitude of the great rivers of america, the amazons for example, or the mississippi, is taken into consideration, the absolute moderation of the rule would be questionable. but its moderation was insisted upon in comparison with the extensive grants of the european sovereigns. the comparative moderation, however, of a principle will not be sufficient to give it validity as a principle of international law, if it should be not in accordance with the practice of nations. but mr. monroe, under whose administration as president of the united states this principle was advanced by mr. rush, had, in the negotiations which he, in conjunction with mr. pinckney, carried on in with spain, propounded a very different principle, viz.: "that whenever any european nation _takes possession of any extent of sea coast_, that possession is understood as extending into the interior country, to the sources of the rivers emptying within that coast, to all their branches, and the country they cover, and to give it a right in exclusion of all other nations to the same." now vattel (i., § ) observes,--"when a nation takes possession of a country, with a view to settle there, it takes possession of everything included in it, as lands, lakes, rivers, &c." here then the title to the river is made subordinate to the title to the coast, and such is the case in the charters of the crown of england, which mr. rush alludes to as confirmatory of his view. the georgia charter of , for instance, of which he cites a portion, granted "all the lands and territories from the most northern stream of the savannah river, all _along the sea coast_ to the southward unto the most southern stream of the alatamaha river, and westward _from the heads of the said rivers respectively in direct lines to the south seas_, and all that space, circuit, and precinct of land lying _within the said boundaries_." (oldmixon's history of the british colonies in america, i., p. .) the same principle is sanctioned in the grant of pennsylvania and of carolina, and it is perfectly reasonable: for, as the discovery has taken place from the sea, the approach to the territory is presumed to be from the sea, so that the occupant of the sea-coast will necessarily bar the way to any second comer: and as he is supposed, in all these grants, to have settled in vacant territory, he will naturally be entitled to extend his settlement over the vacant district, as there will be no other civilised power in his way. mr. rush, in order to show that britain was not the only european nation, who, in her territorial claims on this continent, had had an eye to the rule of assuming water-courses to be the fittest boundaries, cited the charter of louis xiv. to crozat. but this very charter bears testimony against the principle advanced by mr. rush; for it is undeniable that the spaniards discovered the mouth of the mississippi about ; yet, in the face of this fact, the french king granted to crozat all the territory between new mexico on the west and carolina on the east, as far as the sources of the st. louis, or mississippi, under the name of the government of louisiana, as a part of his possessions, though spain had never ceded her title to france; on the authority, according to messrs. pinckney and monroe, of the discovery made by the french of the upper part of the river, as low down as the arkansas in , and to its mouth in , and of a settlement upon the sea coast in the bay of st. bernard, by la salle, in . (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) it was in reference to this settlement that the principle of the possession of the coast entitling to the possession of the interior country, had been propounded to spain on the part of the united states. but if we examine this principle in its application, we shall find it lead to very great inconveniences. in the case of the columbia river itself, mr. rush claimed the whole of the northwest coast, as far north as the st parallel of north latitude, because the north branch of the river rises in that latitude. but the mouth of frazer's river is in ° n. l., so that the discoverer of the mouth of frazer's river would be entitled to the coast above the th parallel, unless mr. greenhow means to confine the application of his principle to what is strictly the valley of the river, and this would be to make the headlands, as before remarked, the lines of territorial demarcation. this certainly would be an intelligible rule, whilst any other interpretation of his meaning would lead to an endless conflict of titles. for otherwise, as observed, the discoverer of the mouth of frazer's river would clash with the discoverer of the mouth of the columbia river, as frazer's river extends from ° ' to °, and the discoverer of the salmon river, which rises in about °, and, after pursuing a northward course, empties itself into the sea a little below °, would clash with the discoverer of the mouth of frazer's river. mr. rush's principle seems to assume that all the main rivers of a country pursue a parallel course, and that all the great valleys and mountain ranges are conformable, which however is not the case. thus the columbia, after following for some time, in a southward direction, a parallel course to frazer's river, is suddenly turned aside to the west by the blue mountains, which it meets in about ° n. l., and arriving at a gap in the cascade range, finds its way at once to the sea along that parallel, instead of forming a great lake between the cascade and blue mountains, and ultimately working its way out where the klamet at present empties itself into the pacific. mr. rush's principle, therefore, does not seem to recommend itself by its convenience; but, assuming for a moment that it is a recognised principle of international law, that a "nation discovering a country by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of the principal river and its tributary streams," the united states would only be entitled to the valley of the columbia river, to the country watered by the river itself, and its tributaries: it could not claim to come across the cascade range on the northern side of the columbia, to cross the highlands which turn off the waters on their eastern side into the columbia, and on their western side into admiralty inlet; yet, by virtue of the first entrance by gray of the mouth of the columbia river, the united states claim, "in their own right, and under their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country west of the rocky mountains, from the d to at least as high up as the st degree of north latitude." such were the grounds on which the original title of the united states was set up; her derivative title on this occasion was founded upon the cession of the title of spain by the treaty of washington. in support of the spanish title, mr. rush alleged that "russia had acknowledged it in , as the state papers of the nootka sound controversy would show. but the memorial of the court of spain simply states, that in reply to the remonstrance of spain against the encroachments of russian navigators within the limits of spanish america (limits situated within prince william's strait,) russia declared "that she had given orders that her subjects should make no settlement in places belonging to other powers, and that if those orders had been violated, and any had been made in spanish america, she desired the king would put a stop to them in a friendly manner." (annual register, , p. .) but russia did not acknowledge the limits of spanish america, as set up by spain; on the contrary, we find m. de poletica, the russian minister at washington, in his letter to mr. adams of the th february , distinctly asserting that russian navigators had pushed their discoveries as far south as the forty-ninth degree of north latitude in , and that in there were russian colonies in vancouver's island, which the spanish authorities did not disturb, and that vancouver found a russian establishment in the bay of koniac. (british and foreign state papers - .) vancouver himself states, that he found a settlement of about one hundred russians at port etches, on the eastern side of prince william's sound, and m. de poletica, in his negotiations with mr. adams, maintained the authenticity of the statement in the two official letters preserved in the archives of the marine at paris, which report that in captain haro, in the spanish packet st. charles, found a russian settlement in the latitude of ° and °. (state papers, - , p. .) fleurieu, the french hydrographer, considers these numbers to be erroneous, and that ° and ° ought to be read; but he gives no other reason than that the english traders had fully ascertained that the russians had no establishment to the south of nootka sound, which is between and degrees. so far, at least, were the russians from practically recognising the title of spain up to ° north latitude, that in the emperor paul granted to the russian american company the exclusive enjoyment of the north-west coast as far south as ° north lat., in virtue of the discovery of it by russian navigators, and authorised them to extend their discoveries to the south of °, and to occupy all such territories as should not have been previously occupied and placed under subjection by any other nation, (greenhow, p. .) it was further urged by mr. rush, that spain had expressly asserted in , that her territories extended as far as the th degree of north latitude; and that she had always maintained her possessions entire, notwithstanding attempted encroachments upon them. this, however, was not admitted by the british minister at the court of madrid: moreover, it was by implication denied in the very first article of the treaty, by which it was stipulated that the buildings and tracts of land on the north-west coast of america, or on islands adjacent to the continent, of which the subjects of his britannic majesty had been _dispossessed_ about the middle of april, , by the spaniards, should be restored to the said british subjects. again, it was contended by mr. rush, that "any claim on the part of great britain, under the voyage of captain cook, was sufficiently superseded (passing by every thing else) by the journal of the spanish expedition from san blas, in , kept by don antonio maurelle, and published by daines barrington, a british author," in his miscellanies. it is, however, quite a novel view of the law of nations, that a _clandestine_ discovery should be set up to supersede a _patent_ discovery, notified to all the world by the authoritative publication of the facts. thus lord stowell, in the case of the fama ( robinson's reports, ,) says, "in newly-discovered countries, where a title is meant to be established for the first time, some act of possession is usually done, and _proclaimed as a notification of the fact_. in a similar manner, in the case of derivative title, it is a recognised rule of international law, that sovereignty does not pass by the mere words of a treaty, without actual delivery. when stipulations of treaties," observes lord stowell, "for ceding particular countries are to be carried into execution, solemn instruments of cession are drawn up, and adequate powers are _formally_ given to the persons by whom the actual delivery is to be made. in modern times more especially, such a proceeding is become almost a matter of necessity, with regard to the territorial establishments of the states of europe in the new world. the treaties by which they are affected may not be known to them for many months after they are made. many articles must remain _executory_ only, and not executed till carried into effect; and until that is done by _some public act, the former sovereignty must remain_. in illustration of the practice of nations being in accordance with this principle, that eminent judge cited the instances of the cession of nova scotia to france in , of louisiana to spain in , and of east florida to spain in , in all of which cases the sovereignty was held not to have passed by the treaty, but by a subsequent formal and public act of notification. claims of territory are claims of a most sacred nature, and, as the case of vacant lands, a claim of discovery by one nation is to supersede and extinguish thence-forward the rights of all other nations to take possession of the country as vacant, the reason of the thing requires that the newly-acquired character of the country should be indicated by some public act. thus mr. greenhow (p. ) observes, that the government of spain, by its silence as to the results of the expedition of perez in , deprived itself "of the means of establishing, beyond question, his claim to the discovery of nootka sound, which is now, by general consent, assigned to captain cook." in this conference, the convention of the escurial, or, as it was termed, the nootka sound convention, was introduced by mr. rush, in accordance with the express instructions of the united states government. mr. greenhow seems to consider that this was an impolitic step on the part of the united states, as they thereby admitted it to be a subsisting treaty. mr. rush certainly maintained that the convention contained _recognitions of rights_, such as the exclusive colonial rights of spain, but he further contended that, "whilst, by it, the nations of europe generally were allowed to make settlements on that coast, _it was only, for the purposes of the trade with the natives_, thereby excluding the right of any exclusive or colonial establishments for other purposes." to the same purport mr. greenhow (p. ) in a note says, "the principles settled by the nootka sound convention were:-- " st. that the rights of fishing in the south seas; of trading with the natives of the north-west coast of america; and _of making settlements on the coast itself, for the purposes of that trade_, north of the actual settlements of spain, were common to all the european nations, and of course to the united states." this view, however, of the purport of the convention of the escurial, falls short of the full bearing of the rd article, which is the one alluded to; by which it was agreed, "that their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested, either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the pacific ocean, or the south seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or _of making settlements_ there." there is no restriction here as to the object of the settlement: on the contrary, _the making settlements_ is specified as distinct _from the landing on the coast for the purposes of trade_. it is obvious that, if the intention of the framers of the convention had been such as asserted by mr. rush, they would have worded the article otherwise, viz., "or in landing on the coasts of those seas, or in making settlements there, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country." the argument, therefore, advanced by mr. rush, must, upon the face of the words of it, be held to give an imperfect view of the rights mutually acknowledged by the treaty of the escurial. but the meaning of the word "settlement" in the treaty will be obvious, if either the antecedent facts, or the antecedent negotiations, are regarded. in the memorial of the court of spain [annual register, , p. ,] it is stated, that before the visit of martinez to nootka, spain did not know that the english had endeavoured _to make settlements_ on the northern parts of the southern ocean, though she had been aware of trespasses made by the english on some of the islands of those coasts. martinez, on arriving at nootka, had found two american vessels, [the columbia and washington,] but as it appeared from their papers that they were driven there by distress, and only came in there to refit, he permitted them to proceed upon their voyage. "he also found there the iphigenia from macao, under portuguese colours, which had a passport from the governor; and though he [the captain] came manifestly with a view to trade there, yet the spanish admiral, when he saw his instructions, gave him leave to depart, upon his signing an engagement to pay the value of the vessel, should the government of mexico declare it a lawful prize. "with this vessel there came a second [the north-west america,] which the admiral detained and a few days after a third, named the argonaut, from the above-mentioned place. the captain [colnett] of this latter was an englishman. he came _not only to trade_, but brought every thing with him proper _to form a settlement there_ and to fortify it. this, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the spanish admiral, he persevered in, and was detained, together with his vessel. "after him came a fourth english vessel, named the princess royal, and evidently _for the same purposes_. she likewise was detained, and sent into port st. blas, where the pilot of the argonaut made away with himself." what these purposes were, is more fully shown from the letter of instructions which capt. colnett carried with him, and which is to be found in the appendix to meares' voyages, having been annexed to meares' memorial. "in planning a factory on the coast of america, we look to _a solid establishment_, and not to one that is to be abandoned at pleasure. we authorise you to fix it at the most convenient station, only to place _your colony_ in peace and security, and fully protected from the fear of the smallest sinister accident. the object of a port of this kind is to draw the indians to it, to lay up the small vessels in the winter season, to build, and for other commercial purposes. when this point is effected, different trading houses will be established at stations, that your knowledge of the coast and its commerce point out to be most advantageous." that the avowed object of capt. colnett's expedition was in conformity with these instructions, is confirmed by the letter which gray, the captain of the washington, and ingraham, the mate of the columbia, both of them citizens of the united states, addressed to the spanish commandant from nootka sound in august , , and which mr. greenhow has published in his appendix [p. ]--"it seems captain meares, with some other englishmen at macao, had concluded _to erect a fort and settle a colony_ in nootka sound; from what authority we cannot say. however, on the arrival of the argonaut, we _heard captain colnett inform the spanish commodore he had come for that purpose_, and to hoist the british flag, take formal possession, &c.; to which the commodore answered, he had taken possession already in the name of his catholic majesty; on which capt. colnett asked, if he would be prevented from building a house in the port. the commodore, mistaking his meaning, answered him he was at liberty to erect a tent, get wood and water, &c., after which, he was at liberty to depart when he pleased; but capt. colnett said, that was not what he wanted, but to build a block-house, erect a fort, and _settle a colony_ for the crown of great britain. don estevan jose martinez answered, _no_; that in doing that, he should violate the orders of his king, run a risk of losing his commission, and not only that, but it would be relinquishing the _spaniards' claim to the coast_; besides, don martinez observed, _the vessels did not belong to the king_, nor was he intrusted with powers to transact such public business. on which capt. colnett answered, he was a king's officer: but don estevan replied, his being in the navy was of no consequence in the business." the authorised spanish account in the introduction of the voyage of galiano and valdes [p. cvii.] is in perfect harmony with the contemporaneous american statement. mr. greenhow has quoted a portion of it in a note to his work, [p. ,] which may be referred to more conveniently than the spanish original, of which the following is a translation:--"there entered the same port, on the d of july, the english packet-boat argonaut, despatched from macao by the english company. her captain, james colnett, was furnished with a license from the king of england, authorising him [iba autorizado con ordenes del rey] _to take possession of the port of nootka, to fortify himself in it, and to establish a factory_ for storing the skins of the sea-otter, and to preclude other nations from engaging in that trade, with which object he was to build a large ship and a schooner. so manifest an infringement _of territorial rights_ led to an obstinate contest between the spanish commandant and the english captain, which extended to europe, and alarmed the two powers, threatening them for some time with war and devastation, the fatal results of discord. thus a dispute about the possession of a narrow territory, inhabited only by wretched indians, and distant six thousand navigable leagues from europe, threatened to produce the most disastrous consequences to the whole world, the invariable result, when the ambition or vanity of nations intervenes, and prudence and moderation are wanting in contesting rights of property." spain, at the commencement of the negotiations, expressly required through her ambassador at the court of london, on february , , "that the parties who had planned these expeditions should be punished, in order to deter others _from making settlements on territories occupied_ and frequented by the spaniards for a number of years." great britain, in undertaking that her subjects should not act against the just and acknowledged rights of spain, maintained for them an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of such _establishments_ as they should form with the consent of the natives of the country, _not previously occupied_ by any of the european nations. the word "establishment" here made use of is synonymous with "settlement," _établissement_ being the expression in the french version of the treaty wherever _settlement_ occurs in the english version. both these terms have a recognised meaning in the language of treaties, of a far wider extent than that to which mr. rush sought to limit the language of the convention of the escurial. in the convention itself the word "settlement" is applied, in the th article, to the spanish colonies; in the th, it is applied to the parts of the coast occupied by the subjects of either power since , or hereafter to be occupied; in the th, to the parts of the coast which the subjects of both powers were forbidden to occupy. there is nothing in the context to warrant the supposition that the usual meaning was not to be attached to the word "settlement" on this occasion, namely, a _territorial settlement_, such as is contemplated in the rd article of the treaty of : "and that the american fishermen shall have liberty to dry and cure fish in any of the _unsettled_ bays, harbours, and creeks of nova scotia, magdalen islands, so long as the same shall remain unsettled: but so soon as the same, or either of them, shall be _settled_, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such _settlement_ without a previous agreement with _the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground_." in the same manner, during the negotiations of , _the settlement at the mouth of the columbia river_ was the term applied by mr. rush to astoria. during the discussions between spain and the united states prior to the florida treaty, the _settlement_ in the bay of st. bernard, is the appellation given to the french colony of la salle; and in crozat's grant the word _établissemens_ is similarly employed. that "settlement" is not the received expression in the language of diplomatists for temporary trading stations, may be inferred from a single instance in the treaty of , by the second article of which it was provided,--"the united states, in the mean time, at their discretion extending their _settlements_ [leurs établissemens] to any post within the said boundary line, except within the precincts or _jurisdiction_ of any of the said posts. all _settlers_ and _traders_ within the said posts [tous les colons et commerçans établis dans l'enceinte et la jurisdiction des dites postes] shall continue to enjoy unmolested all their property of every kind, and shall be protected therein." one instance more will suffice. treaties must be construed in accordance with the received and ordinary meaning of the language, unless otherwise specified, especially when it is sought to attach an unusual sense to any particular term, which sense is ordinarily expressed by some other well-known term. thus, the th article of the treaty of paris serves to show, that a station exclusively for the purposes of trade with the natives is not termed a settlement, or _établissement_, but a factory, or _comptoir_. "in the east indies great britain shall restore to france, in the conditions they are now in, the different _factories_ [les différens comptoirs] which that crown possessed, as well on the coast of coromandel and orissa as on that of malabar, as also bengal, at the beginning of the year ." [jenkinson's collection of treaties, vol. ii., p. ; martens' traités, i., p. .] in remarkable contrast to this we find in the convention of commerce between great britain and the united states, signed at london, july , , the following words in the third article:--"his britannic majesty agrees that the vessels of the united states of america shall be admitted and hospitably received at the principal _settlements_ of the british dominions in the east indies, viz., calcutta, madras, bombay, and prince of wales' island, and that the citizens of the said united states may freely carry on trade between the said principal _settlements_ and the said united states." in this latter case it is no longer trading posts, but territorial establishments which are spoken of, and the word _settlements_ is distinctively applied to them. chapter xvi. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - . revival of negotiations.--written statements of respective claims.--the united states.--great britain.--rights supposed to be derived from the acquisition of louisiana.--jefferys' french america.--cession of canada.--the illinois country.--treaty of utrecht.--treaty of paris.--french maps.--charters.--declaration of court of france in , as to respective limits of canada and louisiana.--contiguity of territory.--hudson's bay territories.--atlantic colonies.--cession by france of the left bank of the mississippi.--mr. gallatin's doctrine of contiguity.--assumptions not admissible.--claim to an exclusive title by contiguity.--argument from numbers.--derivative title from spain.--meaning of the word "settlement" in the treaty of the escurial.--mr. gallatin's doctrine respecting "factories."--intermixed settlements not incompatible with distinct jurisdiction.--the convention contained a mutual recognition of rights.--general law of nations may be appealed to as supplementary to the treaty.--priority of settlement.--vattel.--territory in use never granted for the purpose of making settlements.--treaty of paris.--usufructuary right.--settlements not to be disturbed.--territory in chief not reserved.--convention of . the subject of a definitive arrangement of the respective claims of the two nations to the country west of the rocky mountains, the sovereignty over which had been placed in abeyance for ten years by the convention of , was once more revived in , on the arrival in london of mr. gallatin, with full powers from the united states to resume the discussion. the british commissioners renewed their former proposal of a boundary line drawn along the th parallel from the rocky mountains to m'gillivray's river, the north-eastern branch of the columbia, and thence along that river to the pacific ocean, and subsequently "tendered in the spirit of accommodation" the addition of a detached territory on the north side of the river, extending from bulfinch's (gray's or whidbey's) harbour on the pacific, to hood's canal on the straits of fuca. mr. gallatin, on his part, confined himself to the previous offer of the th parallel to the pacific, with the free navigation to the sea of such branches of the columbia as the line should cross at points from which they are navigable by boats. the claims of the two nations were on this occasion formally set forth in written statements, and annexed to the protocol of the sixth and seventh conferences respectively. they were published with president adams's message to congress of december , , and are both inserted in full in the _second_ edition of mr. greenhow's history, lately published. the british statement alone was published in his first edition, but the united states' counter-statement, a very able paper, which was a great desideratum, has been annexed to the second edition. it is much to be regretted that so interesting a collection of state papers as the documents of congress contain, are almost inaccessible to the european reader, since a complete collection is not to be met with in any of our great public libraries in england or france--those of the british museum, for example, and of the chamber of deputies, having been in vain consulted for this purpose. it was intended to annex both the written statements on this occasion in an appendix to the present work, but the recent publication of the negotiations of - , has rendered this step unnecessary. on this occasion mr. gallatin grounded the claims of the united states--first of all upon their acquisition of louisiana, as constituting as strong a claim to the westwardly extension of that province over the _contiguous_ vacant territory, and to the occupation and sovereignty of the country as far as the pacific ocean; and, secondly, on the several discoveries of the spanish and american navigators. these distinct titles, it was maintained, "though in different hands, they would conflict with each other, being now united in the same power, supported each other. the possessors of louisiana might have contended, on the ground of contiguity, for the adjacent territory on the pacific ocean, with the discoveries of the coast and of its main rivers. the several discoveries of the spanish and american navigators might separately have been considered as so many _steps in the progress of discovery, and giving only imperfect claims to each party_. all these various claims, from whatever consideration derived, are now brought united against the pretensions of any other nation." "these united claims," it was urged, "established a stronger title to the country above described, and along the coast as far north, at least, as the th parallel of latitude, than has ever, at any former time, been asserted by any nation to vacant territory." the british commissioners, messrs. huskisson and addington, on their part, maintained that the titles of the united states, if attempted to be combined, destroyed each other--if urged singly, were imperfect titles. great britain claimed _no exclusive sovereignty_ over any portion of the territory. as for any exclusive spanish title, that was definitively set at rest by the convention of nootka, and the united states necessarily succeeded to the limitations by which spain herself was bound. in respect to the french title, louisiana never extended across the rocky mountains westward, unless some tributary of the mississippi crossed them from east to west; but assuming that it did even extend to the pacific, it belonged to spain equally with the californias, in , when she signed the convention of nootka; and also subsequently, in , when gray first entered the mouth of the columbia. if then louisiana embraced the country west of the rocky mountains, to the south of °, it must have embraced the columbia itself, and consequently gray's discovery must have been made in a country avowedly already appropriated to spain; and if so appropriated, necessarily included, with all other spanish possessions and claims in that quarter, in the stipulations of the nootka convention. as the rights supposed to be derived from the acquisition of louisiana were on this occasion for the first time set up by the united states, and formed a leading topic in mr. gallatin's counter-statement, their novelty, as well as the important consequences attempted to be deduced from them, entitled them to precedence in the order of inquiry over the derivative spanish title, and the original title of the united states, the more so, as the two latter have been already briefly examined. it would seem that mr. gallatin did not attempt to extend the boundaries of the colony of louisiana, beyond the valley of the mississippi and its tributaries. crozat's grant would of itself be evidence against any extension of the french title in this respect. but he contended, that "by referring to the most authentic french maps, new france was made to extend over the territory drained by rivers entering into the south seas. the claim to a westwardly extension to those seas was thus early asserted, as part, not of louisiana, but of new france. the king had reserved to himself, in crozat's grant, the right of enlarging the government of louisiana. this was done by an ordinance dated in the year , which annexed the illinois to it, and from that time, the province extended as far as the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and thereby west of canada or new france. the settlement of that northern limit still further strengthens the claim of the united states to the territory west of the rocky mountains." the meaning of this passage is rather obscure, but it seems to imply, that by the annexation of the illinois the province of louisiana was extended to the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and _thereby_ cut off the western portion of canada or new france, and so consequently extended itself to the south seas. if this be the correct view of the argument, then it may be confidently asserted, that neither of these positions can be established. in the first place, crozat's grant, on which the united states expressly and formally relied in the negotiations with spain, defined the country of louisiana to be bounded on the west by new mexico, on the east by carolina, and northwards to comprise the countries along the river st. louis (mississippi) from the sea-shore to the illinois, together with the river st. philip, formerly called the missouries river, and the st. jerome, formerly called wabash, with all the countries, territories, lakes in the land, and the rivers emptying directly or indirectly into _that part_ of the river st. louis. the words of the grant, if strictly interpreted, limit the province on _both sides_ of the mississippi _to that part from the sea-shore to the illinois_, as both the missouri and the wabash (ohio) unite with the mississippi below the illinois. but it seems to have been practically held, that louisiana extended along the western bank of the mississippi to its source. thus we find in jefferys' history of the french dominions in america, published in , louisiana thus described:--"the province of louisiana, on the southern part of new france, extends, according to the french geographers, from the gulf of mexico in about ° to near ° north lat. on the western side, (the sources of the mississippi being laid down in jefferys' map in about °,) and to near ° on the eastern, and from ° to near ° w. longitude from london. it is bounded on the north by canada, on the east by the british colonies of new york, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, georgia, and by the peninsula of florida; on the south by the gulf of mexico; and lastly, on the west by new mexico." this description evidently omits the illinois, but the annexation of the illinois in did not give to the province of louisiana the indefinite extent northward which mr. gallatin suggests, for the marquis de vaudreuil, in ceding the province of canada to sir j. amherst, in , according to his own letter, (annual register, , p. ,) expressly described louisiana as extending on the one side to the carrying-place of the miamis, and on the other to the head of the river of the illinois. the illinois country itself was a limited district, watered by a river of that name, which had been so called from an indian nation settled on its banks. this tribe or nation was said to have migrated from the west, along the banks of the moingona, (the rivière des moines,) down to its junction with the mississippi: it had then established itself a little lower down on the eastern side of the mississippi, in an exceedingly fertile valley, watered by a tributary of that river, to which it gave its own name of illinois. the french settlement was in this district, according to jefferys: its commodious situation enabled it to keep up the communication between canada and louisiana, and the fertility of the soil rendered it the granary of louisiana. it may be perfectly true that illinois was the most northern limit of the french _possessions_ in north america, if by the term _possessions_ is meant the territory in which they had made settlements; but if the term is intended to include the territory in which they claimed a right to found settlements, the statement would not be correct. by the treaty of utrecht, the british had precluded themselves from passing over the limits of the territory of the bay of hudson, and all the country south of those limits would be considered amongst "the places appertaining to the french," in other words, would be part of new france. but the southern boundary of the hudson's bay territory would be much to the northward of the illinois country; the intermediate district, it is true, was peopled with various indian tribes, but the french, as against great britain, by the treaty of utrecht, had an exclusive title to the country. by the treaty of paris in , that title passed from france to great britain, and in pursuance of the rights so acquired by the crown of england, a proclamation was issued, reserving to the indians, as hunting grounds, all the territories not included within the government of quebec, or the limits of the territory granted to the hudson's bay company, and enjoining all persons whatever, who should have seated themselves in them, to remove forthwith from such settlements. (annual register, , p. .) it would thus appear, if new france ever extended across the continent of america to the pacific ocean, the portion of it north of the sources of the mississippi, and of the illinois river, passed into the hands of great britain, on the ratification of the treaty of paris. the claim, however, to the westwardly extension of new france to the pacific ocean, requires some better evidence than the maps of the french geographers. a map can furnish no proof of territorial title: it may illustrate a claim, but it cannot prove it. the proof must be derived from facts, which the law of nations recognises as founding a title to territory. maps, as such, that is, when they have not had a special character attached to them by treaties, merely represent the _opinions of the geographers_ who have constructed them, which opinions are frequently founded on fictitious or erroneous statements: e. g., the map of the discoveries in north america by ph. buache and j. n. de lisle, in , in which portions of the west coast of america were delineated in accordance with de fonte's story, (supra, ch. iv.,) and the maps of north-west america at the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries, which represent california as lately ascertained to be an island. an examination of the collection in the king's library at the british museum, will remove all scepticism on this head. such documents are entitled, of themselves, to far less consideration from foreign powers, than the charters of sovereigns. these, indeed, may be binding on the subjects of the sovereigns by their own inherent authority, but against other nations, they must be supported expressly, on the face of them at least by some external authority, which the law of nations acknowledges. thus, we find generally the title of discovery recited in the preamble of charters; it is, however, competent for other nations to dispute this title, or to dispute the extent to which the grant goes. the charter of carolina and georgia, elsewhere recited, will furnish a case in point. in these the grant extends westward to the south seas, but this would convey no title to the settlers against the french, who barred the way to the south seas by their settlements in louisiana, and who would dispute the asserted claim, so that the charters would be inoperative in their full extent. but when mr. gallatin stated, that from the ordonnance of the province of louisiana extended as far as the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and thereby west of canada or new france, he has probably overlooked the words of the ultimatum of the court of france, of the th august , remitted by the duc de choiseul to mr. stanley, the british plenipotentiary, in the course of the negotiations in that year after the surrender of canada:--"the king of france has, in no part of his memorial of propositions, affirmed that _all which did not belong to canada appertained to louisiana_; it is even difficult to conceive such an assertion could be advanced. france, on the contrary, demanded that the intermediate nations between canada and louisiana, as also between virginia and louisiana, shall be considered as neutral nations, independent of the sovereignty of the two crowns, and serve as a barrier between them." (historical memorial of the negotiations, published at paris by authority, . may be referred to in jenkinson's coll. of treaties, vol. ii.) mr. gallatin says elsewhere, in alluding to royal charters:--"in point of fact, the whole country drained by the several rivers emptying into the atlantic ocean, the mouths of which were within those charters, has from hudson's bay to florida, and it is believed without exception, been occupied and held by virtue of those charters. not only has this principle been fully confirmed, but it has been notoriously enforced, much beyond the sources of the rivers on which the settlements were formed. the priority of the french settlements on the rivers flowing westwardly from the alleghany mountains into the mississippi, was altogether disregarded; and the rights of the atlantic colonies to extend beyond those mountains, as growing out of the _contiguity of territory_, and as asserted in the earliest charters, was effectually and successfully enforced." in reply to these remarks it may be observed, that the limits of the hudson's bay territory were settled by the treaty of utrecht, in , those of the atlantic colonies by the treaty of paris, , and in the preliminary negotiation no allusion is any where made to rights founded on charters, or to rights of _contiguity_. on the contrary, in regard to the hudson's bay territories, the peaceable acquiescence of the marquis de frontenac, then governor of canada, in the settlement of the bay of hudson by the english company, was maintained to be a bar to any claims on the part of the french to question, at a subsequent period, the title of which the british crown asserted on the grounds of _discovery_. again, in respect to the atlantic colonies, their right to extend themselves to the banks of the mississippi was never enforced against the french, "as growing out of the contiguity of territory, and as asserted in the earliest charters." on the contrary, in the negotiations of , it was admitted by great britain, that in respect to the course of the ohio, and the territories in those parts, the pretensions of the two crowns had been _contentious_ before the surrender of canada, and in respect to the nations on the east bank of the mississippi, great britain confined herself to asserting that they had been always reputed to be under her protection, and proposed to the french king, that "for the advantage of peace, he should consent to leave the intermediate countries under the protection of great britain, and particularly the cherokees, the creeks, the chicosaws, the chactaws, and another nation, situate between the _british settlements and the mississippi_." the result of these and subsequent negotiations was, that france, by the seventh article of the treaty of paris, agreed that the limits of the british and french territories respectively should be fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the mississippi, from its source to the river iberville [depuis sa naissance jusqu'à la rivière d'iberville,] and ceded to great britain all that she possessed or was entitled to possess, on the left bank of the mississippi, with the exception of new orleans. this cession by france of all that she possessed, or was entitled to possess, on the left bank of the river mississippi, would convey to great britain all her title to the illinois and other districts north of the illinois country, if she possessed any; but she could only possess any title to them as forming part of the dependencies of canada or new france. out of these, indeed, the province of louisiana had been carved by the grant to crozat in , and from these the illinois territory had been detached in , by the charter of law's mississippi company; the remainder, such as it was, had retained its original character of new france or canada unchanged, as well as its original limits, such as they had been determined to be, either by special commissioners, in pursuance of the provisions of the treaty of utrecht, or by an understanding between the crowns of france and great britain. if therefore the french had any possessions in america north of the sources of the mississippi, as louisiana did not extend further north than those sources, they must have been part of the original province of canada, and have been ceded to great britain with canada and all her dependencies. the western boundary of louisiana was never attempted to be extended by the french beyond the limits of crozat's grant, by which louisiana was expressly defined to be bounded by new mexico on the west, and impliedly by the head-waters of the missouri river. "the actual possession," mr. gallatin maintained, "and populous settlements of the valley of the mississippi, including louisiana, and now under one sovereignty, constitute a strong claim to the westwardly extension of that province over the _contiguous_ vacant territory, and to the occupation and sovereignty of the country as far as the pacific ocean. if some trading factories on the shores of hudson's bay have been considered by great britain as giving an exclusive right of occupancy as far as the rocky mountains; if the infant settlements on the more southern atlantic shores justified a claim thence to the south seas, and which was actually enforced to the mississippi, that of the millions already within the reach of those seas cannot consistently be resisted. for it will not be denied that the extent of contiguous territory, to which an actual settlement gives a prior right, must depend, in a considerable degree, on the magnitude and population of that settlement, and on the facility with which the vacant adjoining land may, within a short time, be occupied, settled, and cultivated by such population, as compared with the probability of its being thus occupied and settled from another quarter." in examining mr. gallatin's argument in the above passage, it will be seen that he assumes, as the foundation of it, two suppositions as to the hudson's bay factories and the settlements on the atlantic shores, which are not admissible. great britain never considered her right of occupancy up to the rocky mountains to rest upon the fact of her having established factories on the shores of the bay of hudson, i. e., upon her title by mere settlement, but upon her title by discovery confirmed by settlements, in which the french nation, her only civilised neighbour, acquiesced, and which they subsequently recognised by treaty: and in regard to the infant settlements on the atlantic shores, they were planted there either by virtue of discovery, as in the case of virginia, or else upon the plea of the territory "not yet being cultivated or planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people," as in the case of the carolinas, which, though occupied successively for a time by spanish and by french settlers, had been abandoned by all european nations from the year till , when charles ii. granted letters patent to the earl of clarendon and seven others, asserting a title to it by virtue of the discoveries of sebastian cabot, and its abandonment by other powers. if, therefore, the british crown asserted a right of extending its settlements beyond the heads of the rivers emptying themselves into the atlantic to the south seas, it was not by virtue of its infant settlements, but by the same title, whatever it might be, which, according to the practice of nations, would authorise it to make those settlements, since the claim was asserted in the very charters which empowered the settlement to be made. but the settlement was limited to lands "not yet cultivated or planted," in other words, _to vacant territory_. was the claim then actually enforced by the british to the mississippi? the history of the treaty of paris furnishes a negative answer to the question. the claim, indeed, which mr. gallatin attempts to set up, is to an _exclusive title by contiguity_. but such a title can only be founded on necessity, when the law of self-preservation is paramount to all other considerations. convenience alone will not establish an absolute title, though it may found a conditional title, subject to the acquiescence of other states: but the reason which mr. gallatin alleged in support of the title by contiguity; namely, the facility with which the vacant territory would be occupied by the teeming population of the united states, is but a disguised appeal to the principle of the _vis major_, and strikes at the root of the fundamental axiom of international law, that all nations are upon a footing of perfect equality as to their obligations and rights. "power or weakness," observes vattel, "does not in this respect produce any difference. a dwarf is as much a man as a giant: a small republic is no less a sovereign state than the most powerful kingdom;" so that every argument which rests on the grounds that the millions already within reach of the pacific ocean, entitle the united states by their numbers to the occupation and sovereignty of the country, to the exclusion of great britain, is out of place where questions of greater right, and not of greater interest, are under discussion. it should however not be forgotten, in discussing the probability of the oregon territory being occupied from any other quarter than the united states, that british subjects are restricted by the charter of the hudson's bay company from settling there, it being declared in that charter, "that no british subjects, other than and except the said governor and company, and their successors, and the persons authorised to carry on exclusive trade by them, shall trade with the indians" within such parts of north america as are "to the northward and to the westward of the lands and territories belonging to the united states of america." in respect to the derivative title from spain, mr. gallatin, in admitting the convention of the escurial to be now in force, as being of a commercial nature, and therefore renewed, in common with all the treaties of commerce existing previously to the year , between spain and great britain, by the treaty signed at madrid on august , , (martens' traités, nouveau recueil, iv., p. ,) contended in the first place that the word "settlement" was used in the third and fifth articles of the convention, in the narrower sense which mr. rush had endeavoured to attach to it in the negotiations of , namely, as "connected with the commerce to be carried on with the natives;" and, secondly, that if the word "settlement" was employed in its most unlimited sense, still that the provisions of the convention had no connection with an ultimate partition of the country for the purposes of permanent colonisation. the truth of the last observation, to a certain extent, is self-evident, from the fact of the ultimate partition of the country being still the subject of discussion; but in respect to the word "settlement," some objections to the attempt to narrow its meaning have been already stated, and may be referred to above, (p. - .) a few further observations, however, may not be superfluous. mr. gallatin, in another part of his counter-statement says, "it is also believed, that mere factories, established solely for the purpose of trafficking with the natives, _and without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement_, cannot, of themselves, and unsupported by any other consideration, give any better title to dominion and absolute sovereignty, than similar establishments made in a civilised country." if we admit, for the sake of the argument, that temporary trading stations, erected without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement, cannot of themselves establish a title to exclusive dominion and sovereignty, this very fact alone would be conclusive to show, from the provisions of the fifth article, that such trading stations were not intended by the word "settlement" in the treaty of the escurial. the settlements there contemplated were only to be made in places not already occupied, and further, "in all places wherever the subjects of either _shall have made settlements_ since the month of april , _or shall hereafter make any_, the subjects of the other shall have free access, and shall carry on _their trade_ without any disturbance or molestation." unless the settlements here alluded to would have been considered to give a title of exclusive sovereignty by the recognised law of nations to the party which had formed them, if not otherwise specified, this provision would have been not merely uncalled for, but on the well-known principle of "expressio unius est exclusio alterius," would have tended to narrow rather than to enlarge the rights of the other party. the reason, however, of this "special provision" will be obvious, when it is called to mind that both spain and great britain carefully excluded foreign powers from all trade with their colonies, and that spain had asserted in the preliminary negotiations a right of "sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce to the continent and islands of the south sea," and had also maintained, that "although she might not have _establishments or colonies_ planted upon the coasts or in the ports in dispute, it did not follow that such coast or port did not belong to her." unless therefore some such provision had been introduced into the treaty, the subsequent settlements on the north-west coast would have been closed against all foreign traders, in conformity to the general laws of both countries. but if mr. gallatin is justified in advancing, as a principle of international law, that "mere factories, established solely for the purpose of trafficking with the natives, and without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement," such as he alleges the trading posts of the north-west company to be, cannot of themselves give a good title to dominion and absolute sovereignty, he cuts away from under the united states the ground upon which they had set up their original title to exclusive sovereignty. for the factory of the pacific fur company at astoria, on the south bank of the columbia, would be, according to this view, quite as inoperative for the purpose of constituting a title by settlement in favour of the united states as that of the hudson's bay company at fort vancouver, on the northern bank, would be ineffectual for a similar purpose in favour of great britain; and, _à fortiori_, the passing visit of a merchant ship, such as the columbia, despatched solely _for the purpose of trafficking with the natives_, and not with the object of making discoveries, or with any authority to take possession of territory for purposes of permanent settlement, could never be held entitled to the consideration which the united states claim to have attached to it. mr. gallatin observed that "the stipulations of the nootka convention permitted promiscuous and intermixed settlements everywhere, and over the whole face of the country, to the subjects of both parties, and even declared every such settlement, made by either party, _in a degree common to the other_. such a state of things is clearly incompatible with distinct jurisdiction and sovereignty. the convention therefore could have had no such object in view as to fix the relations of the contracting parties in that respect." if, however, it can be shown that such a state of things _is not incompatible with distinct jurisdiction_, the argument will fall to the ground. it appears then to have been decided in the united states courts, that, "although the territorial line of a nation, _for the purposes of absolute jurisdiction_, may not extend beyond the middle of the stream, yet the right to the use of the whole river or bay _for the purposes of trade_, navigation, and passage, may be common to both nations." (the fame, mason , c. c. maine, , cited in elliott's american diplomatic code, vol. ii., p. .) here then we have the principle recognised of _use for the purposes of trade being in a degree common_ to both nations, yet such a state of things being _not incompatible with distinct jurisdiction_ and sovereignty. still less would the fact of the convention permitting promiscuous and intermixed settlements to be made everywhere by the subjects of both parties be incompatible with distinct jurisdiction; for, as vattel observes (l. ii., § ,) "it may happen that a nation is contented with possessing only certain places, or appropriating to itself certain rights in a country that has not an owner, without being solicitous to take possession of the whole country. in this case, another nation may take possession of what the first has neglected; but this cannot be done without allowing all the rights acquired by the first to subsist in their full and absolute independence. in such cases, it is proper that regulations should be made by treaty, and this precaution is seldom neglected among civilised nations." mr. gallatin further continues: "on that subject (jurisdiction and sovereignty) it (the convention) established or changed nothing, but left the parties where it found them, and in possession of all such rights, whether derived from discovery, or from any other consideration, as belonged to each, to be urged by each, whenever the question of permanent and separate possession and sovereignty came to be discussed between them." it may be perfectly correct to say that the convention "left the parties where it found them, and in possession of all such rights, whether derived from discovery or from any other consideration, as belonged to each;" for the very object of the third article was not the concession of favours, but the recognition of mutual rights. on the other hand, that it left all question of rights open, to be urged by each at any future time, as if there had been no declaration or acknowledgment on the subject, seems not merely to be at variance with the substance of the third article, but to be utterly irreconcilable with the preamble of the convention, which contemplates an amicable arrangement of the differences between the two crowns, "which, setting aside all retrospective discussion of the rights and pretensions of the two parties, should fix their respective situation for the future on a basis conformable to their true interests, as well as to the mutual desire with which their said majesties are animated, of establishing with each other, in every thing and in all places, the most perfect friendship, harmony, and good correspondence." if, indeed, mr. gallatin means that whenever the parties should find it desirable to terminate the condition of _occupation in common_, it would be competent for either party to appeal to the general law of nations, subject to the provisions of the treaty, the reason of the thing at once suggests that recourse must be had to some general principles of law, in a case for which the treaty does not provide. but the general law of nations must only be invoked as supplementary to the special law recognised by the convention. by the special law of the treaty, the mutual right of making settlements in places not already occupied was acknowledged; but the rights accruing to either party by virtue of such settlements, when made, would be determined by the general law of nations. the _reciprocal liberty_ of free access and unmolested trade with such settlements was provided for by the fifth article; the treaty, however, was silent as to the relations of the parties in other respects, after they should have made settlements. these relations then would be determined by the general law. the common right of either party to make settlements in _places not occupied_ was recognised by the convention. occupation was thus declared to be the test of exclusive title, and "territory not occupied," was impliedly "territory without an owner." priority of settlement would thus give as perfect a title under the special law of the convention, as discovery and settlement under the general law of nations. if this view be correct, then vattel supplies the rule of law which would determine the mutual relations attendant on such settlements. "if at the same time two or more nations discover and _take possession_ of an island, or _any other desert land without an owner_, they ought to agree between themselves, and make an equitable partition; but, if they cannot agree, each will have the right of empire and the domain in the parts in which _they first settled_." (l. ii., § .) the mutual right of the two parties to settle in places not yet occupied, having thus been acknowledged by the convention, the sovereignty was from the nature of things left in abeyance _pending the establishing of such settlements_, but there was no provision in the treaty to suspend the operation of the general law of nations, in respect to the territorial rights consequent on such settlements. to negative the operation of the general law, it would be necessary to show that the _dominium utile_, as distinct from the sovereignty, was all that accrued by such settlements. but in cases in which the territory in use, (_dominium utile_) as distinct from the territory in chief (_dominium eminens_,) has been granted by treaty, such a concession has never been said to be granted "for the purpose of making settlements," and it may be observed that in such cases, express reference is made to the party who retains the territory in chief. thus in the th article of the treaty of paris, by which spain granted to great britain a _usufructuary right_ in the territory of the bay of honduras, it was provided:-- "that his britannic majesty shall cause to be demolished the fortifications which his subjects shall have erected in the bay of honduras, and in _other places of the territory of spain_ in that part of the world, four months after the ratification of the present treaty. "and his catholic majesty shall not permit his britannic majesty's subjects or their workmen to be disturbed or molested under any pretence whatever in _the said places_, in their occupation of cutting, loading, and carrying away logwood; and for this purpose they may build without hindrance, and _occupy without interruption_, the houses which are necessary for themselves or families. "and his catholic majesty assures to them by these articles the full enjoyment of those advantages and powers on the _spanish coasts and territories_, as above stipulated." in this case it will be seen that his catholic majesty granted to great britain the usufructuary right, or, according to the language of the civil law, jus utendi, fruendi, salvâ rerum substantiâ, of the peculiar produce of the soil of the bay of honduras, reserving to himself the property of the soil, or the territory in chief. but on looking once more at the words of the d article, it was agreed between the two contracting parties, that "their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the pacific ocean or in the south seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or of making settlements there." now the only pretext for such disturbance or molestation would be the claim of territorial right or sovereignty: and that pretext being formally relinquished by the stipulation not to disturb, the claim of territorial right, as founded on considerations anterior to the treaty, was mutually abandoned by either party. again, the _subjects_ of either party were declared entitled to make _settlements_ in places not already occupied. if now there was a reservation of territorial right in chief by one party, then the families settling there, which is in effect colonising, (for the cultivation of the soil must be allowed them,) could not be the subjects of the other party, if they settled and became domiciled there; yet they are acknowledged to retain their character. now, such as the subject is, such is the jurisdiction. if, for instance, the absolute and sole territory of the north-west coast of america, exclusive of any other power, was possessed and retained by spain, then the jurisdiction over all persons settling there belonged to spain: the residents in that territory were the subjects of spain _pro hâc vice_, wheresoever they were born, agreeably to the principle admitted all over europe, that every man is the subject of the jurisdiction and territory in which he is domiciled. but british subjects settling in the places not already occupied on the north-west coast of america could not thereby be divested of the character of their original domicile, for it was only in such character that they were entitled not to be disturbed or molested in their settlements,--it was only under the authority and protection of a british sovereign that they were entitled to set foot upon the territory. other considerations will readily suggest themselves, but it is unnecessary to pursue the subject further. these negotiations were brought to a close by the signature of the convention of , by which the provisions of the d article of the convention of were further indefinitely extended, it being competent however for either party to abrogate the agreement, on giving twelve months' notice to the other party. chapter xvii. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - . general line of argument on either side.--original title of the united states.--nationality of a merchant ship.--mr. buchanan's statement.--mr. rush's view.--the practice of nations makes a distinction between public and private vessels.--tribunals of the united states.--laws of south carolina.--the distinction rests on the comity of nations.--it is not arbitrary, at the will of each nation, nor can it be disturbed.--dr. channing on the character of merchant ships.--the taking possession of a vacant country for the purpose of settlement, is an act of sovereignty.--mr. gallatin's letter to mr. astor on the flag.--discoveries, as the groundwork of territorial title, technical.--lord stowell.--inchoate acts of sovereignty.--vattel.--title by discovery, the creature of the comity of nations.--gray's first entering the mouth of the columbia does not satisfy the required conditions.--heceta's discovery, in the popular sense of the term.--gray's the first exploration of the mouth.--expedition of lewis and clarke.--mr. rush's mis-statement in , as to the sources of the multnomah, and of clarke's river.--inaccuracy in the statements of mr. calhoun, and of mr. buchanan.--the great northern branch of the columbia not called clarke's river by lewis and clarke.--clarke's river supposed by them to be a tributary of the tacoutche-tesse.--the tacoutche-tesse reputed to be the northernmost branch of the columbia river till .--humboldt's new spain.--junction of the lewis with the columbia river.--the northernmost branch of the columbia first explored by thomson.--lewis and clarke did not encamp and winter on the north bank of the columbia.--fort clatsop on the south bank.--mr. packenham's counter-statement.--settlements of the united states.--mr. calhoun's statement.--mr. henry's trading fort.--failure of captain smith's undertaking.--mr. astor's adventure.--astoria on the south bank of the columbia.--rival station of the north-west company on the spokan river.--astoria not a national settlement.--no claim advanced to it by the united states in the negotiations preceding the florida treaty.--astoria transferred to the north-west company by sale.--the united states formally placed in possession of it in .--mr. calhoun's argument.--confusion of the settlement with the territory.--the right of possession.--the question at issue in .--mr. rush did not then assert a perfect title.--mr. buchanan now maintains an exclusive title.--the derivative title of spain.--inconsistency of the united states commissioners.--effect of the nootka convention.--contrast of the claims of the two governments.--mr. calhoun's admission as to heceta's discovery.--true character of the original title of the united states.--not an exclusive title.--exclusiveness does not admit of degree.--the title of spain imperfect by express convention.--no rights granted by the nootka convention.--mr. buchanan's statement.--examination of the argument.--opinions expressed in parliament in .--mr. pitt's declaration. the unexpected publication of the correspondence between mr. pakenham, the british minister, and messrs. calhoun and buchanan, the secretaries of state at washington, requires that the more important arguments in their respective statements should be briefly examined, lest the present inquiry should be thought incomplete. no substantially new topic seems to have been advanced during the negotiation, but the treatment of several points in the argument on either side was materially modified. the commissioners of the united states appear on this occasion to have relied more immediately on the original title of the united states than on the derivative spanish title which mr. rush first set up in , or the derivative french title which mr. gallatin brought forward in . the british minister, on the other hand, rested his position more decidedly on the recognition of the title of great britain by the convention of the escurial, and less on the general proof of it by discovery and settlement. in reference, then, to the original title of the united states, mr. calhoun, in his letter of september , , grounded it on the prior discovery of the mouth of the columbia river by captain gray, on the prior exploration of the river from its head-waters by lewis and clarke in - , on the prior settlement on its banks by american citizens in - , and by the pacific fur company at astoria in , which latter establishment was formally restored by the british government in to the government of the united states. mr. buchanan, in his letter of july , , having briefly recapitulated these alleged facts, says:--"if the discovery of the mouth of a river, followed up within a reasonable time by the first exploration of its main channel and its branches, and appropriated by the first settlements on its banks, do not constitute a title to the territory drained by its waters in the nation performing these acts, then the principles consecrated by the practice of civilised nations ever since the discovery of the new world must have lost their force. those principles were necessary to procure the peace of the world. had they not been enforced in practice, clashing claims to newly-discovered territory, and perpetual strife among the nations, would have been the inevitable result." it may be as well to examine into the real character of these alleged facts, before considering how far they warrant the application of the principle of international law, to which mr. buchanan seeks to adapt them. in regard to the discovery of the mouth of the columbia river by capt. gray, in the merchant ship columbia, under the flag of the u. s., mr. calhoun eluded the objection that the columbia was not a _public_ but a _private_ ship, by simply observing--"indeed, so conclusive is the evidence in his (gray's) favour, that it has been attempted to evade our claim on the novel and wholly untenable ground that his discovery was made, not in a national but private vessel;" and so passed on to other questions. mr. buchanan, on the other hand, devotes a few lines to the subject:--"the british plenipotentiary attempts to depreciate the value to the united states of gray's discovery, because his ship was a _trading_ and not a _national_ vessel. as he furnishes no reason for this distinction, the undersigned will confine himself to the remark, that a merchant vessel bears the flag of her country at her masthead, and continues under its jurisdiction and protection, in the same manner as though she _had been commissioned for the express purpose of making discoveries_; besides, beyond all doubt, this discovery was made by gray; and to what nation could the benefit of it belong, unless it be to the united states? certainly not to great britain; and if to spain, the united states are now her representative." mr. rush had in a similar manner maintained, "that the ship of captain gray, whether fitted out by the government of the united states or not, was a national ship. if she was not so in a technical sense of the word, she was in the full sense of it, _applicable to such an occasion_. she bore at her stern the flag of the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be identified with the rights of the nation." in both these statements it seems to be admitted, that there is a technical distinction in the nationality of a public ship and of a private ship; but it is maintained that _for the purposes of discovery_ a merchant ship, under the command of a private individual, is, in the full sense of the word, a national ship. this doctrine, however, finds no countenance in the practice of nations, which, on the contrary, makes a broad distinction between public and private vessels, in reference to all territorial questions. thus the comity of nations attaches to the nationality of public vessels coming into the ports of a foreign sovereign different considerations from those with which it regards the nationality of private vessels. to go no further than the tribunals of the united states, "a public vessel of war, of a foreign sovereign, coming into our ports, and demeaning herself in a friendly manner, is exempt from the jurisdiction of this country," (the schooner exchange v. m'faddon, cranch, : supreme court of the united states, ;) but a private merchant ship has not that courtesy extended to it, if it ventures _intra fauces terræ_. for instance, if a british merchant vessel should enter the port of charleston, with free negro sailors on board, the nationality of the flag will not be sufficient to protect them from the operation of the municipal law, which forbids liberty to the negro within the limits of south carolina; and thus it repeatedly happens, that negroes or persons of colour arriving in the ports of south carolina, though free subjects of her britannic majesty, and engaged _on board of a british merchant vessel_ in the service of the ship, have been by virtue of the _lex loci_ immediately taken from under _the protection of the british flag_, and thrown into prison. in an analogous manner, if a merchant ship from carolina should enter the port of london, with one or more negro slaves on board, the mercantile flag of the united states would not preclude them from the freedom which the soil of great britain imparts to all who come within its precincts. a public vessel, however, is not entitled, _as a matter of right_, to any exemption from the jurisdiction of the sovereign whose territory she enters. for the jurisdiction of every nation within its own territory is exclusive and absolute, and all limitations to the full and complete exercise of that jurisdiction must be traced up to the consent of the nation itself. but the comity of nations regards a public vessel as representing the sovereignty of the nation whose flag it bears. if it therefore leaves the high seas, the common territory of all nations, and enters into a friendly port, it is admitted to the privileges which would be extended to the sovereign himself. one sovereign, however, can only be supposed to enter a foreign territory, as his sovereign rights entitle him to no extra-territorial privileges, under an express licence, or in the confidence that the immunities belonging to his independent sovereign station, though not expressly stipulated, are reserved by implication, and will be extended to him. in a similar manner it is under an implied licence that a public ship enters the port of a friendly power, and retains its independent sovereign character, by the courtesy of the nation within the precincts of whose territorial jurisdiction it has placed itself. a private ship, on the contrary, entering the ports of a foreign power, has freedom of access allowed to it upon a tacit condition of a different kind, namely, that it becomes subject to the municipal laws of the country. hence every nation assigns to its mercantile marine a distinct flag from that which its public ships are authorised to exhibit as the _credential_ of their representing the sovereign power of the state. this distinction between the signification of the respective flags is not arbitrary, at the will of each nation, but is recognised by the law of nations: whilst the mercantile flag imparts to the vessel which bears it a right to participate in the privileges secured by commercial treaties with foreign powers, the public flag of a nation communicates the full character of sovereignty, and is respected accordingly. the commercial flag thus carries with it _nationality_, the public flag _the national sovereignty_. it is as much out of the power of any particular state to disturb this distinction, and to attach to its mercantile flag, beyond the jurisdiction of its own territory, different considerations from those which the practice of nations has sanctioned, as to increase or diminish the list of offences against the law of nations. no individual nation can say, "that is our mercantile flag: such and such powers shall attach to it, because it is our pleasure that it should be so:" on the contrary, it is the practice of nations which defines those powers, and to that practice we must have recourse, if we would ascertain them. in illustration of the above views, the following extract from dr. channing's eloquent and able pamphlet on "the duty of the free states," will not seem out of place. it was suggested by the well-known case of the creole:--"it seems to be supposed by some that there is a peculiar sacredness in a vessel, which exempts it from all control in the ports of other nations. a vessel is sometimes said to be 'an extension' of the territory to which it belongs. the nation, we are told, is present in the vessel; and its honour and rights are involved in the treatment which its flag receives abroad. these ideas are, in the main, true in regard to ships on the high seas. the sea is the exclusive property of no nation. it is subject to none. it is the common and equal property of all. no state has jurisdiction over it. no state can write its laws upon that restless surface. a ship at sea carries with her, and represents, the rights of her country, rights equal to those which any other enjoys. the slightest application of the laws of another nation to her is to be resisted. she is subjected to no law but that of her own country, and to the law of nations, which presses equally on all states. she may thus be called, with no violence to language, an extension of the territory to which she belongs. but suppose her to quit the open sea, and enter a port, what a change is produced in her condition! at sea she sustained the same relations to all nations--those of an equal. now she sustains a new and peculiar relation to the nation which she has entered. she passes at once under its jurisdiction. she is subject to its laws. she is entered by its officers. if a criminal flies to her for shelter, he may be pursued and apprehended. if her own men violate the laws of the land, they may be seized and punished. _the nation is not present in her._ she has left the open highway of the ocean, where all nations are equals, and entered a port where one nation alone is clothed with authority. what matters it that a vessel in the harbour of nassau is owned in america? this does not change her locality. she has contracted new duties and obligations by being placed under a new jurisdiction. her relations differ essentially from those which she sustained at home or on the open sea. these remarks apply, of course, _to merchant vessels_ alone. _a ship of war is an 'extension of the territory'_ to which she belongs, not only when she is on the ocean, but in a foreign port. in this respect she resembles an army marching by consent through a neutral country. neither ship of war nor army falls under the jurisdiction of foreign states. _merchant vessels resemble individuals._ both become subject to the laws of the land which they enter." the taking possession of a vacant country for the purpose of settlement is one of the highest acts of sovereign power, for a nation thereby acquires not merely "the _domain_, by virtue of which it has the exclusive use of the country for the supply of its necessities, and may dispose of it as it thinks proper, but also the _empire_, or the right of sovereign command, by which it directs and regulates at its pleasure every thing that passes in the country," (vattel, i., § .) it is hardly necessary to add, that a commission from the sovereign alone will authorize the act of taking possession, so as to secure respect for it, _as a public act_, from other nations. thus we find that, in the letter from mr. gallatin to mr. astor, elsewhere quoted, this principle was fully appreciated by mr. astor, when he applied, in , for a commission from the government of the united states. "you mentioned to me that you were disposed once more to renew the attempt, and to re-establish astoria, provided you had the _protection of the american flag_: for which purpose a _lieutenant's command_ would be sufficient to you. you requested me to mention this to the president, which i did. mr. madison said, he would consider the subject, and although he did not commit himself, i thought that he received the proposal favourably." it remains to be considered whether the practice of nations has attached different considerations to the flag in respect to _discoveries_. _discoveries_, however, as forming the ground-work of territorial title, are in themselves _technical_. they are _inchoate acts of sovereignty_. "even in newly-discovered countries," said lord stowel, in the case of the fama, already cited, "where _a title is meant to be established_, for the first time, some act of possession is usually done and proclaimed as a notification of the fact." it is not, therefore, the mere sight of land which constitutes a discovery, in the sense in which the practice of nations respects it, as the basis of territorial title; there must be some formal act of taking possession, which, as being an act of sovereign power, can only be performed through a commission from the sovereign. thus vattel, in the passage so frequently quoted, says, "the practice of nations has usually respected such a discovery, when made by navigators who have been furnished with a _commission from their sovereign_, and meeting with islands or other lands in a desert state, have taken possession of them in the name of the nation." the conditional title by discovery is entirely the creature of the comity of nations; it has no foundation in the law of nature, according to which, if the discoverer has not occupied the territory, it would be presumed to remain vacant, and open to the next comer. for such purposes, however, the citizen or subject is not regarded as the instrument of his sovereign, unless he bears his commission, when his acts are respected as public acts, and are operative as between nation and nation. it would thus appear that the first entering of the mouth of the columbia river by gray, being the act of a private citizen, sailing in a private ship for the purposes of trade, under the mercantile flag of his country, was not in the received sense of the word _a discovery_, which, according to the practice of nations, could lay the foundation of a title to territorial sovereignty. it does not satisfy the required conditions upon which alone the comity of nations would respect it. when therefore mr. buchanan says, "besides, beyond all doubt this discovery was made by gray, and to what nation could the benefit belong, unless it be to the united states," he assumes that the comity of nations will attach benefit to such a discovery, contrary to the practice of nations. it is thus unnecessary to decide to what nation the benefit will belong, in a case in which no benefit can be held to have resulted. on the other hand, it is admitted by both of the american secretaries of state, that the _discovery_ of the mouth of the columbia, in the popular sense of the word, was made by the spanish navigator heceta, some years before gray visited the coast. it consequently follows that gray achieved the first exploration, and not the discovery of the mouth of the river, even in the popular sense of the term. in respect to the prior exploration of the columbia river from its head-waters, by lewis and clarke, in - , mr. calhoun, having conducted the expedition, which had been despatched under the auspices of the government of the united states in the spring of , as far as the head-waters of the missouri, states that "in the summer of , they reached the head-waters of the columbia river. after crossing many of the streams falling into it, they reached the kooskooskee, in lat. ° ', descended that to the principal _northern_ branch, which they called lewis's; followed that to its junction with the great _northern branch_, which they called clarke; and thence descended to the mouth of the river, where they landed, and _encamped on the north side, on cape disappointment, and wintered_." mr. buchanan, in referring to this part of mr. calhoun's argument, which he did not consider it necessary to repeat, observed that he had shown, "that messrs. lewis and clarke, under a commission from their government, first explored the waters of this river almost _from its head-springs to the pacific, passing the winter_ of and _on its northern shore_, near the ocean." these statements however do not correspond with the facts themselves which they profess to represent. mr. rush, in the negotiations of , had set up for the united states an exclusive claim to the whole territory between ° and ° north, on the ground that "it had been ascertained that the columbia river extended by the river multnomah to as low as °, and by clarke's river to a point as high up as °, if not beyond that point." the obscurity in which the geographical relations of the oregon territory were at that time involved, might, to a certain extent, excuse the mis-statement of mr. rush on this occasion, for, as already observed, it has been subsequently ascertained that the source of the multnomah is in about ° ', and that of clarke's river, in ° '; but mr. calhoun's statement involves an historical as well as a geographical inaccuracy, which, under the circumstances, seems to have been intentionally put forward, since it is repeated by mr. buchanan. it is presumed that in the copy of the correspondence which has been circulated in the public journals, and which has been published in a separate form by messrs. wiley and putnam of waterlooplace, there is a misprint in mr. calhoun's describing lewis' river as the principal _northern_ branch, more particularly as clarke's river is immediately after spoken of as the great _northern_ branch. lewis' river must evidently have been intended to be described as the principal _southern_ branch, being the river on which the shoshonee or snake indians fish, and which the travellers reached on descending the kooskooskee. this inaccuracy may be passed over as an error of the press, but in respect to the next assertion of mr. calhoun, that lewis and clarke followed this river to its junction with the _great northern branch, which they called clarke's river_, it is not borne out by the account which lewis and clarke themselves give. on friday, sept. , captain clarke and his party reached the first river on the western side of the rocky mountains, to which they gave _the name of clarke's river_, (travels, ch. xvii.,) running from south to north, and which, from the account of the natives, they had reason to suppose, after going as far northward as the head-waters of the medicine river, (a tributary of the missouri,) turned to the westward and joined the tacoutche-tesse river. it must not be forgotten that the tacoutche-tesse, discovered by alexander mackenzie in , was supposed to be the northernmost branch of the columbia down to so late a period as . thus alexander von humboldt, in his new spain, (l. i., c. ,) writes:--"sous les ° ' de latitude boreale, dans le parallèle de l'île de la reine charlotte, les sources _de la rivière de la paix_ (peace river) ou d'ounigigah, se rapprochent de sept lieues des sources du tacoutché-tessé, que l'on suppose être identique avec la rivière de colombia. la première de ces rivières va à la mer du nord, après avoir mêlé ses eaux à celles du lac de l'esclave et à celles du fleuve mackenzie. la seconde rivière, celle de colombia, se jette dans l'océan pacifique près du cap disappointment, au sud de nootka-sound, d'après le célèbre voyageur vancouver, sous les ° ' de latitude." mr. greenhow (p. ) says, "three days afterwards they entered the principal southern branch of the columbia, to which they gave the name of lewis: and in seven days more they reached the point of the confluence with _the larger northern branch, called by them the clarke_." such, however, is not the account of the travellers, who state that, having followed the course of the lewis river, they reached on the th of october its junction with the _columbia river_, (chap. xviii.,) the course of which was "from the northwest," as captain clarke ascertained by ascending it some little distance. they nowhere, throughout the account of their travels, call this main river by any other name than the columbia: they nowhere speak of it by the name of clarke's river; it is a reflection on their memory to represent them as supposing that this great northern branch was the river to which they gave the name of clarke, for they fully believed, when they reached the main stream, that they had reached the tacoutche-tesse of mackenzie, and at the same time the columbia of gray and vancouver, of which they considered clarke's river to be merely a tributary. the names of lewis and clarke are totally unconnected with the great northern branch of the columbia river, which was discovered and first explored from its sources in about ° n. l., by mr. thomson, the surveyor or astronomer of the north-west company, in . this is an important fact, inasmuch as the exclusive claim of the united states was advanced in , to the territory as far north as °, expressly on the ground that clarke's river extended as far north as that parallel, or even beyond that point, which is not the case. this northern branch, down which mr. thomson first penetrated, is entitled to be considered as the main branch of the columbia, on the well-known principle that the sources most distant from the sea are regarded as the true sources of a river, according to which doctrine the name of columbia has been in practice retained for this northern branch, whilst distinctive names have been given to all the southern tributaries. mr. calhoun continues to say, "and thence they (lewis and clarke) descended to the mouth of the river, where they landed, and encamped _on the north side, on cape disappointment, and wintered_." the meaning of this passage might be doubtful, unless mr. buchanan had cleared it up by his expression of "passing the winter of and on _its northern shore_, near the ocean." when it is remembered that it is the possession of the _north bank_ of the river which is contested by the two parties to the negotiation; and that the incidents of this expedition are formally alleged, on the side of the united states, as forming part of the ground-work of their exclusive title, and that the british negotiators have objected throughout to the alleged completeness of the title of the united states, on the express ground that it is at best an aggregate of imperfect titles, and that the distinction between a perfect and imperfect title is not one of _degree_, but of _kind_, it may not be unimportant to remark, that lewis and clarke passed the winter of - on the _southern shore_ of the columbia, in an encampment on a point of high land on the banks of the river netul. it is perfectly true that, having proceeded down the columbia as far as the roughness of the waves would allow them, they landed on the north side on the th of november, and encamped on the shore near a village of the chinnook indians, just above high-water mark, where captain clarke remained for nine days, until captain lewis had succeeded in selecting a favourable spot for their winter's encampment; but the locality where they _encamped_ and _wintered, was on the south side of the columbia_, amongst the clatsop indians, and from this very circumstance they gave to it the name of _fort clatsop_, which is so marked down in the map prefixed to the travels of lewis and clarke, with the further designation of "the wintering post of captains lewis and clarke in and ." had not mr. calhoun specified the locality of this winter's encampment as an element of the _cumulative title_ of the united states, and had not mr. buchanan repeated the statement of his predecessor more explicitly, it would not have been thought necessary to discuss the circumstances so fully; but as one object of this inquiry is to clear up the facts of the case, which, from the nature of the subject, are obscure, if this error of statement had not been pointed out, it might have tended to increase the existing intricacy of the question, more particularly when it has an official character impressed upon it. it can hardly be supposed to be an error of the press, since cape disappointment, which is on the north bank, is referred to by mr. calhoun as adjoining the spot where they "encamped and wintered." the result of this inquiry cannot be better summed up than in the words of mr. pakenham's counter-statement:--"with respect to the expedition of lewis and clarke, it must, on a close examination of the route pursued by them, be confessed, that neither on their outward journey to the pacific, nor on their homeward journey to the united states, did they touch upon the head-waters of the principal branch of the columbia river, which lie far to the north of the parts of the country traversed and explored by them. "thomson, of the british north-west company, was the first civilised person who navigated the northern, in reality the main branch of the columbia river, or traversed any part of the country drained by it. "it was by a tributary of the columbia that lewis and clarke made their way to the main stream of that river, which they reached at a point distant, it is believed, not more than miles from the point to which the river had been previously explored by broughton. "these facts, the undersigned conceives, will be found sufficient to reduce the value of lewis and clarke's exploration on the columbia to limits, which would by no means justify a claim to the whole valley drained by that river and its branches." mr. calhoun next proceeds to state the grounds on which, as alleged, priority of settlement was no less certain on the side of the united states:--"establishments were formed by american citizens on the columbia as early as and . in the latter year a company was formed at new york, at the head of which was john jacob astor, a wealthy merchant of that city, the object of which was to form a regular chain of establishments on the columbia river, and the contiguous coasts of the pacific, _for commercial purposes_. early in the spring of , they made their first establishment on the south side of the river, a few miles above point george, where they were visited in july following by mr. thomson, a surveyor and astronomer of the north-west company, and his party. they had been sent out by that company to forestall the american company in occupying the mouth of the river, but found themselves defeated in their object. the american company formed two other connected establishments higher up the river: one at the confluence of the okanegan with the north branch of the columbia, about miles above its mouth, and the other on the spokan, a stream falling into the north branch, some fifty miles above." mr. calhoun, in making the above general allusion to establishments formed in and , may be supposed to refer to a trading post founded by mr. henry, one of the agents of the missouri fur company, on a branch of the lewis river, the great southern arm of the columbia. this post, however, was shortly abandoned in consequence of the hostility of the natives, and the difficulty of obtaining supplies, (greenhow, p. .) it would, however, be rather an overstrained statement to describe this hunting station as an establishment formed on the columbia, considering its very great distance from the junction of the lewis river with the columbia. mr. calhoun, however, may be alluding at the same time to the undertaking of captain smith, in the albatross, in , who is said by mr. greenhow to have attempted to found a trading post at oak point, on the south side of the columbia, about forty miles from its mouth, and to have almost immediately abandoned the scheme. such an attempt, however, can hardly be entitled to the character of a settlement. beyond these two instances, it is believed that there is no occasion on record of the presence of citizens of the united states on the west side of the rocky mountains, during the years of - , which could give rise to the supposition of an establishment having been formed by them. in respect, however, to mr. astor's adventure, the pacific fur company was a mere mercantile firm, the formation of which originated with mr. astor, a german by birth, and ultimately a naturalized citizen of the united states. the original company was formed in , and, according to mr. washington irving, consisted of mr. astor himself, three scotchmen, who were british subjects, and one native citizen of the united states. three more scotchmen, and two more citizens of the united states were subsequently admitted, so that the majority of the company were british subjects, and they had received an express assurance from mr. jackson, the british minister at washington, that "in case of a war between the two nations, they would be respected _as british subjects and merchants_," [greenhow, p. .] mr. astor stipulated to retain half the shares for himself, and in return to bear all the losses for the first five years, during which period the parties had full power to abandon and dissolve the association. a detachment of the partners arrived at the columbia river in , and formed a trading establishment on the southern bank of the river, on point george, not far from the mouth, which they named astoria. mr. washington irving, who had his information from mr. astor himself, terms their establishment "a trading house," [chap. ix.] not long after their arrival they received information from the indians, that the north-west company had erected a trading house on the spokan river, which falls into the north branch of the columbia, and they were preparing to dispatch a rival detachment to act as a counter-check to this establishment, when mr. david thomson, with a party under the protection of the british flag, having descended the columbia from its northernmost source, arrived at astoria. on his return mr. stuart, one of the partners of the pacific fur company, accompanied mr. thomson's party a considerable distance up the columbia river, and established himself for the winter at the junction of the okanegan with the columbia, at about miles from the spokan river; here mr. stuart, according to mr. washington irving, considered himself near enough to keep the rival establishment in check. it would thus appear that the earliest settlement on the spokan river was made by the north-west company, and from mr. washington irving's account, seems almost to have preceded the foundation of astoria; for whilst the astorians were occupied with their building, they heard from the indians that white men "were actually building houses at the second rapids." if, however, it was not antecedent, it was at least contemporaneous. it can hardly be contended that the settlement at astoria had a definite national character, much less that it could impart the national sovereignty of the united states, to the territory, wherein it was established. the astorians might perhaps maintain their claim to the domain (dominium utile,) but that they should set up a title to the sovereignty (dominium eminens,) or be held to convey a title to any state which should choose to assert it through them, is not conformable to the practice of nations. but the plenipotentiaries of the united states contend that they have an exclusive title to the entire valley of the columbia, by virtue of this settlement. spain, however, did not admit this title in the negotiations preceding the florida treaty, nor did the united states venture to set it up. when don luis d'onis, in resuming the negotiations, proposed, in his letter of january , , (british and foreign state papers, - , p. ,) to concede, on the part of his catholic majesty, as the boundary between the two states, "a line from the source of the missouri, westward, to the columbia river, and along the middle thereof to the pacific ocean," and trusted it would be accepted, as presenting "the means of realizing the president's great plan of extending a navigation from the pacific to the remotest points of the northern seas, and of the ocean," no claim was advanced to the valley of the columbia; but mr. adams briefly stated, in reply, that "the proposal to draw the western boundary line between the united states and the spanish territories on this continent, from the source of the missouri to the columbia river, cannot be admitted." again, when the spanish commissioner, in his letter of february , , stated that, "considering the motive for declining my proposal of extending the boundary line from the missouri to the columbia, and along that river to the pacific, appears to be the wish of the president to include within the limits of the union all the branches and rivers emptying into the said river columbia," and proposed to draw the boundary along the river s. clemente, or multnomah, to the sea; and delivered a project of a treaty, in which it was stipulated that his catholic majesty should cede all the country belonging to him eastward of the boundary line to the united states; no original title to the entire valley of the columbia, no claim to the settlement of astoria, as a national settlement, was advanced by the united states: yet astoria was on the western side of the multnomah or willamette river, as it is now called, and was assumed in both the above proposals to be beyond the limits of "the dominions of the republic." astoria passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable transfer. it was sold by the partners resident in the establishment, after they had dissolved the association, which, by the terms of the contract, the parties had power to do. when captain black, in his britannic majesty's sloop-of-war the racoon, arrived there in , he did not capture astoria, for it was not the property of an enemy, but he took possession of it in the name of his britannic majesty, and hoisted the british ensign; thereby formally asserting the sovereignty of great britain over the property of british subjects. in , the government of the united states was formally placed in possession of astoria; and this was the first occasion on which an act of sovereignty was exercised by that power. mr. calhoun states that this act "placed our possession where it was before it passed into the hands of british subjects." on the contrary, it placed astoria in the hands of the government of the united states, in which hands it had never been before: for, antecedently to the transfer to the north-west company by purchase, it was in the hands of an association, the majority of which were british subjects, who could not, according to any received principle of international law, be held to have represented the sovereignty of the united states. it was admitted by lord castlereagh, in the discussions with mr. rush antecedent to the restoration of astoria, that the united states were entitled to be reinstated there, and "to be the party in possession _whilst treating of the title_." at that time the united states had confined their claims to the restitution of a post, which, as they asserted, "had been established by them on the columbia river, and had been taken during the war, and consequently came within the provisions of the first article of the treaty of ghent." mr. bagot, in his reply to mr. adams, of th november, , (british and foreign state papers, - , p. ,) stated that, "from the reports made to him, it appeared that the post had not been captured during the late war, but that the americans had retired from it under an agreement made with the north-west company, who had purchased their effects, and who had ever since retained peaceable possession of the coast." the whole discussion was thus evidently limited to the settlement at astoria; and lord castlereagh admitted, on the statement of the united states, that they had a primâ facie claim to be reinstated in the post, in conformity to the provisions of the treaty, and _to be the party in possession whilst treating of the title_. mr. calhoun, in the further course of his argument, contends that, after this admission on the part of lord castlereagh, the convention of "preserved and perpetuated _all our claims to the territory_, including the acknowledged right to be considered _the party in possession_;" and mr. buchanan, in still more explicit language, maintains the same position. "he claims, and he thinks he has shown, a clear title, on the part of the united states, _to the whole region drained by the columbia_, with the right of being _reinstated, and considered the party in possession whilst treating of the title_; in which character he must insist on their being considered, in conformity with _positive treaty stipulations_. he cannot, therefore, consent that they shall be regarded, during the negotiations, merely as _occupants in common_ with great britain. nor can he, while thus regarding their rights, present a counter-proposal, based on the supposition of joint occupancy merely, until the question of title to the territory is fully discussed." this argument is essentially unsound throughout. the title of the united states to possess the settlement, in other words, _not to be excluded from the territory_, is strangely confounded with the title _to exclude the british from the entire territory_. these titles are assumed to be identical, being most distinct. great britain does not require to be considered as an _occupant in common of astoria_. the united states were never admitted _by positive treaty stipulations_ to be the party entitled to be considered _in possession of the whole region of the columbia_, which mr. buchanan maintains to have been conceded by lord castlereagh. but great britain does require to be considered as _an occupant in common of the region of the columbia_, and the united states is entitled to the _right of adverse possession as far as the settlement at the mouth of the river_, on its south bank is concerned. what, however, is the effect of such a right of possession? simply that, as far as the settlement of astoria is concerned, it is not necessary for the united states to prove its _right of dominion_. its _right of possession_ is a valid right, unless a right of dominion can be established by some other power. but great britain asserts no right of dominion,--she does not claim to evict the united states from its actual possession,--but, as she claims no exclusive title for herself, so she recognises no exclusive title in any other power. the principle of a mutual right of occupancy of the territory was admitted, when it was agreed that the united states should be placed in possession _sub modo_, whilst treating of the title. the question, however, between the two governments was not one of _law_, but of _fact_. issue had been joined in the previous letters between the secretary of state and the minister of great britain, at washington: whilst the former asserted astoria had been captured during the war, the latter maintained that it had passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable purchase. the united states asserted that astoria had become a british possession by virtue of the _jus belli_, the operation of which was in this case expressly suspended by the first article of the treaty of ghent: on this plea they claimed that it should be restored to them. great britain, on the other hand, maintained that it had passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable purchase: on this plea they contended that the united states were not entitled to demand its restoration. when, therefore, the united states acquiesced in the proposal of lord castlereagh, they admitted the legal effect of the fact asserted by great britain, if it could be substantiated. they thus admitted the common right of great britain to form settlements, by agreeing to treat of the title on the ground alleged by great britain, precisely as great britain admitted a corresponding right in the united states, by agreeing to discuss the alleged fact that astoria had passed into the hands of the british _jure belli_, by which it was implied that it had been antecedently a possession of the united states. we thus find in the negotiations of , which terminated in the convention of the th october, concluded fourteen days after the actual restoration of astoria, that messrs. gallatin and rush nowhere hint at an exclusive title in the united states. "we did not assert," they say in their letter to mr. adams, of october , , "that the united states had a _perfect right_ to that country, but insisted that their claim was at least good against great britain," (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) yet, in the face of this solemn admission, at the commencement of the earliest negotiations, and of the fact that the title has been treated of on so many occasions, mr. buchanan now asserts that "our own american title to the extent of the valley of the columbia, resting as it does on discovery, exploration, and possession--a possession acknowledged by a most solemn act of the british government itself, is a _sufficient assurance against all mankind_; whilst our superadded title derived from spain _extends our exclusive rights_ over the whole territory in dispute against great britain." such is the outline of the grounds on which the united states set up an exclusive title to the entire valley of the columbia, that is, a title to exclude great britain from making settlements there. mr. buchanan observes, that this title is "older than the florida treaty of february , under which the united states acquired all the right of spain to the north-west coast of america, and exists independently of its provisions. even supposing, then, that the british construction of the nootka sound convention was correct, it could not apply to this portion of the territory in dispute. a convention between great britain and spain, originating from a dispute concerning a petty trading establishment at nootka sound, could not abridge the rights of other nations. both in public and private law, an agreement between two parties can never bind a third, without his consent, expressed or implied." mr. buchanan thus appears disposed to renounce the derivative title of spain, upon which, as completing the defects in the original title of the united states, considerable stress had been elsewhere laid, "supposing the british construction of the nootka convention to be correct:" in other words the commissioners of the united states claim to avail themselves of the provisions of this convention, if they can be made to support their title, but to repudiate them, if they should be found to invalidate it, which of course is inadmissible. but when mr. buchanan says, "a convention between great britain and spain _could not abridge the rights of other nations_," though the proposition be abstractedly true, yet on this occasion it does not apply. first of all, because great britain, in recognising the right of spain to make settlements on the north-west coast in places not yet occupied, did not either at the time of the convention, or subsequently, recognise such a right as an exclusive right in respect to other nations. secondly, because spain, in recognising the right of great britain to make settlements in an analogous manner, did not thereby declare other nations excluded from making settlements; in fact, there is not a single word within "the four corners" of the treaty, which can be held to abridge the rights of other nations. thirdly, because the united states, at the time when the convention was concluded, had no other right than that of making settlements, which great britain has never once maintained that the nootka convention abridged, nor does it at this moment contend so. if, on the other hand, the united states had an _exclusive title_ to the valley of the columbia before the treaty of florida, or in other words, as asserted in , to the entire territory between ° and °, and that title existed independently of its provisions, it is difficult to understand the object of the protracted negotiations between don luis de onis and mr. adams, which resulted in his catholic majesty first withdrawing from the rocky mountains to the columbia river, then from the columbia to the multnomah or willamette river, and finally ceding all his rights, claims, and pretensions to the territory north of the parallel of °. mr. buchanan's position is untenable in the face of the negotiations antecedent to the florida treaty. the original title, however, of the united states, does not satisfy the requirements of the law of nations, in the extent in which it is maintained to be effective. let it be kept in mind that great britain has never claimed the exclusive privilege of settling on the north-west coast of america, to the north of the parts occupied by spain, but she maintains her right not to be excluded from any places not already occupied. the united states, on the other hand, are not satisfied with claiming a right to make settlements, but they assert a right to exclude great britain from making settlements, and this, too, by virtue of an act performed by a private citizen, without any commission from the state, subsequent to the time when the right of great britain to make settlements had been formally recognised by spain in a solemn treaty, and was thus _patent_ to the civilised world. this very act, however, mr. calhoun admits to be defective for the purpose of establishing an exclusive title, when he says, "time, indeed, so far from impairing our claims, has greatly strengthened them since that period, for since then the treaty of florida transferred to us all the rights, claims, and pretensions of spain to the whole territory, as has been stated. in consequence of this, our claims to the portion drained by the columbia river--the point now the subject of consideration--have been _much strengthened_ by giving us the _incontestable claim to the discovery of the river by heceta_ above stated." it is thus admitted, that the first entering of the river columbia by gray, was not a _discovery_, but an _exploration_. there can be _no second discovery_ for the purpose of founding an exclusive title. heceta's discovery is incontestable for the _purpose of barring any subsequent claim by discovery_, and the original title of the united states, resolves itself into a title founded upon the first exploration of the entrance of the columbia from the sea, and on the first exploration of its southern branches from the rocky mountains. such a title, however, can neither from the nature of things, nor the practice of nations, establish a right to exclude all other nations from every part of the entire valley of the columbia. on the contrary, the assertion of such a right is altogether at variance with _the comity of nations_, on which alone title by discovery rests. for, if the united states maintain that the discovery of the columbia river, for the purpose of establishing a territorial title, dates from the enterprise of gray, they set aside the discovery of heceta, in opposition to the comity of nations; yet it is upon this very comity of nations that they must rely to obtain respect for their own asserted discovery. but when mr. calhoun maintains that, by the florida treaty, the title of the united states was much _strengthened_ by the acquisition of the incontestable claim to the discovery of the river by heceta, he admits that the title of the united states was _an imperfect title_ before that treaty; for a perfect title is incapable of being strengthened,--_exclusiveness does not admit of degree_. that the title of the united states to form settlements in the parts not occupied was strengthened by the florida treaty, is perfectly true. great britain, before that treaty, _might have_ refused to recognise any title in the united states under the general law of nations; but after that treaty, she would be precluded by the provisions of the nootka sound convention, as the united states would thence-forward represent spain, and allege a recognised right of making settlements under that convention; but, that the original title of the united states, which was not an exclusive title by the law of nations, could become an exclusive title against great britain by the acquisition of the title of spain, which was expressly not exclusive under a treaty concluded with great britain, independently of other considerations which were duly weighed at the conclusion of the nootka convention, requires only to be stated in plain language to carry with it its own refutation. the effects of the nootka convention, or rather convention of the escurial, have already been discussed in the two preceding chapters. mr. buchanan, in his letter of july , , says, "its most important article (the third) _does not even grant in affirmative terms the right_ to the contracting parties to trade with the indians and to make settlements. it merely engages in negative terms, that the subjects of the contracting parties 'shall not be disturbed or molested' in the exercise of _these treaty-privileges_." surely there is a contradiction of ideas in the above passages. how can the right to trade with the indians and to make settlements be termed a _treaty-privilege_ in the latter sentence, when in the former sentence it is expressly denied to have been _granted_ by the treaty? mr. buchanan, however, in asserting that the third article did not _grant in affirmative terms the right_ specified in it, adopts precisely the same view that the british commissioners have throughout maintained; namely, that the third article did not contain a _grant_, but a mutual _acknowledgment_ of certain rights in the two contracting parties, with respect to those parts of the north-western coast of america not already occupied. mr. buchanan, however, in a subsequent letter says, "the nootka convention is arbitrary and artificial in the highest degree, and is anything rather than the mere acknowledgment of simple and elementary principles consecrated by the law of nations. in all its provisions it is expressly confined to great britain and spain, and acknowledges no right whatever in any third power to interfere with the north-west coast of america. neither in its terms, nor in its essence, does it contain any acknowledgment of _previously subsisting territorial rights_ in great britain, or any other nation. it is strictly confined to future engagements, and these are of a most peculiar character. even under the construction of its provisions maintained by great britain, her claim does not extend to _plant colonies_, which she would have had a right to do under the law of nations, had the country been unappropriated; but it is limited to a mere right of joint occupancy, not in respect to any part, but to the whole, the sovereignty remaining in abeyance. and to what kind of occupancy? _not separate and distinct colonies, but scattered settlements_, intermingled with each other, over the whole surface of the territory, for the _single purpose of trading_ with the indians, to all of which the subjects of each power should have free access, the right of exclusive dominion remaining suspended. surely, it cannot be successfully contended that such a treaty is 'an admission of certain principles of international law,' so sacred and so perpetual as not to be annulled by war. on the contrary, from the _character of its provisions_, it cannot be supposed for a single moment that it was intended for any purpose but that of a mere _temporary arrangement_ between great britain and spain. the _law of nations_ recognises no such principles, in regard to unappropriated territory, as those embraced in this treaty, and the british plenipotentiary must fail in the attempt to prove that it contains 'an admission of certain principles of international law' which will survive the shock of war." almost all the topics in the above passage have been already discussed in the two previous chapters, as they were very dextrously urged by the commissioners of the united states in the course of the previous negotiations; so that a detailed examination of them on this occasion will not be requisite. the first article, however, does contain an acknowledgment of _previously subsisting territorial rights_, for it was agreed that "_the buildings and tracts of land_, of which the subjects of his britannic majesty were _dispossessed_, about the month of april , by a spanish officer, shall be _restored_ to the said british subjects." this article of the treaty, when placed side by side with the declaration on the part of his catholic majesty of an exclusive right of forming establishments at the port of nootka, and with the counter-declaration on the part of his britannic majesty of his right to such establishments as his subjects might have formed, or should be desirous of forming in future, at the said bay of nootka, cannot be held to contain an acknowledgment on the part of spain of a previously subsisting territorial right in great britain. in respect to its provisions for the future, and to the interpretation which the commissioners of the united states have sought to affix to the word "settlement," namely, that mere trading posts or factories were contemplated, it has been shown in the previous chapters, that, from the language of the treaty itself, in which the word "settlements" is, in three other places, employed to designate territorial possessions, and from the general language of treaties, such as the treaty of paris in , as contrasted with the treaty of london in , such a view is quite incapable of being satisfactorily established: on the contrary, it is by implication refuted by the very stipulations in the fifth article, for free access and unmolested trade with these very settlements. again, the character of the provisions of the convention is alleged to evince the intention of its being a mere temporary arrangement. such, however, was not the opinion of mr. fox, in respect to the sixth article, when he charged the british minister with having renounced the previous rights of great britain _to plant colonies_ in the unoccupied parts of south america; nor of mr. stanley, in reference to the third article, when he said, "the southern fisheries will now be prosecuted in peace and security;" nor of the duke of montrose, when he said, "the great question of the southern fishery is _finally_ established, on such grounds as must prevent all future dispute;" nor of mr. pitt, when he said, that it was evident that "no claim (of spain's) had been conceded,--that our right to the fisheries had been acknowledged,--and that satisfaction had been obtained for the insult offered to the crown," (hansard's parliamentary history, vol. xxviii., p. ;) or, as otherwise reported, "the claims of spain had been receded from, and every thing stated in the royal message had been gained," (gentleman's magazine, vol. lxx., a. d. , part ii., p. .) mr. fox's chief cause of complaint against the treaty was, that it was a treaty of concessions on the part of great britain, and not of acquisitions: and when mr. grey, in taunting the minister, complained, as instanced by mr. buchanan, "that where we might form a settlement on one hill, the spaniards might erect a fort upon another," he in fact complained, not that we had not maintained a right to form territorial settlements, and to exercise acts of sovereignty in them, but that we had not asserted this right so as to exclude the spaniards entirely from the country. reference has been made to these debates in the british houses of parliament, rather to illustrate than to prove the fact of the treaty having been regarded in a very different light from a mere temporary engagement, by those who contended that great britain had conceded more advantages than she had acquired. mr. pitt, indeed, denied mr. fox's positions, and in answer to them maintained, "that though what this country had gained consisted not of new rights, it certainly did of new advantages. we had before a right to the southern whale fishery, and a right to navigate and carry on fisheries in the pacific ocean, and to trade on the coasts of any part of it north-west of america: but that right not only had not been acknowledged, but disputed and resisted: whereas, by the convention, it was _secured to us_--a circumstance, which, though _no new right_, was a _new advantage_." that the condition of intermixed settlements, in regard to unappropriated lands, is clearly recognised by the law of nations, as consistent with the full and absolute independence of two separate nations, has been already shown by reference to acknowledged authorities on international law, so that mr. buchanan's entire argument appears to have been advanced rather upon specious than solid grounds. there are several other arguments in the correspondence of the commissioners of the united states that might deserve attention, were it not that the discussion would exceed the contemplated limits of this work, which has probably already attained too large a bulk. it has, however, been found impossible to compress the inquiry within narrower bounds, without incurring the double risk, on the one hand, of appearing to those who are imperfectly informed on the subject, not to have given sufficient consideration to the arguments of the commissioners of the united states,--and, on the other hand, of causing to those who are well acquainted with the facts, some dissatisfaction by too cursory an exposure of the unsoundness of those arguments. besides, the course adopted has been thought to be well warranted by the importance of the question, and to be at the same time more consistent with the respect due to the distinguished negotiators. chapter xviii. review of the general question. presumption in favour of the common right of great britain.--no exclusive rights in spain or the united states.--convention of .--convention of .--mr. rush's admission in , that the united states had not a perfect right.--cession of astoria.--course of the negotiations.--messrs. rush and gallatin in .--mr. rush in .--mr. gallatin in .--negotiations of - .--mr. buchanan's offer.--mr. president polk's message to congress.--consequences involved in the two proposals.--valueless character of the country north of °.--consequences of the convention of being abrogated.--present condition of the northern and southern banks of the oregon.--voyages of british subjects:--drake,--cook,--vancouver.--settlements of great britain.--settlements of the united states.--rule of partition advanced by the united states in their negotiations with spain.--its application to the present question.--objections to it.--mr. pakenham's letter of sept. , .--suggestion as to a further proposal on the part of great britain.--mr. webster's anticipations of the future destinies of oregon.--mr. calhoun's declaration in . the failure on the part of the united states to make out their _exclusive claim_ establishes at once a conclusive inference in favour of the _common title_ of great britain. the proof required in the two cases is essentially distinct. where two nations are already settled in a country, the _onus probandi_ rests with the party that seeks to exclude the other. independent of the presumption from inference, great britain has conclusive _primâ facie_ evidence of a right to form settlements in the country; first, in the recognition of this right by a power which had asserted an exclusive title to the entire country under the guarantee of the treaty of utrecht, to which all the great colonial powers in america were parties, but which ultimately abandoned it by the signature of the convention of the escurial: secondly, in the undisturbed enjoyment of this right during a period which, according to the civil law, to which all civilised nations agree in appealing for the arbitration of public differences between one nation and another, from the necessity of some common standard, constitutes a valid prescription, such as was recognised in the case of russia by the united states in , and by great britain in ; thirdly, in the partition having been the subject of repeated negotiations, and more especially from the proposals to negotiate both in and having originated with the united states, which thereby admitted the claims of great britain to be similar in _kind_ with their own, though they might maintain them to be different in _degree_. it seems to have been contended by the commissioners of the united states in the course of the last negotiation, that "whilst the proper title of the united states gave them exclusive rights against all mankind, _the superaddition_ of the spanish title extended their exclusive right as against great britain," (letter of mr. buchanan, july , .) the enjoyment, however, of the territory by great britain was antecedent to the proper title of the united states, whereas the possession of the united states can be accounted for consistently with the continuance of the common right of great britain, which she claims by virtue of a title antecedent to such possession. but if the superadded spanish title conferred an extension of exclusive rights on the united states, it must have been _proprio vigore_ an exclusive title; and if so, valid against the united states themselves: so that, on that supposition, the proper right of the united states could not be an exclusive right. there cannot be two exclusive titles in different nations to the same country, and great britain would be expressly debarred by the provisions of the convention of the escurial from recognising an exclusive title in the united states, antecedent to their acquisition of the spanish title by the treaty of florida, because she had recognised in the right of spain, in common with herself, to settle in any places of the north-west coast of america not as yet occupied: whilst she could not recognise the rights which devolved to the united states from spain, in , as exclusive rights, in the face of her previous admission that the united states were entitled to be considered as the party in possession of astoria whilst treating of the title, and in contravention to the third article of the convention of , which was grounded upon the basis of both the united states and great britain, as well as other powers, having at that time claims to the country. in fact, great britain had acknowledged the common title of spain before the time when the united states assert their own exclusive title to have commenced; and she had acknowledged the common title of the united states, pending the continuance of the recognised title of spain: so that she is precluded from recognising the title of either state to be an exclusive one, if she were even disposed to do so, by her own previous acts. on the other hand, the united states themselves are precluded by their own previous acts from setting up either their own original title, or their derivative title from spain, as an exclusive title. by the convention, signed at london, of october , , it was agreed in the third article, "that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of america, westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbours, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all the rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the _prejudice of any claim which either of the two contracting parties may have to any part of the said country_, nor shall it be taken to affect the _claims of any other power or state_ to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences _among themselves_." this article, in its very terms, implies the renunciation by both parties of an exclusive right to the entire territory, not merely in reference to each other, but still further in reference to other powers. by the convention, signed at london, of august , , all the provisions of the third article of the convention of were indefinitely extended, subject to abrogation, at the option of either party, upon twelve months' notice; and by the third article it was stipulated, that "nothing contained in this convention, or in the third article of the convention of the th october, , hereby continued in force, shall be construed to _impair, or in any manner affect, the claims_ which either party may have to any part of the country westward of the stony or rocky mountains." what those claims were on the part of the united states at the time of the convention of , was explicitly stated by messrs. gallatin and rush, the commissioners of the united states, before it was concluded. in their letter to mr. adams, of october , , which commences with these words, "we have the honour to transmit a convention, which we concluded this day with the british plenipotentiaries," they state in reference to the negotiations, "we did not assert that the united states had a _perfect right_ to that country, (i. e., the country westward of the stony mountains,) but insisted that their claim was at least good against britain." in other words, the plenipotentiaries on the part of the united states, at the first opening of the negotiations respecting the definitive adjustment of the mutual claims of the two parties westward of the rocky mountains, which has been a subject of subsequent negotiation on three separate occasions, limited their claims expressly to an imperfect right,--a right in common with great britain. they had already, in assenting to be placed in possession of astoria "whilst treating of the title," according to lord castlereagh's agreement, as recorded by mr. rush, admitted the _common right_ of great britain to possess settlements in that country. the united states had contended that astoria had become a british possession _jure belli_, and great britain had covenanted by the first article of the treaty of ghent to restore all her acquisitions made _jure belli_. great britain, on the contrary, had maintained that astoria had passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable transfer. in agreeing then to treat of the title, the two parties agreed to discuss these two facts, the former implying the common right of the united states to make settlements, the latter, the common right of great britain. it was idle to enter into an inquiry into the respective truth of the alleged facts, unless it followed that the title of the party that could substantiate its statement would thereby be at once established. this however, implied a possibility on either side of a rightful title, on the side of the united states by the treaty of ghent, on the side of great britain by the law of nations. the united states relied upon the _status ante bellum_, the lawfulness of which, in this particular case, was admitted by great britain's consenting to entertain such a title; great britain rested on the received principles of international law, according to which her subjects, in common with those of other states, were entitled to make peaceable acquisitions in such parts of the north-west coast as were not yet occupied by any other civilised nation, which the united states could not gainsay. after the consent of both sides to treat of the title upon this footing, it is out of the question to suppose that it is competent for either party on the renewal of negotiations to set up an exclusive title: such a proceeding would be essentially _aggressive_ in its character, and would be altogether inconsistent with the tacit admission on both sides, when they agreed to entertain the consideration of each other's title. let us now proceed to examine what has been the conduct of the two parties throughout the course of the various negotiations. it having been expressly stated in , by messrs. rush and gallatin, that the united states _did not assert a perfect right to the country_, mr. rush, in his letter to mr. adams, proceeds to state, that "when the plenipotentiaries of the united states, on their part, stated, 'that there was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward, the boundary limit of the th parallel of north latitude _should not be continued to the pacific ocean_," the british commissioners, though they made no formal proposition for a boundary, intimated that the river itself was the most convenient that could be adopted, and that they would not agree to any that did not give them the harbour of the mouth of the river, _in common with the united states_. the history of the subsequent negotiations will show that on each occasion the united states have increased their claims and reduced their concessions, while great britain has not only not increased her claims, but on the contrary has advanced in her concessions. thus, in , mr. rush commenced the negotiation by claiming for the united states, "in their own right, and as their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, _the whole of the country_ west of the rocky mountains, from the d to at least as far up as the st degree of north latitude." he further said, that "in the opinion of my government, the title of the united states to the whole of that coast, from latitude ° to as far north as °, was superior to that of britain or any other power: first, through the proper claim of the united states by discovery and settlement; and secondly, as now standing in the place of spain, and holding in their hands her title." in accordance with these views, mr. rush annexed to the protocol of the th conference a formal proposal, that great britain should stipulate that her subjects should make no settlement on the north-west coast of america, _or the islands adjoining_, south of the st degree of latitude; the united states stipulating, that none should be made by her citizens north of the st degree. the british negotiators in reply proposed to accede to a line along the th parallel of north latitude as far as the north-easternmost branch of the columbia, and thence down the middle of that river to the sea, the navigation of the river to be for ever free to both parties. the commissioner of the united states, on the other hand, would only vary his proposed line to the south, so as to consent that it should be the th instead of the st degree of north latitude, which was the original proposal in , with the navigation of the river free to both parties. on the negotiations being resumed in , mr. gallatin, on the part of the united states, having set up a new ground of title founded on the acquisition of louisiana from france in , and its contiguity through the intervening chain of the rocky mountains to the territory under discussion, limited his offer to the th parallel with the navigation of the river free to both parties, as before, whilst the british commissioners expressed their willingness to yield to the united states, in addition to what they first offered, a detached territory extending, on the pacific and the strait of fuca, from bullfinch's harbour to hood's canal, and to stipulate that no works should at any time be erected at the mouth or on the banks of the columbia, calculated to impede the free navigation of that river by either party. this last stipulation was evidently adapted to obviate a difficulty which mr. prevost, the agent of the united states at the restoration of astoria, had suggested to the united states government as early as nov. , , in his report upon the columbia river:--"in addition to this, it is susceptible of entire defence, because a ship, after passing the bar, in order to avoid the breaking of the sea on one of the banks, is obliged to bear up directly for the knoll forming the cape, at all times, to approach within a short distance of its base, and most frequently there to anchor. thus a small battery erected on this point, in conjunction with the surges on the opposite side, would so endanger the approach as to deter an enemy, however hardy, from the attempt." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) in the negotiations of - , lately brought to a close, mr. pakenham, the british plenipotentiary at a very early period, proposed in a letter of aug. , , in addition to what had been already offered on the part of the united states, and in proof of the earnest desire of her britannic majesty's government to arrive at an arrangement suitable to the interests and wishes of both parties, to undertake to make free to the united states any port or ports which the united states government might desire either on the main-land, or on vancouver's island, south of °; and on mr. calhoun's declining to make any counter-proposal, based on the supposition of the united states and great britain being occupants in common, mr. pakenham suggested "an arbitration, to the result of which both parties should be bound to conform by the interchange of notes, as the most fair and honourable mode of settling the question," which mr. calhoun declined. mr. buchanan, on resuming the negotiations after the election of mr. polk to the presidency of the united states, concluded his communication of july , , to mr. pakenham, by stating that the president would not have consented to yield any portion of the oregon territory had he not found himself embarrassed, if not committed, by the acts of his predecessors, and that he was instructed to propose the th parallel as before to the pacific ocean, offering at the same time to make free any port or ports on vancouver's island south of this parallel, which the british government may desire. "this proposal," as justly observed by mr. pakenham, in his reply of july , , "was less than that tendered by the american plenipotentiaries in the negotiation of , and declined by the british government. on that occasion it was proposed that the navigation of the columbia should be made free to both parties." the president of the united states, in his message to congress of the st of december, , after briefly reviewing the course of the several negotiations, concludes that portion of his message with these remarkable words:-- "the civilised world will see in these proceedings _a spirit of liberal concession_ on the part of the united states; and this government will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy." mr. buchanan had stated to the same effect, at the conclusion of his letter of august , , that not "only respect for the conduct of his predecessors, but a sincere desire to promote peace and harmony between the two governments," had actuated the president to offer _a proposition so liberal_ to great britain. "and how has this proposition been received by the british plenipotentiary? it has been rejected without even a reference to his own government. nay, more; the british plenipotentiary, to use his own language, 'trusts that the american plenipotentiary, will be prepared to offer some further proposal for the settlement of the oregon question more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the british government.'" it could hardly require a reference from mr. pakenham to the british government at home, to satisfy him that he should at once decline to accept a less liberal offer than that which his government had already declined on two previous occasions. surely the meaning of the word "liberal" must have acquired a different acceptation in the united states from what it bears in the mother-country, or the notions of what constitutes "a spirit of liberal concession," must be very different on the eastern and western sides of the atlantic; for, in the usual signification of the word in the mother-country, it would be bitter irony to apply such a term to the proposal authorised by president polk, expressly, as alleged, in deference to what had been done by presidents monroe and adams. it is an offer on the part of mr. polk to share a worthless haven with great britain, when his predecessors have offered to share the great river of the west. the offer of great britain, when first made by her in , would have imposed upon her at that time, if accepted by the united states, as likewise at the present time, the necessity of ultimately breaking up four or five settlements, formed by her subjects within the limits that would become prohibited; and which they had formed under the belief of their full right, as british subjects, to settle there. "but their government was willing to make these surrenders, for so they considered them, in a spirit of compromise, on points where the two nations stood so divided," (british and foreign state papers, - , p. ;) whereas the united states would not be required to abandon a single settlement; on the contrary, they would retain the fertile valley of the willamette, where their settlers are mostly located. the proposal of the united states, on the other hand, would require that great britain should abandon the majority of her settlements, and amongst these fort vancouver, the dépôt of the hudson's bay company, from which fourteen other settlements receive their supplies; that she should resign the use of the river, the free navigation of which is absolutely necessary for the transport of outfits and their returns; that she should be precluded, not merely from the harbour within the river, but from the harbours in admiralty inlet, the only really valuable harbours on the coast; that she should give up the agricultural district round puget's sound, where the fixed population of british canadians are located, and which bears a similar relation to the future destinies of northern oregon, that the valley of the willamette does to those of southern oregon; and in this proposal mr. buchanan, in his letter of july , , "trusts that the british government will recognise the president's _sincere and anxious desire to cultivate the most friendly relations_ between the two countries, and to manifest to the world that he is actuated _by a spirit of moderation_." in return great britain is to be allowed to retain a district of barren territory in northern oregon, in which captain wilkes has officially reported to the united states, that "there is no part on the coast where a settlement could be formed that would be able to supply its own wants," and which even for hunting purposes is so unproductive, that the hudson's bay company have found it expedient to lease other hunting grounds within the russian territories; and this too, when the future value of the country will consist, not in its capability to supply the fur-trader with the skins of the beaver and sea-otter, but in the adequacy of its grazing and agricultural produce to support a fixed body of inhabitants, as well as to victual the ships of various nations engaged in the china trade, and in the fisheries of the south sea. harder conditions could not well have been dictated by a conquering to a conquered nation as the price of peace, neither do they accord with that spirit of just accommodation with which mr. rush, in , expressly declared the government of the united states to be animated, nor with those principles of mutual convenience which it was then agreed on both sides to keep in view, in order to further the settlement of their mutual claims. if the present convention should be abrogated by either party, the only object of which, according to the express declaration of the two contracting parties, was "to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves," the existing condition of common occupancy does not thereby terminate. each nation will still be bound to respect the settlements of the other. the mutual rights and obligations recognised by great britain and spain in respect to each other, in the convention of the escurial, were recognised once and for all. the united states now stands in the place of spain; she asserts that by the treaty of florida she holds in her hands all the spanish title, but her hands are also bound by the obligations of spain. by the convention of the escurial, the liberty of free access and unmolested trade with the settlements of each other, made subsequent to april , was secured to either party: in other respects their settlements would carry with them the independent rights, which the law of nations secures to the settlements of independent powers. oregon would thus be dotted over with the settlements of subjects of great britain, and citizens of the united states, in juxta-position to each other, like the protestant and catholic cantons of switzerland. the tribunals of the united states have decided in washbourne's case ( john's c. r. ) and in other cases, "that the th article of the treaty of , which provided for the delivery of criminals charged with murder and forgery, was only declaratory of the law of nations, and is equally obligatory on the two nations under the sanction of public law, and since the expiration of that treaty, as it was before." so far the recurrence of mutual outrages might be checked. still, such a condition of things would leave open, as mr. rush observed in , "sources of future disagreement, which time might multiply and aggravate." it is, therefore, for the interest of both parties, that a line of demarcation should be drawn, to prevent the possible conflict of jurisdiction. a few square miles, more or less, where the entire territory to be shared between the two nations extends over a district of more than , square miles, can form but a secondary element of consideration in the question. if we look to the original rights of the united states, as founded on use and settlement, they point exclusively to the southern bank, whilst those of great britain point, in a similar manner, to the northern. citizens of the united states first explored the southern branch of the columbia, whilst subjects of great britain first explored the northern. the flag of the united states has been authoritatively displayed on the southern bank alone, whilst the british ensign has exclusively been hoisted on the northern. whilst the valley of the willamette in southern oregon is cultivated, according to captain wilkes, by settlers from other countries besides the united states, the agricultural establishments on the cowlitz river, and on the shores of puget's sound, in northern oregon, are exclusively the creation of british subjects. great britain having expressly declared in , that she claimed "no exclusive sovereignty over any portion of that territory," it has been thought unnecessary to set out in full her original title, as against the united states. it is impossible in the present day to ascertain how far drake was authorised to make discoveries in the south seas on account of his sovereign. we are informed by stow the annalist, that he had obtained the approval of queen elizabeth to the plan of his expedition, through the interest of sir christopher hatton; and the author of "the world encompassed" affirms that he had _a commission from his sovereign_, and that she delivered to him a sword with this remarkable speech:--"we do account that he which striketh at thee, drake, strikes at us." captain burney's opinion, however, seems most to accord with probability--that he had _no written commission_. the queen, however, on his return, after a protracted inquiry before her council, upon the complaint of the ambassador of spain, approved and ratified his acts; and in her reply to the ambassador's remonstrances against drake's territorial aggressions, expressly asserted, according to camden, that as she did not acknowledge the spaniards to have any title by sanction of the bishop of rome, so she knew no right they had to any places other than those they were in possession of, (cf. supr., p. .) vattel (b. xi., § ) states the law that, "if a nation or its chief approves and ratifies the act of the individual, it then becomes a public concern." drake thus appears to have been recognised as an instrument of his sovereign; and though the moderation of the british government has led it not to insist upon drake's discovery of the northwest coast as far as °, though it was coupled with formal acts of taking possession with the consent of the natives, because great britain did not follow it up within a reasonable time with actual settlements, still that discovery has not lost its validity as a bar to any asserted discovery of a later period. on the other hand, the expeditions of captains cook and vancouver satisfied all the conditions required by the law of nations for making discoveries and forming settlements. unless captain king, the companion of cook, had published his account of the high prices which had been obtained by his sailors for the furs of the north-west coast of america in the markets of china, the american fur-trader, as mr. greenhow terms captain gray, would never have resorted to the coast of oregon. but before any trading vessel of the united states had appeared off those shores, captain cook had traced the american coast, from a little above cape mendocino to icy cape, in ° '; whilst vancouver was despatched in expressly by the british government, to ascertain what parts of the north-west coast were open for settlement to subjects of great britain, in accordance with the d article of the convention of the escurial; and after an accurate survey reported, that the presidio of san francisco, in about °, was "the northernmost settlement of any description formed by the court of spain on the continental shore of north-west america." to vancouver the civilised world was indebted for the first accurate chart of the entire coast. the important services rendered to navigation and science by vancouver and lieutenant broughton, were fully acknowledged by mr. gallatin in the negotiations of ; yet all these, it is contended by the commissioners of the united states, are entirely superseded by captain gray having first entered the mouth of the chief river of the country. when mr. buchanan, therefore, at the commencement of his letter of august , , states, "that the precise question under consideration simply is, were the _titles_ of spain and the united states, when united by the florida treaty on the d of february , _good as against great britain_, to the oregon territory as far north as the russian line, in the latitude of ° '?" and assumes, as a consequence, that if they were, it will be admitted this whole territory now _belongs_ to the united states; he avails himself of the ambiguity of the term _title_, to infer that the establishment of a _common title_ must lead to the admission of an _exclusive title_. with much more reason might great britain have set up an exclusive title against the united states, which she has, in the spirit of moderation, forborne to do. she might have said, "we were entitled by the general law of nations to make settlements in this country, as being unoccupied by any civilised nation. we were the first civilised nation that established a permanent occupation of it, which has never been abandoned, by a settlement in the year on frazer's river. we have since that time, steadily occupied the entire country north and south of the river columbia, as far as the sources of lewis river, where fort hall, the most southern settlement of the hudson's bay company, supplies shelter and food to the wasted and famished settler from the united states, on his first entry into the promised land of oregon." she might have said, "before , american citizens, on the testimony of their own countrymen, had no settlements of a permanent kind west of the rocky mountains. even in the valley of the willamette, where captain wilkes, in ; found not more than _sixty_ families, many of them being british subjects, and late servants of the hudson's bay company, the first settlements were made by officers of that company, under the encouragement of the company. it was owing to the report of the thriving condition of these farms having been carried to the united states by american trappers, that settlers from that country were led to undertake the long and perilous journey across the rocky mountains, which they would never have survived, had not the british settlements preceded their adventurous enterprise, and furnished them with supplies on their arrival." yet after an indisputable use and enjoyment of this country by british subjects for a greater period of time, than that which the united states admitted by treaty in , to establish a valid title by prescription in favour of russia, from ° north latitude to ° ', against their own spanish derivative title, the president of the united states declares, in his solemn message, his "settled conviction that the british pretensions of title could not be maintained to any portion of the oregon territory, upon any principle of public law recognised by nations." the plenipotentiaries of the united states, in their negotiations with spain respecting the boundary of louisiana, laid down this principle as adopted in practice by european powers, in the discoveries and acquisitions which they have respectively made in the new world,--that "whenever one european nation makes a discovery, and _takes possession of any portion of that continent_, and another afterwards does the same at some distance from it, when the boundary between them is not determined by the principle above mentioned (viz., the taking possession of an extent of sea coast,) the middle distance becomes such of course." (cf. supr., ch. xiii.) if we apply this rule to the settlement of the claims of great britain and the united states, either in respect to the conflict of their original titles, or in respect to the conflict of the title of great britain recognised in the convention of the escurial, with the title of the united states devolved to them by the treaty of washington, we shall find it confirm the reasonableness of the offer made by great britain. it was ascertained by vancouver, who had been despatched by his sovereign with this express commission, that the northernmost part of the north-west coast _already occupied_ by spain, at the signature of the convention of , was the presidio of san francisco, in about ° north latitude. vancouver at the same time ascertained that the settlements of the russians extended as far south as port etches, at the eastern extremity of prince william's sound, a little to the south of °, and thus determined the extent of the common rights of great britain and spain under the convention, which mr. pitt declared, as first minister of the crown of england, "he should esteem the government of his britannic majesty highly culpable if they neglected to ascertain, by actual survey," (st. james's chronicle, december , .) both the united states, however, subsequently to their acquisition of their derivative spanish title, and great britain, have recognised, by separate treaties in and , the territorial rights of russia as far south as ° ' north latitude, founded on the use and enjoyment of the coast by russian subjects, during the intervening period between vancouver's visit and the publication of the imperial ukase of september , ; so that the rights of great britain to form settlements under the convention of the escurial, are thus limited by her own act to the parts of the coast between ° and ° ', and the united states, by a similar act, have confined their derivative title to the same northern boundary. when, however, the united states claim to hold in their hands the title of spain against great britain, and upon the strength of that title propose to make a final partition of the territory hitherto the subject of a common occupation, if they would abide by their own rule, as solemnly propounded by their commissioners on two distinct occasions, the middle distance between ° and ° ' becomes the boundary line of course. the extremities of the country to be divided are thus marked out by the presidio of san francisco on the southern side, and by fort frazer on the northern, and nature seems to have accorded the embouchure of the columbia river, in the latitude of ° ', to meet the conditions of so reasonable a rule, as that which the united states then maintained to be grounded on an acknowledged principle of international law. such a rule might reasonably be resorted to on this occasion, as furnishing a solution to the problem of converting the common rights of the united states and great britain into separate rights. the united states, however, might admit that the principle was abstractedly sound, but that its application, as proposed, was inadmissible, as their claim commenced at °, and not at °. it is evident, however, that the derivative title from spain as against great britain, if it be advanced as the basis of the negotiation, which has been the case, cannot assume a different form in the hands of the united states, from that which it would have presented in the hands of spain herself: otherwise, _the less_ spain had ceded to the united states, _the more_ the united states would be entitled to claim from great britain, which of course is untenable. but great britain has conceded to the united states more than the limits which this rule would assign to them, namely, the entire left bank of the columbia river as far as the th parallel, thereby giving up to them the exclusive possession of the lewis river and the clarke river, and the intermediate territory. the general character, however, of the proposals of great britain cannot be better described than in the words of mr. pakenham's letter of sept. , :-- "it is believed that by this arrangement ample justice would be done to the claims of the united states, on whatever ground advanced, with relation to the oregon territory. as regards extent of territory, they would obtain acre for acre, nearly half of the entire territory to be divided. as relates to the navigation of the principal river, they would enjoy a perfect equality of right with great britain: and with respect to harbours, great britain shows every disposition to consult their convenience in this particular. on the other hand, were great britain to abandon the line of the columbia as a frontier, and to surrender the right to the navigation of that river, the prejudice occasioned to them by such an arrangement, would, beyond all proportion, exceed the advantage accruing to the united states from the possession of a few more square miles of territory. it must be obvious to every impartial investigator of the subject, that in adhering to the line of the columbia, great britain is not influenced by motives of ambition, with reference to extension of territory, but by considerations of utility, not to say necessity, which cannot be lost sight of, and for which allowance ought to be made, in an arrangement professing to be based on considerations of mutual convenience and advantage." great britain has advanced in her offers on each separate negotiation. let her make one step more in advance. let her offer to the united states to declare the ports in admiralty inlet and puget's sound to be "free ports," with a given _radius_ of free territory. the advantage which she would give to the united states, would far exceed the prejudice occasioned to herself by such an arrangement, and the proposal would be in accordance with the principle sanctioned by the th article of the convention of the escurial, which guaranteed a mutual freedom of access to the future settlements of either party for the purposes of trade. if her britannic majesty's government should deem it consistent with a just regard to the interests of great britain, as it would certainly be in accordance with the spirit of moderation which has hitherto influenced her majesty's councils, to make this further offer, and if the president of the united states should instruct his plenipotentiary to reject it, the attempt to effect a partition of the territory by treaty may be regarded as hopeless. it will then be best for both parties that the convention of should be abrogated, and the future destinies of the country be regulated by the general law of nations. it would be idle to speculate upon those future destinies,--whether the circumstances of the country justify mr. webster's anticipations that it will form at some not very distant day an independent confederation, or whether the natural divisions of northern and southern oregon are likely to attach ultimately the former by community of interests to canada, and the latter to the united states of america. when it is remembered that mr. calhoun declared in , that "the distance for a fleet to sail from new york to the columbia is more than , miles, a voyage that would require six months," and that "the distance overland, from the state of missouri to the mouth of the columbia river is about , miles, over an unsettled country of naked plains and mountains, a march, if unopposed, of days," the scepticism of such as doubt the inevitable absorption of oregon into the united states, seems at least to be excusable. the end. index. adams, j. quincy, negotiates the florida treaty, . aguilar, martin d', , . alarcon, fernando, . albion, new, . anahuac, plateau of, . anderson on commerce, , . anian, straits of, said to be discovered by cortereal, in , . argonaut, the, seized at nootka, . arkansas river, , . astor, john jacob, , . astoria, established in , . transferred by purchase to north-west company in , , , . surrendered to the united states, , . sub modo, . not a national settlement, . atlantic colonies, . barclay, captain, first descries the straits of fuca, , . behring's voyage, . belsham's history of england, . bernard, st., bay of, . biographie universelle, error as to drake, , . as to gali, . bodega, port de la, , . bodega y quadra, . bracton de legibus, . broughton, lieut., explores the columbia, . takes possession of the country, . bulfinch's harbour, . bynkershoek on discovery, . cabrillo, juan rodrigues, voyage in , . caledonia, new, . calhoun, mr., letter of sept. , , . speech in , . california, peninsula of, discovered in , by f. de ulloa, . a peninsula, . jesuit missions, . a cluster of islands, . spanish possessions, . camden, life of elizabeth, . canada, limits of, . cession of, . carver, jonathan, travels in north america, . first announces a river called oregon, or the great river of the west, . cascade canal, . castillo, domingo de, . cavendish, thomas, voyage of, . cavallo, juan, . channing, dr., . charters, . of georgia, . carolina, . to what extent valid, . of the hudson's bay company, . argument from, . clarke. see lewis and clarke. clarke, river, discovered, , . source in ° ', . clatsop, fort, , . cliffe, edward, his narrative, . colnett, capt., , . instructions to, . colorado, rio, del occidente, . columbia, country of the, . mouth, . bay, . river, . progressive discovery of the river, . proposed as a boundary by spain, in , . exploration by gray, . northernmost bank, . course, . extent of valley, . columbia, merchant ship, , . log book, . congress, documents of, . contiguity, doctrine advanced by mr. gallatin, . a reciprocal title, . convention of , , , . of , not ratified, . of , ditto, . conventions, transitory, . mixed, . cook, captain, instructions to, , . discovery of nootka, . coronado, vasquez de, . cortereal, gaspar de, . crozat's grant of louisiana, . davis, john, the navigator, . descubierta and atrevida, voyage of the, . discovery, title by, . not in the roman law, . conditions of, . progressive, . requires notification, . an inchoate act of sovereignty, . dixon and portlock, , . domain, eminent, . useful, . drake, sir g., his voyage, . french account, . knighted by queen elizabeth, . limits of voyage, . his discovery maintained by british negotiators, . duflot de mofras, , . duncan and colnett, . elizabeth, queen, reply to mendoza, . speech of, , . escarbot's histoire de la nouvelle france, . escurial, convention of the, , , . mr. greenhow's view, . british rights under, ascertained, . eyriés, m., error as to drake, . gali, . factories, or comptoirs, . falconer's treatise on the mississippi, . family compact, . felice and iphigenia, . ferrelo, bartholeme, . flag, on the, dr. chaning, . mr. gallatin, . fletcher, world encompassed, , . manuscript notes, . fleurieu, , . florida treaty. see washington. fonte, bartholemé, , . francisco, port san, the northernmost possession of spain, , . frazer's river, . frazer's lake, . fort, , . fuca, juan de, straits of, . discovery claimed by martinez, . discovered by barclay, . story of, . not mentioned in spanish archives, . spanish claim, . fur company, american, . missouri, . pacific, . fur trade, . gali, francisco, , . galiano and valdes, . see sutil and mexicano. gallatin, mr., his doctrine of discovery, . letter to mr. astor, . his counter-statement in , . george, fort, . georgia, new, . gray, captain, first explored the mouth of the columbia river, . crosses the bar, . extent of his researches, . hakluyt, collection of voyages, . hanna, captain, . hanover, new, . hearne, journey of, . heceta, voyage of, . inlet of, , . discovery of the columbia river, , . hennepin, father, . henry, mr., established a trading post on the lewis river, , . high lands, territorial limits, . horn, cape, discovered, . hudson's bay company, . title, . territory, . boundaries, . humboldt, alexander von, , . iberville, d', . illinois, the, annexed to louisiana, . nation of, . ingraham, joseph, pilot of the columbia, . jefferson, president, letter on louisiana, , . jefferys' america, , , . jessup, general, . jesuit missions, . johnson, dr., life of sir f. drake, . jurisdiction, maritime, , . kerlet's memoir on louisiana, . kendrick, capt., , . king, capt. james, first suggests a trade in furs with north-west coast of america, , . king george's sound company, . kluber, droit des gens, , . kooskooskee river, . lake of the woods, . rainy, . red, . travers, . abbitibbe, . law, international rules of, at treaty of washington, . lewis and clarke's expedition, . encampment on south bank of river columbia, . lewis, or snake river, . liberties distinct from rights, . lorenzo, bay of san, , . louisiana, limits of crozat's grant, . jefferys' america, , . declaration of france in , . cession of, . western boundaries, . sold to the united states, . extent of, , . mackenzie, alexander, first crosses the rocky mountains, . maldonado, pretended voyage, . the author a fleming, . maps, of ortelius and hondius, , . of the th and th century, . difficulty from incorrect, . questionable authority of, . melish's, . inaccuracy of, . maquilla, or maquinna, . marchand's voyage, . martens, droit des gens, . martinez at nootka, . matagorda bay, . meares, . sailed in the nootka, . in the felice , . memorial to parliament, . log book, . mendocino, cape, . furthermost known land, . mississippi, sources of the, . company, . discovered by hernando de soto, . discovered by spain, , . explored by british subjects, . free navigation of, . missouri fur company, first establishment of citizens of united states on the west of the rocky mountains, . monroe, president, declaration of, . monson's, sir w., naval tracts, . mountains, snowy, . multnomah river, . incorrectly laid down, . proposed as a boundary by spain, in , , . sources, . natchitoches, . national flag, . protection of, . mercantile, . sovereign, . mr. gallatin's letter, . dr. channing's pamphlet, . national ship, mr. rush's view, . mr. buchanan's view, . negotiations in , . new france, extent westwardly, , . new mexico, extent of, . nootka sound, . discovery of, . british colours hoisted at, . delivered up to the british, . controversy, . british settlement, . nootka sound convention. see escurial. mr. pitt's view, . north-west company established, . their first settlement west of the rocky mountains, . occupation, title by, . distinct from occupancy, . ohio river, . okanegan river, . onis, don louis de, . oregon, or oregan river, so called by carver, . oregon territory, extent of, . pretensions of the united states in , . first notice of claim, . pacific fur company, . dissolution of, , . not chartered, . panuco, the northernmost settlement of spain on the gulf of mexico, , . partition, rule of, . patagonians, . perez, juan, voyage, , . entrada de, . perouse, la, . pichilingue bay, . poletica, chevalier de, . pope alexander vi., his bull, . pre-emption, right of, . prescription, title of, . president polk's message, . pretty, francis, . not the author of the famous voyage, . purchas, pilgrims of, . racoon, sloop of war, , . rio bravo del norte, . rivers, appendages to territory, , . common use of, , , . mr. wheaton on, . rocky mountains, . rolls court, . rush, mr., , , , . russia, establishments on north-west coast of america, , . claims on north-west coast, . russian american company, in , . salle, de la, , . santa fé, . sea coast, discovery of, . possession of, . servitudes, permanent, . settlement, title by, . jurisdiction of, . conterminous, . not mere trading stations, . not factories, . intermixed, . priority of, . sierra verde, , . silva, nuño da, his narrative, . schoell's traités, , , . soto, hernando de, discovered the mississippi, . south carolina, laws of, . spain, claims to the north-west coast of america, . stow, the annalist, . stowell, lord, on rivers, . on discoveries, , . sutil y mexicana, voyage of, . tacoutche-tesse river, held by lewis and clarke to be the columbia, , . tchiricoff's voyage, . territory in use, . texas, boundaries of, . thalweg, . thomson, mr. david, the astronomer of the north-west company, descends the north branch of the columbia river, , , , . determines the latitude of the sources of the mississippi, . tipping, captain, , . title by occupation, . discovery, . sea coast, . settlement, . prescription, . convention, . tonquin, ship, destroyed by the indians, . treaty of utrecht, , , . paris, of , . paris, of , . ryswick, . washington, . s. ildefonso, , . the escurial, , . ghent, . family compact, , . paris, of , , , . of , . treaties terminable by war, . sometimes contain acknowledgments of title, . ukase of russia respecting the north-west coast, . ulloa, francisco de, , , . united states, the president's plan as to the pacific ocean, . use, innocent, . usucaption, title by, . utrecht, treaty of, . commissioners under, . vancouver, capt., . instructions, . names c. orford, . observes heceta's river, . vindicated against mr. greenhow's charges, , . vattel on occupation, . on discovery, . on prescription, . vicinitas of the roman law, . viscaino, sebastian, . wabash river, or ouabache, . washington, treaty of, cession under, , . object of spanish concessions, , . wheaton on discovery, . wilkes', capt., expedition, . willamette, settlement on the, , . webster, daniel, . wolffii jus gentium, . institutions du droit, , . woods, lake of the, . dr. john mcloughlin [illustration: dr. john mcloughlin _taken from a daguerreotype of dr. john mcloughlin made in , about a year before his death. the original daguerreotype belongs to mrs. josiah myrick of portland, oregon, a granddaughter of dr. mcloughlin._] dr. john mcloughlin the father of oregon by frederick v. holman director of the oregon pioneer association and of the oregon historical society _with portraits_ cleveland, ohio the arthur h. clark company copyright, , by frederick v. holman all rights reserved _to the true, good, brave oregon pioneers of , , , and , whose coming in the time of joint-occupancy did so much to help save oregon and assisted in making it what it is today; whose affections and regards for dr. john mcloughlin and whose remembrances and heartfelt appreciations of his humanity and kindness to them and theirs can and could end only with their deaths, this volume is most respectfully dedicated._ contents preface text early settlements and joint-occupancy of the oregon country the hudson's bay company and the northwest company genealogy and family of dr. john mcloughlin mcloughlin and the oregon country fort vancouver punishment of indians early french canadian settlers early american traders and travellers presbyterian missionaries methodist missions and missionaries provisional government immigration of immigration of immigration of immigration of the quality of the early immigrants the resignation of dr. john mcloughlin dr. mcloughlin's religion dr. mcloughlin's land claim abernethy island the shortess petition land laws of the provisional government dr. mcloughlin's naturalization conspiracy against dr. mcloughlin thurston's letter to congress protests against thurston's actions the oregon donation land law the conspiracy effective career and death of thurston the methodist episcopal church dr. mcloughlin's memorial to congress the persecution continued the end of dr. mcloughlin's life justice to dr. mcloughlin's memory opinions by dr. mcloughlin's contemporaries eulogy upon dr. mcloughlin illustrative documents referred to in the text: a: article of convention of october , , between the united states and great britain b: convention of august , , between the united states and great britain c: statement concerning merger of hudson's bay company and northwest company; and grant to hudson's bay company of and to trade in the oregon country d: excerpts from manuscript journal of rev. jason lee e: rev. jason lee's visit to eastern states in ; and his report to the missionary board at new york in f: excerpts from narrative of commodore charles wilkes, u.s.n., published in philadelphia in g: letter from henry brallier to frederick v. holman of october , h: shortess petition; excerpts from gray's "history of oregon" relating to shortess petition; and excerpt from speech of samuel r. thurston in congress, december , , as to author of shortess petition i: ricord's proclamation; letters of a. lawrence lovejoy and rev. a. f. waller of march , ; ricord's caveat; invalidity of waller's claim to dr. mcloughlin's land; and excerpts from letters of rev. jason lee to rev. a. f. waller and rev. gustavus hines, written in j: agreement between dr. john mcloughlin, rev. a. f. waller, and rev. david leslie, of april , ; statement of cause and manner of making said agreement k: statement of career in oregon of judge w. p. bryant l: letter of dr. john mcloughlin, published in the "oregon spectator" thursday, september , m: letter by william j. berry, published in the "oregon spectator," december , n: excerpts from speech of samuel r. thurston in congress, december , o: correspondence of s. r. thurston, nathaniel j. wyeth, robert c. winthrop and dr. john mcloughlin, published in the "oregon spectator," april , p: letter from rev. vincent snelling to dr. john mcloughlin of march , q: excerpts from "the hudson's bay company and vancouver's island" by james edward fitzgerald, published in london in ; and excerpt from "ten years in oregon," by rev. daniel lee and rev. j. h. frost, published in new york in r: note on authorship of "history of oregon" in bancroft's works; and sources of information for this monograph s: excerpts from opinions of contemporaries of dr. mcloughlin index illustrations portrait of dr. john mcloughlin, taken from daguerreotype of ; from original belonging to mrs. josiah myrick, portland, oregon _frontispiece_ portrait of dr. john mcloughlin, taken from miniature painted on ivory, or ; from original belonging to mrs. james w. mcl. harvey, mirabel, california. _facing_ p. preface this is a plain and simple narrative of the life of dr. john mcloughlin, and of his noble career in the early history of oregon. the writing of it is a labor of love on my part, for i am oregon-born. a number of my near relatives came to oregon overland in the immigrations of , , and . my father and mother came overland in . the one great theme of the oregon pioneers was and still is dr. mcloughlin and his humanity. i came so to know of him that i could almost believe i had known him personally. he, the father of oregon, died september third, , yet his memory is as much respected as though his death were of recent occurrence. in oregon he will never be forgotten. he is known in oregon by tradition as well as by history. his deeds are a part of the folk-lore of oregon. his life is an essential part of the early, the heroic days of early oregon. i know of him from the conversations of pioneers, who loved him, and from the numerous heart-felt expressions at the annual meetings of the oregon pioneers, beginning with their first meeting. for years i have been collecting and reading books on early oregon and the pacific northwest coast. i am familiar with many letters and rare documents in the possession of the oregon historical society relating to events in the time of the settlement of oregon, and containing frequent references to dr. mcloughlin. october sixth, , was set apart as mcloughlin day by the lewis and clark exposition, at portland, oregon. i had the honor to be selected to deliver the address on that occasion. in writing that address i was obliged to familiarize myself with exact knowledge of dates and other important circumstances connected with the life and times of dr. mcloughlin. in writing it, although i endeavored to be concise, the story grew until it went beyond the proper length for an address, and so i condensed it for oral delivery on mcloughlin day. since that time i have largely rewritten it, and, while not changing the style essentially, i have added to it so that it has become a short history. for the benefit of those interested in dr. john mcloughlin and the history of early oregon, i have added notes and many documents. the latter show some of the sources from which i have drawn, but only some of them. they are necessary to a thorough understanding, particularly, as to the causes of his tribulations, and of what is due to him as a great humanitarian, and of his great services in the upbuilding of oregon. i have been kindly assisted by men and women still living who knew him personally, by those who gladly bear witness to what he was and what he did, and by those who have studied his life and times as a matter of historical interest. the full history of the life of dr. john mcloughlin will be written in the future. such a history will have all the interest of a great romance. it begins in happiness and ends in martyrdom. it is so remarkable that one unacquainted with the facts might doubt if some of these matters i have set forth could be true. unfortunately they are true. frederick v. holman portland, oregon, january, . dr. john mcloughlin the story of the life of dr. john mcloughlin comprises largely the history of oregon beginning in the time of joint-occupancy of the oregon country, and continuing until after the boundary treaty dividing the oregon country between the united states and great britain, the establishment of the oregon territorial government, and the passage of the oregon donation law. it relates directly to events in oregon from until the death of dr. mcloughlin in , and incidentally to what occurred in oregon as far back as the founding of astoria in . prior to the treaty of between the united states and england fixing the present northern boundary line of the united states west of the rocky mountains, what was known as the "oregon country" was bounded on the south by north latitude forty-two degrees, the present northern boundary of the states of california and nevada; on the north by latitude fifty-four degrees and forty minutes, the present southern boundary of alaska; on the east by the rocky mountains; and on the west by the pacific ocean. it included all of the states of oregon, washington, and idaho, and parts of the states of montana and wyoming, and all of the present dominion of canada between latitudes forty-nine degrees and fifty-four degrees forty minutes, and west of the rocky mountains. its area was approximately four hundred thousand square miles, an area about twenty-five per cent. greater than that of the original thirteen colonies at the time of the american revolution. _early settlements and joint-occupancy of the oregon country._ the first permanent settlement on the columbia river was made by the pacific fur company, which was organized and controlled by john jacob astor. it founded astoria march , . october , , during the war of , the establishments of the pacific fur company in the oregon country, and all its furs and supplies, were sold, at less than one-third of their value, to the northwest company, of montreal, by the treachery of duncan mcdougal, a partner of astor in the pacific fur company. december , , the british sloop-of-war raccoon arrived at astoria and took formal possession of it in the name of the king of great britain. the captain of the raccoon changed the name of astoria to that of fort george. its name is now astoria. the northwest company continued to carry on its business at fort george and at other points in the oregon country until its coalition with the hudson's bay company in . the treaty of peace between the united states and england at the conclusion of the war of was signed at ghent, december , . it is known as the "treaty of ghent." under this treaty great britain, on october , , formally restored to the united states "the settlement of fort george on the columbia river." a convention between the united states and great britain was signed october , . that convention provided that the oregon country should be free and open, for the period of ten years, to the citizens and subjects of the two countries, being what is called for convenience joint-occupancy by the two countries.[ ] another convention between the two countries was made in , by which this joint-occupancy was continued indefinitely, subject to termination after october , , by either the united states or great britain giving to the other twelve months' notice.[ ] in april, , congress passed a joint resolution giving the president authority, at his discretion, to give such notice to the british government. under the authority of this resolution president polk signed a notice, dated april , , which by its terms was to go into effect from and after its delivery to the british government at london. june , , the british government proposed the present boundary. this was accepted by the american government. the treaty was signed at washington, june , . _the hudson's bay company and the northwest company._ the hudson's bay company was established in under a charter granted by king charles ii. the northwest company was formed in montreal in - . it became the great rival of the hudson's bay company. warfare occurred between the two companies, beginning in . a compromise was finally effected and in the northwest company coalesced with the hudson's bay company[ ]. dr. mcloughlin was a partner of the northwest company and opposed the coalition in a most determined manner. he would not sign the final agreement, as he considered it unfair to himself and to his associates in the northwest company. but the hudson's bay company knew of dr. mcloughlin, his resolution, his power, and his capacity, and it employed him as chief factor to manage and to build up the company's business in the oregon country. he was given plenary powers. he was the man for the place and the time. _genealogy and family of dr. john mcloughlin._ dr. john mcloughlin was born october , , in parish la rivière du loup, canada, about one hundred and twenty miles below quebec, on the south side of the st. lawrence river. he was baptized november , , at the parish of kamouraska, canada, there being no roman catholic priest at la rivière du loup. both of his parents were roman catholics. his father was john mcloughlin, a native of ireland. of him little is now known, excepting that he was a man of high character. he was accidentally drowned in the st. lawrence river. the date i have been unable to ascertain. it was probably while his son john was quite young. for convenience i shall hereinafter speak of john mcloughlin, the younger, as dr. john mcloughlin, or dr. mcloughlin. his mother's maiden name was angelique fraser. she was a very fine woman. she was born in the parish of beaumont, canada, and died in canada, july , , aged years. her father was malcolm fraser, a native of scotland. at the time of his retirement from the army and settlement in canada, in , he was a captain in the th regiment of the british regular army. he was at one time a lieutenant in the th regiment, known as the fraser highlanders. he spelled his name with two "f's"--ffraser. his daughter was also related to gen. fraser, one of burgoyne's principal officers, who was killed at the battle of saratoga, october , . dr. john mcloughlin's father and mother had seven children, of which five were daughters; the youngest daughter died while young. he was the second child, the eldest son, his only brother, david, being the third child. it is probable that dr. john mcloughlin and his brother david were brought up in the home of their maternal grandfather. their only maternal uncle was samuel fraser, m.d. he was a lieutenant in the royal highland regiment (the famous "black watch" regiment). he took part in all the engagements fought by that regiment from to , in the napoleonic wars. their maternal relatives seem to have exercised a strong influence on both young john and david mcloughlin. they both became physicians. david served in the british army, and, after the battle of waterloo, practiced medicine in paris, france. dr. john mcloughlin was educated in canada and scotland. he joined the northwest company, which was composed and controlled by very active, practical, and forceful men. in he was in charge of fort william, the chief depot and factory of the northwest company, when that company coalesced with the hudson's bay company. fort william is situated on the north shore of lake superior, at the mouth of the kaministiquia river. it was at fort william, where he was stationed for a long time, that he became acquainted with the widow of alexander mckay. dr. mcloughlin married her, the exact date i have been unable to ascertain. alexander mckay was a partner of john jacob astor in the pacific fur company. he was killed in the capture, by indians, of the ship tonquin in june, , at clayoquot sound, on the west coast of vancouver's island. dr. john mcloughlin and wife had four children, whose names in order of birth were as follows: eliza, john, eloisa, and david. they are all dead. eliza mcloughlin married captain epps, an officer in the english army. john mcloughlin, jr., was murdered in april, , at fort stikeen, where he was in charge. eloisa mcloughlin was dr. mcloughlin's favorite child. she was married to william glen rae at fort vancouver in . rae was appointed, after his marriage, a chief trader of the hudson's bay company. in he was sent to california to take charge of the company's business at yerba buena, now san francisco. he continued in charge there until his death in . all of their children are dead, excepting two--mrs. theodore wygant and mrs. josiah myrick, both now living in portland. in october, , mrs. rae was married to daniel harvey. there were three children by this second marriage, all of whom are now dead. daniel harvey died prior to his wife. she died at portland in october, . in portland and its vicinity there are now living several children of mrs. wygant and mrs. myrick, and also several grandchildren of mrs. wygant. at mirabel, sonoma county, california, there are now living a son, a daughter, and also the widow of james w. mcl. harvey, a son of daniel and eloisa harvey. a son of mrs. myrick is living at los angeles, california. david mcloughlin, the youngest child of dr. mcloughlin, was educated in england. he returned to oregon, and later made his home in idaho, where he died at an advanced age. _dr. mcloughlin and the oregon country._ physically dr. john mcloughlin was a superb specimen of man. his height was not less than six feet four inches. he carried himself as a master, which gave him an appearance of being more than six feet and a half high. he was almost perfectly proportioned. mentally he was endowed to match his magnificent physical proportions. he was brave and fearless; he was true and just; he was truthful and scorned to lie. the indians, as well as his subordinates, soon came to know that if he threatened punishment for an offense, it was as certain as that the offense occurred. he was absolute master of himself and of those under him. he allowed none of his subordinates to question or to disobey. this was necessary to conduct the business of his company, and to preserve peace in the vast oregon country. he was _facile princeps_. and, yet, with all these dominant qualities, he had the greatest kindness, sympathy, and humanity. he needed all his stern and manlike characteristics to govern the officers, employées, servants, and dependents of his company, and to conduct its business, in the oregon country. here was a great empire in physical extent, intersected by great rivers and chains of mountains. there was no one on whom he could depend, except his under-officers and the company's servants. to him were given no bands of trained soldiers to govern a country half again larger than the empire of germany, and occupied by treacherous, hostile, crafty, and cruel savages; and to so govern as not to be to the prejudice, nor to the exclusion, of citizens of the united states, nor to encourage them, nor to help them. when he first came to oregon, it was not safe for the company's parties to travel except in large numbers and heavily armed. in a few years there was practically no danger. a single boat loaded with goods or furs was as safe as a great flotilla had been when he arrived on the columbia river in . it was dr. john mcloughlin who did this, by his personality, by his example, and by his influence. he had accomplished all this when the indian population of the oregon country is estimated to have been in excess of , , including about , on the columbia river below its junction with snake river, and on the tributaries of that part of the columbia river. this was before the great epidemics of the years to , inclusive, which caused the deaths of great numbers of the indians, especially those living on and near the lower columbia river. there were no indian wars in the oregon country during all the time dr. mcloughlin was in charge at fort vancouver, from to . all the indian wars in the oregon country occurred after he resigned from the hudson's bay company. the first of these wars began with the whitman massacre in . when he came to oregon, he was nearly forty years old. his hair was then almost white, and was worn long, falling almost to his shoulders. it did not take long for the indians to know him and to give him a name. to some of the indians he was the "white-headed eagle," and to others, the "great white chief." _fort vancouver._ dr. mcloughlin came overland to fort george (astoria), arriving there in . he soon saw that the place for a great trading and supply post should be further up the columbia river. after careful surveys in small boats, he founded fort vancouver, on the north side of the columbia river, about seven miles above the mouth of the willamette river, and several miles below the point named point vancouver by lieut. broughtan, in , the latter point being near the present town of washougal, washington. in fort vancouver was constructed, in part, and the goods and effects at fort george were moved to fort vancouver. the final completion of the latter fort was not until a later period, although the work was carried on as rapidly as possible. a few years after, about , a new fort was erected about a mile westerly from the original fort. here is now located the present united states' military post, commonly known as vancouver barracks. with characteristic energy and foresight dr. mcloughlin soon established at and near fort vancouver a large farm on which were grown quantities of grain and vegetables. it was afterwards stocked with cattle, horses, sheep, goats, and hogs. in this farm consisted of , acres, fenced into fields, with here and there dairy houses and herdsmen's and shepherd's cottages. in the products of this farm were, in bushels: , of wheat; , of barley; , of oats; , of peas; , of potatoes; besides large quantities of turnips (rutabaga), pumpkins, etc.[ ] there were about ten acres in apple, pear, and quince trees, which bore in profusion. he established two saw mills and two flour mills near the fort. for many years there were shipped, from fort vancouver, lumber to the hawaiian islands (then called the sandwich islands) and flour to sitka. it was not many years after dr. mcloughlin came to the oregon country until it was one of the most profitable parts of north america to the hudson's bay company. for many years the london value of the yearly gathering of furs, in the oregon country, varied from $ , to $ , , , sums of money representing then a value several fold more than such sums represent today. fort vancouver was a parallelogram about seven hundred and fifty feet long and four hundred and fifty broad, enclosed by an upright picket wall of large and closely fitted beams, over twenty feet in height, secured by buttresses on the inside. originally there was a bastion at each angle of the fort. in the earlier times there were two twelve pounders mounted in these bastions. in the center of the fort there were some eighteen pounders; all these cannon, from disuse, became merely ornamental early in the thirties.[ ] in , when commodore wilkes was at fort vancouver, there were between the steps of dr. mcloughlin's residence, inside the fort, two old cannon on sea-carriages, with a few shot. there were no other warlike instruments.[ ] it was a very peaceful fort. the interior of the fort was divided into two courts, having about forty buildings, all of wood except the powder magazine, which was constructed of brick and stone. in the center, facing the main entrance, stood the hall in which were the dining-room, smoking-room, and public sitting-room, or bachelor's hall. single men, clerks, strangers, and others made the bachelor's hall their place of resort. to these rooms artisans and servants were not admitted. the hall was the only two-story house in the fort. the residence of dr. mcloughlin was built after the model of a french canadian dwelling-house. it was one story, weather-boarded, and painted white. it had a piazza with vines growing on it. there were flower-beds in front of the house. the other buildings consisted of dwellings for officers and their families, a school-house, a retail store, warehouses and shops. a short distance from the fort, on the bank of the river, was a village of more than fifty houses, for the mechanics and servants, and their families, built in rows so as to form streets. here were also the hospital, boat-house, and salmon-house, and near by were barns, threshing-mills, granaries, and dairy buildings. the whole number of persons, having their homes at fort vancouver and its vicinity, men, women, and children, was about eight hundred. the hall was an oasis in the vast social desert of oregon. fort vancouver was a fairy-land to the early travellers, after their long, hard journeys across the continent. thomas j. farnham was a traveller who came to oregon in . he was entertained by dr. mcloughlin at fort vancouver. in his account of his travels, which he subsequently published, he gives the following description of the usual dinner at fort vancouver: "the bell rings for dinner; we will now pay a visit to the 'hall' and its convivialities.... at the end of a table twenty feet in length stands governor mcloughlin, directing guests and gentlemen from neighboring posts to their places; and chief-traders, traders, the physician, clerks, and the farmer slide respectfully to their places, at distances from the governor corresponding to the dignity of their rank in the service. thanks are given to god, and all are seated. roast beef and pork, boiled mutton, baked salmon, boiled ham; beets, carrots, turnips, cabbage, and potatoes, and wheaten bread, are tastefully distributed over the table among a dinner-set of elegant queen's ware, burnished with glittering glasses and decanters of various-coloured italian wines. course after course goes round, ... and each gentleman in turn vies with him in diffusing around the board a most generous allowance of viands, wines, and warm fellow-feeling. the cloth and wines are removed together, cigars are lighted, and a strolling smoke about the premises, enlivened by a courteous discussion of some mooted point of natural history or politics, closes the ceremonies of the dinner hour at fort vancouver." at fort vancouver dr. john mcloughlin lived and ruled in a manner befitting that of an old english baron in feudal times, but with a graciousness and courtesy, which, i fear, were not always the rule with the ancient barons. dr. mcloughlin was a very temperate man. he rarely drank any alcoholic beverages, not even wines. there was an exception one time, each year, when the festivities began at fort vancouver on the return of the brigade, with the year's furs. he then drank a glass of wine to open the festivities. soon after he came to oregon, from morality and policy he stopped the sale of liquor to indians. to do this effectually he had to stop the sale of liquor to all whites. in , when wyeth began his competition with the hudson's bay company, he began selling liquor to indians, but at the request of dr. mcloughlin, wyeth stopped the sale of liquors to indians as well as to the whites. in the american trading vessel thomas perkins, commanded by captain varney, came to the columbia river to trade, having a large quantity of liquors. to prevent the sale to the indians, dr. mcloughlin bought all these liquors and stored them at fort vancouver. they were still there when dr. mcloughlin left the hudson's bay company in . dr. mcloughlin soon established numerous forts and posts in the oregon country, all of which were tributary to fort vancouver. in there were twenty of these forts besides vancouver. the policy of the hudson's bay company was to crush out all rivals in trade. it had an absolute monopoly of the fur trade of british america, except the british provinces, under acts of parliament, and under royal grants. but in the oregon territory its right to trade therein was limited by the conventions of and and by the act of parliament of july , , to the extent that the oregon country (until one year's notice was given) should remain free and open to the citizens of the united states and to the subjects of great britain, and the trade of the hudson's bay company should not "be used to the prejudice or exclusion of citizens of the united states engaged in such trade."[ ] therefore, as there could be no legal exclusion of american citizens, it could be done only by occupying the country, building forts, establishing trade and friendly relations with the indians, and preventing rivalry by the laws of trade, including ruinous competition. as the hudson's bay company bought its goods in large quantities in england, shipped by sea, and paid no import duties, it could sell at a profit at comparatively low prices. in addition, its goods were of extra good quality, usually much better than those of the american traders. it also desired to prevent the settling of the oregon country. the latter purpose was for two reasons: to preserve the fur trade; and to prevent the oregon country from being settled by americans to the prejudice of great britain's claim to the oregon country. for more than ten years after dr. mcloughlin came to oregon, there was no serious competition to the hudson's bay company in the oregon country west of the blue mountains. an occasional ship would come into the columbia river and depart. at times, american fur traders entered into serious competition with the hudson's bay company, east of the blue mountains. such traders were bonneville, sublette, smith, jackson, and others. they could be successful, only partially, against the competition of the hudson's bay company. goods were often sold by it at prices which could not be met by the american traders, except at a loss. sometimes more was paid to the indians for furs than they were worth. dr. mcloughlin was the autocrat of the oregon country. his allegiance was to his country and to his company. he knew the americans had the legal right to occupy any part of the oregon country, and he knew from the directors of his company, as early as , that great britain did not intend to claim any part of the oregon country south of the columbia river. the only fort he established south of the columbia river was on the umpqua river. i do not wish to place dr. mcloughlin on a pedestal, nor to represent him as more than a grand and noble man, ever true, as far as possible, to his company's interests and to himself. to be faithless to his company was to be a weakling and contemptible. but he was not a servant, nor was he untrue to his manhood. as chief factor he was "ay, every inch a king," but he was also ay, every inch a man. he was a very human, as well as a very humane man. he had a quick and violent temper. his position as chief factor and his continued use of power often made him dictatorial. and yet he was polite, courteous, gentle, and kind, and a gentleman. he was an autocrat, but not an aristocrat. in rev. herbert beaver, who was chaplain at fort vancouver, was impertinent to dr. mcloughlin in the fort-yard. immediately dr. mcloughlin struck beaver with a cane. the next day dr. mcloughlin publicly apologized for this indignity. _punishment of indians._ the policy of the company, as well as that of dr. mcloughlin, was to keep americans, especially traders, out of all the oregon country. the difference was that he believed that they should be kept out only so far as it could be done lawfully. but he did not allow them to be harmed by the indians, and, if the americans were so harmed, he punished the offending indians, and he let all indians know that he would punish for offenses against the americans as he would for offenses against the british and the hudson's bay company. personally he treated these rival traders with hospitality. in his early years in oregon on two occasions he caused an indian to be hanged for murder of a white man. in , when the hudson's bay company's vessel, william and ann, was wrecked on sand island, at the mouth of the columbia river, and a part of her crew supposed to have been murdered and the wreck looted, he sent a well armed and manned schooner and a hundred voyageurs to punish the indians. jedediah s. smith was a rival trader to the hudson's bay company. in all his party of eighteen men, excepting four, one of which was smith, were murdered by the indians, near the mouth of the umpqua river. all their goods and furs were stolen. these four survivors arrived at fort vancouver, but not all together. they were all at the point of perishing from exhaustion and were nearly naked. all their wants were at once supplied, and they received the kindest treatment. when the first one arrived dr. mcloughlin sent indian runners to the willamette chiefs to tell them to send their people in search of smith and his two men, and if found to bring them to fort vancouver, and dr. mcloughlin would pay the indians; and also to tell these chiefs that if smith, or his men, was hurt by the indians, that dr. mcloughlin would punish them. dr. mcloughlin sent a strong party to the umpqua river, which recovered these furs. they were of large value. smith at his own instance sold these furs to the hudson's bay company, receiving the fair value for the furs, without deduction. dr. mcloughlin later said of this event that it "was done from a principle of christian duty, and as a lesson to the indians to show them they could not wrong the whites with impunity." the effect of this smith matter was far-reaching and long-continued. the indians understood, even if they did not appreciate, that the opposition of dr. mcloughlin to americans as traders did not apply to them personally. dunn, in his _history of the oregon territory_, narrates the following incident:[ ] "on one occasion an american vessel, captain thompson, was in the columbia, trading furs and salmon. the vessel had got aground, in the upper part of the river, and the indians, from various quarters, mustered with the intent of cutting the americans off, thinking that they had an opportunity of revenge, and would thus escape the censure of the company. dr. mcloughlin, the governor of fort vancouver, hearing of their intention, immediately despatched a party to their rendezvous; and informed them that if they injured one american, it would be just the same offence as if they had injured one of his servants, and they would be treated equally as enemies. this stunned them; and they relinquished their purpose; and all retired to their respective homes. had not this come to the governor's ears the americans must have perished." in the indians in the eastern oregon country became alarmed for the reason that they believed the americans intended to take away their lands. the indians knew that the hudson's bay company and its employées were traders and did not care for lands, except as incidental to trading. at this time some of the indians desired to raise a war party and surprise and massacre the american settlements in the willamette valley. this could have been done easily at that time. through the influence of dr. mcloughlin with peopeomoxmox (yellow serpent), a chief of the cayuses, this trouble was averted. in a party of indians went to california to buy cattle. an american there killed elijah, the son of peopeomoxmox. the indians of eastern oregon threatened to take two thousand warriors to california and exterminate the whites there. largely through the actions of dr. mcloughlin the indians were persuaded to abandon their project. john minto, a pioneer of , in an address february , , narrated the following incident. in two indians, for the purpose of robbery, at pillar rock, in the lower columbia, killed a servant of the hudson's bay company. one of the indians was killed in the pursuit. the other was taken, after great trouble. there was no doubt as to his guilt. in order to make the lesson of his execution salutary and impressive to the indians, dr. mcloughlin invited the leading indians of the various tribes, as well as all classes of settlers and missionaries, to be present. he made the arrangements for the execution in a way best calculated to strike terror to the indian mind. when all was ready, and immediately prior to the execution, with his white head bared, he made a short and earnest address to the indians, showing them that the white men of all classes, englishmen, americans, and frenchmen, were as one man to punish such crimes. in a technical sense dr. mcloughlin had no authority to cause indians to be executed or to compel them to restore stolen goods, as in the william and ann matter and the jedediah s. smith case. under the act of parliament of july, , the courts of judicature of upper canada were given jurisdiction of civil and criminal matters within the indian territories and other parts of america not within the provinces of lower or upper canada, or of any civil government of the united states. provisions were made for the appointment of justices of the peace in such territories, having jurisdiction of suits or actions not exceeding two hundred pounds, and having jurisdiction of ordinary criminal offenses. but it was expressly provided that such justices of the peace should not have the right to try offenders on any charge of felony made the subject of capital punishment, or to pass sentence affecting the life of any offender, or his transportation; and that in case of any offense, subjecting the person committing the same to capital punishment or to transportation, to cause such offender to be sent, in safe custody, for trial in the court of the province of upper canada. as to how far this law applied to indians or to others than british subjects or to residents of the oregon country under joint-occupancy, it is not necessary here to discuss. it certainly did not apply to citizens of the united states. so far as i can learn, dr. mcloughlin was never appointed such a justice of the peace, but he caused his assistant james douglas to be so appointed, at fort vancouver. as under joint-occupancy it was doubtful if either the laws of the united states or of great britain were in force in the oregon country, it was necessary for some one to assume supreme power and authority over the indians, in the willamette valley, until the oregon provisional government was established, and over the remainder of the oregon country, at least, until the boundary-line treaty was made. it was characteristic of dr. mcloughlin that he assumed and exercised such power and authority, until he ceased to be an officer of the hudson's bay company. he did so without question. it is true that this might have been an odious tyranny under a different kind of a man. under dr. mcloughlin it was a kind of despotism, but a just and beneficent despotism, under the circumstances. it was a despotism tempered by his sense of justice, his mercy, his humanity, and his common-sense. no man in the oregon country ever knew the indian character, or knew how to control and to manage indians as well as dr. mcloughlin did. the few severe and extreme measures he took with them as individuals and as tribes were always fully justified by the circumstances. to have been more lenient might have been fatal to his company, its employées, and the early white settlers in the oregon country. they were of the few cases where the end justifies the means. the unusual conditions justified the unusual methods. the oregon provisional government was not a government in the true meaning of the word, it was a local organization, for the benefit of those consenting. it had no true sovereignty. and yet it punished offenders. it waged the cayuse indian war of - , caused by the whitman massacre. it would have executed the murderers if it had caught them, although the scenes of the massacre and of the war were several hundred miles beyond the asserted jurisdiction of the oregon provisional government. and it would have been justified in case of such executions. the war was a necessity, law or no law. every act of punitive or vindicatory justice to the indians by dr. mcloughlin is greatly to his credit. these acts caused peace in the oregon country and were beneficial to the indians as well as to the whites, both british and american, and, in the end, probably saved numerous massacres and hundreds of lives. dr. mcloughlin was a very just and far-seeing man. i shall presently tell how dr. mcloughlin saved the immigrants of from great trouble and probable massacre by the indians. _early french canadian settlers._ after the death of dr. mcloughlin there was found among his private papers a document in his own handwriting. this was probably written shortly prior to his death. it gives many interesting facts, some of which i shall presently set forth. this document was given to col. j. w. nesmith by a descendant of dr. mcloughlin. it was presented to the oregon pioneer association by col. nesmith in . it was printed at length in the _transactions_ of that association for that year, pages - . i shall hereinafter refer to this document as "the mcloughlin document." in the mcloughlin document he says: "in , from what i had seen of the country, i formed the conclusion, from the mildness and salubrity of the climate, that this was the finest portion of north america that i had seen for the residence of civilized man." the farm at fort vancouver showed that the wheat was of exceptionally fine quality. dr. mcloughlin knew that where wheat grew well and there was a large enough area, that it would become a civilized country, especially where there was easy access to the ocean. thus early he saw that what is now called western oregon was bound to be a populous country. it was merely a question of time. it was evidently with this view that he located his land claim at oregon city in . if settlers came he could endeavor to have them locate in the willamette valley, and thus preserve, to a great extent, the fur animals in other parts of the oregon country, and especially north of the columbia river. the hudson's bay company was bound, under heavy penalties, not to discharge any of its servants in the indian country, and was bound to return them to the places where they were originally hired. as early as several french canadian servants, or employées, whose times of service were about ended, did not desire to return to canada, but to settle in oregon. they disliked to settle in the willamette valley, notwithstanding its fertility and advantages, because they thought that ultimately it would be american territory, but dr. mcloughlin told them that he knew "that the american government and people knew only two classes of persons, rogues and honest men. that they punished the first and protected the last, and it depended only upon themselves to what class they would belong." dr. mcloughlin later found out, to his own sorrow and loss, that he was in error in this statement. these french canadians followed his advice. to allow these french canadians to become settlers, he kept them nominally on the books of the hudson's bay company as its servants. he made it a rule to allow none of these servants to become settlers unless he possessed fifty pounds sterling to start with. he loaned each of them seed and wheat to plant, to be returned from the produce of his farm, and sold him implements and supplies at fifty per cent. advance on prime london cost. the regular selling price at fort vancouver was eighty per cent. advance on prime london cost. dr. mcloughlin also loaned each of these settlers two cows, the increase to belong to the hudson's bay company, as it then had only a small herd, and he wished to increase the herd. if any of the cows died, he did not make the settler pay for the animal. if he had sold the cattle the company could not supply other settlers, and the price would be prohibitive, if owned by settlers who could afford to buy, as some settlers offered him as high as two hundred dollars for a cow. therefore, to protect the poor settlers against the rich, and to make a herd of cattle for the benefit of the whole country, he refused to sell to any one. in dr. mcloughlin had at fort vancouver only twenty-seven head of cattle, large and small. he determined that no cattle should be killed, except one bull-calf every year for rennet to make cheese, until he had an ample stock to meet all demands of his company, and to assist settlers, a resolution to which he strictly adhered. the first animal killed for beef was in . until that time the company's officers and employées had lived on fresh and salt venison and salmon and wild fowl. in august , the expedition of sir edward belcher was at fort vancouver. dr. mcloughlin was not then at fort vancouver. he probably had not returned from his trip to england in - . james douglas was in charge. although the latter supplied sir edward belcher and his officers with fresh beef, douglas declined to furnish a supply of fresh beef for the crew, because he did not deem it prudent to kill so many cattle. sir edward belcher complained of this to the british government.[ ] dr. mcloughlin gave the american settlers, prior to , the same terms as he gave to the french canadian settlers. but some of these early american settlers were much incensed at the refusal of dr. mcloughlin to sell the cattle, although they accepted the loan of the cows. it has been asserted that dr. mcloughlin intended to maintain a monopoly in cattle. but if that was his intention, as he refused to sell, where was to be the profit? the hudson's bay company was a fur-trading company. it was not a cattle-dealing company. if dr. mcloughlin intended to create a monopoly, he himself assisted to break it. that such was not his intention is shown by his helping the settlers to procure cattle from california in . in a company was formed to go to california to buy cattle and drive them to oregon overland. about twenty-five hundred dollars was raised for this purpose, of which amount dr. mcloughlin, for the hudson's bay company, subscribed about half. the number of cattle which were thus brought to oregon was six hundred and thirty, at a cost of about eight dollars a head. in the mcloughlin document he says: "in the willamette the settlers kept the tame and broken-in oxen they had, belonging to the hudson's bay company, and gave their california wild cattle in the place, so that they found themselves stocked with tame cattle which cost them only eight dollars a head, and the hudson's bay company, to favor the settlers, took calves in place of grown up cattle, because the hudson's bay company wanted them for beef. these calves would grow up before they were required." _early american traders and travellers._ in nathaniel j. wyeth of cambridge, massachusetts, came overland with a small party, expecting to meet in the columbia river, a vessel with supplies, to compete with the hudson's bay company. the vessel was wrecked in the south pacific ocean. she and the cargo were a total loss. this party arrived at fort vancouver in a destitute condition. although dr. mcloughlin knew they came as competing traders, he welcomed them cordially, supplied their necessities on their credit, and gave wyeth a seat at his own table. in wyeth's journal of this expedition he says, under date of october , : "arrived at the fort of vancouver.... here i was received with the utmost kindness and hospitality by dr. mcloughlin, the acting governor of the place.... our people were supplied with food and shelter.... i find dr. mcloughlin a fine old gentleman, truly philanthropic in his ideas.... the gentlemen of this company do much credit to their country by their education, deportment, and talents.... the company seem disposed to render me all the assistance they can." wyeth was most hospitably entertained by dr. mcloughlin until february , , when wyeth left vancouver for his home overland. he was accompanied by three of his men, the others staying at fort vancouver. in his journal under date february , , he says: "i parted with feelings of sorrow from the gentlemen of fort vancouver. their unremitting kindness to me while there much endeared them to me, more so than would seem possible during so short a time. dr. mcloughlin, the governor of the place, is a man distinguished as much for his kindness and humanity as his good sense and information; and to whom i am so much indebted as that he will never be forgotten by me." dr. mcloughlin assisted the men of wyeth's expedition who stayed, to join the willamette settlement. he furnished them seed and supplies and agreed that they would be paid the same price for their wheat as was paid to the french canadian settlers, _i.e._, three shillings, sterling, per bushel, and that they could purchase their supplies from the hudson's bay company at fifty per cent. advance on prime london cost. this is said to have been equivalent to paying one dollar and twenty-five cents a bushel for wheat, with supplies at customary prices. in wyeth again came overland to the columbia river with a large party. on the way he established fort hall (now in idaho) in direct opposition to the hudson's bay company, as he had a perfect right to do. he and his party arrived at fort vancouver september , , and were hospitably received by dr. mcloughlin and the other gentlemen of the hudson's bay company. in wyeth's journal of his second expedition he says, under date of september , : "arrived at vancouver, where i found dr. mcloughlin in charge, who received us in his usual manner. he has here power, and uses it as a man should, to make those about him, and those who come in contact with him, comfortable and happy." the brig may dacre, with wyeth's supplies, was then in the columbia river. immediately on his arrival, wyeth started in active competition with the hudson's bay company. he established a post, which he named fort william, on wappatoo island (now sauvie's island). he forwarded supplies and men to fort hall. it was the beginning of a commercial war between the two companies, but it was a warfare on honorable lines. in the end wyeth was beaten by dr. mcloughlin, and sold out his entire establishment to the hudson's bay company. while dr. mcloughlin was personally courteous to wyeth and his employées, he did not and would not be false or untrue to the business interests of the hudson's bay company. for dr. mcloughlin to have acted otherwise than he did, would have shown him to be unfit to hold his position as chief factor. wyeth was too big, and too capable a man not to understand this. in his journal, under date of september , , (he evidently forgot that september has but thirty days) he says: "from this time until the th oct. making preparations for a campaign into the snake country and arrived on the th at vancouver and was received with great attention by all there." and under date of february , , he says: "in the morning made to vancouver and found there a polite reception."[ ] wyeth was a man of great ability, enterprise, and courage. his expeditions deserved better fates. he was a high-minded gentleman. although his two expeditions were failures, he showed his countrymen the way to oregon, which many shortly followed. in the mcloughlin document he says: "in justice to mr. wyeth i have great pleasure to be able to state that as a rival in trade, i found him open, manly, frank, and fair. and, in short, in all his contracts, a perfect gentleman and an honest man, doing all he could to support morality and encouraging industry in the settlement." it is pleasing to know that after all his hardships and misfortunes wyeth established a business for the exportation of ice from boston to calcutta, which was a great financial success. rev. h. k. hines, d.d., was a methodist minister who came to oregon in . he was a brother of rev. gustavus hines, the methodist missionary, who came to oregon in , on the ship lausanne. december , , at pendleton, oregon, rev. dr. hines delivered one of the finest tributes to dr. mcloughlin that i know of. he was fully capable to do it, for he was a profound and scholarly student of oregon history, and personally knew dr. mcloughlin. his address should be read by everyone. in his address rev. dr. hines said, speaking in regard to the failure of the enterprises of wyeth, bonneville, and other fur traders in opposition to the hudson's bay company: "my own conclusion, after a lengthy and laborious investigation, the result i have given here in bare outlines, is that dr. mcloughlin acted the part only of an honorable, high-minded, and loyal man in his relation with the american traders who ventured to dispute with him the commercial dominion of oregon up to or ." when wyeth left oregon in , he left on the columbia river a number of men. these, too, were assisted by dr. mcloughlin to join the willamette river settlements. they were given the same terms as to prices of wheat and on supplies as he had given to the french canadian, and to the other american settlers. in assisting these men whom wyeth left on his two expeditions, dr. mcloughlin was actuated by two motives. the first was humanitarian; the second was the desirability, if not necessity, of not having men, little accustomed to think or to plan for themselves, roaming the country, and possibly, some of them, becoming vagabonds. it was liable to be dangerous for white men to join indian tribes and become leaders. with great wisdom and humanity he made them settlers, which gave them every inducement to be industrious and to be law abiding. john k. townsend, the naturalist, accompanied by nuttall, the botanist, crossed the plains in with captain wyeth. in townsend published a book entitled, "narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains," etc. on page he says: "on the beach in front of the fort, we were met by mr. lee, the missionary, and dr. john mcloughlin, the chief factor, and governor of the hudson's bay posts in this vicinity. the dr. is a large, dignified and very noble looking man, with a fine expressive countenance, and remarkably bland and pleasing manners. the missionary introduced mr. n. [nuttall] and myself in due form, and we were greeted and received with a frank and unassuming politeness which was most peculiarly grateful to our feelings. he requested us to consider his house our home, provided a separate room for our use, a servant to wait upon us, and furnished us with every convenience which we could possibly wish for. i shall never cease to feel grateful to him for his disinterested kindness to the poor, houseless, and travel-worn strangers." and on page he said: "i took leave of doctor mcloughlin with feelings akin to those with which i should bid adieu to an affectionate parent; and to his fervent, 'god bless you, sir, and may you have a happy meeting with your friends,' i could only reply by a look of the sincerest gratitude. words are inadequate to express my deep sense of the obligations which i feel under to this truly generous and excellent man, and i fear i can only repay them by the sincerity with which i shall always cherish the recollection of his kindness, and the ardent prayers i shall breathe for his prosperity and happiness." the only persons who were not cordially received by dr. mcloughlin were ewing young and hall j. kelley, who came to fort vancouver in october, , from california. gov. figueroa, the governor of california, had written dr. mcloughlin that young and kelley had stolen horses from settlers in california. dr. mcloughlin told them of the charges, and that he would have nothing to do with them until the information was shown to be false. this was not done until long afterwards, when it was shown that neither young nor kelley was guilty, but that some of their party, with which they started to oregon, were guilty, and were disreputable characters, which young and kelley knew. the stand taken by dr. mcloughlin was the only proper one. he had official information from california. fort vancouver was not an asylum for horse thieves. nevertheless, as kelley was sick, dr. mcloughlin provided kelley with a house, such as was occupied by the servants of the company, outside the fort, furnished him with an attendant, and supplied him with medical aid and all necessary comforts until march, , when dr. mcloughlin gave kelley free passage to the hawaiian islands on the hudson's bay company's vessel, the dryad, and also presented kelley with a draft for seven pounds sterling, payable at the hawaiian islands. on his return home, kelley, instead of being grateful, most vigorously attacked the hudson's bay company for its alleged abuses of american citizens, and abused dr. mcloughlin and falsely stated that dr. mcloughlin had been so alarmed with the dread that kelley would destroy the hudson's bay company's trade that dr. mcloughlin had kept a constant watch over kelley. kelley was a boston school teacher who became an oregon enthusiast. from the year , when he was twenty-six years of age, for many years, he wrote and published pamphlets and also a few books on oregon and its advantages as a country to live in. he originated a scheme to send a colony to oregon; to build a city on the east side of the willamette river, at its junction with the columbia river; and to build another city on the north side of the columbia river, nearly opposite tongue point. his efforts resulted in immediate failures. he died a disappointed man. young was a type of a man who was often successful in the far west. he was forceful and self-reliant, but often reckless, and sometimes careless of appearances. he was so accustomed to meet emergencies successfully that he did not always consider what others might think of him and of the methods he sometimes felt compelled to adopt. he had been robbed in california of a large amount of furs and had not been fairly treated by the representatives of the mexican government in california. while young was an adventurer, he was a man of ability and became a leading resident of early oregon. the relations of dr. mcloughlin and ewing young finally became quite amicable, for dr. mcloughlin learned of and respected young's good and manly qualities. _presbyterian missionaries._ for convenience i shall first mention the presbyterian missionaries, although they came two years later than the first methodist missionaries. rev. samuel parker was the first presbyterian minister to arrive in oregon. he came in . he started to oregon with doctor marcus whitman, but whitman returned east from green river to obtain more associates for the mission. these came out with dr. whitman in . parker returned home by sea, reaching his home in . parker published a book called, "journal of an exploring tour beyond the rocky mountains." the first edition was published in ithaca, new york, in . on page of his book he says: "at two in the afternoon, arrived at fort vancouver, and never did i feel more joyful to set my feet on shore, where i expected to find a hospitable people and the comforts of life. doct. j. mcloughlin, a chief factor and superintendent of this fort and of the business of the company west of the rocky mountains, received me with many expressions of kindness, and invited me to make his residence my home for the winter, and as long as it would suit my convenience. never could such an invitation be more thankfully received." on page he says: "here, [fort vancouver] by the kind invitation of dr. mcloughlin, and welcomed by the other gentlemen of the hudson bay company, i took up my residence for the winter." and on page he says: "monday, th april [ ]. having made arrangements to leave this place on the th, i called upon the chief clerk for my bill. he said the company had made no bill against me, but felt a pleasure in gratuitously conferring all they have done for the benefit of the object in which i am engaged. in justice to my own feelings, and in gratitude to the honorable company, i would bear testimony to their consistent politeness and generosity; and while i do this, i would express my anxiety for their salvation, and that they may be rewarded in spiritual blessings. in addition to the civilities i had received as a guest, i had drawn upon their store for clothing, for goods to pay my indians, whom i had employed to convey me in canoes, in my various journeyings, hundreds of miles; to pay my guides and interpreters; and have drawn upon their provision store for the support of these men while in my employ." in dr. marcus whitman came to oregon. with him came his wife, rev. henry h. spalding and wife, and w. h. gray, a layman. they arrived at fort vancouver september , . here they were most hospitably entertained by dr. mcloughlin and the other gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, and all necessary and convenient assistance to these missionaries was freely given. when these missionaries arrived at vancouver, they had hardly more than the clothes they had on. they concluded to locate one mission near waiilatpu, near the present city of walla walla, washington; and another at lapwai, near the present city of lewiston, idaho. mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding remained at fort vancouver for several months, while their husbands and gray were erecting the necessary houses at the missions. _methodist missions and missionaries._ with wyeth's second expedition, in , came the first methodist missionaries: rev. jason lee, rev. daniel lee, his nephew, and the following laymen: cyrus shepard, a teacher; p. l. edwards, a teacher; and a man named walker. they arrived at fort vancouver september , . they were also hospitably received by dr. mcloughlin, and treated with every consideration and kindness. on dr. mcloughlin's invitation jason lee preached at fort vancouver. boats and men were furnished by dr. mcloughlin to the missionaries to explore the country and select a proper place for the establishment of their mission. in the mcloughlin document, he says: "in , messrs. jason and daniel lee, and messrs. walker and p. l. edwards came with mr. wyeth to establish a mission in the flat-head country. i observed to them that it was too dangerous for them to establish a mission [there]; that to do good to the indians, they must establish themselves where they could collect them around them; teach them first to cultivate the ground and live more comfortably than they do by hunting, and as they do this, teach them religion; that the willamette afforded them a fine field, and that they ought to go there, and they would get the same assistance as the settlers. they followed my advice and went to the willamette." rev. dr. h. k. hines published a book in entitled, "missionary history of the pacific northwest." while, as is to be expected, dr. hines' book is biased in favor of the methodist missionaries, and jason lee is his hero, nevertheless, he has endeavored to be fair and just to all. in this "missionary history," page , dr. hines says: "it was no accident, nor, yet, was it any influence that dr. mcloughlin or any other man or men had over him [jason lee] that determined his choice [of a site for the mission]. it was his own clear and comprehensive statesmanship. mr. lee was not a man of hasty impulse.... this nature did not play him false in the selection of the site of his mission." and on pages , , he says: "some writers have believed, or affected to believe, that the advice of dr. mcloughlin both to mr. lee in , and to the missionaries of the american board in , was for the purpose of pushing them to one side, and putting them out of the way of the hudson's bay company, so that they could not interfere with its purposes, nor put any obstacle in the way of the ultimate british occupancy of oregon. such writers give little credit to the astuteness of dr. mcloughlin, or to the intelligence and independence of the missionaries of the american board. had such been the purpose of dr. mcloughlin, or had he been a man capable of devising a course of action so adverse to the purposes for which his guests were in the country, he certainly would not have advised them to establish their work in the very centers of the great region open to their choice. this he did, as we believe, honestly and honorably." jason lee selected, as the original site of the methodist mission, a place on french prairie, about ten miles north of the present city of salem. when he and his party were ready to leave for their new home, dr. mcloughlin placed at their disposal a boat and crew to transport the mission goods from the may dacre, wyeth's vessel, on which their goods had come, to the new mission. he loaned them seven oxen, one bull, and seven cows with their calves. the moving of these goods and cattle to the mission required several days. he also provided and manned a boat to convey the missionaries, personally. in his diary, jason lee says: "after dinner embarked in one of the company's boats, kindly manned for us by dr. mcloughlin, who has treated us with the utmost attention, politeness and liberality."[ ] march , , dr. mcloughlin and the other officers of the hudson's bay company, all british subjects, sent to jason lee, for the benefit of the methodist mission, a voluntary gift of one hundred and thirty dollars, accompanied by the following letter: "fort vancouver, st march, . "the rev. jason lee, "dear sir: "i do myself the pleasure to hand you the enclosed subscription, which the gentlemen who have signed it request you will do them the favor to accept for the use of the mission; and they pray our heavenly father, without whose assistance we can do nothing, that of his infinite mercy he will vouchsafe to bless and prosper your pious endeavors, and believe me to be, with esteem and regard, your sincere well-wisher and humble servant. "john mcloughlin."[ ] from its beginning, and for several years after, the successful maintenance of the methodist mission in oregon was due to the friendly attitude and assistance of dr. mcloughlin and of the other officers of the hudson's bay company in oregon. without these the mission must have ceased to exist. this applies also to the successful maintenance of all other missions in the oregon country in the same period of time.[ ] in may, , an addition to the methodist mission arrived at vancouver. it consisted of eight adults and three children. of these three were men, one of whom was dr. elijah white, the mission physician; five were women, one of whom was anna maria pittman, whom jason lee soon married. in september, , the ship sumatra arrived at fort vancouver loaded with goods for the methodist mission. the sumatra also brought four more missionaries, two men, two women, and three children. rev. david leslie and wife were two of these missionaries. all these missionaries were entertained by dr. mcloughlin, and provided with comfortable quarters at fort vancouver. in march, , rev. jason lee left for the eastern states, overland, on business for the mission. his wife died june , , three weeks after the birth and death of their son. immediately on her death dr. mcloughlin sent an express to overtake and tell jason lee of these sad events. the express reached jason lee about september , , at pawnee mission, near westport, missouri.[ ] from this act alone could anyone doubt that dr. mcloughlin was a sympathetic, kind, thoughtful, and considerate man? or think that jason lee would ever forget? later, in dr. mcloughlin made a trip to london, returning to fort vancouver in . while jason lee was on this trip to the eastern states, the missionary board was induced to raise $ , to provide for sending thirty-six adults, and sixteen children, and a cargo of goods and supplies, on the ship lausanne, to oregon for the methodist mission. among these new missionaries were rev. alvan f. waller, rev. gustavus hines, and george abernethy, a lay member, who was to be steward of the mission and to have charge of all its secular affairs. this party of missionaries, who came on the lausanne, are often referred to as "the great re-inforcement." the lausanne, with its precious and valuable cargoes, arrived at fort vancouver june , . as soon as dr. mcloughlin knew of her arrival in the columbia river, he sent fresh bread, butter, milk, and vegetables for the passengers and crew. at fort vancouver he supplied rooms and provisions for the whole missionary party, about fifty-three people. this party remained as his guests, accepting his hospitality, for about two weeks.[ ] shortly after some of this missionary party were endeavoring to take for themselves dr. mcloughlin's land claim at oregon city. the lausanne was the last missionary vessel to come to oregon. why this large addition to the oregon mission, and these quantities of supplies, were sent, and this great expense incurred, has never been satisfactorily explained. it seems to have been the result of unusual, but ill-directed, religious fervor and zeal. the methodist oregon mission was then, so far as converting the indians, a failure. it was not the fault of the early missionaries. until they labored hard and zealously. the indians would not be converted, or, if converted, stay converted. their numbers had been greatly reduced by the epidemics of - , and the numbers were still being rapidly reduced. and why the necessity of such secular business as a part of a mission to convert indians to christianity?[ ] the failure to convert the indians was because they were indians. their language was simple and related almost wholly to material things. they had no ethical, no spiritual words. they had no need for such. they had no religion of their own, worthy of the name, to be substituted for a better or a higher one. they had no religious instincts, no religious tendencies, no religious traditions. the male indians would not perform manual labor--that was for women and slaves. the religion of christ and the religion of work go hand in hand. rev. dr. h. k. hines, in his _missionary history_, after setting forth certain traits of the indians and the failures of the methodist missionaries to convert them, says (p. ): "so on the northwest coast. the course and growth of a history whose beginnings cannot be discovered had ended only in the production of the degraded tribes among whom the most consecrated and ablest missionary apostleship the church of christ had sent out for centuries made almost superhuman efforts to plant the seed of the 'eternal life.' as a people they gave no fruitful response." and, on page , he says: "indeed, after dr. whitman rehabilitated his mission in the autumn of , the work of that station lost much of its character as an indian mission. it became rather a resting place and trading post, where the successive immigrations of -' -' and ' halted for a little recuperation after their long and weary journey, before they passed forward to the willamette. this was inevitable." and on page dr. hines says that dr. mcloughlin "advised dr. whitman to remove from among the cayuses, as he believed not only that he could no longer be useful to them, but that his life was in danger if he remained among them." j. quinn thornton in his "history of the provisional government of oregon,"[ ] says: "in the autumn of there were in oregon thirty-six american male settlers, twenty-five of whom had taken native women for their wives. there were also thirty-three american women, thirty-two children, thirteen lay members of the protestant missions, thirteen methodist ministers, six congregational ministers, three jesuit priests, and sixty canadian-french, making an aggregate of one hundred and thirty-six americans, and sixty-three canadian-french [including the priests in the latter class] having no connection as employées of the hudson's bay company. [this estimate includes the missionaries who arrived on the lausanne.] i have said that the population outside of the hudson's bay company increased slowly. how much so, will be seen by the fact that up to the beginning of the year , there were in oregon no more than twenty-one protestant ministers, three jesuit priests, fifteen lay members of protestant churches, thirty-four white women, thirty-two white children, thirty-four american settlers, twenty-five of whom had native wives. the total american population will thus be seen to have been no more than one hundred and thirty-nine." (this was prior to the arrival of the immigration of .) [illustration: dr. john mcloughlin _taken from a miniature of dr. john mcloughlin painted on ivory. this miniature was probably painted in or , when he was in london. the original miniature belongs to the widow of james w. mcl. harvey, now living at mirabel, california. her husband was a grandson of dr. mcloughlin._] in his _missionary history_ rev. dr. hines says (page ) that in and , prior to the arrival of the immigration of , the oregon methodist mission "comprised nearly all the american citizens of the country." and on page he says: "up to it [the methodist mission] had been entirely an indian mission. after that date it began to take on the character of an american colony, though it did not lay aside its missionary character or purpose." he also says that in there were only nine methodist ministers in the oregon mission. some of the lay members, of which j. l. parrish was one, became ministers, which probably accounts for the difference in the estimates of thornton and of dr. hines. in the summer of rev. jason lee was removed, summarily, as superintendent of the oregon methodist mission by the missionary board in new york, and rev. george gary was appointed in his place, with plenary powers to close the mission, if he should so elect. he closed the mission in . when the lausanne arrived june , , dr. mcloughlin's power and fortunes were almost at their highest point. during his residence of sixteen years in the oregon country he had established the business of his company beyond all question, and to the entire satisfaction of its board of directors. the indians were peaceable and were friendly and obedient to him and to his company. he was respected and liked by all its officers, servants, and employées. with them he was supreme in every way, without jealousy and without insubordination. he had become, for those days, a rich man, his salary was twelve thousand dollars a year, and his expenses were comparatively small. he was then fifty-six years old. he had prepared to end his days in oregon on his land claim. his children had reached the age of manhood and womanhood. few men at his age have a pleasanter, or more reasonable expectation of future happiness than he then had. the half-tone portrait of dr. mcloughlin, shown facing page , was taken from a miniature, painted on ivory, in london, probably when he was in london in - . it portrays dr. mcloughlin as he was in his happy days. this miniature now belongs to the widow of james w. mcl. harvey, who was a grandson of dr. mcloughlin. it was kindly loaned by her so that the half-tone could be made for use in this address. _provisional government._ for convenience i shall tell of the provisional government of oregon before i speak concerning dr. mcloughlin's land claim. about , owing to the death of ewing young, intestate, leaving a valuable estate and no heirs, the residents of the oregon country in the willamette valley saw the necessity of some form of government until the oregon question should be finally settled. as under the conventions of and there was joint-occupancy between the united states and great britain, the oregon country was without any laws in force. it was commonly understood, at that time, that most of the americans in oregon favored a provisional organization--one which would exist until the laws of the united states should be extended over the oregon country. it was also commonly understood that the british residents in oregon opposed a provisional government, as it might interfere with their allegiance to great britain. as there was a joint-occupancy, and the british were legally on an equality with the americans, each had equal rights in the matter. february and , , a meeting of the inhabitants was held at the methodist mission. although attempts were then made to form a government, several officers were appointed, and a committee appointed for framing a constitution and a code of laws, the movement failed. the matter lay dormant until the spring of . the immigration of , although small, and although about half of them went to california in the spring of , materially increased the strength of the americans in oregon. after several preliminary meetings had been held, the momentous meeting of may , , was held at champoeg, when, by the vote of in favor and against, the provisional government of oregon was created. certain officers were elected and a legislative committee of six was appointed, the latter to report july , . on the latter day most of the report was adopted, an executive committee of three persons, david hill, alanson beers, and joseph gale, was chosen in place of a governor, and oregon had at least a _de facto_ government, which, with some changes, continued until oregon had a territorial government, in . george abernethy, the steward of the methodist mission, was elected governor in , and by re-election continued to be governor until the arrival of gen. joseph lane, the first territorial governor, in march, . the mission party was one of the strongest and most influential political parties in oregon until the election of governor joseph lane as delegate to congress, june , .[ ] at the time of the formation of the provisional government, the residents of oregon seem to have been divided into three classes, or parties: one favored a provisional government, favorable to the united states; another favored an independent government, which would be neutral as between the united states and great britain; the third believed that matters should remain _in statu quo_. for some reason jason lee and george abernethy, and some others of the methodist missionaries, seem originally to have belonged to or to have favored the third class.[ ] in the "political history of oregon" by j. henry brown, he says (page ) that at a meeting of the committee held at oregon city, in march, , "rev. jason lee and mr. abernethy were disposed to ridicule the proposed organization [_i.e._, the provisional government] as foolish and unnecessary, and repeated some anecdotes to illustrate their meaning." dr. mcloughlin was not originally in favor of the provisional government. it was openly and avowedly advocated as being in favor of the united states, and against great britain. once started, without a trial, no one could know where it would end. already some of the americans had denounced the hudson's bay company and dr. mcloughlin, and had made threats against the property of the company. his loan of cattle had been misunderstood and denounced. some of the americans seemed not to be aware that the hudson's bay company was lawfully in the oregon country, under the conventions for joint-occupancy. to aid or to assist the establishment of a government, owing exclusive allegiance to the united states, would be, or might be disloyalty by dr. mcloughlin to his country and be injurious or fatal to his company in oregon. by the constitution or compact of the provisional government, as established in , each officer was required to take an oath or affirmation "to support the laws of the territory," without qualification. there was, too, his land claim at oregon city, which the land laws of the provisional government, as established, sought to deprive dr. mcloughlin of, and to give, at least a part of it, to the methodist mission. about the status of his land claim i shall presently explain. there was, also, the cry of " - or fight" and the chance of war over the oregon country between the united states and great britain. dr. mcloughlin appealed to the directors of his company for protection to their property, but none came. in june, , he received an answer from his company that it could not obtain protection from the british government, and that the hudson's bay company must protect itself the best it could. the fortifications at fort vancouver were strengthened. there was threatened trouble in the air. it looked as though there might be war in oregon. in the provisional government attempted to extend its jurisdiction north of the columbia river. it became a question of acquiescence or actual opposition by the hudson's bay company. jesse applegate, one of the best and noblest of oregon's pioneers, who was a member of the provisional legislature and one of a committee, privately interviewed dr. mcloughlin. after consulting with james douglas, his chief assistant, a compromise was finally agreed to by which the hudson's bay company would be taxed only on goods sold to the settlers. august , , the hudson's bay company, with all the british residents, became parties to the oregon provisional government. the oath of office as provided by the compact of had been changed by what is called the "organic act" of the provisional government, adopted by the people, by popular vote, july , . as so amended the oath of office required each officer to swear that he would "support the organic laws of the provisional government of oregon, so far as said organic laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of the united states, or a subject of great britain." the land law of was also changed by said vote of the people, july , , by which the objectionable features, so far as dr. mcloughlin's land claim at oregon city was concerned, were largely eliminated. under the circumstances joining the provisional government was a good and wise move on the part of dr. mcloughlin. but he was severely criticized therefore by his company. unknown to dr. mcloughlin, there was then a large british fleet of war in the pacific ocean. a few days after dr. mcloughlin, for himself and his company, had thus joined the provisional government, he was surprised by the arrival from puget sound of lieut. wm. peel, son of sir robert peel, and captain park of the royal marines, with a letter from captain gordon, commanding the british -gun ship-of-war america, then in puget sound, and also a letter from admiral seymour, commanding the british fleet, that "firm protection" would be given british subjects in oregon. subsequently the british war sloop, modeste, guns, arrived at fort vancouver, where she remained until the boundary treaty of was entered into.[ ] _immigration of ._ in came the immigration of that year, which is now counted the first real immigration of american settlers to oregon. i believe, however, that the immigration of should be called the first immigration of oregon home-builders. but that question is not material in this address. the number of the immigrants of has been variously estimated, but, after a somewhat careful examination of the matter, i believe there were all told about one hundred and twenty-five. of this number about fifty-five were men over eighteen years of age. these immigrants left their wagons at fort hall and used pack horses. they came from the dalles to oregon city, overland, by the indian trail which passed near mt. hood.[ ] many of the immigrants of were disappointed in oregon. the country was then very new, and they became discontented. dr. mcloughlin engaged many to labor at fair wages, and furnished goods on credit to those who could not make immediate payment. some of them were of a roving or adventurous class, ever seeking new places. in the spring of nearly half of them went to california, leaving on their journey may , from champoeg. dr. mcloughlin furnished these emigrants to california with supplies, upon their promise to pay for the same to w. g. rae, the hudson's bay company's agent at yerba buena (now san francisco). most of them did not pay, and dr. mcloughlin personally assumed the payment of this indebtedness. _immigration of ._ in came the first great immigration to oregon. as if by a common impulse, and without preconcert, the immigrants met at independence, missouri, leaving there for oregon, may , . peter h. burnett, afterwards a chief justice of the oregon provisional government, and the first governor of the state of california, was the first captain. j. w. nesmith, afterwards united states senator from oregon, was orderly sergeant. about eight hundred and seventy-five men, women, and children composed this immigration. of these there were two hundred and ninety-five men, over the age of sixteen years. in this immigration were my grandfather, john holman, and his son, daniel s. holman, then nearly twenty-one years old. after first arriving at the columbia river, they straggled and struggled along the columbia river to fort vancouver--a few driving cattle, going overland by the indian trail from near the dalles to oregon city. there was not then any way to take wagons by land from the dalles to the willamette valley. a few of the immigrants went down the columbia river to the dalles in boats. in one of these parties three persons were drowned by the capsizing of boats. the rest of the immigrants went to the dalles overland with their wagons. from the dalles to the cascades some of them went by boats, others went on rafts, which they constructed. there was great difficulty in going from the upper cascades to the lower cascades. the rafts could not be taken over the rapids. it took about two weeks to cut a trail around the cascades. the rains set in. the position of the immigrants was desperate. some did not arrive at fort vancouver until about christmas. they had not anticipated such hardships and privations as they were then suffering. few had sufficient food or raiment, many were absolutely destitute. dr. mcloughlin sent supplies to be sold to those who were able, and to those who could not buy, the supplies were furnished on credit, or given to them. he furnished boats to carry them from the cascades to fort vancouver. he caused the sick to be attended to, and nursed at the company's hospital at fort vancouver. he furnished them every assistance as long as they required it. time will not permit me to go into the details. when the immigrants of were thus coming along the columbia river, some helpless and almost hopeless, there was a plot by the indians to massacre these americans. it was prevented by dr. mcloughlin. the effect of such a massacre would have been tremendous. it would have, probably, prevented the further settlement of oregon for years. had the united states sent troops to punish the indians in the disputed oregon country, it would have almost certainly precipitated a war with great britain. in presenting the mcloughlin document to the oregon pioneer society, in , col. j. w. nesmith said: "i had intended reading it to you as a part of my address, but, having already trespassed too long upon your patience, i shall hand the document to the secretary of the society, with my endorsement of the truth of all its statements that came within my own knowledge.... i desire to say, what i believe all old pioneers will agree to, that the statements of this paper furnished a ... complete vindication of dr. mcloughlin's acts and conduct, and that the integrity of his narrative cannot be impeached by any honest testimony." in the mcloughlin document dr. mcloughlin says: "in , about immigrants arrived from the states. i saw by the looks of the indians that they were excited, and i watched them. as the first stragglers were arriving at vancouver in canoes, and i was standing on the bank, nearer the water there was a group of ten or twelve indians. one of them bawled out to his companions, 'it is good for us to kill these bostons [americans].' struck with the excitement i had seen in the countenances of the indians since they had heard the report of the immigration coming, i felt certain they were inclined to mischief, and that he spoke thus loud as a feeler to sound me, and take their measures accordingly. i immediately rushed on them with my cane, calling out at the same time, 'who is the dog that says it is a good thing to kill the bostons?' the fellow, trembling, excused himself, 'i spoke without meaning harm, but the dalles indians say so.' 'well,' said i, 'the dalles indians are dogs for saying so, and you also,' and left him, as, if i had remained longer it would have had a bad effect. i had done enough to convince them i would not allow them to do wrong to the immigrants with impunity. from this indian saying, in the way he did, that the dalles indians said it was good to kill the bostons, i felt it my duty to do all i could to avert so horrid a deed. "mr. p. l. edwards, whom i mentioned, came in , with the messrs. lee, and left in , and sent me a letter by gen. mccarver, stating he had given a letter of introduction to me to p. h. burnett, esq. i immediately formed my plan and kept my knowledge of the horrid design of the indians secret, as i felt certain that if the americans knew it, these men acting independently of each other, would be at once for fighting, which would lead to their total destruction, and i sent two ( ) boats with provisions to meet them; sent provisions to mr. burnett, and a large quantity of provisions for sale to those who would purchase, and to be given to those who had not the means, being confident that the fright i had given (as i already stated) the indians who said it was a good thing to kill the bostons was known at the dalles before our boats were there, and that the presence of the hudson's bay company people, and the assistance they afforded the immigrants, would deter the indians from doing them any wrong, and i am happy to be able to say that i entirely succeeded." dr. mcloughlin then says, in this document, that about a month after this incident he told dr. marcus whitman what had occurred. dr. mcloughlin thought the trouble might have been started by some iroquois indian in the employ of the hudson's bay company, and dr. mcloughlin was anxious "to find that rascal out to punish him as an example to deter others." dr. whitman then said that he had known of this trouble among the indians for about two years, although he had said nothing to dr. mcloughlin about it, and that the trouble was caused by a shawnee indian named tom hill, who is said to have been educated at dartmouth college. he had urged the indians to allow no americans to settle on their lands, as the americans had driven out the shawnees, and that the indians about walla walla said the cayuses were inclined to follow the advice by killing the immigrants who first came. it will be remembered that the cayuses were the indians who caused the whitman massacre in . dr. mcloughlin, in this document, then says that he believes the indians would have killed these immigrants of but for the decided and cautious manner in which he acted. dr. mcloughlin continues: "and the reason the indian made use of the expression he did was because i punished the murderers of the smith party; and, before acting, they wanted to know how i would treat them. and most certainly if i had not been most anxious for the safety of the immigrants, and to discharge to them the duties of a christian, my ear would not have caught so quickly the words, 'it is a good thing to kill these bostons,' and acted as i did." then there was the question how these immigrants of should be provided for during the winter and until the next harvest. they had no implements, no seed. there was a crisis impending. without waiting to be asked, dr. mcloughlin gave credit, furnishing these immigrants with food and clothing for the present, and also farm implements and seed-wheat to begin their farming. he exacted no collateral, he gave time without interest. all this was against the rules of the hudson's bay company. he made himself personally liable for all these debts. he also loaned these immigrants cattle, including cows, and also hogs. col. j. w. nesmith, one of the immigrants of , in his address before the oregon pioneer association in said: "dr. john mcloughlin, then at the head of the hudson's bay company, from his own private resources, rendered the new settlers much valuable aid by furnishing the destitute with food, clothing, and seed, waiting for his pay until they had a surplus to dispose of." peter h. burnett, of whom i have already spoken, was one of the immigrants of . he started a town and called it linnton, which was situated where the present town of linnton is situated--eight miles north of portland on the willamette river, and about half way between portland and vancouver by water. he kept a journal of his travels, which was published, in part, in the _new york herald_ in . part ii of the _history of oregon_ by george wilkes, published in , is largely taken from this journal.[ ] in this journal burnett says:[ ] "on my arrival i was received with great kindness by doctor mcloughlin and mr. james douglass, the second in command. they both tendered me the hospitalities of the fort, which offer, it is scarcely necessary to say, i accepted willingly and with pleasure.... his hospitality is unbounded, and i will sum up all his qualities, by saying that he is beloved by all who know him.... the kindness of dr. mcloughlin to this emigration has been very great. he furnished them with goods and provisions on credit, and such as were sick were sent to the hospital free of expense, where they had the strict and careful attendance of dr. barclay, a skillful physician, and an excellent and humane man. the chief factor [dr. mcloughlin] likewise lent the emigrants the company's boats, to bring down such of the families and baggage as had been left at the cascades by the advance guard of the expedition, which had preceded me; and he also furnished them with the facilities for crossing the river with their cattle, at vancouver. had it not been for the kindness of this excellent man, many of us would have suffered greatly.... it is certain that the doctor himself has uniformly aided settlers, by supplying them with farming implements, and with seed-grain, as a loan, to be returned out of the succeeding crop. he even went so far as to lend them hogs, to be returned two or three years afterward, by their issue of the same age; to furnish oxen to break their ground, and cows to supply milk to their families. this certainly appears to me to be a very poor way to retard the settlement of the region, and to discourage adventurers who arrive in it." in mr. burnett, then ex-governor of california, wrote a book called "recollections and opinions of an old pioneer," so that we have his opinion of dr. mcloughlin in contemporaneous with the events i speak of, and also his mature reflections thirty-seven years after that. on page of this book mr. burnett says: "when we arrived in oregon we were poor, and our teams were so much reduced as to be unfit for service until the next spring. those of us who came by water from walla walla left our cattle there for the winter; and those who came by water from the dalles left their cattle for the winter at that point. even if our teams had been fit for use when we arrived, they would have been of no benefit to us, as we could not bring them to the willamette valley until the spring of . pork was ten, and flour four cents a pound, and other provisions in proportion. these were high prices considering our scanty means and extra appetites. had it not been for the generous kindness of the gentlemen in charge of the business of the hudson's bay company, we should have suffered much greater privations. the company furnished many of our immigrants with provisions, clothing, seed, and other necessaries on credit. this was done, in many instances, where the purchasers were known to be of doubtful credit. many of our immigrants were unworthy of the favors they received, and only returned abuse for generosity." captain j. c. fremont, afterwards major-general, in the united states army, was at fort vancouver when the immigrants of were arriving. on page of the report of his second exploring expedition, he says: "i found many american emigrants at the fort; others had already crossed the river into their land of promise--the walahmette valley. others were daily arriving; and all of them had been furnished with shelter, so far as it could be afforded by the buildings connected with the establishment. necessary clothing and provisions [the latter to be afterwards returned in kind from the produce of their labor] were also furnished. this friendly assistance was of very great value to the emigrants, whose families were otherwise exposed to much suffering in the winter rains which had now commenced, at the same time that they were in want of all the common necessaries of life." _immigration of ._ the immigration of was composed of about fourteen hundred persons. they suffered many hardships and many lost all, or a part of, their cattle, clothing, and goods. most of these immigrants arrived late in the season. snow began to fall before all arrived at their destinations. boats were supplied free, and provisions, cattle, and seed-wheat were furnished them on credit by dr. mcloughlin, as he had the immigrants of . the supplies in oregon had been nearly exhausted by the immigration of , although dr. mcloughlin had urged the raising of grain and other supplies in anticipation of the coming of the immigration of . the available supply of clothing at fort vancouver had been practically exhausted before the arrival of the immigration of . john minto, who is still living in oregon, was one of the immigrants of . in his address presenting to the state of oregon the portrait of dr. john mcloughlin, which now hangs in the senate chamber, he said: "to the assistance given to the immigrants of , as described by col. nesmith, i can add as an eyewitness, that those of received the loan of boats in which to descend the columbia river from the dalles (there being no road across the cascades [mountains]); the hungry were fed, the sick cared for and nursed, and, not the least, was the fact that many of the employées of the hudson's bay company followed the good doctor in their treatment of the americans. especially was this the case in the settlement of retired canadians who almost worshipped him." joseph watt, the well-known enterprising pioneer of , who largely assisted in starting the first woolen mill in oregon, in , in his "recollections of dr. john mcloughlin," published in the _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association of said (pages and ): "on the th of november, , a company of immigrants landed at fort vancouver, brought there on a bateau commanded by joseph hess, an immigrant of ' . the boat belonged to the hudson's bay company. mr. hess was entrusted with the boat for the purpose of bringing immigrants down the river. we had eaten the last of our provisions at our last camp, and were told by hess that we could get plenty at the fort, with or without money;--that the old doctor never turned people away hungry. this made us feel quite comfortable, for there was not a dollar among us. as near as i can remember the company consisted of sixteen men, five women and four children.... we were the first to arrive.... we soon found the doctor in a small room he called his office.... he spoke of our being so late, and feared there would be considerable suffering before they could all be taken down the river, but should do all in his power until they reached their destination. "we then made known to him our wants. we were all out of provisions. there was a small table in one corner of the room, at which he took a seat, and directed us to stand in a line--(there being so many of us the line reached nearly around the room)--and then told us the year before, and in fact previous years, he had furnished the people with all the provisions and clothing they wanted, but lately had established a trading house at oregon city, where we could get supplies; but for immediate necessity he would supply provisions at the fort. several of our party broke in, saying: 'doctor, i have no money to pay you, and i don't know when or how i can pay you.' 'tut, tut, never mind that; you can't suffer,' said the doctor. he then commenced at the head man saying, 'your name, if you please; how many in the family, and what do you desire?' upon receiving an answer, the doctor wrote an order, directing him where to go to have it filled; then called up the next man, and so on until we were all supplied. he told us the account of each man would be sent to oregon city, and when we took a claim, and raised wheat, we could settle the account by delivering wheat at that place. some few who came after us got clothing. such was the case with every boat load, and all those who came by land down the trail. if he had said 'we have these supplies to sell for cash down,' i think we would have suffered.... when we started to oregon, we were all prejudiced against the hudson's bay company, and dr. mcloughlin, being chief factor of the company for oregon, came in for a double share of that feeling. i think a great deal of this was caused by the reports of missionaries and adverse traders, imbuing us with a feeling that it was our mission to bring this country under the jurisdiction of the stars and stripes. but when we found him anxious to assist us, nervous at our situation in being so late, and doing so much without charge,--letting us have of his store, and waiting without interest, until we could make a farm and pay him from the surplus products of such farm, the prejudice heretofore existing began to be rapidly allayed. we did not know that every dollar's worth of provisions, etc., he gave us, all advice and assistance in every shape was against the positive orders of the hudson's bay company.... in this connection i am sorry to say that thousands of dollars virtually loaned by him to settlers at different times in those early days, was never paid, as an examination of his books and papers will amply testify." _immigration of ._ the immigration of numbered about three thousand persons. many of them suffered more than the preceding immigrations. they also were assisted by dr. mcloughlin as he had the immigrants of and . for this he was charged with disloyalty by one of the british spies then at vancouver. stephen staats was one of the immigrants of . in his address before the oregon pioneer association, in , he said: "we reached oregon city in thirteen days (overland) from the dalles (two of which we were without food), and on our arrival, those of us in advance were kindly and hospitably received by old dr. mcloughlin. he immediately furnished us with provisions, without money and without price, and extended to us favors which we were ever ready to reciprocate. i am not one of those who wish to cast reflections on the character of dr. mcloughlin, or wish to impute to him anything wanting in the kindest feeling towards the immigrants of . for well do i know, that but for him, many would have been more embarrassed in making provision for the coming winter's necessities than they were. and i have yet to see the immigrant of , who, when speaking of the 'old man doctor,' does not speak in high commendation of his actions towards the immigrants of that year." the wise, humane, and paternal foresight of dr. mcloughlin was of great assistance to the immigrants of . in the mcloughlin document he says: "when the immigration of came, we had enough of breadstuffs in the country for one year, but as the immigrants reported that next season there would be a great immigration, it was evident, if there was not a proportionate increase of seed sown in and , there would be a famine in the country in , which would lead to trouble, as those that had families, to save them from starvation, would be obliged to have recourse to violence to get food for them. to avert this i freely supplied the immigrants of and with the necessary articles to open farms, and by these means avoided the evils. in short i afforded every assistance to the immigrants so long as they required it, and by management i kept peace in the country, and in some cases had to put up with a great deal." _the quality of the early immigrants._ the early immigrants to oregon were not mendicants nor tramps. it is true some of them were of a roving disposition; probably a few were of the improvident class. most of them were forceful, strong men and women, physically and mentally; strong also in their americanism, and filled with the racial instinct to follow the western course of empire. they came to oregon as home-builders. many of them had their lineage from the pioneers who first settled the atlantic coast, particularly the southern part of it. descendants of these pioneers had crossed the mountains and were the hardy and courageous pioneers of kentucky and tennessee in the early, perilous, and heroic days of daniel boone, john sevier, george rogers clark, and james robertson. the ancestors of some of these oregon immigrants had taken part in the great war of the american revolution on the atlantic coast, and had then assisted in upbuilding civilization in the middle west. these forefathers had won the middle west. these immigrants came to win oregon. the grandfathers and fathers of some of them had taken part in the war of , and in the later indian wars. a few of these immigrants were veterans of the war of and of these indian wars. there were immigrants who had taken active part in the troubles with the mormons and had assisted in driving them out of western missouri. it was of this stock that parts of missouri, and especially the western part of that state, had been then largely peopled, and many of these oregon immigrants had settled there temporarily before coming to oregon. a great majority of the immigrants to oregon from to , inclusive, and of some of the later immigrants, were from the southern states. they, and their ancestors for many generations, had been born and brought up in the south. most of them had the good qualities and were of the high type of american citizenship characteristic of the white people of the south. they were mostly plain people, but they and their ancestry were of good class. theirs was an inheritance of indomitable will, high courage, and noble purposes. their ancestors had conquered, settled, and upbuilded the country from the seaboards of virginia and the carolinas to the mississippi river.[ ] oregon was another land to conquer, to settle, and to upbuild. there were also in these early immigrations a number of men and women, descendants of the sturdy peoples who settled in new england, and in other northern states. there were a few men who were attracted to oregon by the love of adventure incident to the journey and to the settlement of a new country. there were also a few men, born outside of the united states, who allied themselves with the americans, and became identified with the americans in oregon, and subsequently were admitted as citizens of the united states. the places these immigrants left to come to oregon, although some of these places were comparatively new, were mostly over-supplied with unsold agricultural products--unsalable for want of markets. the early books and pamphlets on oregon and the stirring speeches of oregon enthusiasts, who had never been to oregon, pictured oregon as the traditional land of plenty and of "milk and honey." there was, too, an abiding faith in the future, a certain improvidence born of strong manhood and womanhood. they were filled with confidence in their ability to conquer all troubles and overcome all difficulties. they did not think of failure--they intended to succeed. then, too, the journey was longer and more arduous than they had anticipated. their greatest dangers and troubles were after they had entered the oregon country and reached the columbia river. all east of that river, with its hardships, was comfortable compared with the troubles and dangers to come. they did not come seeking, nor did they seek charity or alms. the true, honest, brave-hearted immigrants wished to pay for what they obtained, and did as soon as they were able to do so. they were met by conditions which they could not, or did not, foresee. dr. john mcloughlin, with his great, manly prescience, appreciated all this. he sold provisions and clothing to those who could pay; equally, he sold on credit, to those who could not, without references, without collaterals. he understood the quality of most of these pioneers--he was unfortunately in error as to some of them. it was not charity on the part of dr. mcloughlin, it was the exercise of that great quality, which he possessed in an extraordinary degree--humanity. i regret to say that a few of these early immigrants, at times, without cause, were rude to dr. mcloughlin and abusive of his company, and of his country. some of these did not care--others had been prejudiced by false information, which they had read or heard before they left their homes, or on the way to oregon. some, i still more regret to say, accepted the credit extended to them by dr. mcloughlin, and never paid. but the payment to the hudson's bay company of these bad debts was assumed by dr. mcloughlin. the aggregate amount is not definitely known, for dr. mcloughlin suffered, in many ways, in silence. but it was a very large sum. those who paid in full could not requite his kindness to them. the real oregon pioneers are these overland immigrants who came to oregon prior to . the immigrants of were a long way on their journey to oregon when the boundary treaty was made. they left on their journey early in may, . this treaty was signed at washington, june , . the proclamation by the president of the treaty and of its ratification by the two countries is dated august , . the immigrants of did not know that the treaty had been made, signed, or confirmed until after their arrival in oregon. the news that the treaty had been signed came by a sailing vessel, and did not reach oregon until november, .[ ] the distance traveled by the immigrants to oregon, from the rendezvous at independence, missouri, to oregon city, was about two thousand miles. the usual time in making this journey was between five and six months. ox-teams were used almost exclusively. it was thought that the use of horses for teams was impracticable. it was feared there would be insufficient food for such horses, on the way, as the numbers would be large. it would be necessary to keep these horses shod for pulling the heavily loaded wagons. many horses were brought which were used for riding, rounding-up cattle, and in hunting. there were practical difficulties in caring for, and feeding horses at night. horses had to be "staked" at night, cattle would graze at large. horses were liable to be stampeded and be lost or be stolen by the indians. oxen were much cheaper than horses. it would require at least four horses to a wagon. it was desirable to have cows to furnish milk on the way, especially for the children. good cattle were scarce in oregon and it was desirable to take cows and bulls for breeding purposes, and other cattle for beef. many of these immigrants brought cattle with them in addition to their ox-teams. these cattle and ox-teams could not travel as fast as horses and the speed of the latter necessarily would be kept to that of the ox-teams. should oxen be lost or die, their places could be taken by cattle or even by cows. this was not infrequently done. these early immigrants all came to, or started for oregon, overland, in the time of joint-occupancy. they were not encouraged, helped, nor protected by the government in coming to oregon. there were no united states troops in the oregon country, or near the immigrant trail prior to . the cayuse indian war of - was carried on by the oregon provisional government alone, without assistance from the united states government. this war was fought wholly by volunteers from the willamette valley. the coming of these early immigrants assisted to hold oregon for the united states, and greatly contributed to the settlement of the oregon question. they relied on themselves but they believed that their country would protect its own in oregon. their rights and courage could not be ignored. there was no one man who saved oregon. if any persons saved oregon, they were these immigrants from to and including . there is not a true american who does not take pride in the daring of these pioneers and in what they accomplished in coming to oregon. whatever some of them may have lacked, in certain qualities, and in spite of the bad treatment, by some of them, of dr. mcloughlin, the patriotism and courage of most of them were of the highest types. this great movement of immigrants to oregon from to , inclusive, may not, even now, be thoroughly understood nor explained but it is fully appreciated. with all its dangers and hardships, with all its mystery and simplicity, and its commonplaces, it stands today one of the most daring colonizing movements for, and the most remarkable, interesting, and romantic story of the settlement and upbuilding of any part of the continents of the two americas. it must be borne in mind that all these aids by dr. mcloughlin to the immigrants of , and succeeding years, were after some of the methodist missionaries had attempted to take his land claim, and succeeded in part. the history of these transactions i shall presently relate. and did the secular department of the methodist mission assist these early pioneers in any way similar to what was done by dr. mcloughlin? if so, i have found no trace nor record of it. undoubtedly methodist missionaries, individually, did many kindly acts to destitute immigrants. had dr. mcloughlin acted with the supineness of the methodist mission toward the immigrants of , , and , and especially that of , the consequences would have been terrible. leaving out the probability of massacres by the indians, many immigrants would have died from starvation, exposure and lack of clothing along the columbia river, or after their arrival in the willamette valley. it is true fort vancouver might have been captured and destroyed. that would have given no permanent relief. that would probably have been the beginning of a war between the united states and great britain. even without a war the settlement of oregon would have been delayed for many years. and all of the oregon country north of the columbia river might have been lost to the united states. sir george simpson, the governor in chief of the hudson's bay company, severely criticized dr. mcloughlin for his assistance to the immigrants. there was an acrimonious correspondence between them on the subject. as i am informed, it was in this correspondence, which i have not seen, that dr. mcloughlin had written the hudson's bay company that he had furnished these supplies to the immigrants, saying that, as a man of common humanity, it was not possible for him to do otherwise than as he did; that he had only done what anyone truly a man would have done. that it was then insisted by governor simpson that dr. mcloughlin should no longer assist any needy immigrants, or help any other immigrants. to this dr. mcloughlin made the noble reply, "gentlemen, if such is your order, i will serve you no longer." this reply was made by dr. mcloughlin--the only question is as to the exact time and place it was made. _the resignation of dr. john mcloughlin._ in dr. mcloughlin sent in his resignation to the hudson's bay company. its rules required one year's notice before an officer could resign. his resignation took effect before the immigration of arrived. as this address relates to dr. mcloughlin, and only incidentally to the oregon pioneers, i shall not go into details about the immigrations succeeding that of . dr. mcloughlin kept a store and lived at oregon city after his resignation. to the immigrants of and after, and to others, as long as he was in business there, he continued, as far as he was able, the same hospitality and the same good and humane treatment he had exercised when chief factor at fort vancouver. the barlow road was built in and the immigrants of that year and succeeding years could bring their wagons by that road from the dalles, over the cascade mountains, to oregon city. by common consent of all good, honest pioneers, he had been named "the good doctor," and "the good old doctor," and he was known by these names to the time of his death. they also came to call him the "father of oregon." dr. mcloughlin's resignation from the hudson's bay company became necessary to maintain his self-respect. i have spoken of capt. park and lieut. peel, british officers, who brought the letters of admiral seymour and captain gordon to dr. mcloughlin in . they were also sent as spies. they were succeeded by two more spies, capt. warre and lieut. vavasour, both of the british army. the two latter stayed at fort vancouver and elsewhere in oregon for some time. in their report warre and vavasour charged, mainly, that the policy pursued by dr. mcloughlin and the hudson's bay company, at the different forts in the oregon country, had tended to the introduction of american settlers into the country until they outnumbered the british. to prove this position, they instanced the assistance rendered the different immigrations, one of which ( ) was arriving while they were at vancouver. they charged that goods had been sold to the american settlers at cheaper rates than to british subjects; that dr. mcloughlin and the company had suffered themselves to join the provisional government "without any reserve except the mere form of the oath;" that their lands had been invaded, and themselves insulted, until they required the protection of the british government "against the very people to the introduction of whom they had been more than accessory." there was more in this report of like import. as was to be expected dr. mcloughlin's answer was dignified, forceful, and sufficient. i give only a few of his points.[ ] in his answer dr. mcloughlin said, concerning his treatment of the missionaries: "what would you have? would you have me turn the cold shoulder to the men of god, who came to do that for the indians which this company has neglected to do?" he said he had tried to prevent the american settlers remaining idle, becoming destitute, and dangerous to the company's servants. drive them away he could not, having neither the right nor the power. that these settlers had not come expecting a cordial reception from him, but quite the contrary; that while he had done some things for humanity's sake, he had intended to, and had averted evil to the company by using kindness and courtesy towards the american immigrants. as to joining the provisional government he showed the necessity and wisdom of his actions under the circumstances. to the accusation that the company had submitted to insult, he said: "they were not to consider themselves insulted because an ignorant man thought he had a better right than they had." as to the british government, it had not afforded protection in time, and that it was not the duty of the hudson's bay company to defend great britain's right to territory. the obligation of the company's officers, whatever their feelings might be, was to do their duty to the company. he admitted helping the immigrants of , , and , and saving the lives and property of the destitute and sick. he also admitted to assisting the immigrants of to raise a crop for their own support and of saving the company from the necessity of feeding the next immigration. and he said: "if we had not done this, vancouver would have been destroyed and the world would have judged us treated as our inhuman conduct deserved; every officer of the company, from the governor down, would have been covered with obloquy, the company's business in this department would have been ruined, and the trouble which would have arisen in consequence would have probably involved the british and american nations in war. if i have been the means, by my measures, of arresting any of these evils, i shall be amply repaid by the approbation of my conscience. it is true that i have heard some say they would have done differently; and, if my memory does not deceive me, i think i heard mr. vavasour say this; but as explanation might give publicity to my apprehension and object, and destroy my measures, i was silent, in the full reliance that some day justice would be done me."[ ] the governor and the directors of the hudson's bay company apparently neither understood nor appreciated the conditions in oregon in , and in the immediate succeeding years, or dr. mcloughlin's motives and humanity in assisting the immigrants. while the governor in chief and these directors were probably men of high character, and, individually, men of humanity, as representatives of this great trading company, they seemed to have considered dr. mcloughlin's actions in assisting the american immigrants to settle in parts of the disputed oregon country by relieving their distresses, and saving them from suffering and starvation, as amounting almost to treason to his country and as being untrue and false to the hudson's bay company and its interests. they believed that he had failed to carry out its policies, if not its express instructions, which they felt he should have followed, as the chief of its enterprises west of the rocky mountains, no matter what the circumstances were or what the consequences might be. they did not seem to understand that, if the early immigrants had not been assisted, helped, and rescued, as they were, by dr. mcloughlin, it might have been fatal to fort vancouver and precipitated a war between the united states and great britain. as has been already said the hudson's bay company, under royal grant, had an absolute monopoly in trading with the indians in what was called british america, that is, northward and westward of the united states, excepting the british provinces and also excepting the oregon country. in the latter the company had the exclusive right, under said grant, to trade with the indians, but on the condition that it should not be to the prejudice nor exclusion of citizens of the united states, who had the right to be in the oregon country under the convention of joint-occupancy.[ ] undoubtedly the governor in chief and directors of the hudson's bay company had a feeling that the company and its trade should not be interfered with in the oregon country. for more than thirty years it and the northwest company, with which it had coalesced in , had had almost absolute control of trade with the indians in nearly all of the oregon country. its practical monopoly there had been almost as complete as its actual monopoly in british america. the exercise of absolute power usually begets a feeling of a right to continue the exercise of such power. the head-officers of the company resented the actions of dr. mcloughlin which tended to weaken the power of the hudson's bay company and to interfere with its control of the fur trade in the oregon country. an indian trading company is much more likely to be mercenary than humane. the headquarters of the hudson's bay company were at london. oregon was a long distance from london. under the conditions it may not be surprising that greed of gain and selfish interests outweighed humanity in the minds of these officers in charge of the hudson's bay company. it is true none of them were in oregon when these immigrants came. none of these officers had ever been in the oregon country, excepting sir george simpson, the governor in chief. these officers did not see the distresses, the sufferings, or the perils of these immigrants. their information came largely from others, who were not friends of dr. mcloughlin, and who did not approve his actions. dr. mcloughlin had been for so long a time a chief factor of the company; he had been, up to the arrival of the immigration of , so faithful to its policies and interests; he had so increased its trade, and added so largely to its revenues, that he could not be summarily dismissed. but he was a man of pride and of high quality, and he could be forced to resign. this the governor in chief and the directors of the hudson's bay company accomplished. in thus acting unjustly to dr. mcloughlin, they were unconsciously assisting to make him the eternal hero of oregon. in resigning dr. mcloughlin gave up a salary of twelve thousand dollars a year. he made his home at oregon city, where he expected to pass the rest of his life, with the intention of becoming an american citizen as soon as possible. he invested his wealth at oregon city in various enterprises in an attempt to assist in upbuilding oregon. his resignation marks the beginning of his tribulations which ended only with his death. the details i shall presently set forth. in assisting the immigrants dr. mcloughlin did not count the cost nor fear the consequences. his humanity was greater than his liking for wealth or position. he had no greed for gain, no selfishness. had he anticipated the consequences i believe that he would not have hesitated nor acted otherwise than he did. frances fuller victor wrote of dr. mcloughlin and his tribulations:[ ] "aristocrat, as he was considered by the colonists [american settlers] and autocrat as he really was, for twenty years throughout the country west of the rocky mountains, he still bravely returned the assaults of his enemies in the language of a republican. he defended the american character from the slurs of government spies, saying, 'they have the same right to come that i have to be here,' touching lightly upon the ingratitude of those who forgot to pay him their just debts, and the rudeness of those, whom white mentions as making him blush for american honor. but whether he favored the company's interests against the british, or british interests against the company's, or maintained both against the american interests, or favored the american interests against either, or labored to preserve harmony between all, the suspicions of both conflicting parties fell upon him, and being forced to maintain silence he had the bad fortune to be pulled to pieces between them." _dr. mcloughlin's religion._ when an infant, dr. mcloughlin was baptized in the roman catholic church. his father and mother were of that church. while living with the family of his maternal grandfather, he probably was brought up in the english established church, of which he became a member. prior to or , it was his custom, at fort vancouver, to read the service of that church on sundays to the congregation of officers and employées who attended. dr. mcloughlin was a broad man in every way. he recognized the good in all christian sects and denominations. he assisted the methodist, presbyterian and congregational missionaries. had he been a member of those churches, he could hardly have done more for them than he did. while still a protestant, he also assisted the roman catholic missionaries, from their first coming to oregon, in , as he had the protestant. he never tried to change the forms of religion of his employées and servants of the company. he encouraged them in their devotion to the religions of their choice. archbishop francis norbert blanchet in his "historical sketches of the catholic church in oregon," says (page ): "it is but just to make special mention of the important services which dr. john mcloughlin--though not a catholic--has rendered to the french canadians and their families, during the fourteen years he was governor of fort vancouver. he it was who read to them the prayers on sunday. besides the english school kept for the children of the bourgeois, he had a separate one maintained at his own expense, in which prayers and the catechism were taught in french to the catholic women and children on sundays and week days, by his orders. he also encouraged the chant of the canticles, in which he was assisted by his wife and daughter, who took much pleasure in this exercise. he visited and examined his school once a week.... he it was who saved the catholics of the fort and their children from the dangers of perversion, and who, finding the log church the canadians had built, a few miles below fairfield, in , not properly located, ordered it to be removed, and rebuilt on a large prairie, its present beautiful site." dr. mcloughlin was given charge of a girl by her dying father, who was a protestant. dr. mcloughlin would not send her to a roman catholic school. he respected the religious faith of the girl's father.[ ] there is some question as to whether dr. mcloughlin became a roman catholic in the year or . in one of those years, dr. mcloughlin read "the end of controversy," written by dr. milner, and was converted by this book to the roman catholic faith and joined that church. he made his abjuration and profession of faith and took his first communion at fort vancouver in or . joining the roman catholic church by dr. mcloughlin was most impolitic, at this time, particularly on account of his land claim. but he was not a man to consider policy when there was something to be done, which he thought right, just, or proper. otherwise, he would not have assisted the missionaries nor helped the immigrants. joining the roman catholic church only added to the opposition to dr. mcloughlin. he was then a british subject. at that time there was great prejudice by many americans against great britain as the supposed hereditary enemy of the united states. the long discussion of the oregon question; the election of polk as president in , largely on the popular cry of " - or fight," greatly intensified this feeling. there was also great popular prejudice among many of the protestants of the united states against the roman catholic church, which had been handed down from the time of the settlement of new england and the cromwellian revolution in england. locally, in oregon, a partial success of the roman catholic missionaries with the indians, where the protestants had failed, probably intensified this feeling. in these early immigrations were many women, most of whom were wives and mothers. there were also numerous children of all ages. there were a few births on the way. when these mothers saw their children, along the columbia river, in peril, many sick and almost famishing; when they heard their children cry for food and clothing, which these mothers could not supply; and when these perils were removed, and these necessaries were furnished by dr. mcloughlin, and their sick children were restored to health under his orders and directions; do you think these protestant american mothers considered it important that dr. john mcloughlin was a roman catholic and a british subject? or that they were not grateful? _dr. mcloughlin's land claim._ i shall now take up the matter of dr. mcloughlin's land claim at oregon city. many writers and speakers have spoken of his land claim being taken from him, in a loose way, as "unjust treatment," or as "robbery." i shall briefly state the facts, as i have found them. the early pioneers know these facts. they should be known by everyone in justice to dr. mcloughlin and to his memory. prior to the donation land law, there were no lawful titles to lands in oregon, except lands given to missions by the law establishing the territory of oregon. the donation land law was passed by congress, and was approved by the president september , . prior to the organization, in , of the oregon provisional government, the only law, or rule of law, in oregon was the golden rule, or rather a consensus of public opinion among the few settlers in oregon. when a person settled on a piece of land and improved it, or declared his intention to claim it, all other settlers respected his possessory rights. each settler thought that on the settlement of the boundary line between the united states and great britain, his land claim would be recognized and protected, which he had thus claimed while there was joint-occupancy under the conventions of and . it was in that etienne lucier, one of the hudson's bay company's servants, of whom i have spoken, settled in the willamette valley at french prairie, now in marion county. other servants of the hudson's bay company, as their terms of service expired, and a few americans, had settled at or near french prairie prior to , so that when the first missionaries came, there was a thriving, although small, settlement near where jason and daniel lee established their first mission in . this mission had no title to the land where the mission was established, yet its rights were recognized and respected. in dr. mcloughlin for himself took possession of the land and water power at the falls of the willamette river on the east side of the river at and near what is now oregon city. in his land claim was the valuable, but small, island containing about four or five acres of available area in low water, and two or three acres in ordinary high water. it was separated from the east bank by a part of the river, in summer not more than forty feet wide; it was situated near the crest of the falls. its location made it valuable for convenient use of water power. this island was afterwards known as "governor's island," but was called "abernethy island" in the donation land law, and is now known by the latter name. this island is now owned by the portland general electric company. it lies partly in the "basin" at oregon city. on it is now erected a large wooden building called, by that company, "station a." as i have said, in the hudson's bay company knew that england did not intend to claim any part of the oregon country south of the columbia river, so it did not want for itself any permanent or valuable improvements in the willamette valley. in dr. mcloughlin began the erection of a sawmill at the falls. he caused three houses to be erected and some timbers to be squared for a mill. this work continued until may, . in the indians there burned these squared timbers. in he had a mill-race blasted out of the rocks from the head of the island. it has been asserted that these improvements were made for the hudson's bay company, but were discontinued by it because it did not wish to erect valuable improvements there. but in the mcloughlin document he says: "i had selected for a claim, oregon city, in , made improvements on it, and had a large quantity of timber squared." who ever knew or heard of dr. mcloughlin telling a lie? that he was a man of the highest honor and truthfulness is established beyond all doubt. this claim was taken by him in the same year that lucier settled in the willamette valley. it is evident that dr. mcloughlin took this claim, for his old age and for the benefit of himself and children.[ ] from about until the passage of the donation land law in , he openly and continuously asserted his right to his land claim, including abernethy island. no adverse claim was made until about july, , less than sixty days after the arrival of the ship lausanne, when certain members of the methodist mission began to plan to take these lands and rights from dr. mcloughlin, and in the end succeeded, but only partially for themselves. dr. mcloughlin's right to his land claim was as good as that of any other person in oregon to his own land claim. april , , dr. elijah white, who came to oregon in , as a methodist missionary, but was then united states sub-agent of indian affairs, in an official report to the commissioner of indian affairs, at washington, d. c., said of the shortess petition, to which i shall presently refer: "a petition started from this country today, making bitter complaints against the hudson's bay company and governor mcloughlin. on reference to it (a copy was denied) i shall only say, had any gentleman disconnected with the hudson's bay company been at half the pains and expense to establish a claim on the wallamet falls, very few would have raised any opposition."[ ] under the joint-occupancy every british subject had the same or equal rights in the oregon country that a citizen of the united states had. december , , senator linn introduced a series of resolutions in the united states senate, which were referred to a select committee. march , , this committee reported a substitute. the chief feature was a provision for granting _to each male inhabitant_ of oregon, over eighteen years of age, one thousand acres of land. december , , senator linn introduced his famous bill thereafter known as the "linn bill," which granted six hundred and forty acres of land to every _white male inhabitant_ of oregon, of eighteen years or over, who should cultivate the same for five years. this bill was favorably reported back to the senate and subsequently passed the senate, but failed in the house. the oregon donation land law was largely based on this bill. in neither the linn resolution nor in the linn bill was any difference made between american citizens and british subjects, or other aliens as to the right to take land. the oregon donation land law of september , , applied to every white settler (including aliens) over eighteen years of age then a resident of oregon, or who should become such a resident prior to december , , except dr. mcloughlin. in case of an alien he must either have made his declaration, according to law, to become a citizen of the united states prior to the passage of the donation land law or do so prior to december , . the linn bill was largely instrumental in causing the early immigrations to oregon. it was felt by these immigrants that it, or a similar law, was bound to pass congress. the oregon donation land law was such a law. dr. mcloughlin believed that such a bill was bound to become a law. the methodist mission, as a mission, did not, officially, attempt to deprive dr. mcloughlin of any of his land. there were some of the missionaries who opposed any such action. but others of them saw that if the mission obtained any of dr. mcloughlin's land claim, it would belong to the mission or to the church, so they readily proceeded, as individuals, for their own private gain. in , shortly after the arrival of the lausanne, rev. jason lee, as superintendent of the methodist mission, appointed rev. a. f. waller to labor for the indians at willamette falls and vicinity. the mission took up a claim of six hundred and forty acres north of dr. mcloughlin's claim. the mission's religious work was done by waller on this claim, where gladstone park is now situated, and also at a point on the west bank of the willamette river opposite oregon city. at both of these places there were a number of indians.[ ] in the summer of waller was sent to establish this mission. dr. mcloughlin generously assisted the undertaking. he gave the mission a piece of land in his claim on which to erect a mission-house; and, at the request of rev. jason lee, the superintendent of the mission, dr. mcloughlin loaned it some of the timbers, which he had caused to be squared, to build the mission-house. timbers to take the place of those so loaned were never furnished to dr. mcloughlin, nor were the timbers ever paid for.[ ] it was soon reported to dr. mcloughlin that the methodist mission would try to take or to jump his claim. he at once (july , ) notified jason lee, superintendent of the mission, of the facts: that dr. mcloughlin had taken possession of this land claim in , and also of his intention to hold this land as a private claim. he gave lee the general description of the land so claimed by dr. mcloughlin, viz: "from the upper end of the falls across to the clackamas river, and down where the clackamas falls into the willamette, including the whole point of land, and the small island in the falls on which the portage was made." this is the island later known as "governor's" or "abernethy" island. after giving the notice mentioned, dr. mcloughlin concluded his letter with these words: "this is not to prevent your building the store, as my object is merely to establish my claim." a satisfactory answer was returned and waller proceeded in the erection of the mission-house, which was divided into two apartments, one of which served as a dwelling, and the other as a storeroom for the goods of the mission.[ ] in felix hathaway, in the employment of the mission, began to build a house on the island, at which dr. mcloughlin remonstrated with waller, but the latter assured dr. mcloughlin that no wrong was intended and hathaway stopped his building operations. matters ran smoothly until the autumn of . by this time dr. mcloughlin had again made improvements on his claim, having it surveyed and part of it laid off in town lots and blocks, which he named oregon city. some of these lots and blocks he gave away, some he sold. i cannot go into all the evasive actions of waller and the false statements and claims made by him, and by john ricord, his attorney, in relation to waller's supposed rights to dr. mcloughlin's land claim. waller employed ricord as an attorney and asserted his ownership of all the mcloughlin land claim, except abernethy island, to which the oregon milling company laid claim. a public proclamation signed by ricord as attorney for waller, although dated december , , was publicly posted at oregon city early in . it set forth the alleged illegality of dr. mcloughlin's claim and the imaginary rights of waller.[ ] whatever possession waller had of any part of this land was due to the kind permission of dr. mcloughlin. waller attempted to turn this kindness into a question of right to the whole land claim, excepting abernethy island. an agreement or settlement, dated april , , was executed by rev. a. f. waller, rev. david leslie, acting superintendent of the methodist mission, and by dr. mcloughlin. under this agreement dr. mcloughlin was compelled to pay waller five hundred dollars and to convey to waller eight lots and three blocks in oregon city, and also to convey to the methodist mission six lots and one block in oregon city. what right the mission had to insist on the conveyance to it of this land has never been explained--waller, in said agreement or settlement, surrendering and forever abandoning to dr. mcloughlin "all claims, rights, and pretensions whatsoever" which waller had to the land claim of dr. mcloughlin, which is described in said agreement as "a tract of land situated at the falls of the wallamette river on the east side of said river, containing six hundred and forty acres, and surveyed by jesse applegate in the month of december, a. d. ." this survey included abernethy island. there were not then any courts in oregon to which dr. mcloughlin could apply for relief, as he had not then joined the provisional government. it was probably better and cheaper for him to submit to this unfair agreement, otherwise he would have been compelled to allow waller to take the land or to have ousted him by force.[ ] july , , about three months after this settlement, rev. george gary, who was then closing the methodist mission in oregon and disposing of its property, in a letter to dr. mcloughlin offered to sell back these lots and block given to the mission by dr. mcloughlin, with the improvements thereon, excluding the two lots given by dr. mcloughlin in on which the methodist church was built. gary valued the lots to be sold at two thousand, two hundred dollars, and the improvements thereon at three thousand, eight hundred dollars. gary made the conditions that the possession of a warehouse should be reserved until june, , and the house occupied by george abernethy until august, . gary made some other reservations and wrote that there must be an answer in a day or two. dr. mcloughlin considered this offer extortionate. he wrote an answer to gary calling attention to the fact that he had so recently given the lots to the mission, that it would be the fairest way for gary to give dr. mcloughlin back the lots, since the mission had no longer any use for them, and let him pay for the improvements; that one of the houses was built with lumber borrowed from him and had not been paid for. he suggested that the matter be referred to the missionary board. but gary rejected every proposal. dr. mcloughlin was compelled to yield and agreed to pay the six thousand dollars demanded by gary.[ ] notwithstanding the fact that this agreement executed by waller and leslie, dated april , , was made as a final settlement of the matter, the conspirators determined to deprive dr. mcloughlin of his land claim, even if they did not profit by it. they succeeded by means of the oregon donation law, as i shall presently show. these conspirators had previously arranged to take or "jump" abernethy island. rev. dr. h. k. hines was too honorable a man to justify these proceedings. as he came to oregon in , it appears that he did not know all the facts, but such as he knew, even from methodist missionary sources, did not commend waller's actions to hines in regard to dr. mcloughlin and his land claim. in his _missionary history_, pages - , dr. hines says: "at oregon city the mission as such deemed it wisest not to file any claim as against that of dr. mcloughlin, chief factor of the hudson's bay company at vancouver, who had made some movements toward the occupation of that valuable property before the mission was established. perhaps all in the country at that time, mr. lee included, did not consider the claim of dr. mcloughlin as a british subject and the head of a great british corporation, such a claim as would be recognized in law when the government of the united states should extend its jurisdiction over the country, which they believed it was sure to do in a short time.... the mission work at this general point was mostly done on the _west side_ of the river at the falls, and at the villages on the clackamas where 'gladstone park' is now situated, and where the mission had a farm, and a claim of a square mile of land. this stood in exactly the same relation to the board as did the claim at the dalles and at salem. "it is proper that we say here that much controversy arose at oregon city through the fact that rev. a. f. waller filed a claim in his own behalf on the land to which dr. mcloughlin was also laying claim, on the ground that the latter, being a british subject, could not obtain title under the land laws of the united states. with this the mission, as such, had no connection whatever, and hence this history does not deal with the question." nevertheless, joint-occupancy, senator linn's resolution and bill, the donation land law, subsequently passed, natural justice and right, and common decency should have been recognized as giving dr. mcloughlin full right to his land claim from the beginning. at least three of the methodist missionaries and those connected with the methodist mission were not citizens of the united states at any time prior to the passage of the donation land law in . rev. jason lee was a native of canada and died in canada. he did not become a citizen of the united states. his allegiance was always that of a british subject. jason lee was of english descent. his parents were born in the united states but settled at stanstead, canada, and made it their home several years prior to his birth. he was born at stanstead in and that was his home until , when he came to oregon. for a number of years he worked in the pineries in the north of canada. in he was "converted" and joined the wesleyan church of canada. in he entered the wesleyan academy at wilbraham, massachusetts. after attending that academy for a time, he returned to his home at stanstead, where he stayed for several years, first teaching school and afterwards becoming a preacher of the wesleyan church of canada. for several years he had desired to be a missionary among the indians and in or offered his services as a missionary to the indians of canada to the wesleyan missionary society of london. in , while waiting a reply to his application, he was offered the appointment by the new england conference of the methodist episcopal church of "missionary to the flathead indians," and was admitted as a member of the latter conference. in the spring of he started for oregon, which, during the rest of his life, was jointly occupied by citizens of the united states and subjects of great britain under the conventions between these countries. the political status of a resident of oregon then remained as it was when he arrived in oregon. it could not be changed there during joint-occupancy. he died at lake memphremagog in canada, march , . his body was buried at stanstead. these facts i have obtained mostly from dr. hines' _missionary history of the pacific northwest_, and i have verified them from other reliable sources. rev. daniel lee was also born in canada. up to the time of his return to the eastern states in , he had not become a citizen of the united states. as the rest of his life was spent as a methodist minister in the united states, he probably became a citizen of the latter country. rev. daniel lee, i believe, took no part in, nor did he encourage, or sympathize with any action against dr. mcloughlin. joseph holman (not a relative of mine) was born in england, august , . in he went to canada where he lived for several years. about or he went to ohio and later went to illinois. in he started for oregon. he arrived at fort vancouver june , , the same day the lausanne arrived there. in or he became connected with the methodist mission. shortly after his arrival he took up a land claim a mile square near the present city of salem. a person could not become a citizen of the united states until he had resided therein for at least five years. so he could not become such a citizen in the east for he had not resided in the united states more than three years when he started for oregon in . it was in oregon, after the united states courts were established in , that joseph holman first made application to become a citizen of the united states and became one. as jason lee and daniel lee took up the land on which the methodist mission was situated and they were british subjects, their rights as land claimants were the same as those of dr. mcloughlin. the mission, as such, had no legal status to acquire land prior to the act of organizing oregon territory. the land claim of joseph holman had the same status as that of dr. mcloughlin--just as good, but no better. _abernethy island._ i have spoken of this settlement with waller, in , in order to treat separately of the taking of abernethy island from dr. mcloughlin. the land controlling the water-power on the west side of the falls of the willamette river was not taken nor claimed by any one until after the year . it is on the west side where the water-power of the falls is now mostly used. it could have been had for the taking at the time abernethy island was "jumped." dr. mcloughlin's land claim was on the east side of the river. as i have said, felix hathaway, in the employment of the mission, in began to build a house on abernethy island, but after dr. mcloughlin's remonstrance to waller, the building operations on the island ceased at that time. dr. mcloughlin erected a small house on the island. in the oregon milling company was formed. almost all of its members belonged to the methodist mission. hathaway conveyed all his right and title to the island to the oregon milling company, a part of the consideration to be paid by a committee of the oregon milling company in behalf of that company. rev. a. f. waller is the one first named, of the committee, in the deed. this deed is recorded at page of book , record of deeds of clackamas county. this record shows the date of the deed as november , . this is evidently an error of the copyist, as to the year. it doubtless was , for hathaway, by the deed, conveyed all his "right and title to the island on which said company _are now constructing mills_," etc. this is a very religious deed. hathaway in this conveyance covenanted to warrant and defend the island against all persons "(the lord excepted)." among the cargo of the lausanne, which all belonged to the methodist mission, was machinery for flour-mills and for saw-mills. the methodist mission established both a saw-mill and a grist-mill, run by water-power, near chemekete (now salem). these were in operation in . these mills were much nearer the willamette settlements than oregon city was. in the fall of the oregon milling company had erected a saw-mill on the island, intending to follow it with the erection of a flour-mill. it will be noted that there were then no courts in oregon, for the provisional government was not organized until . dr. mcloughlin and the hudson's bay company were not under the jurisdiction of the provisional government until . in the fall of dr. mcloughlin became satisfied that it was the intention of some of the methodist missionaries to take his land and to deprive him of his water rights. to save his interests he forthwith built a saw-mill on the river bank near the island, and gave notice that he would erect a flour-mill in a short time. _the shortess petition._ the enemies of dr. mcloughlin then determined to send a petition to congress. it is said that this petition was drawn by george abernethy, who then, as steward of the mission, kept its store at oregon city, and had charge of all its secular affairs, but that abernethy was unwilling to have it known that he was connected with the petition, so it was copied by a clerk, named albert e. wilson. abernethy wished to appear friendly to dr. mcloughlin; to act otherwise might hurt the mission and abernethy in his business.[ ] the first signature to this petition was that of robert shortess, who arrived in the willamette valley in april, . he joined the methodist church about . he was then intense in his dislike of the hudson's bay company and its officers. from the fact that he was the first signer, this petition is known as the "shortess petition." it was signed by sixty-five persons. of these about one-third were immigrants of , who had been in the country less than six months. this petition is addressed to congress. it is dated march , . it begins with a short statement that the petitioners have no laws to govern them. that "where the highest court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property cannot be depended on." until these people attempted unfairly to take dr. mcloughlin's land, the golden rule had prevailed and the appeal to the rifle was always "conspicuous by its absence." this petition then calls attention to the domination of the hudson's bay company, and its successful opposition to bonneville and wyeth, and that that company formerly would not sell cattle, and its opposition to the loan of cows and the return of the increase, which is true; and that in case of the death of a cow, the settler had to pay--which is false. this petition further sets forth that in the settlers formed a company for supplying lumber and flour. that they selected an island at the falls of the willamette. that after commencing they were informed by dr. mcloughlin that the land was his. this is true, as to the company and the information by dr. mcloughlin, but false, by indirection, in this, that they knew the island for years had been claimed by him as his property. the petition proceeds, "however, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to build under certain restrictions. they took the paper he wrote them containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or reasonable." in the latter statement the members of the oregon milling company, who signed the petition, stated an estoppel to themselves. they could not enter into possession under conditions and then refuse to abide by them. this was pleading themselves out of court, not to mention their admitted breach of faith. this petition then mentions the erection of the saw-mill by the oregon milling company and complains of the erection of a mill by dr. mcloughlin, and says that he can manufacture lumber cheaper than the milling company can. nevertheless, the oregon milling company succeeded. this petition then goes into puerility about the measurement of wheat by the hudson's bay company, which dr. white in his report, dated april , , to the commissioner of indian affairs, and hereinbefore referred to, says is untrue, for he knows the measure to be exact. this petition does not state (which is true) that when dr. mcloughlin found that wheat weighed more than sixty pounds to the bushel, he raised the price paid to settlers, correspondingly. this petition sets forth, however, that dr. mcloughlin had surveyed his claim, platted it, and called it oregon city; and that he had given a notice dated january , , requiring all persons claiming lots on his land, before february , , to apply for a deed, or a bond for a deed, as the case might be, which he would give. dr. mcloughlin required a payment of five dollars to his attorney for making the deed or bond. as these people were all trespassers, it would seem that this action of dr. mcloughlin was a very generous one. there is a very significant phrase in the shortess petition, which indicates that the conspiracy to deprive dr. mcloughlin of his land claim had its inception before that time. in this petition, after saying that dr. mcloughlin did not own his oregon city land claim, it is said "and which we hope he never will own." this phrase is omitted in the copy of the shortess petition in gray's _history of oregon_ and in brown's _political history of oregon_.[ ] this phrase is referred to in thurston's speech of december , , as justifying his actions in giving dr. mcloughlin's land claim to oregon for an university.[ ] i shall not discuss some of the allegations of this petition, as they are trivial and unimportant. this petition was given to w. c. sutton to be taken to washington. dr. mcloughlin applied to shortess for a copy of this petition, but the request was refused. _land laws of the provisional government._ as i have stated, in july, , the provisional government went into effect. its land laws were purposely framed against dr. mcloughlin's claim, and in favor of the methodist mission. these land laws allowed any person, without regard to citizenship, who was then holding or wished to establish a land claim in oregon, not exceeding acres, "in a square or oblong form, according to the natural situation of the premises," to have such land claim. those in possession were allowed one year in which to file a description of the claim in the recorder's office. dr. mcloughlin filed his description in . the survey was made by jesse applegate in . the record is now in the office of the secretary of state at salem, oregon. in having this survey made dr. mcloughlin had it extend only about half way from the falls to the clackamas river and so as to include not more than six hundred and forty acres. he abandoned that part of his original claim extending between his new north line and the clackamas river. article of these land laws of was the one intended to deprive dr. mcloughlin of his claim. it was as follows: "art. . no person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city or town sites, extensive water privileges, or other situations necessary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing operations, to the detriment of the community: _provided_, that nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to effect _any claim of any mission_ of a religious character, made previous to this time, of an extent of not more than _six miles square_." this land law was amended in july, . the only material change, so far as is necessary for the purposes of this monograph, was that said section of the land laws of was repealed. it was after the repeal of the objectionable and unfair section of the land laws of that dr. mcloughlin for himself and the hudson's bay company joined the provisional government. _dr. mcloughlin's naturalization._ after dr. mcloughlin sent his resignation to the hudson's bay company, in , he determined to become a citizen of the united states. in he consulted with peter h. burnett, then chief-justice of the provisional government, and with jesse applegate, about taking the oath of allegiance to the united states, and taking out his first naturalization papers, but burnett had no authority from the united states, or other jurisdiction, to administer such an oath (or to issue such papers) and so advised dr. mcloughlin. although this matter was well known in oregon, it gave dr. mcloughlin's enemies a chance to say that he was a british subject, and had not taken the oath of allegiance to the united states, nor applied to become a citizen of the united states. august , , the bill establishing the territory of oregon became a law. march , , general joseph lane, the first territorial governor of oregon, arrived at oregon city. march , , he issued his proclamation assuming charge as governor. soon after the territory of oregon was organized and courts of the united states established. the assignment of judges to their respective districts was made may , . may , , dr. mcloughlin took the oath and made his declaration to become a citizen of the united states, as required by the naturalization law. so he acted with promptness. this was well known in oregon at the time. dr. mcloughlin voted at oregon city at the first general election held in june, , but he did not vote for thurston as delegate to congress, which thurston knew. under the act of congress, organizing oregon as a territory, all aliens who had declared, on oath, their intentions to become citizens of the united states, and taken an oath to support the constitution of the united states and the provisions of the act establishing the territorial government of oregon, were entitled to vote at the first election. dr. mcloughlin became a citizen of the united states, at oregon city, september , . the naturalization law then allowed an alien to become a citizen of the united states two years after taking the oath and making his declaration, if he had lived in the united states for five years. his witnesses were a. l. lovejoy, a. a. skinner, and theodore magruder. his admission to citizenship was based on his said oath and declaration of may , . _conspiracy against dr. mcloughlin._ it was in that the conspiracy against dr. mcloughlin and his land claim began to become effective. in governor abernethy became the sole owner of the oregon milling company and its property on abernethy island, abernethy and his son claiming to own the island, which was then known as "governor's island," in supposed compliment to governor abernethy. w. p. bryant, the first territorial chief-justice of oregon, arrived in oregon april , . may , , fifty days after his arrival he purchased all said interests of gov. abernethy and son. bryant gave his promissory notes to gov. abernethy, aggregating $ , in principal, as part consideration for the purchase. bryant also bought from gov. abernethy, on time, wheat, flour, and staves for about $ and a quantity of lumber and logs, the value of which i am unable to give. bryant's judicial district included oregon city.[ ] in june, , samuel r. thurston was elected territorial delegate to congress from oregon. he arrived in oregon in the fall of . he was shrewd enough to obtain the support of the mission party. he skillfully made his canvass largely against the hudson's bay company. having the support of the mission party, and many of the voters being then in the california mines, thurston was elected. the vote was as follows: thurston, ; columbus lancaster, ; j. w. nesmith, ; joseph l. meek, ; and j. s. griffin, . the most important measure for oregon was the passage of a land law, for no person had or could then obtain a legal title to land. it was all owned by the united states except the small portions granted to the missions. thurston used his best endeavors to obtain the passage of such a bill. but he was anxious for re-election and to ingratiate himself with the mission party and the conspirators against dr. mcloughlin. _thurston's letter to congress._ thurston prepared the way, by a letter addressed to the members of the house of representatives, for introducing into the land bill a section depriving dr. mcloughlin of his oregon city claim. this letter contains many false statements. this section is section eleven of the donation land law, which was passed without opposition. to this section i shall presently refer. this letter to the members of the house of representatives was issued by thurston at washington, d. c., in the month of may or the early part of june, . said letter was published in full in the _oregon spectator_ of september , . nothing was known in oregon or california of this letter until late in august or early in september, . as this letter is quite long and relates mostly to the general features of the oregon donation land bill and the necessity of its passage, i have omitted all that part of the letter excepting thurston's discussion of the eleventh section of that bill, which contains all that part of the letter referring to dr. mcloughlin and his land claim. in that part of his letter thurston said: "i will next call your attention to the eleventh section of the bill, reserving the town site of oregon city, known as the 'oregon city claim.' the capital of our territory is located here (oregon city) and here is the county seat of clackamas county. it is unquestionably the finest water power in the known world; and as it is now, so will remain, the great inland business point for the territory. this claim has been wrongfully wrested by dr. mcloughlin from american citizens. the methodist mission first took the claim, with the view of establishing here their mills and mission. they were forced to leave it under the fear of having the savages of oregon let loose upon them; and, successively, a number of citizens of our country have been driven from it, while dr. mcloughlin was yet at the head of the hudson's bay company, west of the rocky mountains. having at his command the indians of the country, he has held it by violence and dint of threats up to this time. he had sold lots up to the th of march, , worth $ , . he also has upon it a flouring mill, graineries, two double sawmills, a large number of houses, stores, and other buildings, to which he may be entitled by virtue of his possessory rights, under the treaty of . for only a part of these improvements which he may thus hold, he has been urged during the past year to take $ , . he will already have made a half million out of that claim. he is still an englishman, still connected in interest with the hudson's bay company, and still refuses to file his intentions to become an american citizen, and assigns as a reason to the supreme judge of the territory, that he cannot do it without prejudicing his standing in england. last summer, he informed the writer of this, that whatever was made out of this claim was to go into the common fund of the hudson's bay company, of which he and other stockholders would share in proportion to their stock; in other words, that he was holding the claim for the benefit of the company. now, the bill proposes to reserve this claim; subject to whatever right he may have to it, or any part of it, by virtue of the treaty; and confirms the title of all lots sold or donated by him previous to march th, . this is designed to prevent litigation. that day is fixed on, because, on that day, in oregon city, governor lane took possession of the territory, declaring the laws of the united states in force, and apprising dr. mcloughlin and all others, that no one had a right to sell or meddle with the government lands. dr. mcloughlin ought to have been made to pay back the $ , , but not wishing to create any litigation, the committee concluded to quiet the whole matter by confirming the lots. having in this way made $ , , and his possessory rights, if it shall turn out that he lawfully acquired any, being worth $ , more, the people of oregon think our bounty is sufficient to this man, who has worked diligently to break down the settlements ever since they commenced; and they ask you to save their capital, their county seat, and the balance of that noble water power from the grasp of this british propagandist, and bestow it on the young american generation in oregon, in the shape of education, upon which you and the whole country are to rely and to defend and protect the western outposts of this glorious union. the children of my country are looking up to you with countenances flashing eloquence, clamoring to be educated, and asking you, in simple but feeling language, where your charity begins. they call you 'fathers,' and ask you whether you will put the moral weapons of defence in your children's hands in the shape of education, or whether you will deny it to them, and put means into the hands of him who will turn and rend both you and them. they do not doubt your decision, nor do i. "when the methodist missionaries were driven from this claim, they went on the island in the middle of the river, and constructed mills and made other improvements. this island is known as the abernethy island, and is of no value, except for the improvements upon it. it consists of about two acres of barren rock. this island was subsequently sold to george abernethy, and the bill ought to confirm the same to abernethy or his assigns.--this is a simple act of justice to american citizens, who now have their mills and property staked on those rocks, and which, for a long time, stood the only mills in the valley, where an american could get any grain ground for toll. they are now, with the exception of dr. mcloughlin's mills, nearly the only mills in the whole country left standing by the late freshet, and they have been very materially injured. they must be repaired at vast expense, and if they are not, dr. mcloughlin will hold, as he has heretofore held, the bread of the people of the territory in his own fist. your brethren ask you to confirm their title to those rocks, that their property may stand there in safety. they doubt not your decision. hence there should be an amendment in the bill to this effect." it is not true, as asserted by thurston, that the methodist mission first took the "oregon city claim." it was first taken by dr. mcloughlin, as i have shown. if the methodist mission ever took, or had any interest in this land claim, it was through a secret agreement or understanding with waller, or with the oregon milling company, excepting only the lots given to the mission by dr. mcloughlin in and those secured by the mission under the articles of agreement, dated april , .[ ] most of the statements, in the parts of this letter just quoted, thurston knew were false. thurston also succeeded in having a proviso added to the fourth section of the bill, skillfully worded, which forbade anyone claiming under the donation land law to claim both under that law and under the treaty of , that treaty providing that possessory rights of british subjects should be respected. as dr. mcloughlin had declared, in , his intentions to become a citizen and renounced his allegiance to great britain, he probably was no longer qualified to claim under the treaty. but even if he could have claimed under the treaty of , as a british subject, that would not have given him a right to obtain title to his land claim under that treaty. it was afterwards held by the supreme court of oregon, in the case of cowenia v. hannah, oregon, , and by judge m. p. deady, sitting as united states circuit judge, in the case of town v. de haven, sawyer, , that the stipulation in the treaty of that the united states would respect the possessory rights of british subjects, was merely a recognition of such possessory rights and conferred no right to, or in the land, and that no means were provided by the donation land law, or otherwise, to obtain title or a patent, but a british subject might have a claim against the united states for compensation; that a claim to land, under the treaty, was to be excluded from any rights under the donation land law, and a claim to land, under that law, was a surrender of possessory rights under the treaty. unquestionably the supreme court of oregon and judge deady were right in their construction of the law, as they found it, as applicable to the points involved in those cases. article iii of the boundary treaty of is as follows: "in the future appropriation of the territory south of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, as provided in the first article of this treaty, the possessory rights of the hudson's bay company, and of all british subjects who may be already in the occupation of land or other property lawfully acquired within the said territory, shall be respected." good faith, and to carry out the letter and the spirit of this article iii, should have caused congress to respect these possessory rights of british subjects, so as to make them effective, and especially as they had acquired these rights under the conventions for joint-occupancy of the oregon country. means should have been provided in the donation land law by which such british subjects "already in the occupation of land" in oregon could have acquired the title thereto. in the debate in the house of representatives, may , , on the bill which became the oregon donation land law, thurston said:[ ] "this company [hudson's bay company] has been warring against our government for these forty years. dr. mcloughlin has been their chief fugleman, first to cheat our government out of the whole country, and next to prevent its settlement. he has driven men from claims and from the country, to stifle the efforts at settlement. in , he sent an express to fort hall, miles, to warn the american emigrants that if they attempted to come to willamette they would all be cut off; they went, and none were cut off. how, sir, would you reward benedict arnold, were he living? he fought the battles of the country, yet by one act of treason forfeited the respect of that country. a bill for his relief would fail, i am sure; yet this bill proposes to reward those who are now, have been, and ever will be, more hostile to our country--more dangerous, because more hidden, more jesuitical. i can refer you to the supreme judge of our territory, for proof that this dr. mcloughlin refuses to file his intention to become an american citizen." judge bryant was then in washington, lobbying for the passage of the eleventh section of the donation land law, particularly the part giving abernethy's island to the assigns of the milling company. i have already shown the falsity of these statements of thurston in his letter and in this speech, by setting forth the truth in this monograph. the mention by thurston, in his speech, of benedict arnold in comparison with dr. mcloughlin, was contemptible. it was an insinuation which thurston should have been ashamed to make. on september , , dr. mcloughlin published in the _oregon spectator_ his answer to some of the statements, or rather misstatements, in thurston's speech in congress, may , , and in his letter to the house of representatives. dr. mcloughlin there said: "what mr. thurston means by 'warring against our government for these forty years,' i know not. i am certain, however, that the h. b. co. had a right to carry on trade under the treaty of joint-occupation of the country--even were we to look no farther for another foundation of the right. i am sure, moreover, that the business of the company was so managed as to bear the strictest scrutiny, and to be in all respects subservient to the best interests of the country, and the duties of religion and humanity.... but i am described as a 'fugleman' of the hudson's bay company; first to cheat our government out of the whole country, and next to prevent its settlement. i am an old man, and my head is very white with the frost of many winters, but i have never before been accused as a cheat. i was born a british subject--i have had for twenty years the superintendence of the hudson's bay company's trade, in oregon, and on the north west coast; and may be said to have been the representative of british interests in this country; but i have never descended to court popularity, by pandering to prejudice, and doing wrong to any one. i have on the other hand, afforded every assistance to all who required it, and which religion and humanity dictated; and this community can say if i did so or not.... but, moreover, it is well known that the fact of my having aided in the settlement of this country has been a subject of serious complaints, and grave charges made against me, by subjects of her britannic majesty, during the pending of the boundary question--who seem to have been imbued with the same kind disposition toward their fellow men as mr. thurston. "mr. thurston says, 'in he [dr. mcloughlin] sent an express to fort hall, eight hundred miles, to warn the immigration that if they attempted to come to the willamette, they would be all cut off.' this is a calumny as gratuitous as it is unprovoked; but it is with mingled emotions of astonishment and indignation that i have accidentally become acquainted with the contents of another document, entitled a 'letter of the delegate from oregon to the members of the house of representatives, in behalf of his constituents, touching the oregon land bill.' on the back of the only copy sent, is written in the handwriting of mr. thurston--'keep this still till next mail, when i shall send them generally. the debate on the california bill closes next tuesday, when i hope to get it and passed--my land bill; keep dark till next mail." "june , . thurston.'" "... in the letter referred to, speaking of oregon city, he says, 'the methodist mission first took the claim with the view of establishing here their mills and mission--they were forced to leave it under the fear of having the savages of oregon let loose upon them.' this charge is likewise without a fraction of truth, as a few facts will demonstrate.... mr. thurston is not ashamed to more than intimate a disposition to 'let loose upon them savages of oregon.' mr. thurston says, 'he has held it by violence and dint of threats up to this time.'--that i have held my claim or any part of it [dr. mcloughlin's land claim] by violence or threats, no man will assert, and far less will one be found to swear so, who will be believed on his oath, in a court of justice. i have probably no other enemy than mr. thurston, so lost to the _suggestions_ of conscience as to make a statement so much at variance with my whole character. he says that i have realized, up to the th of march, , $ , from the sale of lots; this is also wholly untrue. i have given away lots to the methodists, catholics, presbyterians, congregationalists, and baptists. i have given lots to a roman catholic nunnery, lots to the clackamas female protestant seminary, incorporated by the oregon legislature. the trustees are all protestants, although it is well known i am a roman catholic. in short, in one way and another i have donated to the county, to schools, to churches, and private individuals, more than three hundred town lots, and i never realized in cash $ , from all the original sales i have made. he continues, 'he is still an englishman, still connected with the hudson's bay company, and refuses to file his intentions to become an american citizen.' if i was an englishman, i know no reason why i should not acknowledge it; but i am a canadian by birth, and an irishman by descent. i am neither ashamed of my birth-place or lineage.... i declared my intention to become an american citizen on the th may, , as any one may see who will examine the records of the court, in this place. mr. thurston knew this fact--he asked me for my vote and influence. why did he ask me for my vote if i had not one to give? i voted and voted against him, as he well knew, and as he seems well to remember. but he proceeds to refer to judge bryant for the truth of his statement, in which he affirms that i assigned to judge bryant, as a reason why i still refuse to declare my intention to become an american citizen, that i cannot do it without prejudicing my standing in england. i am astonished how the supreme judge could have made such a statement! as he had a letter from me pointing out my intention of becoming an american citizen. the cause, which led to my writing this letter, is that the island, called abernethy's island by mr. thurston, and which he proposes to donate to mr. abernethy, his heirs and assigns, is the same island which mr. hathaway and others jumped in , and formed themselves into a joint stock company, and erected a saw and grist mill on it, as already stated. from a desire to preserve peace in the country, i deferred bringing the case to trial, till the government extended its jurisdiction over the country; but when it had done so, a few days after the arrival of judge bryant and before the courts were organized, judge bryant bought the island of george abernethy, esq., who had bought the stock of the other associates, and as the island was in judge bryant's district, and as there was only two judges in the territory, i thought i could not at the time bring the case to a satisfactory decision. i therefore deferred bringing the case forward to a time when the bench would be full.... but mr. thurston makes another statement in which there is not more truth. he says, 'last summer he,' meaning myself, 'informed the writer of this that whatever was made out of the claim was to go to the common fund of the hudson's bay company, of which he and other stock-holders would share in proportion to their stock; in other words, that he was holding this claim in trust for the hudson's bay company.'... i assert i never made such a statement to mr. thurston, and i assert that i hold my claim for myself alone, and that the hudson's bay company, nor no other person or persons, hold or have any interest in it with me.... can the people of oregon city and its vicinity believe mr. thurston did not know, some months before he left this [territory], that mr. abernethy had sold his rights, whatever they were, to judge bryant, and therefore proposing to congress to donate this island to mr. abernethy, his heirs and assigns, was, in fact, proposing to donate it to judge bryant, his heirs and assigns."[ ] thurston attempted to reply to this letter of dr. mcloughlin, published in the _oregon spectator_, in a speech made in congress december , .[ ] with all its false statements this speech utterly failed to justify the actions of thurston against dr. mcloughlin. lieutenant neil m. howison, of the united states navy, came to oregon in , in charge of the united states schooner "shark." he made a report on oregon to the commander of the pacific squadron. the report is dated at san francisco, february , . it was printed by order of the house of representatives, at washington, in , more than two years prior to thurston's speech. it is miscellaneous document no. of the first session of the th congress. in this report, after speaking in praise of dr. mcloughlin, howison said of him: "he resides now altogether at oregon city ... and has, by his advice and assistance, done more than any other man towards the rapid development of the resources of this country." lieutenant howison also said, in this report, that dr. mcloughlin "has settled himself on the south side of the river [columbia] with full expectation of becoming a citizen of the united states, and i hope the government at home will duly appreciate him." in the report of dr. elijah white, dated willamette valley, oregon, november , , to j. m. porter, secretary of war, dr. white said: "and here allow me to say, the seasonable service, in which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the columbia to the willamette, entitles gov. mcloughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable consideration of the members of this government. and i hope, as he is desirous to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the willamette, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality towards our countrymen. sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never tiring hospitality affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the world."[ ] _protests against thurston's actions._ as shown in dr. mcloughlin's printed letter of september , , thurston had sent to a confidant in oregon, with instructions for secrecy, a printed copy of his letter to the house of representatives. he also sent a printed copy of the bill for the donation land law. these arrived in oregon late in august or early in september, . the eleventh section of the latter began to be noised about, and thurston's friends, who were not in the conspiracy, met the charge with scornful denials. they said such a thing was not possible. but it was.[ ] there were oregon pioneers who protested. before the law passed, when the intended action of thurston became known, in relation to said section eleven, on september , , a public meeting was held in oregon city. resolutions were passed declaring that the selection of the oregon city claim for an university reservation was uncalled for by any considerable portion of the citizens of the territory, and was invidious and unjust to dr. mcloughlin; and that he "merits the gratitude of multitudes of persons in oregon for the timely and long-continued assistance rendered by him in the settlement of this territory." at the same time a memorial to congress was signed by fifty-six persons, which set forth that dr. mcloughlin had taken up the oregon city claim like other claims in the territory, and it had been held by him in accordance with the provisional and territorial governments of oregon; that the memorialists have ever regarded it as entitled to protection as fully as other claims, without an intimation to the contrary from any official source until that time; that under this impression, both before and especially since march , , large portions of it in blocks and lots had been purchased in good faith by many citizens of oregon, who had erected valuable buildings thereon, in many instances, in the expectation of having a complete and sufficient title when congress should grant a title to dr. mcloughlin, as was confidently expected; that since march , , he had donated for county, educational, charitable, and religious purposes more than two hundred lots. they, therefore, remonstrated against the passage of the bill in its present form, believing that it would work a "severe, inequitable, unnecessary, and irremediable injustice."[ ] there were no telegraph lines in oregon or california in those days. and the bill was a law eight days thereafter. i am happy to say that among those who took part in these proceedings and signed this memorial were my father, james d. holman, a pioneer of , and my uncle, woodford c. holman, a pioneer of . october , , a public meeting was held at salem, the stronghold of the mission party. at this meeting a committee on resolutions was appointed. the resolutions reported by the committee were adopted. they "highly approved all the actions of samuel r. thurston in congress," and said "that facts well known in oregon will sustain him in all he has said about dr. mcloughlin and the h. b. company." another of these resolutions heartily approved the course taken by thurston, in congress upon the donation land bill "especially that part which relates to the oregon city claim," and "that if that claim should be secured to dr. mcloughlin it would, in effect, be donating land to the h. b. company." another of these resolutions was, "that in the opinion of this meeting, the children of oregon have a better right to the balance of that claim [oregon city claim] than dr. mcloughlin." another of these resolutions was, "that the h. b. company, with dr. mcloughlin as their fugleman, have used every means that could be invented by avarice, duplicity, cunning, and deception to retard american settlement, and cripple the growth of american interests in oregon."[ ] there are certain qualities in some men which move them never to forgive a favor bestowed on them; to ruin those they have wronged or cheated; to endeavor to cover with obloquy those they have lied about; and to seek to hurt any one of better quality than they are. as a native son of oregon i am ashamed of some of its pioneers and their actions. but in such a movement as the early settling of oregon, there were, of necessity, some men of coarse fiber, and of doubtful integrity and honor. but such men were rare exceptions. to the honor of the overwhelming majority of the oregon pioneers, be it said that they took no part in these actions against dr. mcloughlin, nor did they endorse or sympathize with thurston's actions and those of his co-conspirators against dr. mcloughlin. it must be borne in mind that many thousands of people, men, women, and children, came to oregon in the immigrations after . there were probably in the immigrations of to , inclusive, an aggregate of more than ten thousand people, the number of men being in the ratio of about one to four. the immigration of was composed of over four thousand persons. these later immigrants did not experience the difficulties which beset the earlier immigrants along the columbia river and from there to the willamette valley. they did not need the assistance of dr. mcloughlin which the immigrants of , , and did. they found oregon city a small but thriving settlement. some of them were easily led to believe that dr. mcloughlin was not entitled to his land claim, which they thought was a valuable one, especially as he was technically a british subject. but most of them were friendly to him for his kindness to them, and for what he had done for the earlier immigrants. they appreciated that he was justly entitled to his land claim. the love of justice and fair play were predominant traits of most oregon pioneers. _the oregon donation land law._ the donation land law passed and was approved by the president september , . section "granted to every white settler or occupant of the public lands, american half-breed indians included, above the age of eighteen years, being a citizen of the united states, or having made a declaration, according to law, of his intention to become a citizen, or who shall make such declaration on or before the first day of december, eighteen hundred and fifty-one, now residing in such territory, or who shall become a resident thereof on or before the first day of december, , and who shall have resided upon and cultivated the same for four consecutive years, and shall otherwise conform to the provisions of this act," acres of land, if a single man, or if a married man, acres, acres being for his wife. the last sentence of section is as follows: "provided further, however, that this section shall not be so construed as to allow those claiming rights under the treaty with great britain, relative to the oregon territory, to claim both under this grant and the treaty, but merely to secure them the election and confine them to a single grant of land." section eleven of said donation law is as follows: "sec. . and be it further enacted, that what is known as the 'oregon city claim,' excepting the abernethy island, which is hereby confirmed to the legal assigns of the willamette milling and trading companies, shall be set apart and be at the disposal, of the legislative assembly, the proceeds thereof to be applied, by said legislative assembly, to the establishment and endowment of a university, to be located at such place in the territory as the legislative assembly may designate; provided, however, that all lots and parts of lots in said claim, sold or granted by doctor john mcloughlin, previous to the fourth of march, eighteen hundred and forty-nine, shall be confirmed to the purchaser or donee, or their assigns, to be certified to the commissioner of the general land office by the surveyor-general, and patents to issue on said certificates, as in other cases: provided, further, that nothing in this act contained shall be so construed and executed as in any way to destroy or affect any rights to land in said territory, holden or claimed under the provisions of the treaty or treaties existing between this country and great britain." by the "oregon city claim" is meant dr. mcloughlin's land claim. this section eleven is unjust in its treatment of dr. mcloughlin. not that congress was to blame. it did not know the facts. did not the first delegate from oregon advocate it? did not the first territorial chief justice of oregon then in washington, advise it? and did not the delegate and the chief justice say that dr. mcloughlin was so dangerous and unprincipled a man as not be entitled to his land claim? and that he refused to become an american citizen? there was not even a recognition of dr. mcloughlin's right to the improvements which he had placed on his land claim. and there, in all its infamy, said section eleven stands on the statute books today. if the assigns of the milling company were entitled to abernethy island, why should not the courts have settled the matter according to law and justice, as other contested land claims were settled? _the conspiracy effective._ the motives and scheme of the conspirators to deprive dr. mcloughlin of his land claim were very simple but effective. they desired to obtain abernethy island, which was a part of dr. mcloughlin's land claim, for the assigns of the oregon milling company. they desired to deprive dr. mcloughlin of the rest of his land claim to wreak their malice against him, and at the same time, by statute passed by congress, to have their actions against him apparently justified. theirs was an uneasy conscience. it was, therefore, necessary to make it appear to congress that dr. mcloughlin was not only not entitled to his land claim nor any part of it, but that he should not have it under any circumstances; that dr. mcloughlin was a man dangerous to oregon, its people, and their interests, and had unfairly tried to prevent its settlement by citizens of the united states; that he refused to become an american citizen; and that he was not really trying to get the land claim for himself, but for the hudson's bay company, although they knew his resignation had become effective in . having so wronged dr. mcloughlin, they still did not dare to try to get the whole claim. to keep dr. mcloughlin, or his heirs, from ever getting it, they tried to bribe the people of oregon by providing that his land claim, less abernethy island, should be used for the establishment of an university, which would be for the benefit of all the people of oregon. it was a cunning scheme. thurston's reward was to be a re-election as delegate to congress. he died before he could be re-elected. there was great rejoicing in oregon, at first, on the passage of the donation land law. every settler, except dr. mcloughlin, could now have his land claim, for the title to which he had waited so long. a great university was to be built, without cost to anyone, except dr. mcloughlin and his heirs. this was long before the discussion about using "tainted money." but the reaction against thurston soon began. the newspapers printed letters against thurston's actions in vilifying dr. mcloughlin and in taking away his land claim. thurston's party papers began to mention or to advocate other available men[ ] for thurston's position as delegate to congress.[ ] _career and death of thurston._ even had the mission party, at the next election, been strong enough to have elected thurston, had he lived, his political career would probably not have continued long. april , , at the age of thirty-five years he died at sea off acapulco, mexico, while returning to oregon. thurston's letter, speeches, and actions against dr. mcloughlin are the one great blot on his career. thurston was a man of ability, a fluent speaker, a profuse writer of letters, of untiring energy, but inclined to be vindictive, and was not careful about the truth of his statements concerning a person he opposed or disliked. he made quite a reputation during the short time he was in congress. he was quite popular in oregon until his actions against dr. mcloughlin became known. but for his actions against dr. mcloughlin his memory would even now be highly regarded in oregon. the passage of the donation land law was largely due to his efforts. in spite of said section eleven that law gave great satisfaction to many people in oregon. up to that time no settler had more than a squatter's right. man is naturally selfish. notwithstanding the treatment of dr. mcloughlin by this law, many settlers were pleased that they could now secure titles to their lands, and to that extent were grateful to thurston. thurston secured appropriations for oregon aggregating one hundred and ninety thousand dollars. of this one hundred thousand dollars were for expenses of the cayuse indian war. he introduced and worked for many bills favorable to oregon and busied himself in looking after the interests of oregon and his constituents. he wrote a great number of letters, which were published in the _oregon spectator_, calling attention to what he was doing in congress and thus kept his name continuously before the people, for he was a skillful politician. but his alliance with leaders of the mission party was a political error. this address is about dr. mcloughlin. i have not attempted to give the life of thurston, nor a history of the methodist mission. to speak only of thurston's actions against dr. mcloughlin might be taken to mean that thurston did nothing else while in congress. in estimating thurston's actions in congress, those that are to his credit must be taken into account as well as those which are not. his actions in regard to dr. mcloughlin's land claim were an unfortunate bid for popularity, which reacted on him and his reputation. thurston's untrue and unjust statements, his despicable actions, and his false and malicious charges against dr. mcloughlin are indefensible. thurston's untimely death probably prevented justice being done to dr. mcloughlin and his devisees sooner than it was. thurston was not a strong man physically and it was thought that he had shortened his life in working for oregon and his constituents. to act justly to the living dr. mcloughlin, in a certain sense, might be construed as reflecting on the dead thurston. _the methodist episcopal church._ all my ancestors and relatives for many generations have been protestants. i was brought up under the auspices of the old school presbyterian church, of which my parents were members from my early childhood until their deaths at advanced ages. i have never been a member of any church, but my feelings and sympathies have always been that of a protestant. i respect all true sects and denominations of the great christian church. i respect the religion of the jews, of buddha, and of confucius, for the good that is in them. i respect every man's religious faith, as long as it is truly a religious faith. i uphold the right of every man to worship god according to his liking. i respect, i admire, the man who against opposition and against his material and business interests follows the dictates of his conscience in religious and other matters of principle. while i may not agree with him, i defend his right. it is immaterial to me whether dr. mcloughlin was a protestant or a roman catholic. it is sufficient to me that he honestly acted according to his reason, his judgment, and what he considered was right. i condemn any persecution of him for being true to his conscience. i have great admiration for the methodist missionaries who were true to their principles, who tried to lead blameless lives and to convert the indians, and respected the rights of others. it is immaterial to me whether the missionaries were methodists, presbyterians, congregationalists, or roman catholics, so long as they were really missionaries and true to their god, according to their lights, true to their professions, to themselves, and to their fellow men. i have no attack to make on religion, nor on the methodist episcopal church, nor on its true missionaries, clerical or lay. the methodist episcopal church has been one of the great civilizing agencies in the united states, particularly in the newer parts of the country. in its earlier days, and until the great growth of the country in the past forty or fifty years, it reached a class of people, which no other denomination could reach or influence, and made better people of them. all churches and denominations are subject to conditions and to evolution. and the methodist episcopal church is today one of the great and influential churches in the united states. there always have been and there always will be men who make use of religion for sinister purposes. these unworthy missionaries who were parties to the unjust treatment of dr. mcloughlin are not entitled to escape criticism, nor to have their wrongful acts passed over because of their religious pretentions. they are subject all the more to severe condemnation. all good methodists condemn those wrongful acts of the missionaries as all true, honest oregon pioneers condemn the acts of the pioneers who abused or cheated dr. mcloughlin. but these base actions were not sustained by, nor concurred in by all the methodist missionaries. some condemned these actions. others of these missionaries, appreciating what dr. mcloughlin had done for them, and his humanitarianism, spoke in his praise, but did not break with their fellows who were persecuting dr. mcloughlin. some of the signers of the shortess petition afterwards regretted, or were ashamed of their actions in so doing. some timid persons may say that it would be better, in this address, merely to speak of the kind acts and high character of dr. mcloughlin and not of the wrongful and unjust ways in which he was treated by some of the early immigrants, by some of the methodist missionaries, by thurston, by bryant, and others. but that would not show what he suffered for the upbuilding of oregon, nor his martyrdom on account of his humanity, of his principles, and of his integrity. it would not be a true, nor an accurate account of his life and time. some persons in writing a life of jesus would speak of his gentleness, his kindness, and his humanity, and say no more. they would not say anything against the pharisees, nor of their condemnation by jesus, because the pharisees were people of some standing in their community, and did some kindly acts, and for fear of offending the descendants of the pharisees. such historians would not say anything against caiaphas, the high priest, nor his actions against jesus, because they might offend those religiously inclined. they would not say anything against those who cried "crucify him," in their religious zeal. they would not say anything against pontius pilate, for fear of being thought to have attacked the judiciary. they would either omit the crucifixion or merely say the last days of jesus were passed somewhat in sorrow and in pain. but such a history would be trivial, and of no value. it would fail to show what jesus did and suffered in his endeavors to help mankind. it would be a history in name only. _dr. mcloughlin's memorial to congress._ by the passage of the donation land law, and also by reason of the letter and of the speeches of thurston in congress, dr. mcloughlin was put in the humiliating position of having to issue a printed circular letter to get expressions of opinions of others, as to the falsity of the charges made against him by thurston, and to support a memorial to congress which dr. mcloughlin afterwards sent to congress with all the evidence. but his memorial accomplished nothing. there was, too, the question that congress had given away his land claim, which was then technically the property of oregon, for an university, and that congress could not, with dignity to itself, revoke its gift. and who was dr. mcloughlin to congress? he was away out in oregon nearly , miles from washington. there were great and serious matters to be considered by congress. the oregon question was settled. what were the wrongs and misfortunes of one old man to congress? in answer to the printed circular issued by dr. mcloughlin, after the passage of the donation land law, for the purposes of his memorial to congress, he received many commendatory letters. i give merely excerpts from the letter of that noble old pioneer, jesse applegate, an immigrant of . he wrote: "i have received your letter of inquiries, and take pleasure in replying to such of them as i personally know to be true. i came to this country in the fall of , and, from that time forward, i can safely testify that your conduct has been the most generous and philanthropic, not only to immigrants from the united states, but to all requiring your assistance, whether natives or foreigners. i can also say that you have greatly encouraged and given much assistance in settling and developing the resources of the country, but i have by no means considered your motive for doing so political, or that your charitable acts were intended to advance the interests of any particular nation, but that you acted in the one case simply from a sense of christian duty and humanity, and in the other from a natural desire to be useful in your day and generation.... but as the office of chief factor of the hudson's bay company is in no way connected with politics, the discharge of its duties imposed no restrictions upon your private sentiments, and unless they led to a betrayal of your trust, which has never been charged against you, as an irishman and a catholic, you were free to feel and express your partiality for the free and tolerant institutions of the united states. that you did entertain such partiality, from my first acquaintance with you, need not depend upon my assertion, for it is a fact well known, and one you did not pretend to conceal." jesse applegate then says, in this letter, that he was present in when dr. mcloughlin applied to judge peter h. burnett, the chief justice of the provisional government, to take the oath of allegiance to the united states and to obtain first naturalization papers, but judge burnett declined to grant the request for he believed he did not have any jurisdiction to do so. jesse applegate further said in his letter: "that 'you pulled down houses and turned women and children out of them,' is a charge not only false, but too absurd to require refutation or notice. i can myself state, from experience, which accords with that of every other destitute immigrant who applied to you for assistance, either before or since my arrival in the country, that your conduct was entirely the reverse. my own company, of more than seventy persons, mostly women and children, who arrived at vancouver in the storms of winter, in a condition the most destitute and miserable, were received by you, not as strangers, or foreigners, or as some would have it, enemies, but as brethren and fit subjects of hospitality and christian charity, and our reception was not more kind and generous than was extended to every immigrant who sought your hospitality or assistance.... but however unjust the oregon land law has been towards you, it may be said in excuse for the members of congress who passed it, that with the concurring and uncontradicted evidence of the delegate and chief justice of oregon before them, you neither _had_ nor _would_ become an american citizen, they are not chargeable with injustice."[ ] _the persecution continued._ the conspirators and their friends did not cease their persecution of dr. mcloughlin. they were determined he should not have his land claim. to protect the reputation of thurston and the other conspirators, it was necessary to defeat all actions of the oregon legislative assembly in favor of dr. mcloughlin. if that body made any petitions to congress or passed any resolutions in favor of dr. mcloughlin, it would show that he was entitled to his land claim, the injustice of section eleven of the donation land law, and that thurston was guilty of malicious untruths in his letter to, and his speeches before congress relating to dr. mcloughlin and his land claim. oregon could not, with propriety, pretend to act justly to dr. mcloughlin and still retain his land claim. i regret to say that the house of representatives of the oregon legislative assembly, at its session in - , not only refused to help dr. mcloughlin, but by its actions did him harm. january , , several petitions were presented to the house asking that congress be memorialized in favor of dr. mcloughlin's right to his land claim, "excepting the abernethy island," but the petitions were immediately laid on the table. january , , orlando humason presented to the house the following resolution: "whereas, the acts of john mcloughlin in regard to his treatment of the early settlers of oregon, have, as we believe, been misrepresented, therefore--resolved, that the generous conduct of dr. john mcloughlin in assisting the early settlers of oregon, merits our warmest commendations, and that as evidence of the high estimation in which his services are held by his fellow citizens, the thanks of this assembly be tendered to the said dr. john mcloughlin."[ ] but by the vote of sixteen to seven, three being absent, the resolution was indefinitely postponed, which was the legislative way of defeating it. all honor to the seven who voted in favor of the resolution. their names are f. c. cason, l. f. cartee, orlando humason, b. b. jackson, j. w. moffitt, chauncey nye, and l. s. thompson. _the end of dr. mcloughlin's life._ all these troubles and tribulations naturally told on dr. mcloughlin. he was a man of fortitude, who brooded, almost silently, over his sorrows, with an occasional outburst when his sufferings were too intense. he had made expensive improvements on his land claim, including a flour-mill and a saw-mill, and other buildings. no provisions were ever made by congress to pay for these improvements. even his dwelling house at oregon city, which for several years had been the home of himself and his family, was taken from him, with his other improvements, by section eleven of the oregon donation land law. it is true he remained in possession of these improvements, including his home, but by sufferance only. because the territory of oregon did not sell the land he was not actually ousted. there was no way to acquire land in oregon city, taken from dr. mcloughlin by said section eleven, except by a law passed by the oregon legislature. and the legislature did nothing. he could not move nor sell his improvements. they belonged to the land on which they were erected. even if he could have sold them they would have brought but little as they would have to be moved. his mills were erected to be run by water power and they were conveniently situated on the bank of the river near the falls, for the economical handling of wheat and logs and the shipping of products of these mills. they could not, at that time, be successful financially if they were moved and operated by steam. he hoped that congress or the legislature would restore his land claim to him. but he hoped and waited in vain. the lion was entangled in a net. he struggled but he could not escape. and so dr. mcloughlin became straitened financially. had dr. mcloughlin been allowed to have his land, he could then have built up a large town at oregon city. as it was, investors went to places where titles to land could be obtained and there built up enterprises. with the moneys from the sale of land dr. mcloughlin could have paid the hudson's bay company all the moneys due by settlers, who had failed or refused to pay. the payment of this heavy indebtedness dr. mcloughlin had assumed. it was a matter of honor with him. he owed nothing else to the hudson's bay company. the settlers who would not pay their indebtedness caused dr. mcloughlin to feel keenly their ingratitude. if they had paid him, he would have paid the company in full. and there, too, was the question of providing after his death for his loving and faithful wife, to whom he was devoted, and his children. he had always been generous to his family. he had provided for his mother until her death at the age of eighty-three years. he had educated four nieces. he had helped other of his relatives. is it to be wondered at that he sometimes felt bitter? the mcloughlin document was undoubtedly written at this period. it is a brief of his defense. he probably wrote it so that his descendants would understand. at the end of this document, dr. mcloughlin said: "by british demagogues i have been represented as a traitor. for what? because i acted as a christian; saved american citizens, men, women and children from the indian tomahawk and enabled them to make farms to support their families.[ ] american demagogues have been base enough to assert that i had caused american citizens to be massacred by hundreds by the savages. i, who saved all i could. i have been represented by the delegate from oregon, the late s. r. thurston, as doing all i could to prevent the settling [of oregon], while it was well known to every american settler who is acquainted with the history of the territory if this is not a downright falsehood, and most certainly will say, that he most firmly believes that i did all i could to promote its settlement, and that i could not have done more for the settlers if they had been my brothers and sisters, and, after being the first person to take a claim in the country and assisting the immigrants as i have, my claim is reserved, after having expended all the means i had to improve it, while every other settler in the country gets his. but as i felt convinced that any disturbance between us here might lead to a war between great britain and the states, i felt it my bounden duty as a christian, to act as i did, and which i think averted the evil, and which was so displeasing to some english demagogues that they represented me to the british government as a person so partial to american interests as selling the hudson's bay company goods, in my charge, cheaper to american than i did to british subjects.... yet, after acting as i have, spending my means and doing my utmost to settle the country, my claim is reserved, while every other settler in the country gets his; and how much this has injured me, is daily injuring me, it is needless to say, and certainly it is a treatment i do not deserve and which i did not expect. to be brief, i founded this settlement and prevented a war between the united states and great britain, and for doing this peaceably and quietly, i was treated by the british in such a manner that from self respect i resigned my situation in the hudson's bay company's service, by which i sacrificed $ , per annum, and the 'oregon land bill' shows the treatment i received from the americans." and so, worried and troubled without surcease, dr. mcloughlin maintained his grand, but kindly, attitude to the last. but these matters affected his health. for several years before his death he was an invalid, but his pride assisted him to persevere and to transact such business as he could, although his heart was breaking. his flesh became greatly reduced, his eyes deeply sunken. he grew so emaciated that his great frame stood out, making him look gaunt and grim. for a few weeks, only, before his death he was confined to his bed. thus encompassed and overcome, and crucified by robbery, mendacity, and ingratitude, dr. john mcloughlin died at oregon city, september , , a broken-hearted man. he was buried in the churchyard of the roman catholic church in oregon city, where his body now lies. the stone which marks his grave bears the simple inscription: "dr. john mcloughlin died sept. , . aged years. the pioneer and friend of oregon. also the founder of this city." dr. john mcloughlin is not the only great character in history, whose memory shall live for all time, but whose death was under sad circumstances and whose heart, at the time of his death, was then filled with thoughts of the wrong-doings and the ingratitude of others. the frontispiece to this address is made from a photograph of a daguerreotype of dr. mcloughlin taken in , when his sorrows and tribulations were beginning to tell on him. this daguerreotype belongs to mrs. josiah myrick, of portland, oregon, who is a granddaughter of dr. mcloughlin. she kindly loaned this daguerreotype to have the photograph made of it. governor l. f. grover was elected governor of oregon for two consecutive terms. he resigned during his last term to be an united states senator, to which latter office he was elected. he is now living in portland, at an advanced age. on the fourteenth of september, , he gave me a written statement of an incident which occurred in the last sickness of dr. mcloughlin. in this statement governor grover said that he was riding on horseback through oregon city on his way from salem to portland, and passed down the street directly in front of dr. mcloughlin's home, a few days before his death. as governor grover was giving directions for the care of his horse, a messenger came to him from dr. mcloughlin requesting governor grover to call at dr. mcloughlin's house. governor grover says: "i found him extremely ill.... he said that he was dying by inches. he said: 'i shall live but a little while longer and this is the reason i sent for you. i am an old man and just dying, and you are a young man and will live many years in this country, and will have something to do with affairs here. as for me, i might better have been shot'--and he brought it out harshly--'i might better have been shot forty years ago.' after a silence, for i did not say anything, he concluded: 'than to have lived here and tried to build up a family and an estate in this government. i became a citizen of the united states in good faith. i planted all i had here and the government has confiscated my property. now what i want to ask of you is that you will give your influence after i am dead to have this property go to my children. i have earned it as other settlers have earned theirs, and it ought to be mine and my heirs.' i told him i would favor his request, and did." _justice to dr. mcloughlin's memory._ although the donation land law went into effect september , , and its section eleven provided that the "oregon city claim" should be at the disposal of the territory for the establishment and endowment of an university, nothing was done with this land claim until , three years after oregon became a state. in october, , the legislative assembly of the state of oregon passed an act, which was approved by the governor october , , conveying and confirming to the legatees under the will of dr. mcloughlin, who were his son, david, his daughter, eloisa, and her husband, daniel harvey, the mcloughlin or oregon city land claim, excepting abernethy island, upon the condition that said legatees pay to the university fund of oregon, the nominal sum of one thousand dollars. this was forthwith paid by daniel harvey and wife in gold coin although they might have paid it in greenbacks, which were then at a large discount. as the eleventh section of the donation land law provided that the proceeds of the sale of said oregon city claim should be applied to the establishment and endowment of an university, there had to be some consideration paid on its disposal by the state. all this occurred twelve years after the passage of the donation land law and five years after the death of dr. mcloughlin. during all those twelve years the title of this land claim was in the territory, or state of oregon. it stopped the growth of oregon city. it impoverished dr. mcloughlin. as appears by the senate and house journals of the legislative session of said act passed the senate, with two negative votes only, and there were none in the house after the act was amended in the senate in the form in which the act became a law. the injustice of the donation land law to dr. mcloughlin had appealed to the people of oregon in the twelve years which had elapsed since the passage of the latter law. what dr. mcloughlin had done for oregon and its pioneers could not be forgotten. justice to him and his memory was, at last, triumphant. the enactment and approval of this law of october , , was an official vindication of dr. mcloughlin, by the legislative and executive departments of the state of oregon, of all the false statements about, and all charges against him made by thurston and others, and of all their misrepresentations of dr. mcloughlin and of his acts. it was a formal official acknowledgment of the injustice of the oregon donation land law to dr. mcloughlin. it was an official recognition of his sterling qualities; of his humanity; of his great services in assisting the early immigrants; of what he had done for oregon; and of what was due to him and to his memory as the father of oregon. it cleared his character and reputation from every imputation of unfairness, injustice, and chicanery. it was, in effect, an official condemnation of the acts of the conspirators against him. in the fame of dr. john mcloughlin as a great and good man had extended to rome. that year gregory xvi, then the pope, made dr. mcloughlin a knight of st. gregory the great, of civil grade. the original patent, written in latin, is now in the possession of a descendant of dr. mcloughlin. a copy in english is in the possession of the oregon historical society. the pope sent to dr. mcloughlin the insignia of the order, which was delivered to him by archbishop francis n. blanchet on his return from europe in august, . it was a high and deserved honor. but without it dr. john mcloughlin was one of nature's knights in all qualities which the highest and best of knights should have. he was such a knight, _sans peur, sans reproche_. _opinions by dr. mcloughlin's contemporaries._ in the people of portland determined to raise six hundred dollars for a three-quarter life-size portrait of dr. mcloughlin, to be painted by william coggswell, the artist, to be owned by the oregon pioneer association. the money was raised by popular subscription. the total amount subscribed was nearly double the sum required. this portrait was formally presented to the association at its annual meeting, june , . judge m. p. deady made the presentation address. he was a judge for forty years continuously in oregon. a part of the time, six years, he was on the oregon territorial supreme bench, and for thirty-four years he was united states district judge for oregon, after oregon became a state. in his presentation address judge deady, speaking of dr. mcloughlin,[ ] said: "the man, whose portrait now hangs before you, came to this country from the atlantic commissioned as chief factor and governor of the hudson's bay company west of the rocky mountains. he was clothed with absolute power.... he was the ruler of this country, and had the peace and security of the people in his hands. he was distinguished for his justice and fair dealing with the indians. when the immigration came he was distinguished for kindness and hospitality. he always literally obeyed the scriptural injunction to feed the hungry, visit the sick and clothe the naked. the maintenance of law, order and justice rested on his shoulders and he was equal to the occasion. "the people of portland have thought to honor his memory by having his portrait painted and giving it to the pioneer association, to be taken to the fair city of salem and hung in the state capitol, where you may look at it and show it to your children, and they to their children, and say: 'this is the old doctor, the good doctor, dr. john mcloughlin.' thirty years ago he laid down his life at the wallamet falls, where he had builded and lived since , somewhat in obscurity, somewhat in sorrow, somewhat in sadness and disappointment. but the political strife and religious bigotry which cast a cloud over his latter days have passed away, and his memory and figure have arisen from the mist and smoke of controversy, and he stands out today in bold relief, as the first man in the history of this country--the pioneer of pioneers." the oregon pioneer association deemed it best to present this portrait to the state of oregon. this was done february , , at a joint session of the senate and house of the oregon legislative assembly held for the purpose. this portrait now hangs in the senate chamber of the state capitol at salem in the place of honor, immediately back of the chair of the president of the senate. john minto, an honored pioneer of , was selected to make the presentation address. in this address mr. minto said:[ ] "in this sad summary of such a life as dr. mcloughlin's, there is a statement that merits our attention, which, if ever proven true--and no man that ever knew dr. mcloughlin will doubt that he believed it true, namely, that he prevented war between great britain and the united states--will show that two of the greatest nations on this earth owe him a debt of gratitude, and that oregon in particular is doubly bound to him as a public benefactor.... it is now twenty-six years since the legislative assembly of the state of oregon, so far as restoration of property to dr. mcloughlin's family could undo the wrong of oregon's land bill, gave gladness to the heart of every oregon pioneer worthy of the name. all of them yet living now know that (good man as they believed him) he was better than they knew. they see him now, after the strife and jealousies of race, national, business, and sectarian interests are allayed, standing in the centre of all these causes of contention--a position in which to please all parties was simply impossible, to maintain which 'only a good man could bear with patience'--and they have adopted this means of conveying their appreciation of this great forbearance and patient endurance, combined with his generous conduct. looking, then, at this line of action in the light of the merest glimpses of history known to be true by witnesses yet living, can any honest man wonder that the pioneers of oregon, who have eaten the salt of this man's hospitality--who have been eye witnesses to his brave care for humanity and participators of his generous aid--are unwilling to go to their graves in silence, which would imply base ingratitude--a silence which would be eloquent with falsehood?" in accepting this portrait, on behalf of the state of oregon, gov. sylvester pennoyer, also an oregon pioneer, who served two consecutive terms as governor of the state of oregon, said:[ ] "this gift is alike creditable to the venerable men of your association in its bestowment and to the state of oregon in its acceptance. it does honor to the pioneers of oregon, because it shows their full appreciation of the high qualities of a true and noble manhood; and the placing of this painting in the honorable position it now occupies in the senate-hall of the state capitol evinces a like appreciation on the part of the representatives and the people of this great state. dr. mcloughlin was, indeed, a most extraordinary man. entrusted with a most responsible position under the british flag at a time when there was a bitter contest for governmental supremacy in oregon, it was the undoubted and honorable wish and prompting of his heart that the flag of his country might continue to wave over oregon soil, and yet in instances repeated without number, he extended the hand of charity and unstinted aid to the poor immigrants of the contesting people, whose advent here threatened the supremacy of his government over the contested territory. while he was loyal to his country he was, as became his lofty character, more loyal to his conscience; and while never forgetting his full allegiance as a briton, he never forgot his higher duty as a man.... then let this picture of the grand old man, whose numerous deeds of charity are inseparably interwoven in the early history of our state, ever enjoy the place of honor it now holds; and when our children and our children's children shall visit these venerated halls, let them pause before the portrait of this venerable man and do homage to his memory, who, with his patriotic devotion to his country and his devout service to his god, crowned the full completeness of his high character with an unmeasured love for his fellow men." i have already spoken of the rev. h. k. hines, d.d., a methodist minister who came to oregon in , and of his memorable address delivered at pendleton, december , . in this address dr. hines said that "dr. mcloughlin should escape the traduction of sectarian rancor and bigotry, ... was perhaps an impossibility. he certainly did not. of course all could see at the outset, and none more clearly than the missionaries themselves, that the attitude he assumed towards the american missions and missionaries, must needs decide the success of their work, and even the very inauguration of it.... dr. mcloughlin was a christian, professedly, and it does not lie in me to say that he was not really and truly. at this time, and long before, and for years afterwards, he was a member of the church of england. that subsequently, in , i think, he became a devout member of the roman catholic church, does not, to my mind, take from or add to the estimate i make of him as a devout believer in that form of religion called christianity." and speaking of dr. mcloughlin's treatment of the missionaries of all denominations, dr. hines said: "all these missionaries came while dr. mcloughlin was not connected with any of the churches they represented. his treatment of them was on a broader and higher plane than that of the sectary. it was that of the humanitarian and the christian, and it continued thus even after he must have seen that, at least, the missions of mr. lee and dr. whitman were, in the order of events, gathering about themselves the elements of an american civilization that indicated what the future of oregon would be--what it has long since become." and referring to the early immigrants and dr. mcloughlin's treatment of them, dr. hines said: "what would dr. mcloughlin do? would he shut the gates of his fortress? would he lock the doors of his granaries? would he deny asylum to the weary, footsore, famishing immigrants? what would he do? we can answer by rehearsing what he did. he forgot, in large measure, that those who lay at his door, sick, weary, poor, and almost ready to die, were not his friends. he fed them and pointed them out the ways in which they could take living root in the soil of that very oregon which was the covet of england, and had so long been the possession of his own company, albeit they who came were american citizens, and each brought an american flag in his heart if not in his hand. "to me it seems evident that dr. mcloughlin clearly saw the inevitable outcome of the struggle between dilatory and procrastinating diplomacy and the steady tramp of the growing army of ox teams that slowly swung down the slopes of the mountains, and, in his humanity, which was wider than his national prejudices, and stronger to control him than his love of gain, gave the final cast of his own act to humanity and peace, rather than to gain and war. i cannot here trace the individual acts that demonstrate this general conclusion, as my aim has been rather to indicate the results and show the conclusions of history than to relate its incidents and chronicle its dates. "a few years pass on. the great company, erst and long the rulers of oregon, disown the acts and reprove the conduct of this man of men. rising to an even higher altitude of resplendent manhood, with a magnificent scorn he casts down his lofty office, with its salary of $ , a year, at the feet of these knights of the counting-house and ledger, cuts all the bonds that bind him to their service, comes back from the palaces of london to the green woods and soft plains of oregon, takes his place as an american citizen under the stars and stripes, and thus wins the place of imperishable honor and fame as the true 'father of oregon.' there his ablest contemporaries place him. there the great state within whose bounds he died and whose foundations he laid, by the voice of her legislature and her chief executive has crowned him. there history, whose verdict i record to-night, and with which my own heart agrees, enshrines him as the greatest of our really great pioneer era." i have given these opinions because they are those of men who personally knew dr. mcloughlin. and years after his death, after careful consideration and reflection, they have properly estimated him and, thus remembering, have spoken truly and justly.[ ] _eulogy upon dr. mcloughlin._ like many others of the world's great men, dr. john mcloughlin had many characteristics, apparently conflicting, but making in the aggregate a wonderful and harmonious whole. he was the autocrat of the early oregon country, yet all his feelings and political sympathies were for a republican form of government, and for rule by the people, and for personal liberty; he was a trader, with the training of a trader and of a business man, yet he gave credit, without security, to the early pioneers, because he was a humanitarian; he was quick tempered and impulsive, yet he was courteous and kind, for he was a gentleman; he was stern and severe and a strict disciplinarian, yet he had a sympathy like that of a woman, and a heart as tender and susceptible as that of a little child. whatever dr. john mcloughlin did to or for the oregon settlers, missionaries and immigrants, he did to every citizen of oregon, man, woman, and child, for all time, then, now, and to come. in honoring him, we honor ourselves. to fail to honor him and his memory, we would dishonor ourselves. to every true, honest oregon pioneer, and to the descendants of every oregon pioneer, has come the pleasing and loving duty of letting the whole world know of dr. mcloughlin's actions and character, so that memory of him and his humanity shall never perish. the time will come--and it should come soon--when a magnificent and stately monument will be erected in oregon in honor of dr. john mcloughlin. but it must be a monument of such size and beauty as, in that manner, to show the appreciation of the people of oregon for him, and of the good and noble deeds of this grand old man. his name should be enrolled in the temple of fame of distinguished americans. a county in each of the states of oregon and washington should be named for him. for prior to march , , what is now the state of washington, was a part of the territory of oregon, and fort vancouver, where his noblest deeds were performed, is in the state of washington. that state would do itself great honor if it should change the name of thurston county to that of mcloughlin. i am glad that the last legislative assembly of oregon restored the name of mt. mcloughlin to that sublime, snow-covered mountain in southern oregon, sometimes called mt. pitt, but, prior to , named for dr. john mcloughlin by the early residents of oregon, and for years called and shown on the maps as mt. mcloughlin. it will forever be known by his name. it would have been appropriate if the legislative assembly of oregon had changed the name of mount hood to that of mount mcloughlin, for, in the days when dr. john mcloughlin was in charge at fort vancouver, it was the custom of the indians, in what is now called eastern oregon and eastern washington, to point to mt. hood as showing near where was his residence. dr. mcloughlin died more than forty-nine years ago. under the canons of the roman catholic church no one can be canonized until he or she has been dead at least fifty years. if i may do so with propriety, i suggest that, when the fifty years have passed, those in proper authority in that church cause dr. john mcloughlin to be canonized, if it is possible to do so. but the people of oregon, as a people, are not bound by this canon. already the memory of this grand old man is enshrined in their hearts. to them he is now the patron saint of oregon, without regard to canon or rules, religion or sect. of all the names and titles given to, or bestowed upon dr. john mcloughlin, the one i like best is "father of oregon;" for he was, and is truly, the father of oregon. and it enables every old, true oregon pioneer, and every son and daughter of every oregon pioneer, and his and her descendants, to the remotest generations, to speak of dr. john mcloughlin with affection and love, with respect and veneration as "our father." in the past the fervent prayers of these grateful pioneers were made in his praise and that his tribulations might end and persecutions of him might cease. their tears consecrated his martyrdom and his memory. today the hearts of the survivors and of the descendants of these pioneers quicken at thoughts of what he was and what he did; and their eyes moisten in recalling what he suffered and what he endured in the making of oregon. of all the men whose lives and deeds are essential parts of the history of the oregon country, dr. john mcloughlin stands supremely first--there is no second. in contemplating him all others sink into comparative insignificance. you may search the whole world, and all its histories from the beginning of civilization to today, and you will find no nobler, no grander man than dr. john mcloughlin. his life and character illustrate the kinship of man to god. he was god-like in his great fatherhood, in his great strength, in his great power, and in the exercise of his strength and of his power; he was christ-like in his gentleness, in his tenderness, in his loving-kindness, and in his humanity. illustrative documents referred to in the text document a _article of the convention between the united states of america and great britain, signed at london, october , ._ "it is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of america, westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects, of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." document b _convention between the united states of america and great britain, signed at london, august , ._ "article . all the provisions of the third article of the convention concluded between the united states of america and his majesty the king of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, on the th of october, , shall be, and they are hereby, further indefinitely extended and continued in force, in the same manner as if all the provisions of the said article were herein specifically recited. "art. . it shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the th of october, , on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated, after the expiration of the said term of notice. "art. . nothing contained in this convention, or in the third article of the convention of the th october, , hereby continued in force, shall be construed to impair, or in any manner affect, the claims which either of the contracting parties may have to any part of the country westward of the stony or rocky mountains." document c _statement concerning merger of hudson's bay company and north-west company; and grant to hudson's bay company of and to trade in the oregon country._ a great enmity arose between the hudson's bay company and the north-west company. in a regular war broke out between the two companies, which was, for some time after, openly carried on. in a compromise was effected, by which the north-west company became united with, or rather merged, in the hudson's bay company. in connection with this merger the british parliament july , , passed an act entitled, "an act for regulating the fur trade and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction in certain parts of north america," containing every provision required to give stability to the hudson's bay company, and efficiency to its operation. under this act of parliament, the king was authorized to make grants or give licenses for the exclusive privilege of trading with the indians in all such parts of north america, not being parts of the territories previously granted to the hudson's bay company, or of any of his majesty's provinces in north america, or of any territories belonging to the united states of america; "provided, however, that no such grant or license shall be given for a longer period than twenty-one years; that no grant or license for exclusive trade, in the part of america west of the rocky mountains, which, by the convention of with the united states, remained free and open to the subjects or citizens of both nations, shall be used to the prejudice or exclusion of citizens of the united states engaged in such trade; and that no british subject shall trade in those territories west of the rocky mountains without such license or grant." december , , the king of england granted a license for twenty-one years, to the hudson's bay company and to w. mcgillivray, s. mcgillivray, and e. ellice (representing the north-west company) "the exclusive privilege of trading with the indians, in all such parts of north america, to the northward and westward of the lands and territories belonging to the united states of america, as shall not form part of any of our provinces in north america, or of any lands or territories belonging to the said united states of america, or to any european government, state, or power." said grant also provided: "and we do hereby declare that nothing in this our grant contained shall be deemed or construed to authorize the said governor and company, or w. mcgillivray, s. mcgillivray, and e. ellice, or any person in their employ, to claim or exercise any trade with the indians on the north-west coast of america, to the westward of the stony mountains, to the prejudice or exclusion of any citizen of the united states of america, who may be engaged in the said trade: provided always, that no british subjects other than and except the said governor and company, and the said w. mcgillivray, s. mcgillivray, and e. ellice, and the persons authorized to carry on exclusive trade by them on grant, shall trade with the indians within such limits, during the period of this our grant." under this license, the parties to whom it was granted continued their operations until , when the claims of the north-west company were extinguished by mutual consent; the hudson's bay company then became the sole possessor of the privileges conceded, which were enjoyed by that body until the expiration of the grant. previous to that period, , a new grant was made to the company, entitled, "crown grant to the hudson's bay company of the exclusive trade with the indians in certain parts of north america, for a term of twenty-one years, and upon surrender of a former grant." said grant of provided: "we do hereby grant and give our license, under the hand and seal of one of our principal secretaries of state, to the said governor and company, and their successors, for the exclusive privilege of trading with the indians in all such parts of north america, to the northward and to the westward of the lands and territories belonging to the united states of america, as shall not form part of any of our provinces in north america, or of any lands or territories belonging to the said united states of america, or to any european government, state, or power, but subject, nevertheless, as hereinafter mentioned: and we do, by these presents, give, grant, and secure, to the said governor and company, and their successors, the sole and exclusive privilege, for the full period of twenty-one years from the date of this our grant, of trading with the indians in all such parts of north america as aforesaid (except as hereinafter mentioned)." said grant of also provided: "but we do hereby declare that nothing in this our grant contained shall be deemed or construed to authorize the said governor and company, or their successors, or any persons in their employ, to claim or exercise any trade with the indians on the northwest coast of america, to the westward of the stony mountains, to the prejudice or exclusion of any of the subjects of any foreign states, who, under or by force of any convention for the time being, between us and such foreign states, respectively, may be entitled to, and shall be engaged in, the said trade."[ ] document d _excerpts from manuscript journal of rev. jason lee._ the following excerpts are taken from the manuscript journal of rev. jason lee, all of which is in his handwriting. this original journal is now in the possession of the oregon historical society. "vancouver, teus[day], sept. , .----arrived at fort vancouver o'clock found the governor and other gentlemen connected with the fort on shore waiting our arrival and conducted us to the fort and gave us food which was very acceptable as we had eaten our last for breakfast. we received every attention from these gentlemen. our baggage was brought and put into a spacious room without consulting us and the room assigned for our use and we had the pleasure of sleeping again within the walls of a house after a long and fatiguing journey replete with menacies, deprivations, toil and prosperity. "i have been much delighted today in viewing the improvements of the farm, &c. the dinner was as good and served in as good stile as in any gentleman's house in the east. fine mus[k] & water melons and apples were set before us which were indeed a luxury after the dry living we have had for some time. after dinner took a turn in the garden and was astonished to find it in such a high state of cultivation. the orchard is young but the quantity of the fruit is so great that many of the branches would break if they were not prevented by props. "dr. mcloughlin the governor of the fort seems pleased that missionaries have come to the country and freely offers us any assistance that it is in his power to render. it is his decided opinion that we should commence somewhere in this vicinity. o lord do thou direct us in the choice of a location. this evening received the joyful inteligence that capt. wyeth's brig was in sight. it is a matter of joy because the last we heard it was on a sand-bar some mi. below and we found we should be obliged to go down for our goods. is not the hand of providence in all this? would to god that i could praise him as i ought for his gracious dealings with us. it is now past o'clock and i must commend myself to divine care and retire. "friday sep. , .----daniel and myself are now on the bank of the willamette river a little distance from mr. mckay's place. wednesday expected that the brig would come up to vancouver and we should receive our goods there but the want of wind prevented her coming up. went on board just at night and ascertained that we could not get them until the cargo was taken out. slept on board and walked to the fort mi. in the morning and commenced preparations for a trip up the willamette. dr. mc. made all the necessary preparations of men, boat, food, &c. and we were off about o'clock. camped upon the sand. started early this morning and came to the mouth of the w. [willamette] and found the brig there. took breakfast on board. waited while capt's lambert, wyeth & thing explored the vicinity in search of a place to suit their business but the[y] could find none to please them. left them with the expectation that they will unload some of their goods and arms at or near the place where they now are. arrived / past o'clock." after an exploring trip up the willamette river, which is described in his journal, jason lee sets forth: "sat. [sept.]. arrived at the fort g. h. found our brethern well. "after mature deliberation on the subject of our location and earnest prayer for divine direction i have nearly concluded to go to the w. [willamette]." "sun. sep. .--a. m. assayed to preach to a mixed congregation english french scotch irish indians americans half breeds japanese &c. some of whom did not understand words of english. found it extremely difficult to collect my thoughts or find language to express them but am thankful that i have been permited to plead the cause of god on this side the ry. mountains where the banners of christ were never before unfurled. great god grant that it may not be in vain but may some fruit appear even from this feeble attempt to labour for thee. "evening preached again but with as little liberty as in the morning, but still i find it is good to worship god in the public congregation." "mon. sep. , . this morning began to make preparations in good earnest for our departure to the w. [willamette] and after dinner embarked in one of the company's boats kindly maned for us by dr. mcloughlin who has treated us with the utmost politeness, attention and liberality. the gentlemen of the fort accompanied us to the boat and most heartily wished us great success in our enterprise. arrived at the lower mouth of the w. where capt. wyeth's brig is late in the evening."... "wednes[day] sep. , . this morning put br's d. lee & edwards on shore to go to mr. mkay's place to get horses and we pursued our course up the river. met capt. wyeth on his return from his farm and shall not see him again til summer. camped on a small prairie about mi. from the falls and found here the men which the dr. had sent with the cattle he has lent us oxen cows & calves." after november , , there is no entry in this journal until august , , where there is an entry by jason lee, saying that he has not kept up his journal. there is no further entry until july , , which was written at north fork, platte river, when he was on his first trip to the eastern states. he says in his journal that on february , : "the feb. [ ] i set out for umpqua, and after days, of toil and hard-ship reached home in safety, and after a few days rest found myself rather better for the trip. this was encouraging, considering the difficulties encountered such as being drenched in rain many times, fording creeks high enough to wet our feet, sleeping in wet clothes, and blankets, very bad roads and sometimes hard marching, &c. the subject of the necessity of some one of the mission family visiting the u. s. had been agitated during the winter, and it was at length decided by a majority that it was expedient for _me_ to go. previous to leaving for umpqua, i had written dr. mcloughlin, requesting a passage, in the companies boats, with himself by the hudson bay route. this i greatly preferred to the route i came, as less fatiguing, less dangerous, better calculated to restore my debilitated system, and much more likely to afford new, interesting and useful information. the answer was near when i left, and was to be brought me by a man, who was to overtake us the second day, but by mistake he sent it to my house, hence i did not get it till my return. the dr. could not grant my request, and expressed himself 'doubly mortified;' because he could not do me the favour, and should also be deprived of my company." the remainder of the journal is taken up with the account by jason lee of his trip east. march , , there is an entry that he left the mission house on the willamette for the united states. march he arrived at fort vancouver. on april he left fort vancouver in company with a hudson's bay company's party bound for the rocky mountains. the rest of the journal is taken up with his trip eastward. the last entry in his journal says that on july , , he was at sweet water river. document e _rev. jason lee's visit to the eastern states in ; and his report to the missionary board at new york in ._ on arriving in the eastern states in rev. jason lee seems to have become imbued with the zeal and fervor of an evangelist in regard to christianizing the oregon indians, and the necessity of more missionaries in oregon. rev. dr. hines in his _missionary history of the pacific northwest_, p. , says: "mr. lee devoted the winter of and the summer of to traveling and delivering missionary addresses in the cities and larger towns of the atlantic states. he was accompanied in his journeys by the two indian boys, wm. brooks and thomas adams, brought with him from his missionary school in oregon, whose presence and intelligent speeches added greatly to the popular enthusiasm. lee's appeals were irresistible. the fire of his zeal caught on the altars of the church everywhere. oregon and the oregon mission fired the heart of the church as no mission ever did before. the age of apostolic fervor seemed to have returned, and lee was in the eye of the church like the great apostle to the gentiles building on no other man's foundation. the thought of distant wilds, where uncounted red men waited and longed for deliverance from the darkness of heathenism that had wrapped all their race for all these ages became an ever present vision to the church of the united states." in this _history_, p. , dr. hines also says: "poverty donated its little; wealth gave its 'gold, frankincense, and myrrh.'... the culture of boston responded; the pride of new york cast its jewels into the treasury. the staid sobriety of philadelphia wept and shouted and gave. baltimore out-did the renown of her ancient missionary fame. lee, erst the lumberman of canada, later the pioneer missionary, who had dipped his banner in the spray of the pacific was the hero of the hour." but in his oral report to the missionary board in july, , after quoting the following from the letter of a complaining fellow missionary who went to oregon on the lausanne: "and indeed they [the indians] have no life or energy and are a melancholy, doomed race," jason lee said: "i think this is in part true, the indians on the willamette will become, as a distinct race, extinct. but i think there will be more indian blood through amalgamation, running in the veins of white men a hundred years hence, than would have been running in the veins of the indians, if they had been left to themselves." in july, , rev. jason lee made an oral report to the missionary board in new york. this report was not reduced to writing in full but a brief statement of it was made. a copy of this report, as reduced to writing, corrected by, and in jason lee's handwriting, is in the possession of the oregon historical society. the principal serious charges made against jason lee, and which caused his summary removal as superintendent of the oregon methodist mission, had been made secretly, and without notice to him, by members of the oregon mission. lee answered these charges in detail, occasionally with some indignation. these charges against jason lee were: using the mission's funds for speculation for his own use; misuse of mission funds; and failure to report concerning the property of the mission. in this report jason lee said of certain methodist missionaries: "in one of bro. abernethy's letters, he tells you that the superintendent [jason lee] refused to send the report of the state of the property home. there is some error in this. i cannot, i will not, believe that a. intended to charge me with opposing the sending of that report. "before i had left oregon i was aware that bro. hines had written to the board. he had read part of his communication to some persons, who had hinted to me about it. he started from oregon with me, and i was in hopes we should have met face to face before this board. he returned, however, from the sandwich islands to oregon. "bro. kone complains of my treatment of him, and professes to know my secret reasons for wishing to keep all in the field. i never had any _secret_ reasons.... bro. kone by his injudicious remarks caused great excitement among the laymen, and made much difficulty. "he considered dr. richmond his enemy because he had so declared himself, and sent word to him [mr. lee] that he was his antagonist. and he hoped as they had heard his enemy they would hear him. "of bro. frost i cannot say much. he has made no thorough effort to bring sinners to god. i mean such an effort as would render it probable that these indians could not be benefited by the gospel." in this report jason lee also spoke of some other methodist missionaries who had made charges against him, without giving their names. as the board seems to have exonerated jason lee from all charges, it must have found that these charges made in oregon were untrue, or unfounded, or not justified. exonerating jason lee was, in effect, condemning those persons who made the charges, and finding that their charges were false. in this report rev. jason lee also said: "when the board sent out its last large reinforcement, its object in my view and i believe in theirs was that methodism should spread throughout oregon; for what purpose else, i ask, did so large a number of laymen go out? if it was only to form one or two stations, it appears to me that both the board and myself as their agent must have taken leave of our senses. if my associates had stood firm to their post, and persevered willingly in the work consigned them, i have not a doubt but far more favorable accounts would have reached you from that distant country. the plans i assert were well formed and had i been sustained the object would have been accomplished. a great mistake was made in selecting some of those who were sent out. i allude not to the number but the qualifications of certain individuals. i forewarned the oregon committee that if the persons who applied for situations were not examined by a proper committee the plan would fail. such proved to be the case. as proof i aver that we had not reached our first stopping place in south america, before some desired to return to the united states, and even after touching at the s. [sandwich] islands before we had reached oregon one wanted to return and secure the chaplaincy at the islands. i have had much to contend with, and i regret that men of more steadfast minds had not been chosen. such persons do more injury to a distant mission than they do good, and no one knows the difficulties i have had to pass through." in this report rev. jason lee said further: "he [dr. mcloughlin] is a catholic. previous to the priests going there, i was his intimate friend,--his confidant. such was my influence with the canadian part of the settlement, that they would have been pleased to give me their church and have no priest come. since my return i have not time to instruct their children as we used to do, and the priests have taken them." document f _excerpts from narrative of commodore charles wilkes, u. s. n., published in philadelphia in ._ commander charles wilkes of the united states navy, (afterwards commodore) had charge of an exploring expedition during the years - , which came to the oregon country in . his squadron consisted of six vessels, which arrived at puget sound in . he left his ships at puget sound and came overland to vancouver in may, . in his narrative of his exploring expedition, published in , wilkes says, (vol. iv, p. ): "he [dr. mcloughlin] is a tall fine-looking person, of a very robust frame, with a frank, manly, open countenance, and a florid complexion; his hair is perfectly white. he gave us that kind reception we had been led to expect from his well known hospitality. he is of scotch parentage, but by birth, a canadian, enthusiastic in disposition, possessing great energy of character, and extremely well suited for the situation he occupies, which requires great talent and industry. he at once ordered dinner for us, and we soon felt ourselves at home, having comfortable rooms assigned us, and being treated as part of the establishment." and on page he says: "the liberality and freedom from sectarian principles of dr. m'loughlin may be estimated from his being thus hospitable to missionaries of so many protestant denominations, although he is a professed catholic, and has a priest of the same faith officiating daily at the chapel. religious toleration is allowed in its fullest extent. the dining-hall is given up on sunday to the use of the ritual of the anglican church, and mr. douglass or a missionary reads the service.... messrs. griffith and clarke were entirely disappointed in finding self-support here, and had it not been for the kindness of dr. m'loughlin, who took them in, they would have suffered much. they were advised to settle themselves on the faulitz plains, where i have understood they have since taken land, and succeeded in acquiring quite respectable farms." june , , wilkes left vancouver to make an exploring trip up the willamette valley. in his account of this trip he says in his narrative, (vol. iv, pp. - ): "we reached the falls about noon, where we found the missionary station under the charge of the rev. mr. waller.... there was a petty dispute between mr. waller and the [hudson's bay] company, and he complained of them. it seems that the company refuse to buy any beaver-skins, except from the hunters and trappers; and he accuses them of monopoly in consequence. the company, on the other hand, say that they have no idea of selling goods out of their own stores, for the purpose of enabling others to enter into competition with them; and that they will spare no expense to keep the trade, as long as they can, in their own hands. this is certainly not unfair. i cannot help feeling it is quite unsuited to the life of a missionary, to be entering into trade of any kind. to embark in traffic must, i think, tend to destroy the usefulness of a missionary, or divert his attention from the great cause in which he is engaged. i am very far from attaching any blame on this account to the missionaries, whose avowed object is to teach the arts of civilization, as well as the word of god, and i have no doubt that they are doing all in their power to promote the latter object; but i am disposed to think, that any complaints against the hudson bay company for endeavouring to keep the trade in their own hands, comes with an ill grace from the members of a mission who are daily receiving the kindest attentions and hospitality from its officers." in vol. iv, p. , he says: "the lands of the methodist mission are situated on the banks of the willamette river, on a rich plain adjacent to fine forests of oak and pine. they are about eight miles beyond the catholic mission, consequently eighteen miles from champooing, in a southern direction.... we had the expectation of getting a sight of the indians on whom they were inculcating good habits and teaching the word of god; but with the exception of four indian servants, we saw none since leaving the catholic mission. on inquiring, i was informed that they had a school of twenty pupils, some ten miles distant, at the mill; that there were but few adult indians in the neighborhood; and that their intention and principal hope was to establish a colony, and by their example to induce the white settlers to locate near those over whom they trusted to exercise a moral and religious influence." in vol. iv, p. , he says: "the next day the gentlemen of the mission proposed a ride to what they term 'the mill,' distant about nine miles, in a southeast direction.... we reached 'the mill' by noon, which consists of a small grist and saw mill on the borders of an extensive prairie. they are both under the same roof, and are worked by a horizontal wheel.... from the number of persons about the premises, this little spot had the air and stir of a new secular settlement; and i understood that it is intended to be the permanent location of the mission, being considered more healthy than the bank of the willamette. the missionaries, as they told me, have made individual selections of lands to the amount of one thousand acres each, in prospect of the whole country falling under our laws." on page of the same volume he says: "i am aware that the missionaries come out to this country to colonize, and with the christian religion as their guide and law, to give the necessary instruction, and hold out inducements to the indians to quit their wandering habits, settle, and become cultivators of the soil. this object has not been yet attained in any degree, as was admitted by the missionaries themselves; and how it is to be effected without having constantly around them large numbers, and without exertions and strenuous efforts, i am at a loss to conceive. i cannot but believe, that the same labour and money which have been expended here, would have been much more appropriately and usefully spent among the tribes about the straits of juan de fuca, who are numerous, and fit objects for instruction." and on page commander wilkes says: "three years since, o'neill came to the valley with only a shirt to his back, as he expressed it; he began by working part of this farm, and obtained the loan of cattle and other articles from dr. m'loughlin, all of which he has, from the natural increase of his stock and out of his crops, since repaid. he has bought the farm, has two hundred head of stock, horses to ride on, and a good suit of clothes, all earned by his own industry; and he says it is only necessary for him to work one month in the year to make a living; the rest of the time he may amuse himself. he spoke in the highest terms of dr. m'loughlin, and the generous aid he had afforded him in the beginning." the peacock, one of the vessels of the squadron, was wrecked july , , on a spit near cape disappointment on the north side of the entrance to the columbia river, ever since known as peacock spit. the vessel was a total loss. commander wilkes says that the crew of the peacock were supplied with clothing through the kindness of dr. mcloughlin and the officers of the hudson's bay company. wilkes further says that "every facility has been at all times extended [by dr. mcloughlin] to newcomers and settlers; it is sufficient that they are of good character, and the use of cattle, horses, farming utensils, and supplies, is invariably extended to facilitate their operations, until such time as they are able to provide for themselves." at the time of the wreck of the peacock, there was lying at astoria the american brig thomas h. perkins. she was under charter to the hudson's bay company. dr. mcloughlin readily agreed to surrender the charter party for a small consideration, if the goods he had on board were delivered at fort vancouver. this wilkes agreed to and purchased the brig. he changed her name to the "oregon." in august, , the oregon was taken to fort vancouver to be repaired and outfitted. in the meantime wilkes proceeded slowly up the columbia river in the naval gun-brig porpoise, of two hundred and thirty tons, making a survey of the river. the porpoise arrived at fort vancouver august , and remained there until september , . the expedition was treated with kindness and courtesy while at fort vancouver. fresh beef seems to have been scarce even in . wilkes in his narrative says that on september , , the porpoise was at puget's island, near cathlamet. here he was joined by michel la framboise, in the employ of the hudson's bay company, "who brought a supply of fresh beef for the crew, which they were much in need of." on leaving the columbia river, wilkes addressed a letter from baker's bay, dated october , , to dr. mcloughlin and james douglas as chief factors of the hudson's bay company, giving thanks "for the important aid and facilities which you have afforded the expedition on all occasions, for carrying out the object of our visit to this part of the world;" and saying, "be assured it will prove a very pleasing part of my duty to make a due representation of it to my government." and also saying: "your personal kindness and friendly attention to myself and officers, from our first arrival, and also to captain hudson and his officers after the wreck of the peacock, have laid me under many obligations which i trust it may be at some future day in our power to return." (vol. v, p. ). document g _letter from henry brallier to frederick v. holman of october , ._ since i delivered my address on mcloughlin day, i have received the following letter. the persons referred to are probably a small party, who came to oregon prior to . there were several small parties of immigrants to oregon, who came prior to . robert shortess came overland in and to oregon with one of these parties. "seaside, oct. , ." "mr. frederick v. holman, "portland, oregon. "dear sir: in the sunday _oregonian_ of the th of this month i see an interesting account of dr. mcloughlin, but one act of his that showed his human kindness, i have never seen in print. this a man by the name of marechell told me. he was an old hudson's bay man who died here in his eighty-sixth year. he could not recollect the exact year, but it was a year or two after wyeth came, the emigrants got lost in the head waters of snake river, and would have all perished but the indians brought word from one tribe to another about them being there, until it reached fort vancouver. when the doctor heard it, he rushed around like one wild and called, 'where is marechell! where is la framboise.' he started them with a lot of provisions in their canoes, with some others to help to the cascades, there to pack them over, then get them in their canoes again, take them to the dalles, and there they got ponies to pack them on their journey to the emigrants, a weary trip. and after some two weeks' trip, they found the emigrants encamped in a small valley, there still to live a short time and then starve to death. he said if ever it tried a man's soul, then it did his. the poor women came running to him, fell on their knees, hugging them and crying. men crying and blessing them and the doctor for sending them. i often think if there is an upper seat around the throne of god, that the doctor and some of those men that were so kind to others, are there now. "this man marechell came with the hudson's bay company, when he was years of age, with his father. as near as he could tell he was about years of age when he took the trip to find the emigrants. "i came to the coast in early ' ; to oregon in ' ; to astoria in ' , and to seaside soon after. so i knew marechell well, and did see la framboise a number of times. so what marechell told me i believe is true. "beg pardon if this intrudes on your time and patience. "respectfully, "henry brallier, "seaside, oregon." document h _shortess petition; excerpts from gray's "history of oregon" relating to shortess petition; and excerpt from speech of samuel r. thurston in congress, december , , as to author of shortess petition._ "to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled: "we, the undersigned, settlers south of the columbia river, beg leave respectfully to represent to your honorable body: "as has been before represented to your honorable body, we consider ourselves citizens of the united states, and acknowledge the right of the united states to extend its jurisdiction over us; and the object of the present memorial is to ask that the protection of the united states government may be extended to us as soon as possible. hitherto, our numbers have been small, and the few difficulties that arose in the settlement were speedily and satisfactorily settled. but as our settlement increases in numbers, so our difficulties increase in number and importance; and unless we can have laws to govern us that will be respected and obeyed, our situation will be a deplorable one. where the highest court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property cannot be depended on. "the state of the country, its climate, resources, soil, productions, &c., has already been laid before your honorable body, in captain wyeth's memoir and in former memorials from the inhabitants of this place. "laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty; and we feel the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by the honorable hudson bay company, in their opposition to the improvement and enterprise of american citizens. you have been apprized already of their opposition to captains wyeth, bonneville, and others; and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present day. some years ago, when the hudson bay company owned all the cattle in oregon, they would not sell on any conditions; but they would lend their cows to the settler--he returning to the company the cows loaned, with all the increase; and, in case of the death of a cow, he then had the privilege of paying for it. but, after the settlers, at great risk and expense, went to california, and purchased cattle for themselves, and there was a fair prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the hudson bay company were willing to sell, and at lower rates than the settler could sell. "in the year , feeling the necessity of having mills erected that could supply the settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the inhabitants formed themselves into a joint stock company, for the purpose of supplying the growing wants of the community. [many of the farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the willamette, and go six miles above vancouver, on the columbia river--making the whole distance about sixty miles--to get their wheat ground, at a great loss of time and expense.] the company was formed, and proceeded to select a site. they selected an island at the falls of the willamette, and concluded to commence their operations. after commencing, they are informed by dr. mcloughlin, who is at the head of the hudson bay company's affairs west of the rocky mountains, that the island is his, and that he (although a chief factor of the hudson bay company) claims all the lands at the east side of the willamette, embracing the falls down to the klakamus river, a distance of about two miles. he had no idea, we presume, that the company would succeed. however, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to build under certain restrictions. they took the paper he wrote them, containing his conditions; but did not obligate themselves to comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or reasonable. "many projects had been started by the inhabitants, but, for want of means and encouragement, failed. this fate was predicted for the milling company. but, after much labor and difficulty, they succeeded in getting a saw mill erected, and ready to run; and entered into a contract to have a grist mill erected forthwith. and now, as they have succeeded, where is the hudson bay company? dr. mcloughlin employs hands to get out a frame for a saw mill, and erect it at the willamette falls; and we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gearing which has been made at vancouver is brought up in boats; and that which caused a feeble company of american citizens months of toil and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the hudson bay company in a few weeks; (he has men and means); and it is said by him, that in two weeks his mill will be sawing. and what will be the consequences? why, if the milling company sell for $ per thousand, he can sell for $ ; if they reduce the price to $ , he can come to $ , or $ , or $ per thousand. he says he will have a grist mill started as soon as he gets the saw mill in operation. "all the wheat raised in oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to the russians on the northwest coast. in the first place, they measured the wheat in a half bushel, called by them imperial measure, much larger than the standard measure of the united states; this not answering, they next proceeded to kick the half bushel with the foot, to settle the wheat; then they brought up a measure larger than the former one; and now they fill this measure, then strike it three times with a stout club, and then fill it up, and call it fair measure. against such proceedings we need law that will be respected and obeyed. "about twelve or fourteen years ago the hudson bay company blasted a canal a few feet to conduct water to a mill they were going to build, the timber for which is now lying at the falls rotting. they, however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on the columbia, about six miles above fort vancouver, on the north side of the river. "in the year , agreeably to orders left by mr. slacum, a house was erected at the falls, to secure the claim for him. "in , the methodist mission erected buildings at the falls, and stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient land for their buildings, not interfering with any others who might wish to build. a short time previous to this, dr. mcloughlin had a storehouse erected for the company, not occupied, however, further than to store wheat and other articles in, and as a trading house during the salmon season. "after this, in , a shantee was erected, and a man kept at the falls, whose business it was to trade with the indians for furs and salmon, and look out for the doctor's claim, he said, and to forbid persons building at the falls, as some had built, and others were about building. this man was, and still is, a servant of the hudson bay company. "during the years and , several families settled at the falls, when dr. mcloughlin, who still resides at fort vancouver, comes on the ground, and says the land is his, and any person building without his permission is held as a trespasser. without reference to any person's right or claim, he employs a surveyor to lay out the plat; and as a bill was before the senate of the united states to grant to every white male inhabitant a mile square, he has a mile run out to suit his views, and lays out a town plat at the falls, and calls it oregon city. and although some, for peace sake, asked him for the lots they had already in possession, and which he appeared very willing to grant, the doctor now felt himself secure, and posted up the annexed paper, (marked a) which is the original; and all who had lots were required to pay mr. hastings five dollars for a deed of land which they knew very well the grantor did not own, and which we hope he never will own, but that congress will pass a special act granting to each man his lot and improvements. those that applied received (if they had a house on the lot) a deed, a copy of which is annexed, (marked b); if they had no house, a bond was given for five dollars, a copy of which is annexed, (marked c). to those that applied and paid their five dollars, all was right with the doctor; while those who considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no right to direct who should build and who should not, had their lots sold to others. in one case the purchaser came to the original claimant, and ordered him to stop digging the ground which he was preparing for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as he had dr. mcloughlin's bond in his pocket for the lots; and if he did not move his fence he would, and take forcible possession. those who desired to have no difficulty, and did not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, the doctor's promise, and all. and mr. hastings (the doctor's agent) is now offering for sale the lots on which part of the mission buildings stand; and if he succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either contend or lose their buildings. "dr. mcloughlin had held claims in other places south of the columbia river--at the tualatin plains and klakamus plains he had huts erected, to prevent others from building; and such is the power of dr. mcloughlin, that many persons are actually afraid to make their situation known, thinking, if he hears of it, he will stop their supplies. letters were received here from messrs. ladd & co., of the sandwich islands, in answer to a letter written by the late mr. ewing young, for a few supplies, that orders were received, forbidding the company's vessels carrying any goods for the settlers of oregon. every means will be made use of by them to break down everything that will draw trade to this country, or enable persons to get goods at any other place than their store. "one other item, and we are done. when any united states government officers of distinction arrive, vancouver is thrown open, and every facility afforded them. they were even more condescending to the settlers during the time the exploring squadron was in the columbia; nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the honorable hudson bay company. our indian agent is entirely dependent on them for supplies and funds to carry on his operations. "and now your memorialists pray your honorable body, that immediate action of congress be taken in regard to this country, and good and wholesome laws be enacted for our territory, as may, in your wisdom, be thought best for the good of the american citizens residing here. "and your memorialists will ever pray. "robert shortess, a. e. wilson, william c. remick, jeffrey brown, e. n. coombs, reuben lewis, george davis, v. bennet, j. rekener, t. j. hubbard, james a. o'neil, jer. horregon, william mckarty, charles compo, john howard, his + mark, r. williams, g. brown, john turner, theodore pancott, a. f. waller, john hofstatter, g. w. bellamy, william brown, a. beers, j. l. parrish, william h. gray, a. d. smith, j. c. bridges, aaron cook, a. copeland, s. w. moss, gustavus hines, george w. lebreton, j. r. robb, j. l. morrison, m. crawford, john anderson, james m. bates, l. h. judson, joel turnham, richard h. ekin, h. campbell, james force, w. h. willson, felix hathaway, j. lawson, thomas j. shadden, joseph gibbs, his + mark, s. lewis, jr., charles roy, william brum, s. davis, joseph yatten, daniel girtman, c. t. arrendrill, a. tonner, david carter, j. j. campbell, w. johnson, john edmunds, w. hauxhurst, w. a. pfeiffer, j. holman, h. b. brewer, william c. sutton. "willamette, oregon territory, march , ." a. notice "notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that those who have obtained grants of lots in oregon city will be expected to call upon l. w. hastings, my authorized agent at oregon city, and obtain a bond for a deed or deeds, as the case may be. those who hold claims to any lot, and who comply with the above requisite on or before the first day of february next, will be entitled to their lot or lots; otherwise, the lots upon which they hold a claim will thereafter be subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think proper to make of them. "john mcloughlin." "january , ." "oregon city, march , ." "we, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the within [above] notice of john mcloughlin was posted up in the most public place in this town. "r. shortess." "a. e. wilson." b. deed--john mcloughlin to walter pomeroy "know all men by these presents, that i, john mcloughlin, of fort vancouver, in the territory of oregon, for and in consideration of the sum of one dollar, to me in hand paid by walter pomeroy, of oregon city, of the territory aforesaid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have this day, and do by these presents, remit, release, and forever quit claim, unto the said pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, all and singular the following piece, parcel, and lot of land, bounded and described as follows, to wit: commencing at the northeast corner, running thence southerly sixty-six ( ) feet to a stake; thence westerly one hundred ( ) feet to a stake; thence northerly sixtysix ( ) feet to a stake; thence easterly one hundred ( ) feet to a stake at the place of beginning--being lot number four, ( ,) in block number three, ( ,) in the town of oregon city, in the territory of oregon, which will more fully appear from a reference to the map and plan of said town: "to have and to hold the same, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto in any wise appertaining or belonging, unto the said pomeroy, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, forever. "and i, the said mcloughlin, for myself, do avouch and declare, that i am the true and proper claimant of and to the said premises and lot of land, and that i have in myself full power, good right, and sufficient authority, to remit, release, and quit by claim, to all and singular my right, title, interest, and claim, in and to said lot and premises, in manner and form aforesaid. "and i, the said mcloughlin, do hereby covenant and agree to warrant and defend the said premises, together with the privileges and appurtenances thereunto appertaining or belonging, to the said pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, the claims of the government only excepted. "in testimony whereof, i, the said mcloughlin, have hereunto set my hand and affixed my seal, this the d day of march, a. d. . "john mcloughlin, (l. s.)" "per l. w. hastings, his agent." "we, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge that the above is a true and correct copy of the original. "r. shortess." "a. e. wilson." c. bond--john mcloughlin to albert e. wilson "know all men by these presents, that i, john mcloughlin, of fort vancouver, in the territory of oregon, am held and firmly bound unto albert e. wilson, of oregon city, in the territory aforesaid, in the full sum of five hundred, federal money; for the punctual payment of which, well and truly to be made, i bind myself, my heirs, executors, or administrators, firmly by these presents. "in testimony whereof, i have hereunto, below, set my hand and affixed my seal, this the th day of december, a. d. . "now, know ye, that the condition of the above obligation is such, that whereas the said wilson hath this day, and doth by these presents, purchase of the said mcloughlin all and singular the following pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, namely: lots no. four ( ) and five ( ) in block no. two, ( ), in the town of oregon city, in the territory of oregon, as is more fully shown by the map and plan of the said town; and hath, and by these presents doth, agree to build upon and improve each of the said lots within the term of one year from the date of these presents. in consideration of which, the said mcloughlin hath and doth by these presents covenant and agree to make to the said wilson a good and sufficient quit claim deed for and to all and singular the above-mentioned pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, whenever he, the said wilson, shall have complied with the above conditions on his part. now, if the said mcloughlin shall well and truly make, or cause to be made, the said deed to the said wilson, upon the said wilson's complying on his part with the above condition, then and in such case the within obligation shall become entirely void and of no effect; otherwise, to be and remain of full force and virtue. "john mcloughlin, (l. s.)" "per l. w. hastings, his agent." "we, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge the above to be a true and correct copy of the original. "r. shortess." "a. e. wilson."[ ] w. h. gray was one of the signers of the shortess petition. in his _history of oregon_, pp. , , he says, in relation to certain persons who did not sign the shortess petition: "mr. george abernethy declined to sign this petition through fear of injuring the methodist mission in its secular or business relations with the hudson's bay company. "hugh burns would not sign it because he did not wish congress to be asked to confirm his title to lots and improvements. "jason lee, though he thought it right to petition congress for protection, yet on account of his position as superintendent of the methodist mission, and the influence of the [hudson's bay] company against them should he sign it, thought it best not to give his name. "dr. i. l. babcock refused, because, by signing he would lose his influence with the [hudson's bay] company. "walter pomeroy, ditto. "dr. bailey did not wish any protection from the congress of the united states. "rev. h. k. w. perkins was _ashamed_ of the petition. 'what does congress care about measuring wheat? or a contest between two milling companies?' "george gay did not care anything about it. congress might do as it pleased; he did not want its protection. "the people in tualatin plains did not have an opportunity to sign or refuse for want of time to circulate it in that section. the bearer of it, william c. sutton, was on his way to the states across the rocky mountains." thurston in his speech in congress december , , said, as to the author of the shortess petition: "i know the gentleman who wrote the original, whom to know is to respect, to listen to to believe. he is a gentleman of the highest standing in oregon, of some twelve or fourteen years residence and who would be universally believed on any subject on which he would presume to speak."[ ] thurston certainly did not refer to shortess. the latter, while a man of ability and some education, was of an ascetic disposition, intense in his dislikes and given to sarcasm. he was not a popular man. that the shortess petition was written by george abernethy is shown in a foot-note on page of volume , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works, where it is said that "such is the statement of shortess made to elwood evans by letter in ," quoting from a manuscript history of oregon written by evans for bancroft. subsequently evans wrote an elaborate history of oregon and washington, entitled "history of the pacific northwest," which was published in . on page of volume of this history evans says that september , , shortess wrote an autograph letter to evans that shortess originally drew up notes or a summary of the subjects he intended to embrace in the petition. that shortess requested abernethy "to write it in proper form, which he did, but refused to sign it or allow it to be circulated in his handwriting, fearing it might injure the mission. i had it copied by a. e. wilson. it was circulated and, through his assistance, sent to washington." shortess arrived in the willamette valley in april, . he afterwards took up a land claim near upper astoria. he sold his claim and became a recluse. he died in . some time after he signed the shortess petition he appears to have changed his opinions of the hudson's bay company, and especially of the methodist missionaries. he wrote a document about his trip to oregon which he gave to mr. william chance. the latter gave this document to the oregon pioneer association. it is published in full in the _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , pp. - . it is a very interesting document. in it he refers to the methodist missionaries in terms which, at least, are not complimentary. document i _ricord's proclamation; letters of a. lawrence lovejoy and rev. a. f. waller of march , ; ricord's caveat; invalidity of waller's claim to dr. mcloughlin's land; and excerpts from letters of rev. jason lee to rev. a. f. waller and rev. gustavus hines, written in ._ the following is a copy of a proclamation dated december , , and issued by john ricord, as attorney for rev. alvin f. waller. the original of this document in the handwriting of ricord, and signed by him, pasted on cloth, is in the possession of the oregon historical society. said original was publicly posted at oregon city by waller after ricord left for the hawaiian islands. it shows weather stains, but is perfectly legible. "to the people of oregon. "fellow citizens, "having been retained professionally to establish the claim of mr. alvin f. waller to the tract of land on the east bank of the wallammette river, sometimes called the wallammette falls settlement and sometimes oregon city, i consider it a duty to my client and the public, to state briefly and concisely the several circumstances of his case, as they really exist, in order that his motives may not be impugned and his intentions misunderstood and misrepresented. "the public are already aware that my client commenced the occupancy of his farm, in the spring of a. d. , when no one resided at the falls; and that, in the course of that summer, he built his home, moved his family into it, and cleared and fenced a good portion of the land, from which, in the ensuing years a. d. & he raised successive crops of corn, potatoes and other vegetables usually cultivated by farmers. that he remained thus occupying undisturbed, until the month of december a. d. , about two years and six months, when doctor mcloughlin caused his farm to be surveyed, for the purpose of selling it in subdivisions to american citizens. it has since been currently reported and quite generally believed, that my client had renounced his right in favor of doctor mcloughlin. this i am authorized to contradict, having perused the letter written by mr. waller, which not only contains no renunciation, but on the contrary, is replete with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises: offering at the same time to relinquish his claim, if the doctor would comply with certain very reasonable and just conditions. upon this offer, the parties had come to no final conclusion, until my arrival in the colony, when doctor mcloughlin attempted to employ me to establish his claim, disregarding the rights of all other persons--which, i declined doing. mr. waller thereupon engaged me to submit the conditions a second time to the doctor, for his acceptance or rejection; which i did in the following words: " st. that your preemptive line be so run as to exclude the island upon which a private company of citizens have already erected a grist mill--conceding to them so much water as may be necessary for the use of said mill. " d. that mr. waller be secured in the ultimate title to the two city lots now in his possession and other lots not exceeding in superficial area five acres, to be chosen by him from among the unsold lots of your present survey. " d. that the rev. mr. lee on behalf of the methodist episcopal mission, be in like manner secured in the lots claimed for the use of said mission. they consist of church and parsonage lots and are well known to the public. "i received a letter from dr. mcloughlin dated th novr. , in answer to mine, in which he declines complying with the above conditions, and thus puts an end to the offer of my client to relinquish his right of preemption. under these circumstances mr. waller has now applied to the supreme court of the united states, which, under the constitution has original jurisdiction of 'all cases in law & equity, arising under treaties,' to grant him a commission for perpetuating the testimony of the facts in his case, _de bene esse_, in order that, whenever congress shall hereafter see fit to prescribe by law the conditions and considerations, he may be enabled to demand of the united states, a patent; also praying the court to grant him such other relief in the premises as may be consonant with equity and good conscience. "the legality of mr. waller's claim rests upon the following grounds:-- " st. he was a citizen of the united states of full age and possessed of a family when he first came to reside on the premises. d. he built a house upon them and moved his family into it; thus becoming in fact and in law a householder on the land. d. he cleared, fenced and cultivated a portion of it during two years and six months, before he was disturbed in his actual possession. and th. that he is not at this moment continuing the cultivation of his farm, is not his fault since it was wrested from him. "the illegality of doctor mcloughlin's claim rests upon the following grounds:-- " st. he is a british subject, owing allegiance to a foreign power, and has so continued to be ever since the spring of a. d. . for this reason alone he could not acquire preemption to lands in the united states. " d. he is the chief officer of a foreign corporate monopoly. for this reason alone he could not acquire preemption to lands in the united states. " d. he does not now and never did reside on the land in question, but on the contrary, he resides and has always continued to reside on the north side of the columbia river, the section of country actually in dispute between the two governments, about twenty miles from the land claimed by mr. waller, and there he is obliged to remain, so long as he continues to be chief factor. " th. he is not in fact the claimant. the hudson's bay company, a foreign corporation, is in fact the claimant while doctor mcloughlin only lends his name; well knowing, that a corporation even though it be an american one, can not acquire a preemption. this is evinced by the employment of men to be his agents and to sell lots for him, who are at the same time partners in and receiving dividends and salaries from the company. " th. the pretentions of doctor mcloughlin arose, if at all, two years and six months after the actual settlement of mr. waller; and therefore they are in direct violation of the treaty of a. d. : converting the mutual and joint occupancy into an exclusive occupancy by british subjects. " th. the treaty of joint occupancy [ ] does not and was never intended on the part of the united states, to confer any rights of citizenship upon foreigners. the power to confer such rights is by the constitution reserved to congress. and the right to acquire title by preemption is peculiar to citizens. "those fellow citizens are the facts and some of the points of law in my client's case. upon the same principle contended for by dr. mcloughlin, any of you may incur the risk of being ousted from your farms in this colony, by the next rich foreigner who chooses to take a fancy so to do, unless in the first instance, you come unanimously forward and resist these usurpations. it is not my client's intention to wrong any who have purchased lots of the doctor, and to guard against the injury which might result to individuals in this respect, i have carefully drawn up the form of a bond for a warantee deed, which mr. waller is at all times ready, without any further consideration, to execute to any person who has, in good faith, bought of the doctor, prior to the date of this notice, by being applied to at his residence. mr. waller does not require one cent of money to be paid to him as a consideration for his bonds--the trouble, expense and outlays they have already incurred, with the desire to save all such persons harmless from pecuniary loss, is a good and sufficient consideration in law to bind him in the proposed penalty of one thousand dollars. see comyns. digest, assumpsit b. "i am of opinion that mr. waller has rights in the premises, which neither doctor mcloughlin nor even congress by any retrospective legislation can take away from him;--and therefore, fellow citizens, in sincere friendship, i would counsel you to lose no time in applying to him for your new bonds. "john ricord," "counsellor in the supreme court of the united states and attorney for alvin f. waller." "dated th december, ." the following two letters from a. l. lovejoy to a. f. waller and from waller to lovejoy, each dated march , , are in reference to the foregoing proclamation by ricord as attorney for waller. these letters are in the handwriting of lovejoy and waller, respectively. the letter of waller is shown by the line below waller's signature to be a copy which he made and kept to show what he had written. these letters are in the possession of the oregon historical society. they were among waller's private papers at the time of his death. "wallamette falls mar. ." "to the "revd. a. f. waller-- "i have been directed by dr. mcloughlin to make some enquiries of you in relation to a letter which appears to have been written by yourself to him relative to his claim. dr. mcloughlin observes in your notice to the people of oregon words like the following: "'it has since been currently reported and quite generally believed that my client had renounced his right in favor of dr. mcloughlin. this i am authorized to contradict having perused the letter written by mr. waller which not only contains no renunciation but on the contrary is replete with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises.' "please have the kindness to say whether you wrote such a letter as there referred to and if so. as dr. mcloughlin has never received anything of the kind allow him through me to solicit a copy thereof and much oblige. "i am revd. sir, "your humble and obt. servant, "a. lawrence lovejoy." "willamette falls, mar. ." "mr. lovejoy. "dear sir: "the letter referred to in the notice was one written to rev. j. lee in answer to one he wrote me. i think i have never written a line to dr. mcloughlin on any subject. mr. lee i presume has the letter with him. "i am yours truly, "a. f. waller." "copy of a reply to the within." the following copy and statement of john ricord's caveat or notice as attorney for rev. alvin f. waller to dr. mcloughlin is taken from mrs. frances fuller victor's volume, _the river of the west_, page : "'you will please to take notice that my client, mr. a. f. waller, has taken formal measures at washington to substantiate his claim as a preemptor and actual settler upon the tract of land, sometimes called the wallamet falls settlement and sometimes oregon city, comprising six hundred and forty acres; and being aware that, although a foreigner, you claim to exercise acts of ownership over said land, this notice is given to apprise you that all sales you may make of lots or other subdivisions of said farm, after the receipt hereof, will be regarded by my client, and by the government, as absolutely fraudulent, and will be made at your peril.'" then followed the grounds upon which the doctor's claim was denied. "first, that he was an alien; secondly, that he was the chief of a foreign corporate monopoly; thirdly, that he had not resided upon the land in question for a year previous; fourthly, that he did not hold the land for himself but the company; fifthly, that his claim, if he had any, arose two years subsequent to mr. waller's settlement thereon. this flattering document closed with mr. ricord's regrets that he had 'failed to make an amicable compromise' of the matter between the doctor and his client, and also that his 'client had been driven to the vexatious proceedings of the law, in order to establish his rights as an american citizen.'" this caveat or notice was served on dr. mcloughlin in prior to april , after ricord left oregon for the sandwich islands. the attempt of rev. a. f. waller to assert any right to, or to procure the land claim of dr. mcloughlin, or any part of it, at oregon city, under the law relating to pre-empting lands was absurd as well as invalid. under the act of congress of september , , then in force, relating to the pre-emption of public lands of the united states, it was necessary that the lands should be a part of the public lands of the united states. the conventions of joint-occupancy were then in force and neither great britain nor the united states exercised jurisdiction over the lands in the oregon country. in addition to other requisites of the pre-emption law, no person could pre-empt more than one hundred and sixty acres, and the law required the intending pre-emptor "to enter with the register of the land-office for the district in which such land lies, by legal subdivisions, any number of acres not exceeding one hundred and sixty, or a quarter-section of land," etc. there was no united states land district in oregon nor any register of any united states land-office. there had been no public surveys of land in oregon. no lands could be legally pre-empted which had not been officially surveyed by authority of the united states.[ ] in the case of lytle v. state of arkansas, _howard_ (u. s. supreme court) , it was held, concerning a claim to pre-emption, that "until sanctioned by law, it has no existence as a substantive right." in the case of brown v. coursen, _oregon_, , it was held that a pre-emption is a right derived wholly from statute and a substantial compliance with the statute is necessary; and the condition must exist which would enable the pre-emptor to acquire the land under the statute. in the case of stark v. starrs, _wallace_ (u. s. supreme court) , it was held that even the act of august , , organizing the territory of oregon, did not extend over oregon any portion of the preëmption act of september , . ricord and rev. jason lee sailed on the same vessel from the columbia river bound to the hawaiian islands. they left oregon city january , but did not cross the columbia river bar until february , . ricord did not intend to return to oregon. he made his home at the hawaiian islands (then called sandwich islands) and died there. rev. jason lee intended merely to make a trip to the eastern states and return to oregon. he wished to see the missionary board in new york. he also wished to go to washington to see about land matters, particularly those which the methodist mission wished to obtain the title to. when he arrived at honolulu he first learned that he had been removed as superintendent of the oregon mission, and that rev. george gary was on his way to take charge. february , , rev. jason lee sailed on a small schooner called the "hoaikaika" for mazatlan, mexico.[ ] after his arrival at mazatlan, jason lee crossed mexico. he arrived in new york may , . in june he went to washington. on his return to new york he appeared before the missionary board for several days, beginning with july , , and submitted his oral report on the oregon mission. as relating to land claims in oregon, i make the following excerpts from two letters written by rev. jason lee after leaving oregon. the originals of these letters are in the possession of the oregon historical society. the first of these letters was written on board the schooner hoaikaika, march , , to rev. a. f. waller. in this letter jason lee says: "i paid mr. ricord two hundred and fifty dollars for you and shall inclose your order to bro. abernethy.... what the result of your land claim will be, of course, i can form no better opinion than when i left. but i have less hopes of effecting anything for the mission more than to prepare the way for something to be done at the proper stage, that is, whenever the government shall be prepared to grant title.... i long to hear how you are getting on with dr. ---- &c., and how the good cause is prospering. may the lord bless all who have embraced his cause and keep them unto 'that day.'" the second of these letters is to rev. gustavus hines. it is dated at new york july , , and written after the return of rev. jason lee from washington. he wrote: "met a favorable reception there [washington] and there is every reason to expect that the land claimed will be cheerfully accorded to us.... please tell bro. waller that his claim is filed in the office of the commissioner general of the land office. this will probably secure his claim, though the supreme court will probably take no action till an oregon bill passes." waller, however, had "surrendered" all his rights in "his" (the mcloughlin) "land claim" april , .[ ] document j _agreement between dr. john mcloughlin, rev. a. f. waller, and rev. david leslie, of april , ; statement of cause and manner of making said agreement._ the following agreement is in the possession of the oregon historical society. it was among the private papers of rev. a. f. waller at the time of his death. this instrument is certified to be a true copy of the original by w. w. raymond, one of the lay methodist missionaries. apparently there was but one original of this instrument, although executed by dr. mcloughlin, rev. alvan f. waller and rev. david leslie, and therefore a copy was made of the same and certified by raymond for waller's use. articles of agreement "article of agreement made and entered into this fourth day of april a. d. between john mcloughlin and alvan f. waller both of oregon city in the territory of oregon: "whereas certain conflicting claims to a tract of land situated at the falls of the wallamette river on the east side of said river containing six [hundred] and forty acres and surveyed by jesse applegate in the month of december a. d. have existed between the aforesaid parties and the said parties are now willing and desirous to arrange all differences existing between them in regard to the same; "it is therefore agreed as follows: the said alvan f. waller agrees to surrender make over and forever abandon unto the said john mcloughlin his heirs administrators and assigns and in his favor, all claims rights and pretensions whatsoever which he now has within or to the said above mentioned tract or survey of land or any part thereof. the said waller further agrees to withdraw any proceedings which he or his attorney may have commenced in any of the courts of the united states touching the said tract or survey of land and to abstain from at any future time instituting any proceedings to secure to himself the title of the said tract or survey of land in opposition to the said mcloughlin or to his detriment in any way whatsoever, or to sell or otherwise dispose of to any person whatsoever other than the said mcloughlin any claim or right which he the said waller may have in the same. "and the said john mcloughlin agrees in consideration of the above mentioned acts and agreements on the part of the said alvan f. waller to pay to the said waller the sum of five hundred dollars and further to convey to the said waller the premises now occupied by him being lots number two and seven in blocks number one in oregon city in said survey--also the entire blocks numbers fifty four, forty one and eighteen and lots one, two, three, six, seven, and eight in block number eleven all included in the plot oregon city aforesaid; and the said john mcloughlin further agrees to give to said alvan f. waller his bond conditioned for a good and sufficient warrantee deed to all the above specified premises. "and the said john mcloughlin further agrees to convey to david leslie now acting superintendent of the oregon methodist episcopal mission lots three, four, five and six in block number one and also lots numbers four and five in block twenty eight and also the entire block number twenty nine on the plot of oregon city aforesaid; and the said john mcloughlin further agrees to give to the said david leslie his bond conditioned for a good and sufficient warrantee deed accordingly to all the above specified premises. "signed with our names and sealed with our seals this day and year first above mentioned. "john mcloughlin" { } "alvan f. waller" {l. s.} "david leslie" { } "witnesses" "james douglas" "elijah white" "a. l. lovejoy" "w. gilpin." "true copy of the original. "attest: w. w. raymond. "wallamette falls july , ." a copy of the bond, dated april , , given by dr. john mcloughlin to rev. a. f. waller, as provided in said articles of agreement of the same date, is in the possession of the oregon historical society. it is also certified to be a true copy by said w. w. raymond. this certified copy was, also, among the private papers of rev. a. f. waller at the time of his death. frances fuller victor, who had access to original documents, says that the reasons why the agreement set forth in this document j, came to be entered into are as follows: in april, , dr. elijah white suggested that the differences between dr. mcloughlin and a. f. waller about the oregon city land claim might be settled by arbitration. dr. mcloughlin finally consented to this plan. the arbitrators chosen were dr. elijah white, major gilpin, and james douglas, on the side of dr. mcloughlin, and revs. david leslie and a. f. waller on the side of waller and the methodist mission. all the arbitrators, except douglas, were citizens of the united states. major gilpin had attended west point and had been an officer in the regular army of the united states. he came to oregon with fremont's expedition. rev. david leslie was then the acting superintendent of the methodist mission. waller insisted that he should receive five hundred dollars and five acres for himself and the methodist mission should receive fourteen lots. white and gilpin considered this exorbitant and opposed it. they were finally persuaded by douglas to agree to waller's terms. douglas said to dr. mcloughlin, "i thought it best to give you one fever and have done with it. i have acceded to the terms and signed the papers."[ ] while dr. mcloughlin signed these agreements and executed these bonds and carried them out as far as he was able to, he was not pleased with being compelled to accede to these demands, which he considered unjust. if waller, either for himself alone or for himself and the methodist mission, were entitled to the acres of dr. mcloughlin's land claim, waller and it should have insisted on having the whole claim. the proposition of waller to accept $ and five acres of land and for dr. mcloughlin to give the mission fourteen lots shows that in the minds of waller and the mission his and its claims were, to say the least, very dubious ones. dr. mcloughlin could but consider that he had been forced to comply with these demands, not as a question of right, but as a question of expediency and to get rid of these false claims. document k _statement of the career in oregon of judge w. p. bryant._ i have been unable to learn much about judge w. p. bryant, except his actions in connection with abernethy island and against dr. mcloughlin. to his _biennial report_ of (page ) hon. h. r. kincaid, as secretary of state for oregon, added an appendix giving short biographies of the chief justices of oregon and of other oregon officials. of judge bryant the secretary of state said only: "there are no official records in the department of state to show when mr. bryant assumed the duties of his office nor for what period he served. the decisions of the supreme court at the time when he served were not reported. mr. bryant was appointed by the president from some eastern state and only served here a short time when he again returned east." in the _history of oregon_ in bancroft's works, it is said: that judge bryant's home was in indiana; that he was appointed chief justice of oregon in august, , and arrived in oregon april , ; that he resigned as chief justice january , , having spent but five months in oregon; that upon his resignation he returned to indiana, where he soon died. document l _letter of dr. john mcloughlin, published in the "oregon spectator," thursday, september , ._ "mr. editor: "in the congressional globe of may th, , is the following language of mr. thurston, the delegate from oregon, to which i wish to invite the attention of the public. "'and as to the humbug about the hudson's bay company, mentioned by the gentleman from missouri [mr. bowlin], i have to say that i know of no humbug about it; this company has been warring against our government for these forty years. dr. mcloughlin has been the chief fugleman, first to cheat our government, out of the whole country, and next to prevent its settlement. he has driven men from their claims, and from the country, to stifle its efforts at settlement. in he sent an express to fort hall, eight hundred miles, to warn the emigrants, if they attempted to come to the willamette, they would all be cut off; they went and none were cut off. how, sir, would you reward benedict arnold, were he living; he fought the battles of the country, yet, by one act of treason, forfeited the respect of that country. a bill for his relief would fail, i am sure; yet this bill proposes to reward those who are now, have been, and ever will be, more hostile to our country, because more jesuitical.' "what mr. thurston means by 'warring against our government for these forty years,' i know not. i am certain, however, that the h. b. co. had a right to carry on trade under the treaty of joint occupation of the country--even were we to look no farther for another foundation of the right. i am sure, moreover, that the business of the company was so managed as to bear the strictest scrutiny, and to be in all respects subservient to the best interests of the country, and the duties of religion and humanity. the government and policy of the company were such as to render traveling safe, and the indians were friendly to whites. when the hudson's bay company first began to trade with these indians they were so hostile to the whites that they had to mount guard day and night at the establishment, have sentinels at the gates to prevent any indian entering, unless to trade, and when they entered, to take their arms from them. the columbia could not be traveled in parties of less than sixty well armed men; but, by the management of the company, they were brought to that friendly disposition that _two_ men, for several years back, can travel in _safety_ between this and fort hall. "mr. thurston is pleased to describe me as 'chief fugleman to the hudson's bay company.' this is a term which he probably gathered from the vocabulary in which he found the word 'gumption,' with which he recently garnished another dish, and which he seems to have prepared for appetites similar to his own. by the use of this, and such like epithets it will at once be seen that he has a field of literature which he is likely to occupy without a rival, and the exclusive possession of which no one will deny him. neither my principles nor my tastes lead me in that direction. but i am described as a 'fugleman' of the hudson's bay company; first to cheat our government out of the whole country, and next to prevent its settlement. i am an old man, and my head is very white with the frost of many winters, but i have never before been accused as a cheat. i was born a british subject--i have had for twenty years the superintendence of the hudson's bay company's trade, in oregon, and on the north west coast; and may be said to have been the representative of british interests in this country; but i have never descended to court popularity, by pandering to prejudice, and doing wrong to anyone. i have, on the other hand, afforded every assistance to all who required it, and which religion and humanity dictated; and this community can say if i did so or not. my language to all who spoke to me on the subject of politics, was that situated as we were we ought to say nothing about the boundary question, as that was an affair of the government; but to live as christians in peace and concord, and in acting as i did i consider that i have rendered services to the british and american governments. but if i had acted differently, the government would have had difficulties, and this community would perhaps not have enjoyed the peace it has, nor be in so prosperous a condition as it is, and certainly there is not a man in it who will say that i have sought to prevent its settlement. there are, in this valley, very many persons, and especially among the earliest immigrants, of the first years of the settlement of the country, who are sufficiently honest to admit that the country could never have been colonized as easily as it was, but for the timely, ample, and continuous assistance rendered by me, to them, with the means of the hudson's bay company under my charge. provisions were sent to meet the immigrants--boats were dispatched to convey them down the columbia,--when arrived on their claims, cattle were loaned them--they were supplied with clothing, food, farming utensils, and wheat for seed. very many of these men honorably paid, as soon as they could; others, though able to pay, and though their notes have been standing for many years, testify their sense of the number and magnitude of my favors by signing a _secret_ memorial to the congress of the united states, to take from me my property, and to leave me in the decline of life, and in the decrepitude of old age, to the companionship of adders, who--when they were benumbed with frost, i gathered from the hedges and warmed into life, to feel, when alas! too late, the stings of their ingratitude. "for additional proof, in repelling these calumnies, i could refer to many sources: wilkes' journal, fremont's narrative, to american travelers and writers, and to letters from many and many an immigrant to this country, and now residents in this valley, stating to their friends in the states the kindness i had shewn them, and who, i am sure, would acknowledge it, and are as much surprised at the charge brought against me as i am myself. but, moreover, it is well known that the fact of my having aided in the settlement of this country has been a subject of serious complaints, and grave charges made against me, by subjects of her britannic majesty, during the pending of the boundary question--who seem to have been imbued with the same kind disposition toward their fellow men as mr. thurston. "mr. thurston says, 'in he [dr. mcloughlin] sent an express to fort hall, eight hundred miles, to warn the immigration that if they attempted to come to the willamette, they would be all cut off.' this is a calumny as gratuitous as it is unprovoked; but it is with mingled emotions of astonishment and indignation that i have accidentally become acquainted with the contents of another document, entitled a 'letter of the delegate from oregon to the members of the house of representatives, in behalf of his constituents touching the oregon land bill.' on the back of the only copy sent, is written in the handwriting of mr. thurston--'keep this still till next mail, when i shall send them generally. the debate on the california bill closes next tuesday, when i hope to get it and passed--my land bill; keep dark till next mail. "'thurston.'" "'june , .'" "in the paragraph already quoted from the globe of june , mr. thurston affirms that i am a more dangerous man than benedict arnold was; because, as he states, i am more 'jesuitical.' webster, the celebrated american lexicographer, defines jesuitism thus: 'cunning, deceit, prevarication, deceptive practices'--yet this same man, mr. thurston, who bestows epithets upon me without stint and beyond measure; who accuses me of being 'jesuitical,' and who occupies the situation of a grave legislator, admits that his measures will not bear the light of truth, and he requires his friend to keep still, until he shall complete the perpetration of a deed of wickedness. is this not the cunning of the fox? who prowls around in the darkness, that he may rob the hen-roost of the farmer while he is sleeping, without a suspicion of a meditated evil. is not the sending of such a document, with the request written upon it to keep 'dark,' a deceptive practice, within the very letter and meaning of webster's definition of jesuitism? mr. thurston, it appears, was afraid of the light of facts, which he did not desire to have communicated to the government at washington, before he completed an act of contemplated wrong doing. "in the letter referred to, speaking of oregon city, he says, 'the methodist mission first took the claim with the view of establishing here their mills and mission--they were forced to leave it under the fear of having the savages of oregon let loose upon them.' this charge is likewise without a fraction of truth, as a few facts will demonstrate. in , i commenced making preparations at the falls of the willamette, for building a sawmill. i had a party residing there during the winter of and . this party, in my employment, and paid with my money, built three houses, and prepared the timber for the erection of a mill. circumstances rendered the suspension of the mill for a while necessary. in the spring of i commenced cultivating the ground at the falls. in the year i had a mill race blasted out of the rocks, from near the head of the island which mr. thurston calls abernethy island--but mr. thurston found it convenient to conceal from the united states government that mr. abernethy and others purchased the island from f. hathaway, who jumped the island in the first instance, and that judge bryant and gov. lane finally purchased whatever right mr. abernethy had acquired. the indians having burnt in the timber which during that same year had been prepared for the erection of the mill, i had, in the summer of , another house built at the falls; during the same year i had squared timber prepared and hauled to the place at which i had originally proposed to erect a mill; the erection of the mill was again postponed. in the rev. jason lee, superintendent of the methodist mission in oregon, applied to me for the loan of some of the above mentioned timber, for the purpose of erecting a mission building. to this request i assented, and at the same time sent dr. f. w. tolmie to point out to the rev. mr. lee the spot upon which he might build. up to this time, it should be observed that no effort had been made to interfere with my claim, and no one called in question my perfect right to make it. it should be borne in mind, too, that i commenced improving in , and that the missionaries did not come here till . to prevent, however, any future misunderstanding, growing out of any occupancy of sufferance, i handed mr. lee a letter, dated vancouver, st july, , in which i described the extent of my claim, as embracing 'the upper end of the falls, across to the clackamas falls, in the willamette, including the whole point of land _and the small island in the falls, on which the portage is made and which i intend to claim when the boundary line is drawn_.' the words italicised are not so in the original. i now do this to call attention to them. up to this time no one but myself claimed the island. mr. lee promised to return the timber he procured to erect the building, with the wood thus loaned mr. waller and family, who were placed in it by mr. lee. i gave mr. lee permission to occupy, as a mission store room, a house i had got erected for myself. up to my claim to the island had never been interfered with; in this year mr. felix hathaway put some logs on the island. i gave him notice of my claim, and erected a small house upon the island. hathaway finally proceeded with his building. i did not forcibly eject him because i wished to preserve the peace of the country. in the autumn of , i first heard that the rev. mr. waller, as i was informed, set up a claim in conflict with mine, (not for the mission, but in his own name.) i subsequently bought off mr. waller, in the same anxious desire to preserve the peace. "in conclusion of this part of the subject i will remark that when mr. waller requested capt. w. k. kilbourn, who resides in this place, to assist him in putting up the logs which i had loaned to mr. lee, capt. kilbourn said to him: 'i will not assist to build the house, if you intend to set up any claim here.' mr. waller disavowed any such intention. "in i had the claim surveyed by mr. hudspath, and laid off some lots; in the fall of , there being better instruments in the country, i had my claim surveyed by jesse applegate, esq., who more accurately marked its streets, alleys, lots, etc., etc. when the oregon provisional government was formed, i recorded my claim in accordance with the provisions of its organic laws; this record covers the island and the site of oregon city. in making this record, i circumscribed the limits of my claim, so that instead of extending down to the clackamas river, as i had made it previous to there being any government in the country, i made it so as to extend only about half way down. this i did because the organic law provided that no one should hold more than six hundred and forty acres. this i did also for the sake of peace, notwithstanding mr. thurston is not ashamed to more than intimate a disposition to 'let loose upon them savages of oregon.' mr. thurston says, 'he has held it by violence and dint of threats up to this time.'--that i have held my claim or any part of it by violence or threats, no man will assert, and far less will one be found to swear so, who will be believed on his oath, in a court of justice. i have probably no other enemy than mr. thurston, so lost to the _suggestions_ of conscience as to make a statement so much at variance with my whole character. "he says that i have realized, up to the th of march, , $ , from the sale of lots; this is also wholly untrue. i have given away lots to the methodists, catholics, presbyterians, congregationalists, and baptists. i have given lots to a roman catholic nunnery, lots to the clackamas female protestant seminary, incorporated by the oregon legislature. the trustees are all protestants, although it is well known i am a roman catholic. in short, in one way and another i have donated to the county, to schools, to churches, and private individuals, more than three hundred town lots, and i never realized in cash $ , , from all the original sales i have made. he continues, 'he is still an englishman, still connected with the hudson's bay company, and refuses to file his intentions to become an american citizen.' if i was an englishman, i know no reason why i should not acknowledge it; but i am a canadian by birth, and an irishman by descent. i am neither ashamed of my birth-place or lineage--but it has always appeared to me that a man who can only boast of his country has little to be proud of: "'a wit's a feather, a chief, a rod-- an honest man's the noblest work of god.'" "i was a chief factor in the hudson's bay company's service, and by the rules of the company, enjoy a retired interest, as a matter of right.--capt. mcneil, a native born citizen of the united states of america, holds the same rank as i held in the hudson's bay company service. he never was required to become a british subject; he will be entitled, by the laws of the company, to the same retired interest, no matter to what country he may owe allegiance. "i declared my intention to become an american citizen on the th may, , as any one may see who will examine the records of the court, in this place. mr. thurston knew this fact--he asked me for my vote and influence. why did he ask me for my vote if i had not one to give? i voted and voted against him, as he well knew, and as he seems well to remember. but he proceeds to refer to judge bryant for the truth of his statement, in which he affirms that i assigned to judge bryant, as a reason why i still refuse to declare my intention to become an american citizen, that i cannot do it without prejudicing my standing in england. i am astonished how the supreme judge could have made such a statement! as he had a letter from me pointing out my intention of becoming an american citizen. the cause, which led to my writing this letter, is that the island, called abernethy's island by mr. thurston, and which he proposes to donate to mr. abernethy, his heirs and assigns, is the same island which mr. hathaway and others jumped in , and formed themselves into a joint stock company, and erected a saw and grist mill on it, as already stated. from a desire to preserve peace in the country, i deferred bringing the case to trial, till the government extended its jurisdiction over the country; but when it had done so, a few days after the arrival of judge bryant and before the courts were organized, judge bryant bought the island of george abernethy, esq., who had bought the stock of the other associates, and as the island was in judge bryant's district, and as there was only two judges in the territory, i thought i could not at the time bring the case to a satisfactory decision. i therefore deferred bringing the case forward to a time when the bench would be full. in july or august, , gov. lane told me judge bryant would speak to me in regard to my claim on the island; the judge did so and asked me to state the extent of my claim. to avoid mistakes and misunderstandings, to which verbal communications are subject, i told him i would write him, and accordingly addressed him the following letter: "oregon city, st aug. ." "_to the hon. w. p. bryant_: "sir-- "i hasten to comply with your request, 'that i state the extent of my claim to the island within ten days,' and i beg to refer you to the books of recorded land claims, kept by theo. mcgruder, esq., for the extent of my claim; and i shall expect a transfer of the fee simple of the whole ground, with all and every privilege from the united states of america, as soon as it shall meet the pleasure of my adopted government to act in the matter. "i have the honor to be "your obedient humble servant, [_signed_] "john mcloughlin." "this letter was handed to judge bryant by j. d. holman, esq., and it seems quite incomprehensible to me, how, after receiving and perusing this letter, judge bryant could corroborate (if he did so) mr. thurston's statement, that i had declined to file my intention to become an american citizen. i filed my intention on the th may. mr. thurston left this (territory) in august, and judge bryant in october. is it probable! nay, is it possible! in so small a place as oregon city, where every little occurrence is so soon known--where the right of voting is so scrutinized--that i should have voted, and against mr. thurston, and that his partisans and supporters did not inform him of it, or that judge bryant did not know that i had filed my intention to become an american citizen? but mr. thurston makes another statement in which there is not more truth. he says, 'last summer he,' meaning myself, 'informed the writer of this that whatever was made out of the claim was to go to the common fund of the hudson's bay company, of which he and other stockholders would share in proportion to their stock; in other words, that he was holding this claim in trust for the hudson's bay company.' "mr. thurston had just before said that i had made for myself $ , from the sale of lots; but now after having made my conservative purse vastly capacious finds it convenient to shrivel it up by transferring this cheering amount of coin to the coffers of the hudson's bay company. i assert i never made such a statement to mr. thurston, and i assert that i hold my claim for myself alone, and that the hudson's bay company, nor no other person or persons, hold or have any interest in it with me. "mr. thurston says that on the th march, , governor lane apprised dr. mcloughlin and all others that no one had a right to sell or meddle with government lands. this is given as a reason why every man that has bought a lot since that time shall lose it. if by this statement anything more is meant than at that date the territorial government was put in operation, then it is wholly untrue; but were it otherwise, what is the motive for the commission of such an act of injustice that necessarily involves in pecuniary loss half the inhabitants of this place, in addition to many who do not reside here? mr. thurston says, abernethy's island is in the middle of the river. such a statement could only be made to persons unacquainted with this place, and conveys a wrong impression, as every one who knows the place will admit the island is not in the middle of the river, but separated from the main land only by a chasm over which there is a bridge about feet long. in the dry season, the stream is not more than forty feet broad at the falls, which separates it from the main land, and can the people of oregon city and its vicinity believe mr. thurston did not know, some months before he left this, that mr. abernethy had sold his rights, whatever they were, to judge bryant, and therefore proposing to congress to donate this island to mr. abernethy, his heirs and assigns, was, in fact, proposing to donate it to judge bryant, his heirs and assigns. "jno. mcloughlin." "[at the request of dr. mcloughlin, we stepped into the clerk's office and read upon a paper filed in the office that on the th day of may, , john mcloughlin filed his intention to become an american citizen, and that the said paper was duly certified to, by the then acting clerk, geo. l. curry.--ed.]" document m _letter by william j. berry, published in the "oregon spectator," december , ._ "forest creek, polk co., december , ." "_mr. editor_: "truth crush'd to earth, shall rise again: the eternal years of god are hers; but error, wounded, withers with pain, and dies among his worshippers." "believing that the characters of public men are public property, i desire, with your permission, to speak through the columns of the 'spectator' about some of the doings of our delegate in congress. "i am dissatisfied with his course in regard to the 'oregon city claim.' and now permit me to say, that i am not influenced in this matter by mercenary motives of any kind. i never owned any property in or about oregon city, nor do i ever expect to; but i am influenced by motives of a certain kind, which are: the veneration i feel for the sacred principles of truth and justice,--and the mortification i feel at seeing these principles not only overlooked, but indignantly trampled under foot. "up to the time of writing his celebrated 'letter to the members of the house of representatives,' i, in common with a large portion of the people here, was led to admire the ability, the zeal, and industry, with which mr. thurston conducted the business of this territory. but in that portion of said letter, where he speaks of the oregon city claim, i think he has placed himself in the position of the old cow, who, after giving a fine pail of milk, kicked it all over. with the disposal of said claim as contemplated in the bill, i have no fault to find; but with the means employed by mr. thurston to effect that end, i do find most serious fault. "some of these i will notice. speaking of dr. mcloughlin, he says: 'he still refuses to file his intentions to become an american citizen.' now, i assert that mr. thurston _knew_, previous to the election, that dr. mcloughlin had filed his intentions. i heard him say in a stump speech, at the city hotel, that he expected his (the doctor's) vote. at the election i happened to be one of the judges; dr. mcloughlin came up to vote; the question was asked by myself, if he had filed his intentions? the clerk of the court, george l. curry, esq., who was standing near the window, said that he had. he voted. some time after the election, when i was holding the office of justice of the peace, in oregon city, mr. thurston came to me, in company with a man whose name i have forgotten, having an affidavit already prepared which he wished sworn to, and subscribed by this man; which was done. said affidavit went to state that dr. mcloughlin had written a letter, or letters, to some french settlers north of the columbia, directing them to oppose thurston and vote for lancaster, &c., &c. i merely mention this circumstance to show that mr. thurston knew exactly how dr. mcloughlin stood. the assertion of mr. thurston that dr. mcloughlin has 'worked diligently to break down the settlements,' is also without foundation. there are scores of persons in this valley of the early emigrants, who testify to the kindness received at the hands of dr. mcloughlin. and many there are who would doubtless have perished had it not been for his humane attention. he helped them to descend the columbia--fed them, clothed them; and now he is accused of 'working diligently to break down the settlements!' "i shall notice but one more of mr. thurston's assertions in regard to this claim. mr. thurston says: 'the methodist mission first took this claim.' now this is an assertion which any one who knows anything about the history of oregon city, knows to be utterly without foundation.--on the contrary the said methodist mission never had a right to any part of said claim, unless jumping constitutes right. "in what i have said about dr. mcloughlin, i have not spoken from interested motives. i never received any favor at his hands, nor do i expect to. but i am ashamed of the course of our delegate; i think it is unbecoming the representative of a magnanimous people. "what must be the feelings of dr. mcloughlin? a man whose head is whitened by the frosts of perhaps eighty winters! who, during that long period has been living subject to the nation under whose flag he was born. and who, at that advanced age declares his intention of becoming a citizen of our great republic.--i say what must be his feelings? and what must be the feelings of all candid men--of all men of honor and magnanimity, who have read mr. thurston's letter. and yet this same honorable (?) delegate in his address to his constituents lectures us upon religion and morality. "very respectfully, yours, "wm. j. berry." document n _excerpts from speech of samuel r. thurston in congress, december , ._ december , , thurston attempted to answer, by a speech in congress, dr. mcloughlin's letter, published in the _oregon spectator_, september , . it is a scurrilous speech. most of its asserted statements of fact are untrue. it is too long to be set forth here in full. it will be found at pages to of the appendix to volume of the _congressional globe_. the italics in this document n are those appearing in the _congressional globe_. he first discussed the petition of the fifty-six persons who signed the petition at oregon city, september , , against the passage of the eleventh section of the donation land bill, and attempted to show that the petition was against dr. mcloughlin instead of being in his favor. this was pettifogging. thurston set forth that he had not been in favor of recognizing in the bill transfers of land by dr. mcloughlin after march , , for the reason that "if such transfers were confirmed in general terms, up to the passage of the bill, the whole of what the doctor claimed would be covered by fictitious transfers for his benefit." thurston attacked j. quinn thornton and aaron e. wait, the attorneys of dr. mcloughlin, and called them names too vile to be inserted in this address. referring to dr. mcloughlin's statement in his letter that the hudson's bay company's business was so managed "in all respects subservient to the best interests of the country, and the duties of religion and humanity," thurston said: "if to make the settler pay _with his life_ the penalty of settling where they did not want him to, or to oppress him until he was compelled to yield; if tearing down houses over families' heads, and burning them up, and leaving a poor woman in the rain, houseless and homeless; if attempting to break down all american enterprises, and to prevent the settlement of the country--if, sir, to do all these things, and many more, which are hereafter proved, then is the quotation true. if this is their religion, then have they adorned, for the last ten years, the religion they profess." these charges are maliciously false. thurston charged that dr. mcloughlin was "for all practical purposes, as much in, of, and connected with the [hudson's bay] company as he ever was ... yet he comes up here with a hypocritical face and pleads poverty! and says that he has picked up my people out of ditches, mud-puddles, from under the ice, and warmed them into life; which wait and thornton virtually testify to.... who ever heard a jew or a gypsy making up a more pitiful face than this." thurston further said that dr. mcloughlin persuaded some of the immigrants of to go to california; that he provided outfits for them "and took notes, payable in california. and this was done for the purpose of ridding the country of these unwelcome visitors.... that the doctor was determined to do all he could to prevent the country from finally settling up, and with this object in view, undertook to persuade our early settlers to leave." this is absolutely untrue, except the part that dr. mcloughlin furnished said immigrants with outfits and took their notes payable in california. most of these notes were never paid. thurston then proceeds to pettifog about his injunction to keep his letter to congress about the donation land bill "dark till next mail." he had to pettifog or say it was a forgery. he said he wrote this as he feared the bill "never would pass, and i dreaded the effect the news of its failure, on the first day, would have on business of the territory.... it was to avoid the general panic that i adopted this course and this is why i requested to have nothing said till the time of trial might come."[ ] thurston was compelled to admit that he knew that dr. mcloughlin had taken the oath of allegiance to the united states prior to the election in june, , but thurston said he did not know that dr. mcloughlin had filed his intentions to become a citizen. thurston endeavored to justify himself by technicalities. he knew that the circuit courts of the provisional government had ceased to exist may , , or prior thereto. it was on that day that governor lane assigned the territorial judges, appointed by the president, to their respective districts. yet thurston asserted that "the court, or the tribunal, in which dr. mcloughlin took his oaths was not such a court as the law requires, but was a creature of the provisional government." he asserted that george l. curry, the clerk of the court, before whom dr. mcloughlin took the oath of allegiance and filed his intentions to become an american citizen, did it in his capacity as a clerk of a court of the provisional government (which was no longer in existence), instead of in the capacity of a clerk of the new territorial court, and said that judge bryant informed him that this was the case. may , , george l. curry, if not the _de jure_ clerk, was the _de facto_ and acting clerk of the territorial district court, before whom it was lawful and proper to take the oath of allegiance under the united states naturalization law. if, for any reason, dr. mcloughlin did not comply technically with the law, it was nevertheless his intention to do so. he subscribed and filed two oaths on may , . in these he swore it was his intention to become an american citizen and that "i renounce all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state and sovereignty, whatsoever and particularly to victoria, queen of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, and that i will support the constitution of the united states, and the provisions of 'an act to establish the territorial government of oregon.'" under these oaths, or one of them, dr. mcloughlin became a citizen of the united states september , . in admitting him to citizenship the judge must have found that dr. mcloughlin's original declaration was sufficient and was filed in a court of competent jurisdiction. and yet thurston had said in his letter to the house of representatives and in his speech of may , , that dr. mcloughlin "refuses to become an american citizen." in this speech of december , , thurston said that if any persons in oregon owed money to dr. mcloughlin, he could proceed in the courts. this is true. the difficulty was to enforce judgments. judgments could not then or prior to that time and until long afterwards be enforced against land. an execution could only reach personal property. if a debtor did not wish to pay a debt, he could sell his crops privately in advance, or he could cover them and other personal property by chattel mortgages. thurston as a lawyer knew the law. the law establishing the territorial government of oregon provided that "all laws heretofore passed in said territory [_i.e._, by the provisional government] making grants of land, or otherwise affecting or incumbering the title to lands, shall be, and are hereby declared to be, null and void." under the donation land law a settler on public land had merely a possessory right which did not ripen into a title to the land until he had "resided upon and cultivated the same for four consecutive years." it was an estate upon condition. it was not subject to execution sale. if such a sale could have been made, under a law of the territory of oregon, a purchaser would take nothing--not even the possessory right of a settler.[ ] the settler was the only one who could complete the four years' residence and cultivation. in fact, it was a long time after the passage of the law before a land claim could be lawfully taken up. the settlers really held a kind of squatter's title until the surveyor-general was ready to proceed or to receive applications for surveys. the first notifications were not filed until . besides, the statute of limitations, for bringing suit on these debts, did not exceed six years. the case of mcloughlin v. hoover, _oregon reports_, , was decided at the december term, , of the supreme court of the territory of oregon. this case shows that dr. mcloughlin did bring a suit shortly after september , , the exact date not being given in the decision, against john hoover to recover from hoover a promissory note for $ dated october , , and payable one year after date. hoover pleaded the statute of limitations. it was held by the supreme court of oregon territory that at no time under the provisional or territorial governments of oregon was the statute of limitations to recover on notes and accounts for a longer period than six years. but by reason of amendments of the law, that the statute of limitations did not run a longer period than three years succeeding the act of september , . the full six years from the time said note became due would end october , , counting three days of grace, but under this decision the statute of limitations had run september , , being less than five years from the time said note became due. the statute of limitations does not extinguish a debt. it merely stops the collection of it by law. in this speech thurston was compelled to admit that he had no proper foundation for the statement in his letter to congress that dr. mcloughlin had sent word to fort hall to turn the immigration to california. he said in this speech that the immigrants to oregon "at a very early period, perhaps as early as or , were met with the tale that the indians were hostile to the immigrants; that they would be cut off if they proceeded further on the oregon trail; and that this story was told by the officer in charge of fort hall, as having been received from vancouver, [the headquarters of dr. mcloughlin] and that this same officer advised the emigrants to go to california." this statement is not borne out by the facts. that there was danger to the immigrants in coming to oregon is shown by the intended massacre of the immigrants of , as set forth in this address and in the mcloughlin document. thurston, in this speech, took up the shortess petition and read numerous parts of it. he said in reference to the phrase that the petitioners hoped that dr. mcloughlin never would own his land claim, that that is "just what the land bill provides for." referring to the assertion in the shortess petition that dr. mcloughlin "says the land is his, and every person building without his permission is held as a trespasser," thurston said: "what do you think of this, mr. speaker? an englishman holding an _american citizen_ a trespasser for settling on american soil, where the american government had invited him! this, sir, was before the treaty [of ] and before the provisional government was formed, and when one american citizen had as good a right to settle there as another, and all a better right than dr. mcloughlin. yet this barefaced jesuit has the effrontery to pretend he did not hold that claim by dint of threats." thurston does not explain how the american government invited the immigrants prior to to settle in oregon. the truth is that the american settlers who left the east prior to went on their own initiative. they were neither invited nor helped nor protected by the government, until after the establishment of the territorial government in . under the conventions of joint-occupancy dr. mcloughlin had the same rights, up to the treaty of , as a british subject, that any citizen of the united states had--no more, no less. this, thurston as a lawyer, knew. after quoting further from the shortess petition, thurston said: "now, mr. speaker, all this was before the provisional government was in operation--before the treaty, when no man had any right to meddle with the soil. who can contemplate the helpless condition of these few and feeble american citizens, at that time and place, struggling for life, and for subsistence, thus kicked and buffeted round at the mercy of one of the most powerful corporations on earth, headed by a man whose intrigues must have furnished eugene sue with a clue to his 'wandering jew,'--who, i say, sir, can thus contemplate our flesh, and blood, and kindred, with their land, their houses, their all, thus posted up, and declared subject to _any_ disposition this unfeeling man might make of them without shedding tears of pity for their distress.... now, sir, just turn to my correspondence in letters one and two, where he tells you, if a man settled where the company did not allow him to, he paid the _forfeiture with his life_, or from _necessity_ was compelled to yield. and here, again, the names of wait and thornton rise up before me, and while reading their laudations of mcloughlin, i can think of nothing but two jews lauding judas iscariot.... "this petition is signed by many persons, many of whom i know, who are now living in oregon. i can bear unqualified testimony to their character in society, to their honor and to their veracity. i undertake to say, that not a word is uttered in it but the truth, and it is susceptible of any reasonable proof. i know the gentleman who wrote the original, whom to know is to respect, to listen to, to believe. he is a gentleman of the highest standing in oregon, of some twelve or fourteen years' residence, and who would be universally believed on any subject on which he would presume to speak. that gentleman informs me that every word of it is true to the letter.... if in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things are established, then surely sixty-five men are good evidence of the facts stated in the petition to which their names were attached, and, then, you and the country can judge whether this man mcloughlin, by whom all the abuses here complained of were dictated, is entitled to receive gratuities of the american government for such rascalities, or whether the people of oregon owe him a debt of gratitude which they refuse to pay." thurston set forth the letter of dr. mcloughlin to robert shortess, dated at vancouver, april , , in which dr. mcloughlin wrote: "i am informed that you have circulated a petition for signatures, complaining of me, and of the hudson's bay company. i hope you will, in common fairness, give me a copy of the petition, with the names of those who signed it, that i may know what is said against us, and who those _are_ who think they have cause of complaint against us." thurston said: "the _names_ must be given, and for what? i will not say whether as a sure guide to the tomahawk of the indian, or as a precursor to death by combined and grinding oppression--i leave this to the witnesses who have already spoken. but could you read in the records of heaven the deeds of this power in oregon, while you would admire the consummate skill with which they were conducted, your whole moral nature would be shocked by the baseness of the design, and the means for their accomplishment." thurston in this speech, without giving names, gave excerpts from a number of letters he had received, sustaining his actions against dr. mcloughlin in the donation land bill. shameful as thurston's actions were against dr. mcloughlin, thurston had reason to believe that his actions were sustained and approved by leaders and members of the party which had elected him. those who thus abetted thurston in his misstatements and actions against dr. mcloughlin were as culpable as thurston was--they became his accessories. some of these afterwards were ashamed of their actions against dr. mcloughlin. their repentances, although late, are commendable. document o _correspondence of s. r. thurston, nathaniel j. wyeth, robert c. winthrop and dr. john mcloughlin, published in the "oregon spectator," april , ._ "chicopee, mass., nov. , ." "capt. nath. j. wyeth: "my dear sir--you will excuse me, i am sure, when i assure you i am from oregon, and her delegate to the congress of the united states, for addressing you for a purpose of interest to the country to which i belong. "i desire you to give me as correct a description as you can at this late period, of the manner in which you and your party, and your enterprise in oregon, were treated by the hudson's bay company, and particularly by doc. john mcloughlin, then its chief factor. this dr. mcloughlin has, since you left the country, rendered his name odious among the people of oregon, by his endeavors to prevent the settlement of the country, and to cripple its growth. "now that he wants a few favors of our government, he pretends that he has been the long tried friend of americans and american enterprise west of the mountains. your early reply will be highly appreciated, both for its information, and your relation to my country. "i am, sir, yours very truly, "s. r. thurston." "cambridge, nov. , ." "hon. sam'l r. thurston: "dear sir--your favor of the th inst., was received on the th. the first time i visited the columbia, in the autumn of , i reached vancouver with a disorganized party of ten persons, the remnant of twenty-four who left the states. wholly worn out and disheartened, we were received cordially, and liberally supplied, and there the party broke up. i returned to the states in the spring of with one man. one of the party, mr. john ball, remained and planted wheat on the willamette, a little above camp du sable, having been supplied with seed and implements from vancouver, then under the charge of john mcloughlin, esq., and this gentleman i believe to have been the first american who planted wheat in oregon. i returned to the country in the autumn of , with a large party and more means, having on the way built fort hall, and there met a brig which i sent around the horn. in the winter and spring of , i planted wheat on the willamette and on wappatoo island. "the suffering and distressed of the early american visitors and settlers on the columbia were always treated by hudson's bay company's agents, and particularly so by john mcloughlin, esq., with consideration and kindness, more particularly the methodist missionaries, whom i brought out in the autumn of . he supplied them with the means of transportation, seeds, implements of agriculture and building, cattle and food for a long time. "i sincerely regret that the gentleman, as you state, has become odious to his neighbors in his old age. "i am your ob't serv't, "nath. j. wyeth." "cambridge, nov. , ." "hon. robert c. winthrop: "dear sir--i have received a letter from sam'l r. thurston, of which the following is a portion: "'i desire you to give me as correct a description as you can at this late period, of the manner in which you and your party, and your enterprise in oregon, were treated by the hudson's bay company west of the rocky mountains, and particularly by dr. john mcloughlin, then its chief factor. this dr. mcloughlin has since you left the country, rendered his name odious among the people of oregon, by his endeavors to prevent the settlement of the country and cripple its growth. now that he wants a few favors of our government, he pretends that he has been the long-tried friend of americans and american enterprise west of the mountains.' "i have written mr. thurston, in reply to the above extract, that myself and parties were kindly received, and were treated well in all respects by j. mcloughlin, esq., and the officers of the hudson's bay co.; but from the tenor of his letter, i have no confidence that my testimony will be presented before any committee to whom may be referred any subjects touching the interests of said john mcloughlin, esq. "the very honorable treatment received by me from mr. mcloughlin during the years inclusive from to , during which time there were no other americans on the lower columbia, except myself and parties, calls on me to state the facts. "the purpose of this letter is to ask the favor of you to inform me what matter is pending, in which mr. mcloughlin's interests are involved, and before whom, and if you will present a memorial from me on the matters stated in mr. thurston's letter as above. "respectfully and truly your ob't servant, "nath. j. wyeth." "washington, dec. , ." "dear sir--i took the earliest opportunity to enquire of mr. thurston what there was pending before congress or the executive, in which mr. mcloughlin's character or interest were concerned. he would tell me nothing, nor am i aware of anything. "respectfully your ob't serv't, "r. c. winthrop." "to. n. j. wyeth, esq." "john mcloughlin, esq.: "dear sir--on the th of december, , i received a letter from sam'l r. thurston, delegate from oregon, of which see copy no. , and by same mail an oregon newspaper containing a communication over your signature, the letter [latter], i think, addressed in your handwriting. "from the tenor of mr. thurston's letter, i presumed he wanted my testimony for some purpose not friendly to yourself. i answered his letter as per copy no. , but doubting if my testimony, except it suited his views, would be presented, and being ignorant of his intentions, i wrote the hon. r. c. winthrop, late speaker of the house of representatives, and at present a member of the senate of the united states, as per copy, [no. ] and received from him a reply as per copy [no. ]. "should you wish such services as i can render in this part of the united states, i shall be pleased to give them in return for the many good things you did years since, and if my testimony as regards your efficient and friendly actions towards me and the other earliest americans who settled in oregon, will be of use in placing you before the oregon people in the dignified position of a benefactor, it will be cheerfully rendered. "i am, with much respect, yours truly, "nath. j. wyeth." "mr. thurston writes to mr. wyeth, 'that dr. mcloughlin has, since you left the country, rendered his name odious to the people of oregon.' (that i have rendered my name odious to the people of oregon, is what i do not know.) and 'by his endeavors to prevent the settlement of the country, and to cripple its growth.' i say i never endeavored to prevent the settlement of the country, or to cripple its growth, but the reverse. if the whole country had been my own private property, i could not have exerted myself more strenuously than i did to introduce civilization, and promote its settlement. 'now that he wants a few favors of our government, he pretends that he has been the long tried friend of americans and american enterprise west of the mountains.' mr. wyeth states how i acted towards him and his companions, the first americans that i saw on this side of the mountains. those that came since, know if mr. thurston represents my conduct correctly or not. as to my wanting a few favors, i am not aware that i asked for any favors. i was invited by the promises held out in linn's bill, to become an american citizen of this territory. i accepted the invitation and fulfilled the obligations in good faith, and after doing more, as i believe will be admitted, to settle the country and relieve the immigrants in their distresses, than any other man in it, part of my claim, which had been jumped, mr. thurston, the delegate from this territory, persuades congress to donate judge bryant, and the remainder is reserved. i make no comment--the act speaks for itself, but merely observe, if i had no claim to abernethy island, why did mr. thurston get congress to interfere, and what had judge bryant done for the territory to entitle him to the favor of our delegate? mr. thurston is exerting the influence of his official situation to get congress to depart from its usual course, and to interfere on a point in dispute, and donate that island to abernethy, his heirs and assigns, alias judge bryant, his heirs and assigns. "yours respectfully, "jno. mcloughlin." with this correspondence was published the following letter from doctor mcloughlin to the editor of the _oregon spectator_: "i handed the following letters to the editor of the _statesman_, and he refused to publish them, unless as an advertisement." this last letter is quoted to show that the letters set forth in this document o are authentic. the first number of the _oregon statesman_ was published march , .[ ] document p _letter from rev. vincent snelling to dr. john mcloughlin of march , ._ the original of the following letter is now in the possession of the oregon historical society, from which this copy is made. rev. vincent snelling was the first baptist minister who came to oregon. "oregon city, th march, ." "mr. john mcloughlin, esq., "dear sir: "having learned that you intend shortly to visit washington city, and knowing that you have been misrepresented by our delegate from this country,--and wishing as an honest man, and a friend to truth and justice, to contribute something toward the correction of those misrepresentations, i submit to your acceptance and disposal the following: "i arrived in oregon in the fall of and have been an observer of your treatment of and conduct to the american immigrants. i know that you have saved our people from suffering by hunger and i believe from savage cruelty also. i know you sent your boats to convey them down the columbia river, free of charge, and that you also sent them provisions when they were in a state of starvation, and that you directed them to be distributed among the immigrants, to those that were destitute of money equally with those that had. nor did your kindness stop there, as many of us lost nearly all we possessed by the time we arrived in the valley. you continued your favors by letting us have both food and raiment for the year, seed wheat, and charging no more than the same number of bushels the next harvest, plows and cattle to plow with. to conclude i do affirm that your conduct ever since i have known you has been such as to justify the opinion that you were friendly to the settlement of the country by americans. i judge the tree [by] its fruit; you have done more for the american settlers than all the men that were in it, at that time. "with sincere wishes that you may obtain your rights, "i subscribe myself yours, "vincent snelling, "ord. minister gospel, baptist." document q _excerpts from "the hudson's bay company and vancouver's island" by james edward fitzgerald, published in london in ; and excerpt from "ten years in oregon" by rev. daniel lee and rev. j. h. frost, published in new york in ._ in order to show some of the unjustifiable abuse of dr. mcloughlin from british sources, i here insert an excerpt from pp. - , inclusive, of "the hudson's bay company and vancouver's island" by j. e. fitzgerald. he says: "dr. m'loughlin was formerly an agent in the north west fur company of montreal; he was one of the most enterprising and active in conducting the war between that association and the hudson's bay company. in the year , when the rival companies united, dr. m'loughlin became a factor of the hudson's bay company. but his allegiance does not appear to have been disposed of along with his interests; and his sympathy with anything other than british, seems to have done justice to his birth and education, which were those of a french canadian. "this gentleman was appointed governor of all the country west of the rocky mountains; and is accused, by those who have been in that country, of having uniformly encouraged the emigration of settlers from the united states, and of having discouraged that of british subjects. "while the company in this country were asserting that their settlements on the columbia river were giving validity to the claim of great britain to the oregon territory, it appears, that their chief officer on the spot was doing all in his power to facilitate the operations of those, whose whole object it was to annihilate that claim altogether. "there is one story told, about which it is right that the truth should be ascertained. it is said that a number of half-breeds from the red river settlement were, in the year , induced by the company's officers to undertake a journey entirely across the continent, with the object of becoming settlers on the columbia river. "it appears that a number went, but on arriving in the country, so far from finding any of the promised encouragement, the treatment they received from dr. m'loughlin was such, that, after having been nearly starved under the paternal care of that gentleman, they all went over to the american settlement on the wallamette valley. "these emigrants became citizens of the united states, and it is further said, were the first to memorialize congress to extend the power of the united states over the oregon territory. "for the truth of these statements we do not of course vouch. but we do say they demand inquiry. "dr. m'loughlin's policy was so manifestly american, that it is openly canvassed in a book written by mr. dunn, one of the servants of the company, and written for the purpose of praising their system and policy. "sir edward belcher also alludes to this policy. he says,--'some few years since, the company determined on forming settlements on the rich lands situated on the wallamatte and other rivers, and for providing for their retired servants by allotting them farms, and further aiding them by supplies of cattle &c. that on the wallamatte was a field too inviting for missionary enthusiasm to overlook; but instead of selecting a british subject to afford them spiritual assistance, recourse was had to americans--a course pregnant with evil consequences, and particularly in the political squabble pending, as will be seen by the result. no sooner had the american and his allies fairly squatted,--(which they deem taking possession of the country) than they invited their brethren to join them, and called on the american government for laws and protection.' "a great deal of importance is attached to the account given by commodore wilkes, u. s. n., of the operations of the hudson's bay company on the north-west coast; and it is inferred that testimony, coming from such a quarter, is doubly in favour of the company. "nothing, indeed, can be higher than the terms in which captain wilkes speaks of the hudson's bay company's chief factor, dr. m'loughlin, and of the welcome he met, and the hospitality he experienced during his stay upon the coast. "captain wilkes was far too sensible and discriminating a man, not to see, plainly enough, whose game dr. m'loughlin was playing. but there is something strange, if we turn from the perusal of captain wilkes' narrative, and the description of the facilities which were ever afforded him, to the following passage from sir edward belcher's voyage: "the difference of the reception which a frigate of the united states navy met with, from that which one of her majesty's ships experienced, is a most suspicious fact, as suggesting the animus of the company's agents upon the north-west coast. sir edward belcher says: 'the attention of the chief to myself, and those immediately about me, particularly in sending down fresh supplies, previous to my arrival, i feel fully grateful for; but i cannot conceal my disappointment at the want of accommodation exhibited towards the crews of the vessels under my command, in a british possession.' "we certainly were not distressed, nor was it imperatively necessary that fresh beef and vegetables should be supplied, or i should have made a formal demand. but as regarded those who might come after, and not improbably myself among the number, i inquired in direct terms what facilities her majesty's ships of war might expect, in the event of touching at this port for bullocks, flour, vegetables, &c. i certainly was extremely surprised at the reply, that 'they were not in a condition to supply.'... the american policy of the hudson's bay company would seem from the above facts, to be more than a matter of suspicion. "it is very easy to say, these are idle tales; they are tales--but such tales, that parliament ought to make a searching investigation into their truth.... it is certain that dr. mcloughlin has now left the hudson's bay company, and has become _nominally_, what he seems to have been for years, _really_--an _american citizen_, living in the midst of an american population, which he collected around him, upon soil, to which he knew that his own country had, all along, laid claim." sir edward belcher's exploring expedition was at fort vancouver in august, . he insisted that the crews of his vessels should be supplied with fresh beef. dr. mcloughlin was not then at fort vancouver. probably he had not returned from his trip to england in - . mr. douglas, who was in charge, refused belcher's request because the supply of cattle was not sufficient for that purpose. fresh beef was supplied to sir edward belcher and his officers. commodore wilkes and his exploring expedition were on the oregon coast in . he did not ask for his crews to be supplied with provisions. he was grateful for the kind treatment of himself, his officers and men, by dr. mcloughlin and other officers of the hudson's bay company. sir edward belcher, it seems, was not grateful.[ ] in relation to the red river immigrants, who arrived in , the statement of fitzgerald is mostly untrue. these settlers came to oregon in under the auspices of the hudson's bay company and settled on nisqually plains, near puget sound. these plains are almost sterile, being an enormous bed of very fine gravel mixed with some soil at the surface. it is easy to understand how these settlers were disappointed in living by themselves on the nisqually plains, when they could come to the willamette valley with its fertile soil and be near the settlers in the willamette valley. it must be borne in mind that when these red river settlers went to the willamette valley, they were practically as much dependent on the hudson's bay company and dr. mcloughlin, as though they had stayed on the nisqually plains. rev. daniel lee and rev. j. h. frost wrote a book entitled "ten years in oregon," which was printed in new york in . on page of that work they say of these settlers from red river: "they went to nesqually, on pugit's sound; but, after spending a year, it was found that the land was of a very inferior quality, and that they could not subsist upon it. thus, after having subjected themselves to many hardships, and privations, and losses, for almost two years, they had yet to remove to the walamet valley, as promising to remunerate them for their future toil, and make them forget the past. accordingly most of them removed and settled in the walamet in - ." document r _note on authorship of "history of oregon" in bancroft's works; and sources of information for this monograph._ hubert howe bancroft obtained a fine collection of books and pamphlets relating to early oregon and a great deal of other information before the "history of oregon," in his works, was written. a great many oregon pioneers were personally interviewed and their statements reduced to writing. he also borrowed, on a promise to return, a great many private papers and other documents, including letters and copies of letters from the heirs of dr. mcloughlin and from other oregon pioneers and heirs of pioneers, which he has not yet returned, although he borrowed these papers and documents more than twenty years ago. said "history of oregon" is largely supplemented by foot-notes taken from this information obtained, or caused to be obtained by bancroft. the defense of dr. mcloughlin to the report of capt. warre and lieut. vavasour, was afterwards returned to dr. mcloughlin by james douglas, to whom it was sent by sir george simpson. it was among the papers loaned to bancroft. while bancroft was a handy man in collecting materials, he wisely employed frances fuller victor, oregon's best and greatest historian, to write the "history of oregon" for his works. it was largely, if not wholly, written by her. this applies particularly to that part of the history up to and including the year . for years she had been a careful student of oregon history. she had access to all the data collected by bancroft. in mrs. victor published "the river of the west" which sets forth many of the facts about dr. mcloughlin, his land claim, and the actions of the missionaries and the conspirators against him, which are contained in this address and in the "history of oregon" in bancroft's works. volume one of the latter history was published in , and volume two was published in . in writing this monograph on dr. mcloughlin i have found _the river of the west_ and bancroft's _history of oregon_ of some use, especially where the information was taken from the documents so borrowed by bancroft. but i have obtained most of my facts from original sources. wherever it was possible i have consulted oregon newspapers and books and pamphlets written by persons who took part in the events described, or which were written contemporaneous therewith, and letters written by pioneers. the oregon historical society has a number of original letters, files of early oregon newspapers, and other documents relating to events in early oregon. many of these i have examined and taken copies of. in this i have been greatly aided by mr. george h. himes, for years the efficient assistant secretary of the oregon historical society, and secretary of the oregon pioneer association. i have also obtained copies from two issues of the _oregon spectator_ in the possession of the university of oregon, through the courtesy of prof. frederic g. young. document s _excerpts from opinions of contemporaries of dr. mcloughlin._ in addition to opinions of dr. mcloughlin set forth in the address, i here set forth excerpts from other opinions, given by some of his contemporaries. i have selected these out of many high opinions and eulogies upon dr. mcloughlin. judge matthew p. deady, in an address before the oregon pioneer association, in , said:[ ] "dr. john mcloughlin was chief factor of the company [hudson's bay company] west of the rocky mountains, from to , when he resigned the position and settled at oregon city, where he died in , full of years and honor.... although, as an officer of the company, his duty and interest required that he should prefer it to the american immigrant or missionary, yet at the call of humanity, he always forgot all special interests, and was ever ready to help and succor the needy and unfortunate of whatever creed or clime. "had he but turned his back upon the early missionary or settler and left them to shift for themselves, the occupation of the country by americans would have been seriously retarded, and attended with much greater hardship and suffering than it was. for at least a quarter of a century mcloughlin was a grand and potent figure in the affairs of the pacific slope.... but he has long since gone to his rest. peace to his ashes! yet the good deeds done in the body are a lasting monument to his memory, and shall in due time cause his name to be written in letters of gold in oregon history." governor peter h. burnett, from whose "recollections and opinions of an old pioneer," i have already quoted, also said in that book (pp. , ): "dr. john mcloughlin was one of the greatest and most noble philanthropists i ever knew. he was a man of superior ability, just in all his dealings, and a faithful christian. i never knew a man of the world who was more admirable. i never heard him utter a vicious sentiment, or applaud a wrongful act. his views and acts were formed upon the model of the christian gentleman. he was a superior business man, and a profound judge of human nature.... in his position of chief factor of the hudson's bay company he had grievous responsibilities imposed upon him. he stood between the absent directors and stockholders of the company and the present suffering immigrants. he witnessed their sufferings; they did not. he was unjustly blamed by many of both parties. it was not the business of the company to deal upon credit; and the manager of its affairs in oregon was suddenly thrown into a new and very embarrassing position. how to act, so as to secure the approbation of the directors and stockholders in england, and at the same time not to disregard the most urgent calls of humanity, was indeed the great difficulty. no possible line of conduct could have escaped censure. "to be placed in such a position was a misfortune which only a good man could bear in patience. i was assured by mr. frank ermatinger, the manager of the company's store at oregon city, as well as by others, that dr. mcloughlin had sustained a heavy individual loss by his charity to the immigrants. i knew enough myself to be certain that these statements were substantially true. yet such was the humility of the doctor that he never, to my knowledge, mentioned or alluded to any particular act of charity performed by him. i was intimate with him, and he never mentioned them to me." col. j. w. nesmith,[ ] from whose address in i have already quoted, in that address also said:[ ] "dr. john mcloughlin was a public benefactor, and the time will come when the people of oregon will do themselves credit by erecting a statue to his memory.... thus far detraction and abuse have been his principal rewards." hon. willard h. rees, a pioneer of , in his address before the oregon pioneer association, in , said:[ ] "dr. mcloughlin, as director of the affairs of the hudson's bay company west of the rocky mountains, had more power over the indians of the whole northwest coast, which he judiciously exercised, than all other influences multiplied and combined. he was a great and just man, having in no instance deceived them, firm in maintaining the established rules regulating their intercourse, making their supplies, so far as the company was concerned, strictly depend upon their own efforts and good conduct, always prompt to redress the slightest infraction of good faith. this sound undeviating policy made dr. mcloughlin the most humane and successful manager of the native tribes this country has ever known, while the indians both feared and respected him above all other men.... dr. mcloughlin was no ordinary personage. nature had written in her most legible hand preeminence in every lineament of his strong scotch face, combining in a marked degree all the native dignity of an intellectual giant. he stood among his pioneer contemporaries like towering old [mount] hood amid the evergreen heights that surround his mountain home--a born leader of men. he would have achieved distinction in any of the higher pursuits of life.... his benevolent work was confined to no church, sect nor race of men, but was as broad as suffering humanity, never refusing to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and provide for the sick and toilworn immigrants and needy settlers who called for assistance at his old vancouver home. many were the pioneer mothers and their little ones, whose hearts were made glad through his timely assistance, while destitute strangers, whom chance or misfortune had thrown upon these, then, wild inhospitable shores, were not permitted to suffer while he had power to relieve. yet he was persecuted by men claiming the knowledge of a christian experience, defamed by designing politicians, knowingly misrepresented in washington as a british intriguer, until he was unjustly deprived of the greater part of his land claim. thus, after a sorrowful experience of man's ingratitude to man, he died an honored american citizen." j. quinn thornton was one of the early oregon pioneers. he came to oregon with the immigration of . at the meeting of the oregon pioneer association in , he furnished to that association a history of the provisional government of oregon. in this history, speaking of dr. john mcloughlin, thornton said:[ ] "the late dr. john mcloughlin resided at fort vancouver, and he was chief factor of the hudson's bay company west of the rocky mountains. he was a great man, upon whom god had stamped a grandeur of character which few men possess and a nobility which the patent of no earthly sovereign can confer.... as a christian, he was a devout roman catholic, yet, nevertheless, catholic in the largest sense of that word.... he was a man of great goodness of heart, too wise to do a really foolish thing, too noble and magnanimous to condescend to meanness, and too forgiving to cherish resentments. the writer, during the last years of dr. mcloughlin's life, being his professional adviser, had an opportunity such as no other man had, save his confessor, of learning and studying him; and as a result of the impressions, which daily intercourse of either a social or business nature made upon the writer's mind, he hesitates not to say, that old, white-headed john mcloughlin, when compared with other persons who have figured in the early history of oregon, is in sublimity of character, a mount hood towering above the foot hills into the regions of eternal snow and sunshine." col. j. k. kelly was lieutenant-colonel of the first regiment of oregon mounted volunteers in the yakima indian war of . he was afterwards a united states senator from oregon, and chief justice of the oregon state supreme court. in his address to the oregon pioneer association in , speaking of dr. mcloughlin, col. kelly said:[ ] "just and generous as that law [oregon donation land law] was to the people of oregon, yet there was one blot upon it. i refer to the provisions contained in the th section of the act by which the donation claim of dr. john mcloughlin, known as the oregon city claim, was taken from him and placed at the disposal of the legislative assembly to be sold and the proceeds applied to the endowment of an university. it was an act of injustice to one of the best friends and greatest benefactors which the early immigrants ever had. i do not propose to speak of the many estimable and noble qualities of dr. mcloughlin here. they have been dwelt upon by others who have heretofore addressed the pioneer association, and especially by mr. rees in . i concur in everything he said in praise of dr. mcloughlin. "it was my good fortune to know him well during the last six years of his life, years which were embittered by what he considered an act of ingratitude after he had done so many acts of personal kindness to the early immigrants in their time of need. that dr. mcloughlin was unjustly treated in this matter, few, if any, will deny. and i am very sure that a large majority of the people, in oregon, at that time, condemned the act which took away his property, and tended to becloud his fame. and yet no act was ever done by the territorial government to assert its right to the oregon city claim during the life of dr. mcloughlin; and in , five years after his death, the state of oregon confirmed the title to his devisees upon the payment of the merely nominal consideration of $ , into the university fund. and so five years after he was laid in his grave an act of tardy justice was done at last to the memory of the grand old pioneer." it was largely through col. kelly's influence and actions that this act was passed in favor of dr. mcloughlin's devisees. horace s. lyman was a son of rev. horace lyman, a congregational minister who came to oregon in , and who founded the first congregational church of portland in june, . horace s. lyman grew up in oregon and from his own knowledge, from personal association with pioneer missionaries and others, and from reading, he became well acquainted with the history of oregon. he was the author of a "history of oregon" published in . his associate editors were mr. harvey w. scott, judge charles b. bellinger, and prof. frederic g. young. in the fourth volume of this history, page , it is said: "whether the justice of history, and the recognition of after times, when personal interests and partizan spites are dissipated, and a character like that of mcloughlin stands forth as one of the best ever produced under the british flag, and one of the best ever given to america, should be regarded as compensation for the injustice and sufferings of a life darkened in old age, may not be determined. yet the historian must ever assert that a character worthy of perpetual commemoration and admiration, illuminating, by humanity and christian doctrine, the dark chapters of wilderness life from the atlantic to the pacific, and setting a star of hope over the barracks of a mercenary trading company, is worth all personal sacrifice. it is of such acts that great history consists. even to the doctor himself, going down in old age and poverty, and doubting whether his family would have a support, and believing that he had better have been shot as a beast than to have so suffered, we may hope that it was but 'a light affliction, compared with the perpetual consciousness of a life of peace and good will sustained in a period menaced by war." as i have said, my uncle, daniel s. holman, was one of the immigrants of . he was then about twenty-one years old. he will be eighty-five years old the fifteenth of november, . he lives at mcminnville, oregon, strong in mind and body. when i was honored by being selected to deliver the address, i wrote him asking for his opinion of dr. john mcloughlin, for i knew his feelings. he wrote me august , . in this letter he said: "i received yours requesting me to tell you of some of the kind acts of doctor mcloughlin. it would take more time than i have to speak of all the very good things that he did, but i can say that he did all that was in his power to do to help the starving, wornout and poverty stricken [immigrants] that came to oregon. for the first three or four years after i came if he had not helped us we could not have lived in oregon. at the time we came he sent his boats to the dalles, free of cost, to help all that could not help themselves to go down the river. he also sent food and clothing to the destitute and gave it to them. he also furnished seed grain to everyone who wanted, and waited for his pay until they raised wheat to pay. the fact is there never was a better man than he was. he did more than any other man did to settle oregon. history says doctor whitman was the man who saved oregon to the united states, but that is not true. it was dr. john mcloughlin of the hudson's bay company. so says every man that is a man, that came to oregon up to . he furnished the entire immigration with food and clothing for the first year after we came. the people did not have money to live on and so he fed and clothed us all. some never paid him but some did pay the good old man." and he added a postscript to say that his wife thought he had not said enough about dr. john mcloughlin. she has been my uncle's loving and faithful help-mate for more than fifty-nine years. she is a pioneer of . she, too, is still strong, mentally and physically. my uncle said in the postscript: "i can say that i am sure no man could have done better than he did to us all. in the fall of i went out to meet the immigrants and was gone from home six or eight weeks without a change of clothing. i got back to vancouver where the doctor then lived. i was as ragged as i could be. i went to his office and told him i wanted some clothing, but had no money. he gave me an order to his son to let me have whatever i wanted in the store. he treated others as he did me. in he let every one who wanted to go to the mines have all they needed, on time, to go to california. some never paid him. have you anyone in portland that would help any and all such men off to the mines on such chances of getting their pay? i don't think there is such a man in oregon, or any other place. you can't say too much in his praise." joseph watt, a pioneer of , from whose "recollections of dr. john mcloughlin" i have already quoted, also said, in said _recollections_:[ ] "the next i saw of the doctor was in oregon city, he having stayed at fort vancouver until all the immigrants for that year [ ] had arrived. he was building a large flouring mill, at that time nearing its completion. he already had a saw mill in full blast, also was building a dwelling house, preparing to move to that place, which he did in the following spring. from that time to his death he was a prominent figure in oregon city. nothing pleased him better than to talk with the settlers, learn how they were getting along, their prospects, of their ability to live, and to help others. he was anxious that every one should be well and kept busy. he could not endure idleness or waste. over-reaching, or, what we americans call 'sharp practice,' he had no patience with whatever. as far as he was concerned all transactions were fair, straight-forward and honorable. those who knew him best never thought of disputing his word or his declared intentions, although there were some high in authority who did this in after years, apparently for selfish motives; and through their representations, caused the u. s. government to do an act of great injustice. but i am proud to be able to say that all, or nearly all of the first settlers, did not endorse the action, and never rested until the wrong was adjusted as nearly as it was possible to do so.... it appeared by common consent that he was practically the first governor of the great north pacific coast. no man ever fulfilled that trust better than dr. john mcloughlin. he was always anxious over the indian problem. no one understood the indian character better than he did. all the indians knew him as the great 'white chief,' and believed whatever he said could be depended on; that he was not their enemy, but was strictly just with them in every thing;--could punish or reward, as he thought best, and no trouble grew out of it. but with the settlers the case was different.... dr. mcloughlin! kind, large-hearted dr. john mcloughlin! one of nature's noblemen, who never feared to do his duty to his god, his country, his fellow-men and himself, even in the wilderness. the pioneers of this great north-west feel that they owe dr. john mcloughlin a debt of gratitude above all price, and that they and their posterity will cherish his memory by a suitable monument placed on the highest pinnacle of fame within the state of oregon." archbishop f. n. blanchet came to oregon in as vicar-general of the roman catholic church in oregon. he was consecrated as archbishop in quebec in . in his "historical sketches of the catholic church in oregon" (published in ), from which i have already quoted, he also said of dr. mcloughlin (pp. and ): "he was one of 'nature's noblemen' in every sphere of life. of commanding presence, strict integrity, sound judgment, and correct principles of justice, no man was better qualified for the position he occupied as the father and friend of both the indians and the whites who then jointly occupied the pacific northwest. dr. mcloughlin was the arbiter to whom both whites and indians looked for the settlement of their differences, and the friend from whom they sought relief in all their difficulties.... under the impartial supervision of this good and great man the business of the hudson bay company prospered amazingly; he perpetuated peace between the indians and the employes of the company.... he also extended assistance to every immigrant whose necessities required it, and his good deeds have enshrined his name amidst the most honored of the pioneers of the pacific coast." and on page archbishop blanchet said: "dr. john mcloughlin was the father of the orphans and servants of the h. b. co.; the father of the french-canadian colonies of cowlitz and wallamette valley; of all the american immigrants; and a great benefactor of the catholic church." it will be remembered that rev. daniel lee was a methodist missionary, who came to oregon in . he worked faithfully and earnestly for about ten years when he returned to the eastern states. he continued in the ministry and died about . his son, rev. william h. lee, is the pastor of the people's mission church at colorado springs. he was in portland in . in answer to the inquiry of mr. g. h. himes, assistant secretary of the oregon historical society, rev. william h. lee wrote the following letter at his home, july , , to mr. himes: "as the son of a pioneer oregon missionary i wish to add my tribute of respect to the memory of dr. john mcloughlin. for years my father rev. daniel lee labored in missionary work in oregon and during all these years john mcloughlin was his friend. when my father and mother were united in marriage it was within the hospitable walls of ft. vancouver and we treasure a marriage certificate signed by john mcloughlin as one of the witnesses. many times have i heard my father and mother speak of the kindness of dr. john mcloughlin. and one of the most pleasant memories of my recent visit to portland was the privilege i had of stopping in oregon city and placing some flowers on the grave of my father and mother's friend." the well known writer, s. a. clarke, who was an oregon immigrant of , published a two volume work in , entitled: "pioneer days of oregon history." in this work (vol. , pp. , ) mr. clarke says of dr. mcloughlin: "it was because of his loyalty to humanity and his kindness to americans that he lost his high official station and was left almost heartbroken in his old age. we can afford to hold up in contrast those who profited by his bounty and left him to pay the bill; also those--be they missionaries or who--that tried to rob him of his land claim, with the nobler minded man--john mcloughlin--who did so much and lost so much for humanity, and never expressed regret." mr. clarke in this work (vol. , p. ) narrates the following incident, which was told to him by dr. william c. mckay, who was a grandson of mrs. dr. john mcloughlin. it will be remembered that her first husband was alexander mckay, who was killed in the capture of the tonquin in . "in william beagle and family reached vancouver destitute, and he had the typhus fever. mcloughlin heard of it and told dr. barclay there was a sick and destitute family at the landing; to fix up a house for them, make them comfortable and attend to the sick. "dr. w. c. mckay had just returned from the states where he pursued medical studies. so the doctor invited him to assist in taking care of his patients. there was the mother and several children, who had all they needed for two months, until beagle got better, when he went to governor mcloughlin and asked what his bill was. 'tut, tut, tut! bill, bill, bill! take care of yourself, sir! that is the bill!" beagle pleaded that even the doctor couldn't afford to take care of his family and treat them so long without pay. 'tut, tut, tut,' was the reply. 'you do the best you can for some other man who is in trouble, and that will pay me.' "he sent them up the willamette, free of charge, sold them supplies that were necessary until beagle could earn money, and was finally paid for them in full. this is but one instance in the many where the kindness and generosity of dr. mcloughlin was manifested toward americans who reached vancouver sick and impoverished and received his generous and kindly care." footnotes: [ ] see document a at end of volume. [ ] see document b. [ ] see document c. [ ] report of naval agent w. a. slocum to the secretary of state, march , . [ ] dunn's _history of the oregon territory_, p. . [ ] wilkes's _narrative_, iv, p. . [ ] see document c. [ ] john dunn was an employée of the hudson's bay company. he came from england to fort vancouver, in , by sea. he returned to england in or . the first edition of his history was published in london in . [ ] belcher's _narrative of a voyage round the world_, vol. i, p. . [ ] as to the high regard which wyeth retained through his life for dr. mcloughlin, see document o. [ ] see document d. [ ] rev. gustavus hines, _history of oregon_, p. . [ ] dr. h. k. hines, _missionary history_, p. . [ ] rev. gustavus hines, _history of the oregon missions_, pp. , ; dr. h. k. hines, _missionary history_, p. . [ ] lee and frost's _ten years in oregon_, pp. , . [ ] see documents e and f. [ ] _transactions_, oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] _history of oregon_ by rev. h. k. hines, d.d., pp. , . [ ] gray's _history of oregon_, pp. , . [ ] "narrative of dr. mcloughlin" published in the _quarterly_ of the oregon historical society, june, . [ ] address of medorum crawford, in . see _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] see _quarterly_ of the oregon historical society, vol. , pp. - . [ ] wilkes, _history of oregon_, p. . [ ] see theodore roosevelt's _winning of the west_. [ ] _oregon spectator_, november , . [ ] a full summary will be found in vol. , pp. - , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works. [ ] see document r. [ ] see document c. [ ] vol. , pp. , , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works. [ ] vol. , p. , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works, from manuscript of jesse applegate. [ ] see document l. [ ] white's _ten years in oregon_, p. . [ ] rev. dr. h. k. hines, _missionary history_, p. . [ ] see document l. [ ] vol. , p. , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works. see also document l. [ ] this proclamation is set forth in full in document i. [ ] this agreement is set forth in full in document j. [ ] vol. , p. , _history of the pacific northwest_, by elwood evans; _the river of the west_, by frances fuller victor, pp. , ; vol. , pp. , , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works. [ ] vol. , p. , _history of oregon_, bancroft's works; vol. , p. , elwood evans's _history of the pacific northwest_. see also document h. [ ] see document h, which is a true copy of all the shortess petition as printed in by order of the united states senate. [ ] see document n. [ ] see document k. [ ] set forth in document j. [ ] _congressional globe_, vol. , part second, p. , first session of st congress. [ ] this letter of dr. mcloughlin is set forth in full in document l. see also letter of william j. berry, document m. [ ] see document n, where excerpts from this speech are set forth. [ ] white's _ten years in oregon_, pp. , . [ ] _oregon spectator_, august and , . [ ] _oregon spectator_, september , . [ ] _oregon spectator_, november , . [ ] _western star_ (milwaukee, oregon) february , and march , . [ ] attention is called to the correspondence of s. r. thurston, nathaniel j. wyeth, r. c. winthrop and dr. mcloughlin, which is set forth in document o. [ ] see document p. [ ] _house journal_, - , p. . [ ] see document q. [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , pp. , . [ ] for further opinions of contemporaries of dr. mcloughlin, see document s. [ ] greenhow's _history of oregon and california_, pp. - , - (second edition, ); martin's _hudson bay territories and vancouver's island_, pp. - ; bryce's _the remarkable history of the hudson's bay company_, chapters xxiv to xxix. [ ] this copy of the shortess petition is made from the united states senate document as printed by its order of february , . it is senate document , th congress, st session. one copy of this original senate document is in the possession of milton w. smith, esq., of portland, oregon. by his courtesy the foregoing copy was made from said senate document. the purported copy of the shortess petition in gray's _history of oregon_ and in brown's _political history of oregon_ are not true copies. [ ] see document n. [ ] bernard's heirs v. ashley's heirs, _howard_ (u. s. supreme court) ; hot spring cases, _otto_ (u. s. supreme court) , . [ ] rev. gustavus hines, _history of oregon_, chapter x. [ ] see document j. [ ] mrs. frances f. victor, _the river of the west_, pp. , ; _history of oregon_, bancroft's works, vol. i, p. . [ ] see document l, where this injunction by thurston, written on the copy of his letter, is set forth in full. [ ] hall v. russell, _u. s._, . [ ] this correspondence was also published in full in the _western star_ (published at milwaukee, oregon), in its issue of april , . [ ] see document f. [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] col. j. w. nesmith was a captain of oregon volunteers in the cayuse indian war of ; and also in the rogue river indian war of , and was colonel of the first regiment of oregon mounted volunteers in the yakima indian war of . he was a united states senator and also a representative to congress from oregon. [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , pp. , . [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , p. . [ ] _transactions_ of the oregon pioneer association for , pp. - . index abernethy, general george, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . abernethy island, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . academy, wesleyan, (_see also_ schools). acapulco (mex.), . act, organic, ; of , ; trading, . adams, thomas (an indian), . agriculture, , . alaska, . america, , , , ; british, , (_see also_ canada); north, , , , ; south, ; a ship, . americans, , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . anderson, john, . applegate, jesse, , , , , , , , , . apples, (_see also_ fruit). army, british, , , , . arnold, benedict, , , . arkansas (state), . arrendrill, c. t., . articles of agreement, - . astor, john jacob, , . astoria, , , , , , . atlantic ocean, . attorneys, , , , , , , . babcock, dr. i. l., . bailey, dr. --, . baker's bay, . ball, john, . baltimore, . bancroft, hubert howe, _history of oregon_, cited, , , , , , , , , , - . baptists, , , . barclay, dr. --, , . barlow road, . bates, james m., . battles, , (_see also_ wars). beagle, william, . beaumont (canadian parish), . beaver, rev. herbert, . beaver-skins, . beef, , , , , . beers, alanson, , . belcher, sir edward, , , , , , . bellamy, g. w., . bellinger, judge charles b., . bennet, v., . berry, william j., . blanchet, archbishop francis norbert, ; _historical sketches_, cited, , , , . blue mountains, . boats, , , , , , , (_see also_ ships). bonds, , , , , , . bonneville, captain --, , , , . boone, daniel, . boston (mass.), , , . bostons (name given to americans), , , . boundaries, of oregon county, , , , , , , , , , , , , . bowlin, --, . brallier, henry, letter by, , . bread, . brewer, h. b., . bribery, . bridges, j. c., . british, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . brooks, wm. (an indian), . broughtan, lieut. --, . brown, --, . brown, g., . brown, jeffrey, . brown, j. henry, _political history of oregon_, cited, , , . brown, william, . brum, william, . bryant, judge w. p., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . bryce, --, _the remarkable history of the hudson's bay company_, cited, . buddha, . burgoyne, general john, . burnett, peter h., , , , , , , , , , . burns, hugh, . butler, . calcutta (india), . california, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . california bill, , . cambridge (mass.), , . campbell, h., . campbell, j. j., . camp du sable, . canada, dominion of, , , , , , , ; upper, , . canadians, , , , , ; french, - , , , , , , . canal, . cannon, . canoes, , , . cape horn, . carolinas, . cartee, l. f., . carter, david, . cascades, , , , ; mountains, , . _see also_ rapids. cason, f. c., . casualties, . cathlamet, . catholics, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . cattle, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . cayuse (indian tribe), , , , , , , (_see also_ wars). champoeg (ore.), , (_see also_ the following). champooing, . chance, william, . charles ii (king of great britain), . charters, , , (_see also_ grants). chemekete, (ore.), . chicopee (mass.), . churches, , ; catholic, , , , ; english, ; methodist, . _see also_ missionaries and kindred topics. clackamas county (ore.), . . clackamas falls, . clackamas female protestant seminary, , . clackamas river, , , , , . clark, george rogers, . clarke, --, . clarke, s. a., _pioneer days_, cited, , . clayoquot sound, . coggswell, william (artist), . colonies, american, . colorado springs (col.), . columbia river, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . commissioner of indian affairs, . compo, charles, . comyns, --, . confiscations, . confucius, . congregationalists, , , , . congress, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . _congressional globe_, cited, , , , . constitution, , , , , . conventions, , , , , , , , , , (_see also_ treaties). cook, aaron, . coombs, e. n., . copeland, a., . corn, . coursen, --, . courts, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . cowenia, --, . cowlitz, . crawford, medorum, , . creeks, . curry, george l., , , . dalles (indians), , . dartmouth college, . davis, george, . davis, s., . deady, judge matthew p., , , , . debt, collection of, . deeds, land, , , , , - , , . de haven, --, . donation land law, , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . douglas, james, , , , , , , , , , , . dryad, (a ship), . dunn, --, _history of the oregon territory_, cited, , , , . edmunds, john, . edwards, --, . edwards, p. l. (teacher), , . ekin, richard h., . elections, . elijah, an indian, . ellice, e., . england, , , , , , , , , , , , , . english, , , , , , , (_see also_ british, england, and great britain). english church, , . epidemics, , . epitaph, . epps, captain --, . ermatinger, frank, . evans, elwood, _history of pacific northwest_, cited, , , . executions, , . expeditions, , - , , , , , , . exports, , . fairfield (ore.), . farmers, , . farms, , , , , , , , , , , . farnham, thomas j. (traveler), . faulitz plains, . figueroa, --, (governor of california), . fillmore, millard, , . fitzgerald, james edward, _the hudson's bay company_, cited, - , . flatheads (indian tribe), , . flour, , (_see also_ wheat). force, james, . forest creek (ore.), . forts, , , , , , , , , . fowl, . fraser, angelique, mother of mcloughlin, . fraser, malcolm, . fraser, samuel, m. d., . fraser, general --, . fraser highlanders, . fremont, col. john c., , , , . french, , , (_see also_ canadians, french). french prairie (ore.), , . freshets, . frost, rev. j. h., , . fruit, . funds, misappropriation of, . furs, , , , , , , , . furtrade, , , , , . furtraders, , , , , , , (_see also_ trade and commerce). gale, joseph, . garden, . gary, rev. george, , , , . gay, george, . george (fort), , , , . germany, . ghent, , . gibbs, joseph, . gifts, , , , , , , , , . gilpin, major w., , . girtman, daniel, . gladstone park, , . goats, . gordon, captain --, , . governor's island. _see_ abernethy island. grain, (_see also_ wheat). grants, , , , (_see also_ charters). gray, w. h., ; _history of oregon_, cited, , , , , . great britain, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . (_see also_ england). green river, . greenhow, --, _history of oregon and california_, cited, . gregory xvi (pope), . griffin, j. s., . griffith, --, . grover, gov. l. f., , . hall, --, . hall (fort), , , , , , , , , , . hannah, --, . harvey, daniel, , . harvey, james w. mcloughlin, (grandson of dr. j. mcloughlin), , . hastings, --, , , , . hathaway, felix, , , , , , , . hauxhurst, w., . hawaiian islands, , , , , . hess, joseph, . hill, david, . hill, tom (a shawnee indian), . himes, george h., , . hines, rev. gustavus, , , ; _history of oregon_, cited, , , . hines, rev. h. k., d. d., , , - , ; _missionary history_, cited, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . hoaikaika (ship), , . hofstatter, john, . hogs, , , . holman, daniel s., , - . holman, frederick v., preface, - ; dr. john mcloughlin, - . holman, j., . holman, james d. (the author's father), , . holman, john (grandfather of the author), . holman, joseph, , . holman, woodford c., . honolulu (hawaii), . hoover, john, , . horregon, jer., . horses, , , , , , , , . howard, --, . howard, john, . howison, lieut. neil m., , . hubbard, t. j., . hudson bay, . hudson's bay company, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . hudspath, --, . humason, orlando, . hunters, . idaho, , , . illinois (state), . immigrants, and immigration to oregon, , , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . independence (mo.), , . indians, , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . ireland, , , . irish, , , , . iroquois (indians), . ithaca (n. y.), . ivory, . jackson, -- (furtrader), . jackson, b. b., . japanese, . jesuitism, . jesuits, . jews, . johnson, w., . judges, , , , , , . judson, l. h., . kamouraska (parish in canada), . kaministiquia river, . kelley, hall j., , , . kelly, col. --, . kentucky (state), . kilbourn, captain w. k., . kincaid, h. r., _biennial report, of _, cited, . klakamus plains, . klakamus river, (_see also_ clackamas). kone, --, , . ladd & co., . la framboise, michel, , . lambert, captain --, . lancaster, columbus, , . land claims, , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . land laws, , , (_see also_ donation land law). lane, gen. joseph, , , , , . lapwai (idaho), . lausanne (a ship), , , , , , , , , . lawson, j., . lawyer, . lebreton, george w., . lee, rev. daniel (missionary), , , , , , , , , , , . lee, rev. jason (missionary), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , . lee, rev. william h. (son of daniel), opinion of mcloughlin, , . leslie, rev. david, , , , , , . lewis, jr., s., . lewis, reuben, . lewis and clark exposition, . lewiston (idaho), . linn bill, , , . linn, senator --, , . linnton (ore.), . london, , , , , , , , , , , . los angeles (cal.), . lovejoy, a. lawrence, , ; letter by, , . lucier, etienne, , . lumber, , , (_see also_ timber). lyman, horace, . lyman, rev. horace s., _history of oregon_, , . lytle, --, . mccarver, general --, . mcdougal, duncan, . mcgillivray, s., . mcgillivray, w., . mcgruder, theodore, . mckarty, william, . mckay, --, . mckay, alexander, , . mckay, dr. william c., . mcloughlin, david (brother of dr. mcl.), , . mcloughlin, david (son of dr. mcl.), , , . mcloughlin, eliza (daughter of dr. j. mcl.), . mcloughlin, eloisa (daughter of dr. mcl.), , , . mcloughlin, john (father of following), . mcloughlin, dr. john: revered in oregon, ; mcloughlin day, ; life, - ; illustrative documents on, - ; genealogy and family, - ; and the oregon country, - ; treatment of indians, - ; letters, etc. by, , - , , , - (_see also_ mcloughlin document, and deeds); kindness and humanity of, , , , - , , , , , , - , , , , , , , - , , , , , , - , - ; appellations, , , , , , ; persecuted, , , - ; his land claims (_see_ land claims); naturalized, - ; answer to thurston, - . mcloughlin, john (son of dr. mcl.), . mcloughlin, mrs. dr. john, . mcloughlin day, , . mcloughlin document, cited, , , , , , , , , , , , . mcminnville (ore.), . mcneil, captain --, . magruder, theodore, . marechell, --, , . marion county (ore.), . martin, --, _hudson bay territories_, cited, , . massachusetts (state), , . mazatlan (mex.), . may dacre (a ship), , . meek, joseph l., . melons, . memphremagog (lake), , . methodists, , , , , , (_see also_ missionaries, and missions). mexican government, . mexico, . mills, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . milner, dr. --, . milwaukee (ore.), , . mines, , . minto, john, , , . mirabel (cal.), . missionaries, , , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , ; catholic, , ; congregational, ; methodist, , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; presbyterian, - , (_see also_ missions). missionary board, report to, - , . mission church, . mission party, , , , . missions (catholic), . missions (methodist), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . mississippi river, . missouri (state), , , , , . modeste (ship), . moffitt, j. w., . montana (state), , . monopolies, , , , . montreal, , , . morrison, j. l., . moss, s. w., . mount hood, , , . mt. mcloughlin, , . mt. pitt, . murders, , , . myrick, mrs. josiah, , . nesmith, col. j. w., , , , , , . nesqually, . nevada (state), . new england, , . new england conference, . new york (city), , , , . _new york herald_, cited, . nisqually plains, . north fork, . north pacific coast, . northwest coast, , , , . northwest fur company, , , , , , , , , . nunnery, . nutall, -- (botanist), , . nye, chauncey, . oak, . ohio (state), . o'neil, james a., . o'neill, --, . oregon (country, territory, and state), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . oregon (ship), . oregon bill, , (_see also_ donation land law). oregon city (ore.), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . oregon city claim, (_see also_ land claims). oregon donation law, (_see also_ donation land law). oregon historical society, , , , , , , , , , , , , . _oregon house journal_, cited, , . _oregonian_, cited, . oregon land bill, (_see also_ donation land law). oregon legislature, , , , , , , , , , , , . oregon milling company, , , , , , , , , , . oregon pioneer association, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . oregon provisional government, , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . _oregon reports_, cited, . _oregon senate journal_, cited, . _oregon spectator_, cited, , , , , , , , , , , , , , . _oregon statesman_, cited, . oregon supreme court, . oregon territorial government, , , . oxen, , , , , , , (_see also_ cattle). pacific coast and slope, , , . pacific fur company, , . pacific ocean, , , , . pancott, theodore, . paris (france), . park, captain --, , . parker, rev. samuel (missionary), . parliament, , , , . parrish, j. l., , . patents, . pawnee mission, . peacock (ship), , . peel, lieut. wm., , . peel, sir robert, . penalties, - , . pendleton (ore.), , . pennoyer, governor sylvester, . peopeomoxmox (indian chief), . perkins, rev. h. k. w., . pfeiffer, w. a., . philadelphia (penn.), , . pillar rock, . pine, . pineries, . pioneers, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . pittman, anna maria, . platte river, . plows, . polk (county), . polk, james k., , , . pomeroy, walter, , . porpoise (ship), . portage, . porter, j. m. (secretary of war), . portland (ore.), , , , , , , , , , , , , . portland general electric company, . potatoes, , . prairies, . presbyterians, , , . prices, , , , , , , , , . priests, catholic, , , , . protestants, , , , , , . puget's island, . puget sound, , , . quebec (city), , . raccoon (british sloop-of-war), . rae, william glen, , , . rafts, (_see also_ ships). rapids, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . raymond, w. w., , . red river settlement, , . rees, hon. willard h., , ; opinion of mcloughlin, - . regiments, , . rekener, j., . remick, william c., , . revolution, cromwellian, . richmond, dr. --, . ricord, john (attorney), , - , , , . rivière du loup (a parish), . robb, j. r., . robertson, james, . rocky mountains, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , (_see also_ stony mountains). rogue river indians, . rome (italy), . roosevelt, theodore, _winning of the west_, cited, . roy, charles, . russell, --, . russians, . st. gregory the great, knight of, . st. lawrence river, . salem (ore.), , , , , , , , . salmon, , , . sand island, . sandwich islands, , , , , . san francisco (cal.), , , . saratoga, battle of, . savages, (_see also_ indians). sawyer, --, . schoolhouses, . schools, , , , , (_see also_ seminary). scotch, , . scotland, , . scott, harvey w., . seaside, , . seminary, (_see also_ schools). senate document, . senators, , , . sevier, john, . seymour, admiral --, , . shadden, thomas j., . shark (ship), . shawnees (indian tribe), . sheep, . shepard, cyrus (teacher), . ships, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . shortess petition, , - , , - , , , , . shortess, robert, , , , , , , , , . simpson, sir george, , , . sitka (alaska), . skinner, a. a., . slacum, --, . slocum, w. a., . smith, a. d., . smith, jedediah s. (furtrader), , , , , . smith, milton w., . snake country, . snake river, , . snelling, vincent, letter to mcloughlin, - . sonoma county (cal.), . spalding, mrs. henry h., . spalding, rev. henry h., . spies, , . staats, stephen, . stanstead (canada), . stark, --, . starrs, --, . _statesman_, cited, . stikeen (fort), . stony mountains, , , , (_see_ rocky mountains). straits of juan de fuca, . sublette, -- (furtrader), . sue, eugene, . sumatra (a ship), . superior (lake), . surveyors, , , . sutton, william c., , , . sweet water river, . taxes, . teachers, missionaries as, . tennessee (state), . the dalles, , , , , , , , , . thing, captain --, thomas h. perkins (american ship), , . thomas, captain --, . thompson, l. s., . thornton, j. quinn, , , ; _history of provisional government of oregon_, cited, , , , . thurston (county), . thurston, samuel r., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; his letter, - ; protests against him, - ; acts approved, ; acts not endorsed, ; death, ; career and death, - ; illtreats mcloughlin, , ; false statements by, , ; excerpts from speech, , , - , , , , , . timber, , , (_see also_ lumber). tolmie, dr. f. w., . tongue point (ore.), . tonner, a., . tonquin (ship), , . town, --, . townsend, john k., _narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains_, cited, , . trade and commerce, , , . trade licenses, , , , . traders, american, , - , . trading act, . trading companies, , , - (_see also_ hudson's bay company, and northwest fur company). trading posts, , . trappers, . treaties, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , (_see also_ conventions). tualatin plains, , , . turner, john, . turnham, joel, . typhus fever, , . umpqua, . umpqua river, , , . united states, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . united states senate, , , , , , . university of oregon, , , , , , , , . vancouver barracks, . vancouver (fort), , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . vancouver island, . vancouver, point, . varney, captain --, . vavasour, lieutenant and captain --, , , . venison, . victor, frances fuller, , ; _the river of the west_, cited, , , , , . victoria (queen of england), , , , . virginia (state), . waiilatpu (wash.), . wait, aaron e., , , . walahmette valley, (_see_ willamette valley). walamet valley, (_see_ willamette valley). walker, --, . wallace, --, . wallamatte river, (_see_ willamette river). wallamet falls, , , (_see_ willamette falls). wallamette river, , , (_see_ willamette river). wallamette valley, , (_see_ willamette valley). wallammette falls settlement, , (_see_ oregon city). walla walla (wash.), , . waller, rev. alvin f., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . wappatoo island, . warehouses, , . warre, captain --, , . wars: , , . american revolution, , ; war of , , ; indian, , , , , , , . washington, d. c. (city), , , , , , , , , , , , , , . washington (state), , , , . washougal (wash.), . watt, joseph, _recollections_, cited, , - . webster, noah, . wesleyan church, . wesleyan missionary society, , (_see also_ missionaries, and missions). _western star_, cited, , . west, middle, . west point (n. y.), . westport (mo.), . wheat, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . white, dr. elijah (medical missionary), , , , , , , , . whitman, dr. marcus, , , , , , , . whitman, mrs. marcus, . whitman massacre, , , . wilbraham (mass.), . wilkes, --, _journal_, cited, . wilkes, commodore charles, , , , ; excerpts from his _narrative_, - . wilkes, george, _history of oregon_, cited, . willamette, , , . willamette falls, , , , , , , , , , . willamette milling and trading companies, , . willamette river, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . willamette valley, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . william and ann (ship), , . william (fort), , . williams, r., . willson, w. h., . wilson, albert e., , , , , . wilson, e. c., . winthrop, robert c., , , , . wrecks, , , , (_see also_ ships). wyeth, captain nathaniel j., , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; _journal_ cited, , , , ; letters to, , , ; letters by, - , , . wygant, mrs. theodore, . wyoming (state), . yakima (indians), . yatten, joseph, . yerba buena, , (_see_ san francisco). young, ewing, , , , , . young, frederic g., , . early western travels - _a series of annotated reprints_ of some of the best and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive of the aborigines and social and economic conditions in the middle and far west during the period of early american settlement. comprises the following volumes --=weiser's= journal of a tour to the ohio in . =croghan's= tours into the western country, - . =post's= western tours, - . =morris's= journal relative to his thrilling experiences on the maumee in . --=long's= voyages and travels of an indian interpreter and trader, - . --=michaux= (andré) travels into kentucky in - . =michaux= (f. a.) travels to the west of the alleghanies, . =harris's= tour into the territory northwest of the alleghanies, . --=cuming's= tour to the western country, etc., - . --=bradbury's= travels in the interior of america, - . --=brackenridge's= voyage up the missouri, . =franchere's= voyage to the n. w. coast, - . --=ross's= adventures of the first settlers on the oregon, - . --=buttrick's= voyages, travels, and discoveries, - . =evans's= tour of miles through western states and territories, . --=flint's= letters from america, - . --=hulme's= tour in the west (ohio, indiana, and illinois), . =flower's= letters from lexington and illinois, . =flower's= letters from illinois, - . =woods's= residence in english prairie, illinois, - . , --=faux's= tour to the united states, - . =welby's= visit to north america and illinois, - . --=nuttall's= travels into arkansas territory, . , , , --=s. h. long's= expedition from pittsburg to the rocky mountains, - . --=pattie's= personal narrative of expedition from st. louis to the pacific, - . , --=ogden's= tour through the western country, - . =bullock's= journey through western states, . =gregg's= commerce of the prairies, - . --=wyeth's= journey from atlantic to pacific, . =townsend's= journey across the rockies to columbia river, . , , , --=maximilian, prince of wied-neuwied's= travels in the interior of north america with folio atlas, . , --=flagg's= far west, - . =de smet's= letters and sketches. residence among indian tribes, - . , --=farnham's= travels in the great western prairies, etc., . =de smet's= oregon missions and travels, - . --=palmer's= travels over the rocky mountains, - . --index to the series. _edited with historical, geographical, ethnological, and bibliographical notes, and introductions and index, by_ reuben gold thwaites, ll. d. with facsimiles of the original title-pages, maps, portraits, views, etc. volumes, large vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops. price, $ net per volume (except the atlas, which is $ net). _an elaborate analytical index to the whole_ almost all the rare originals are unindexed. in the present reprint series, this immense mass of historical data will be made accessible through one exhaustive analytical index. extracts from a few of the reviews _american historical review_: "the books are handsomely bound and printed. the editing by dr. thwaites seems to have been done with his customary care and knowledge. there is no want of helpful annotations. =the books therefore are likely to be of more real value than the early prints from which they are taken.=" _the outlook_: "dr. thwaites is the best possible editor who could have been chosen for such a task." "the student of society, as well as the historian, can profit by the perusal of these travels;... they present, as is nowhere else so well presented, the picture of society in the making in the american back country."--frederick j. turner in the _dial_. _the nation_: "thoroughly interesting, as well as historically valuable." _full descriptive circulars giving the contents of each volume may he had on application._ documentary history of reconstruction political, military, social, religious, educational & industrial to the present time selected and edited by walter l. fleming, ph. d. professor of history in west virginia university _printed on a specially made paper, illustrated with facsimiles, two volumes, large vo, (about pages), cloth, uncut, gilt tops. price per set, $ . net._ this work has been prepared in response to a demand on the part of students and thoughtful readers for an adequate collection of historical material which shall st. _present the original sources, which alone give the true contemporary conditions, and allow the reader to make his own interpretation of the facts._ nd. _comprehend all phases of the progress and results of reconstruction, social and economic, as well as political._ rd. _exhibit not only the national aspects but also the local conditions of reconstruction, in all the states._ professor fleming is recognized as one of the foremost authorities in the country on the reconstruction period. the excellence of his previous contributions on special topics in this field is sufficient guarantee of the value of the present comprehensive work. "it is certainly a most interesting and important plan."--woodrow wilson. "every student ... will rejoice over this addition to his facilities for intelligent appreciation of the great interests involved in the sectional struggle of - , and its aftermath."--_chicago evening post._ "i feel sure that your work will be of great interest and benefit to the future historian."--thomas nelson page. _full descriptive circular and list of documents will be sent by the publishers on application._ transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. passages in bold are indicated by =bold=. inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from the original. obvious typographical errors in the original have been corrected as follows: page : "britian" changed to "britain" page : "mclouglin" changed to "mcloughlin" page : "therefor" changed to "therefore" page : "is" changed to "his" page : "memphregog" changed to "memphremagog" punctuation has been corrected without note. whitman's ride through savage lands [illustration: oliver woodson nixon. m. d., ll. d.] whitman's ride through savage lands with sketches of indian life o. w. nixon, m.d., ll.d. author of "how marcus whitman saved oregon," "the mountain meadows," etc. introduction by james g. k. mcclure, d.d., ll.d. profusely illustrated published by the winona publishing company copyright, , by the winona publishing company preface _i respond with pleasure to the invitation to write a series of sketches of pioneer missionary history of early oregon for young people. its romantic beginnings, of the indian's demand for "the white man's book of heaven," and especially to mark the heroic act of one who, in obedience to a power higher than man, made the most perilous journey through savage lands recorded in history. the same leading facts of history i have before used in my larger work, "how marcus whitman saved oregon." in this i have simplified the story by omitting all discussions with critics and historians, stated only as much of historic conditions as would make clear the surroundings, and have interwoven with all, real incidents from wilderness and savage life. they are not only the experiences of the heroic characters, but some of my own when the west was wild more than a half a century ago._ _o. w. n._ _biloxi, miss., january, ._ introduction no character in sir walter scott's tales appeals more directly to my heart than "old mortality." he had a high and noble mission, to make live again the old-time worthies, and to keep in remembrance the brave deeds of the past. any man who follows in his footsteps, and makes the world see in vivid light the heroes of another day, is to me a public benefactor. when, then, dr. nixon writes of "whitman's ride through savage lands," and shows the force, wisdom, and unselfishness of dr. marcus whitman and his accomplished wife, i feel like doing everything within my power to express my gratitude and to secure the reading of his book. the tale, as he tells it, is very interesting. it is a tale that has been often in the mind of the american public of late years, but it cannot be too often told nor too often pondered. it has in it the very elements that nurture bravery and patriotism. dr. nixon tells it well. in simple, straightforward language he gives us the whole story of dr. whitman's life-career, indicating the forces that inspired him and the results that attended his efforts. dr. nixon sees in the events of the story the guiding and determining hand of providence. with a wisdom justified by the needs of the ordinary human mind he calls attention to the part god himself had in the career of his hero, and thus he gives to his story an uplifting significance which a thoughtless reader might fail to note. it is the glory of our american life that every part of our land has its splendid heroes. the atlantic and pacific coasts are one in having been the scenes where courage and devotion have expressed themselves. the earlier years of our national history brought into recognition the deeds of greatness done in the east. these later years are being used to make manifest the endurance and manliness that marked so much of settlement and progress in the west. plymouth deserves its monument to the pilgrims. so does walla walla deserve its monument to dr. marcus whitman. from boundary to boundary of our wide domain we have had heroes, the stories of whose lives tend to make devotion to duty and allegiance to god transcendently beautiful. among such stories this of dr. whitman has high place. the personality of the author of it comes often to the front in his pages, but none too often. his own experiences serve to heighten the effect of the story, and give deeper impression to the facts narrated. i look forward to the influence of this book with pleasure. i see boys and girls rising from the reading of it with clearer views of self-sacrifice, and with a more determined purpose to make their lives daring for the good. the book carries with it a conviction of the worth of the best things, that is most healthy. it teaches important lessons concerning missionary helpfulness, that the reader accepts without being aware of the author's purpose. a nation to have the lion's heart must be fed on lion's food. the story of dr. whitman is such food as may well nourish the lion heart in all youth, and develop in our american homes the noblest and most attractive christian virtues. james g. k. mcclure. lake forest, illinois. contents chapter i the lewis and clark centenary exposition in portland--the great captains--their guides, chabonneau and sacajawea (the bird-woman) chapter ii the visit of the flathead indian chiefs to st. louis--is the story authentic?--incidents--death of two chiefs--the banquet speech--sketches of indian life chapter iii the effect of the banquet speech--how it moved christian people--the american board sends drs. parker and whitman to investigate--whitman's indian boys--his marriage and second journey chapter iv old click-click-clackety-clackety, the historic wagon--camping and incidents, and the end of the journey chapter v the home-coming--the beginning of missionary life--clarissa--the little white cayuse queen--her death--sketches of daily events chapter vi brief sketch of discovery and history of the oregon country--who owned--by what title--the various treaties--the final contest chapter vii why the united states dickered with england for half a century before asserting her rights--american statesmen had a small appreciation of the value of oregon, and were opposed to expansion chapter viii the conditions of oregon in --the arrival of american immigrants at whitman's mission--the news they brought--whitman's great winter ride to washington--incidents of the journey--reaches the capital chapter ix whitman in washington--his conference with president tyler, secretary webster, and secretary of war porter--visits greeley in new york, and the american board--rests, and returns to the frontier chapter x whitman joins the great emigrating column--news of its safe arrival in oregon reaches washington in --its effect upon the people, and oregon's importance acknowledged--the political contest--the massacre at waiilatpuan chapter xi the memorials to whitman--why delayed--why history was not sooner written--whitman college the grand monument list of illustrations facing page oliver woodson nixon _frontispiece_ sacajawea (the bird-woman) cascades of the columbia (b. h. gifford, photo.) strange visitors in old st. louis an indian welcome pacific springs, july , the toilsome trail to oregon mt. tacoma, from longmire springs (the home of nekahni) lake chelan, first view of the snowy peaks lost in the rockies whitman crossing grand river marmaduke island (b. h. gifford, photo.) the assassination of dr. whitman dr. d. k. pearsons memorial hall, whitman college young men's dormitory, whitman college rev. s. b. l. penrose, president of whitman college chapter i _the lewis and clark centenary exposition in portland. the great captains. their guides, hoe noo chee and sacajawea (the bird-woman)._ a great exposition of the arts and industries of the whole wide world is to be held this summer in the beautiful city of portland, oregon. it is to commemorate the grand achievement of a few brave men and one brave woman, who lived, labored, and conquered a century ago. at the call of their commander, they exiled themselves from home and friends; they crossed the wide deserts, climbed through gorges and peaks of the "great stony mountains," struggled through the pathless forests of giant firs, lived among wild beasts, and wilder men, until they reached the pathless pacific ocean--that was then but a waste of water, where great whales sported and the seals found abundance of food amid rocky shores and islands for safe homes. now teeming multitudes inhabit the fertile plains; through the rugged mountains pass the great highways of the world--along the charted coast are many ports, where white-winged fleets lie at anchor and the great black freighters load and unload the commerce of many lands. but portland still retains many of the old landmarks. the beautiful columbia river still flows by it to the sea, forests are not far away, and "the everlasting hills" are about it, with their white-capped peaks piercing the sky. a hundred years ago, a vast and unknown wilderness stretched from the mississippi to the pacific ocean--it was a land of mystery of unknown extent. millions of wild cattle that we call buffaloes roamed over its plains, wild beasts hid away in its mountain fastnesses, the beavers and otters built their homes along its rivers, and wild tribes of savage men made pitiless war upon each other, though not destitute of many noble traits of character. the young republic of united states had far more territory east of the mississippi than they could manage or protect, so gave small care or thought to what lay beyond. but one thing they had learned, that, for their own safety from foreign aggression, and the protection of their commerce, they must gain possession and control of the great river. thomas jefferson, that wise and far-seeing statesman whose name and fame grow as the years go on, was president at that memorable time of great opportunities, and through his influence with congress induced them to make the great louisiana purchase, which gave to our government the southern and gulf states, the control of the mississippi river, and, as jefferson believed and claimed, the whole country to the pacific ocean. he had, perhaps, but little knowledge of its vastness or its value, but it has been said that his friend, the great naturalist audubon, who wandered up and down the world searching out its wonders and beauties, had told him many things about the great western country. so he again appealed to congress for an appropriation to send out an expedition to learn something of the nature and value of their new possessions. the pitiful sum of two thousand five hundred dollars was allowed. captains lewis and clark of the united states army were selected to lead the expedition, and with them were sent a botanist, a geologist, an engineer, and some soldiers, who were required each to make a full report of their journey, which took three years to accomplish. it is significant of the indifference of the government in the matter that these reports were sent to washington and were laid aside for several years when--through jefferson's influence again--the captains' reports were handed over to richard biddle of philadelphia, who made a brief abstract of them, constituting one small volume, that passed for many years as an account of the lewis and clark exploration, and it has not been until within the past three years that any genuine copy of these reports has ever been published. it is small wonder then that thirty years later oregon remained an almost unknown and unclaimed country. the young captains and their company, full of enthusiasm for their work, made their preparations and purchased their supplies, mostly at their own expense, and left the last marks of civilization at st. louis in the spring of . [illustration: sacajawea (the bird-woman). guide of the lewis & clark expedition.] the heroic little company made its first winter camp at fort mandan on the upper missouri, ready for an early start in the spring. the success of the expedition in a strange land through the long line of savage tribes was dependent largely upon a good guide and interpreter. lewis and clark had secured toussaint chabonneau, a frenchman, who had renounced civilized life, married, and settled among the indians. he had traveled over wide stretches of country, and had a small knowledge of the language of several tribes. sacajawea, the wife of chabonneau, was a handsome indian girl of seventeen years. she had been captured by the minitaree indians when a small child, from the shoshone indians far up in the rocky mountain region, held by them as a slave, and sold to the frenchman who made her his wife. sacajawea was delighted with the prospect of again journeying toward her old home, but continued to do the menial work for the company, as is customary for indian women. captains lewis and clark, before many weeks upon their journey, saw that their real guide and interpreter was not chabonneau, but sacajawea, his wife. their way along the great river proved the identical route which the captive child had taken from her home into slavery, and with indian nature and sagacity, every notable spot remained in her memory. she told them of the streams in advance that flowed into the great river, and the tribes through which they were to pass; she told them her history; she was the daughter of the great chief of the shoshone indians, who were rich in land and horses. they owned large possessions reaching to the foot of the rockies, to which they came during the summer months. it was there where she became a prisoner. when they reached the place she ran like a child and pointed out the spot in the bushes where she hid to escape her enemies. captain lewis said: "our hope now is to find these shoshones and their horses. here we must leave our boats and prepare for mountain and land travel." sacajawea explained the habits of her tribe the best she could, but it was a vast wilderness by which the company was surrounded. both captains lewis and clark with their best men scoured the country, and finally succeeded in finding the shoshones, who had fled from their supposed enemies. they were led before the great chief cameahowait. there they told of sacajawea as best they could, which at once aroused attention. the chief ordered horses and provisions, and with many friends of the lost princess they went with captain lewis and his men to camp. sacajawea recognized her brother, now head chief of the tribe, and as well the playmates of her childhood, and with tears in her eyes, and dancing with joy, she embraced them. the talk was long, for the indian girl had to learn the fate of her family and friends. had she desired she might have remained and resumed an easy life with her tribe. nothing now was too good for the white men, for they were brothers and friends. sacajawea was their interpreter, and they received everything they needed for comfort, such as provisions and horses, for the journey to the pacific and the return. in meeting the many savage tribes and asking favors and permission to travel in safety through their domains, it was not the flag nor the guns they carried, but sacajawea with the papoose upon her back and her wise diplomacy that opened the way and made them welcome. upon the home journey the little indian girl rode ahead with the captains, having richly earned her honors and the love of all. when the journey came to an end, captains lewis and clark begged that sacajawea and her husband accompany them to washington, but chabonneau preferred the wild life he had chosen, and the brave little woman dropped from civilized history. well may the women of beautiful oregon in the coming centennial take an honest pride in commemoration of the deeds of sacajawea. it is most appropriate that the beautiful bronze to be then erected to her memory has been designed and executed by an american woman, miss alice cooper, of denver. we copy these stanzas of a poem by bert hoffman, who epitomizes admirably the reasons for sacajawea's honored place in this centennial history: _sacajawea._ "the wreath of triumph give to her; she led the conquering captains west; she charted first the trails that led the hosts across yon mountain crest! barefoot she toiled the forest paths, where now the course of empire speeds; can you forget, loved western land, the glory of her deathless deeds? "in yonder city, glory crowned, where art will vie with art to keep the memories of those heroes green-- the flush of conscious pride should leap to see her fair memorial stand among the honored names that be-- her face toward the sunset, still-- her finger lifted toward the sea! "beside you on fame's pedestal, be hers the glorious fate to stand-- bronzed, barefoot, yet a patron saint, the keys of empire in her hand! the mountain gates that closed to you swung open, as she led the way,-- so let her lead that hero host when comes their glad memorial day!" the heroic explorers of a century ago richly earned the honors they are now to receive, and wherever and whenever the names of lewis and clark are spoken or written in honor there also should be the name of sacajawea, the indian girl of the wilderness. thus the crowning success of the great expedition which gave the united states its second strong legal claim to the whole grand oregon country was shared by the brave, true, diplomatic sacajawea ("the bird-woman"). readers of the complete story to follow will not need to be reminded that the heroes and heroines who thirty years later braved danger and death to save beautiful oregon to the union were only making sure the grand work thus inaugurated. in course of time vessels on voyages of discovery drifted around cape horn, sailed up the long coast line of the americas, always searching for that which would bring them wealth. finding the immense quantities of furs gathered by indians in the oregon country, both the americans and the english established trading-posts on the coast. the great astor fortune that still remains in the family had its origin there. but the english had more money, more men, and more ships than the americans, and before many years they ruled alone and the great "hudson bay company" ruled the land. they established trading-posts eastward, and fleets of vessels carried the rich spoils of forest and ocean to all the countries of the world. at the time of the beginning of our story dr. john mcloughlin was chief factor of the "hudson bay company" and virtual king of the country. he was a noble old scotchman, who had married an indian wife to whom he was loyal and true all his life. he was kind and just to red men as well as white, and always ready to hold out a helping hand to all who came to him. but he served the english government and was always careful that no rivalry to the company he served should be allowed in the territory they claimed. chapter ii _the visit of the flathead indian chiefs to st. louis. was the story authentic? incidents--the banquet speech--sketches of indian life and character. hoo goo ahu and sacajawea._ it was a beautiful morning in the closing days of october, . the trees about st. louis were robed in their gorgeous autumnal foliage. high above came the "honk, honk, honk" of the wild geese, as in long, straight lines or in letter v's, they winged their way southward, while the birds were gathering in groups, chattering and arranging for their winter outing in warmer lands. the residents of the city were just arousing from their sleep, smoke was beginning to curl above the chimneys, shutters and doors were being opened for business activities, when the strange scene was presented of four flathead indian chiefs, marching solemnly single file down the middle of one of the principal streets. at that date the now prosperous and great city of st. louis was but a "frontier town," mainly noted as a military station, and indians were not uncommon, as all the great and fertile country north and west was occupied by them. but these were new and unusual in appearance, and attracted attention. their bare heads in front were as flat as boards, and their long hair was interwoven with eagle quills; their dress and dignified bearing all indicated notable men from some far-distant tribe that the people had not before seen. [illustration: cascades of the columbia. (b. h. gifford, photo)] general george rogers clark, then in command of the department, was promptly notified of the visit of the strangers, and sent two of his aids to escort them to the barracks, where they could be comfortably lodged and fed. it is a singular historical fact that general clark, in command at st. louis in and , was "the great red-head chief," as the indians called him, who, with captain lewis, made the exploration of the oregon country in - , an exploration which for romance and completeness of its success has never been equaled in american history. general clark in that expedition received marked kindness and aid from the nez perces and the flathead indians. he knew them in their homes, in eastern oregon, and had a keen remembrance of their savage hospitality to him in his time of need. a band of the flatheads also owned a large territory south of the columbia and east from astoria, and not far from the winter camp of the explorers. the author found them there, and spent a day with them in one of their villages in . general clark had been in many hard indian fights, and was of a family of famous indian fighters, but he learned in that far western expedition to respect the hospitality, the courage, the heroism, and manliness of the indian. he resolved to leave nothing undone to express his gratitude to his old oregon friends, and he charged his young men to see to it personally that they had every comfort. he knew indian character and stoicism, and when his aids told him they "could make nothing out of the indians, or learn what they wanted," he replied, "don't hurry them, give them time, and they will make known their mission to this far-away place." general clark was an earnest and devoted catholic, and he ordered that the indians be taken to all the services in the cathedral, and also to all places of amusement likely to entertain them. week after week passed, and the indian stoicism continued; but finally in an audience with the general they told him all. the indians all spoke "the chinook," a pleasing word language invented by the hudson bay company, and was to all the indian tribes, from hudson's bay to the columbia, what the classic languages are to the learned world. it was their trading language. the general had a good interpreter, and knew something of the chinook himself, so that he soon fully understood the meaning of their long journey, and wondered at it. they said, "our people have heard of the white man's book of heaven, and we have been sent the long journey over mountains and wide rivers, and among strange people, to find it and carry it back with us." in that far-away period there were few newspapers in the west, to print the news, and general clark, with his many duties and cares, left no written account of these interviews or of his advice to the indians, but we can rest assured that, as a soldier, a friend, and christian gentleman, it was the most kindly he could give. during the winter, as it was thought at the time, either from exposure in the long journey, or from the rich food to which they were not accustomed, two of the old chiefs died, and were given honored soldier burials. the first to die was the memorable "black eagle," recalled to-day by the nez perces as "speaking eagle." he was an aged man, greatly loved by his people. the records of the old st. louis cathedral have the account of black eagle's death and burial. the second death followed soon after. it proved latterly that this was the beginning of that terrible scourge, asiatic cholera, which spread, in , over a wide section. mrs. clark, who kindly ministered to the indians with her own hands, was "stricken with a malady that no physician could master, and died." as the spring approached, the two surviving chiefs began preparation to return to their distant homes, and general clark left nothing undone to outfit them with every comfort for the journey. the steamer yellowstone was just then loading for her first trip up the missouri river, and he engaged berths for the two chiefs--the boat was to run as far up the river as it could go with safety--and would save the indians many long, weary marches. in addition to their necessary outfit, they had received numerous presents for themselves and friends at home, they greatly prized, to which chief min refers in his banquet speech, in the words, "you make my feet heavy with gifts." the night before their departure general clark gave them a banquet, to which all his officers and many leading citizens were invited. upon that occasion chief h. c. o. hcotes min (no horns on his head), at the request of the general, made a speech in the chinook language. _the speech_ "i came to you over the trail of many moons, from the setting sun. you were the friends of my fathers, who have all gone the long way. i came with an eye partly open for my people who sit in darkness. i go back with both eyes closed. how can i go back blind to my blind people? i made my way to you with strong arms through many enemies and strange lands that i might carry back much to them. i go back with both arms broken and empty! two fathers came with us; they were the braves of many winters and wars. we leave them asleep here by your great water and wigwams. they were tired in many moons, and their moccasins wore out. "my people sent me to get the white man's book of heaven. you took me to where you allow your women to dance, as we do not ours; and the book was not there! you took me to where they worship the great spirit with candles, and the book was not there! you showed me images of the great spirit and pictures of the good land beyond, but the book was not among them to tell me the way. i am going back the long trail to my people in the dark land. you make my feet heavy with gifts, and my moccasins will grow old in carrying them, and yet the book is not among them! when i tell my poor blind people, after one more snow, in the big council, that i did not bring the book, no word will be spoken by our old men or by our young braves. one by one they will rise up and go out in silence. my people will die in darkness, and they will go on a long path to other hunting-grounds. no white man will go with them, and no white man's book to make the way plain. i have no more words." translated into english, doubtless the charm of the speech has been marred, and loses much of its terse and simple beauty. those who doubt and sneer about a savage making such a speech do not know indians. i have listened to indian orators, and been charmed by their ease, eloquence, and wonderfully electrifying power, amid rugged surroundings. indians have their orators and storytellers, and are as proud of them as ever cultivated people are of their beechers, phillipses, douglases, and depews; and their animal stories far excel those of "uncle remus." in long evenings under the summer skies, or winters by the wigwam fire, they gather, and listen spellbound to the weird stories--wild, visionary, and superstitious--of the present life, and of the happy hunting-ground to which all are urged to aspire. the indian is a spiritualist, not an idolater. the medicine man is the great man of the tribe. when an indian feels the call of the spirit to become a medicine man, he goes off alone to the forest or to the mountains, or to some noted healing spring, fasts, prays, and seeks there for his power, through all the agencies of nature that surround him. like joan of arc, he "hears voices" in the trees and from the rocks, the winds, the waters, the animals, and the birds. when he returns to his tribe and convinces the braves that he has received the spirit, from that day he is entirely trusted. the greatest chief must consult him concerning every movement; whether it be the distant chase, change of location, or of war. he is sir oracle. [illustration: strange visitors in old st. louis.] the writer does not speak at random or by hearsay of indian life. he saw and studied something of it, more than half a century ago, before civilization had wrought the changes now seen. indians are profound believers in the immortality of the soul. some suspend their dead in the leafy treetops, that they may the more easily ascend to "the happy hunting-grounds." the custom of many is to kill the favorite horse and bury it with all accoutrements and implements of war, as well as their finest garments, believing the spirit will need them and receive greater honor. the leading thought of the indian seems to be that all material things have a spirit that is immortal. the indian burying-grounds are sacred spots and seldom if ever are desecrated in savage life, even by their worst enemies. some of the beautiful little islands in the rivers of the far west have thus been used, as the many ruins testify. it has long been noted that indians in war will risk their own lives to carry off and bury their dead and prevent mutilation of bodies. _is the story of the flathead chiefs of - authentic?_ so strange and so without precedent in savage life was the mission of the indians to st. louis, that many have doubted the truthfulness of the report, and have called it "visionary." fortunately the reader need not be in doubt in regard to the entire truthfulness of the event as reported. the christian people of that time believed and acted upon it in a way to convince every honest mind of their earnestness. it may be said the incident made a profound impression in the religious world, and the history we are to recite of the after-results mark it as one of the providential events guiding the nation by unseen hands to its destiny. had such a notable event occurred in modern days, it would have entered at once into current literature. that it did not at the time is no disparagement of its truthfulness. there is one strong chain of evidence regarding the mission of the nez perces chiefs, not easily broken; that is, the written evidence of george catlin. aboard the steamer yellowstone, upon which general clark sent his savage friends, there happened to be a celebrated artist, george catlin, then on one of his visits to the west to paint indian pictures and study indian life. these nez perces chiefs at once attracted him, and they became intimate friends--during the long journey he made pictures of them. indians are not great talkers, and he did not learn much from them as to the object of their long journey. from others afterward he heard of their strange mission to st. louis, and believing he had secured two historic pictures, he first wrote general clark, and afterward met him, and was assured by him that such was the mission of the four flathead chiefs. catlin, in his smithsonian report for eight years, in , says: "these two men, when i painted them, were in beautiful sioux dresses, which had been presented them in a talk with the sioux, who treated them very kindly, while passing through the sioux country. these two were part of a delegation that came across the rocky mountains to st. louis a few years ago to inquire for the truth of a representation which they said some white man had made among them, that the white man's religion was better than theirs, and that they would all be lost if they did not embrace it. two of the old and venerable men of the party died in st. louis, and i traveled two thousand miles, companions with those two fellows, toward their own country, and became much pleased with their manners and dispositions. when i first heard the report of the object of their mission, i could scarcely believe it, but upon conversing with general clark, on a future occasion, i was fully convinced of the fact." the two pictures are now numbered and in the smithsonian institution, and highly prized. h. h. hcotes min (no horns on his head), who made the notable banquet speech, died near the yellowstone river on the journey home, and but one, the youngest of the four, hee-ah-k. s. te kin (the rabbit skin leggins), lived to reach his tribe beyond the rockies. as was customary with the indians, a large band was sent along the trail far away to the rocky mountains to meet the expected delegation of chiefs with "the book of heaven." their legends say, "rabbit skin leggins shouted when far off, 'a man will be sent with the book.'" the world of to-day may well give thanks, that both christian men and women were "sent with the book" at that earnest and honest appeal. christianity is broad, and its command is to "preach the gospel to every creature." the nez perces indians, who, in blind faith, sent for teachers, were blessed in the act above all indian tribes in the land, and the blessing has followed them from that day to this. in another connection in a later chapter will be read facts in proof of their condition, and showing the effect of the gospel verses upon indians. indian men, like the whites, are made up of good and bad. the missionaries were bright, shrewd men and women, and they easily saw that so fair a land could not much longer be held by savages in its unfruitful condition. they bent themselves to the heavy tasks laid upon them, to do the best they could for their savage wards. the true story for our pages, however, does not take us into any large study of missionary work, but mainly along the lines of christian patriotism. the author in answer to any critics of the missionaries to the indians will relate a simple incident in his own experience, which dates fourteen years after their advent in oregon. it shows how the seeds of christianity they planted made of savages unselfish and humane men. it was on a saturday, after days of weary traveling, we came to a little valley where we at once resolved to rest for a couple of days. it was such a little paradise that we named it "the valley of blessing." on sunday morning, with a single companion, the writer wandered for miles up the narrow valley, enjoying its luxurious surroundings. to the right was a mountain whose rugged sides were covered with dwarf firs and cedars; while rocks were piled on rocks looking like ancient castles in ruins. flowering vines climbed to the tops of the trees, and their fragrance filled the air. a clear stream divided the valley where flocked myriads of birds from the mountain, as they drank and bathed, whistled cheerily to their fellows in the mountain home. as we were admiring all this wilderness of beauty, on rising a little eminence, we came suddenly in view of four indians, digging at a short distance away. we immediately dropped behind the hill, but not before we had been observed by the indians. we were watchful and well armed, but the old indian gave us a peace signal, and we approached the spot. the company was made up of an aged indian, eighty or more, his grandson, and two half-breeds. they were digging a grave and were silent as we stood until its completion. the old indian then invited us to look at the corpse under the shade of a near-by tree. we were astonished to find it the emaciated body of a white man. it was wrapped in a well-tanned buffalo skin, white and clean. the four indians took the body and placed it in the grave, and the old man, removing his cap, to our astonishment, said, "now, maybe some white man who knows religion will make a little prayer over the poor fellow!" the half-breeds, perhaps not understanding the english the old chief spoke, began pushing in the sand with their moccasined feet. thus the argonaut of was laid to his final rest, with only the wild birds to sing his requiem. the old indian had brought along a smooth board to place at the head of the grave, and at his request, i wrote: john wilson, st. louis, mo., . left by his company and nursed by hoo goo chee. he told us wilson had traveled as long as he was able, and begged his companions to leave him there alone to die. he told the chief he had no complaint to make of his fellows. we mention the incident to show that the beautiful trait of unselfishness has a place even among indians. the old chief could easily have buried the body near his mountain home without bearing it the long distance to be near the road, where the grave could be seen by his friends. he might have used an old blanket instead of the costly dressed robe the indian prized so highly. here we found a savage who, like the flatheads, had heard of "the white man's book of heaven," had practically caught its unselfishness and humanity, and its spirit of love. it is well to remember that the indian has no literature, and has ever been dependent upon his enemies to write his history and his achievements. they have chosen to write only of his savagery. this is not fair treatment by the united states government, incited by justice, and the wholesome christian sentiments of the land has during the past thirty years done much to correct all abuses of its savage wards. chapter iii _the effect of the banquet speech. how it stirred christian people. the american board acts. drs. parker and whitman go on a voyage of discovery. his indian boys. his marriage and journey through savage lands to oregon._ the indian oration at the st. louis banquet was translated by a young man present, william walker, who was an indian chief, but a white man, and it was first published some months later in "the christian advocate" in new york, with a ringing editorial from its editor, rev. dr. fiske, headed, "who will carry the book of life to the indians of oregon?" the effect was electrical among religious people in the east. the methodist foreign missionary society were prompt to act, and the very next year sent two able-bodied, earnest christian ministers, jason and daniel lee, with one layman to aid them. they reached their field by the long, round-about waterway, via london and the hawaiian islands. for many years they did effective work, far up on the willamette river. the american board, then under the control of congregational and presbyterian churches, was more cautious. it was an unheard-of proposition to come from savage life so far away from civilization, and they wanted time to investigate. the rev. dr. samuel parker of utica, new york, became restive under the delay, believing fully in the call of the indians, and resolved to join some trading company to the far west and go to oregon. in he reached the border upon the missouri, but the fur-traders had departed. he returned home and renewed his efforts to arouse the american board to action. he found marcus whitman, m. d., as much of an enthusiast in the work as he, and the board resolved to send the two men upon a voyage of discovery in , and to have them return and report upon the possibility of establishing missions in that well-nigh unknown land. so in , the minister and the young physician were on the western border in time to join a company of american fur-traders, bound for green river, in what is now northern utah. upon reaching this point they met some two thousand indians, representing various tribes living within five to seven hundred miles. there were large delegations of oregon indians to trade their furs for articles needed. when the object of the missionaries was explained to the indians, they received the news with such enthusiasm as to dispel every doubt from the minds of the missionaries of the wisdom of their course and the indians' sincerity in asking for christian teachers. upon consultation they agreed that it was wise to make no delay in reporting to the american board. while dr. parker was to continue his journey to oregon with the indians, dr. whitman was to return with the convoy, make the report, and return the next year with reinforcements to begin mission work. the indians showed such confidence in dr. whitman's promise to come to them after one more snow, that they selected two of their brightest, most intelligent, and muscular boys about eighteen years to accompany him, and help him on his way the coming year. dr. parker, with his indian guides, reached oregon, over which country he traveled extensively. he organized no mission, but studied the situation fully, so as to be able to make a wise report for the future guidance of the american board. finding a ship sailing next year for the hawaiian islands he did not wait for whitman and his company. dr. parker was a scholarly man and a keen observer, and upon his return wrote a book of great value. it was a true description of indian life and conditions, the wealth of forest and the prospective finds of coal and minerals in the hills and mountains, the magnificence of rivers, the healthfulness and mildness of the climate. the book passed through six editions, and was interesting reading, but it was of a far-away land, and induced little or no immigration at that time. [illustration: an indian welcome.] dr. whitman and his two indian boys joined the fur company for escort on its return trip. while on the plains a scourge of cholera broke out, and the doctor's skill and his untiring work to save the lives of the men, won all their hearts, and they united in giving him a cordial invitation to join them in the spring, upon their annual visit to green river. this was gladly accepted, as such an escort was a necessity in that day. the doctor and his two indian aids reached rushville, new york, late on a saturday night in november, . his return was unexpected, and his first appearance to his friends was when he marched up the aisle of the church with his indian boys, as they sang the opening hymn. his good old mother was so astonished that she spoke right out in meeting, "if there ain't mark whitman!" it is easy to conceive that such an incident called out a wide interest and inquiry, which was just what the doctor desired, enthused as he was himself in the importance of the work before him. the doctor had taken great pains all summer to instruct his indian boys in english, and they proved apt pupils. he put them at once in school, where they made rapid progress, and were general favorites. never was the enthusiastic young doctor more active than in the fall and winter months in making his preparations. the american board had resolved to establish a mission in oregon, and they notified him that they preferred to send married men into the missionary field. this was unexpected but welcome news to whitman, and was in accordance with the last advice from dr. parker: "bring with you a good wife." he had already in his own mind made his selection in the person of miss narcissa prentice, a daughter of judge prentice, of angelica, new york, but owing to the privations and perils of the journey, and the isolated life among savages, he had hesitated to ask her to make such sacrifice. one can easily imagine his happiness, when upon fully explaining all, he found her with a courage equal to his own, and an abounding enthusiasm for the prospective work. after a time the clear-headed men of the board, doubtless guided by their clearer-headed wives, raised a point, and said, upon such an expedition, so full of care and responsibility and danger, it would not do to send a woman unless accompanied by another of her sex. here was a new dilemma. time was passing, and candidates for such perils were not plentiful. the day of the wedding was postponed, and whitman endeavored to meet the requirements. he finally heard of dr. spalding and his newly wedded wife, who were en route to the osage indian mission. he learned their proposed route and set out to find them. whether through chance or providence, he succeeded. it was a cold day and a driving snow, when in his sleigh he sighted them ahead, after a long chase. when in hallooing distance he shouted, "ship ahoy, you are wanted for oregon!" hearing the cheery, pleasant voice, they halted, whitman driving his sleigh by the side of theirs, and he at once bounded into the subject of which he was full. dr. spalding proposed that they go to the hotel in the town just ahead, where they could talk the matter over without freezing. by a glowing fire dr. whitman retold the story of the flatheads, about whom they had read; of his journey to the far west to verify the facts, and the result, and of the two indian boys ready to escort them to oregon, where they would meet with an enthusiastic reception such as he and dr. parker had received on green river. whitman was often called "the silent man," but when aroused and enthused, he was an eloquent pleader. and with all at stake, as in this instance, he was doubtless at his best. they listened with profound attention. mrs. spalding was an educated woman, of great decision of character, an earnest "christian," and a firm believer in a power higher than herself ready to guide her in life's duties. they were silent for a moment, when she arose and said, "i desire a few moments to myself for prayer," and retired to her room. the two men sat by the fire canvassing all the dangers of the expedition and the hopefulness of the outlook. dr. spalding afterward wrote, in speaking of the meeting, "i do not think she was gone from us more than ten minutes before she returned, her face all aglow with happiness and enthusiasm, and said, 'yes, we will go to oregon!'" he continues, "i gently expostulated, 'my dear, we must consider your health in such a hazardous undertaking.' she replied, in the words, 'go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature, there is no exception made for ill health.' and no words of mine could alter her determination." mrs. spalding had been a semi-invalid for months, but her faith and christian courage were strong. it was her prompt decision which decided the fate of the oregon mission, of the four notable characters, and we may add, the fate of questions so great and grave to the nation, as to be unfathomable by man's wisdom. the wedding day was again fixed. in this case there was more than usual interest in the bride, for her friends all knew of her destination. the late mrs. h. p. jackson, of oberlin, ohio, sister of the bride, has told me in letters, of the events of the pleasant occasion. the two indian boys, dressed in their best, were guests of honor. dr. whitman introduced them to his wife, and says mrs. jackson, "when he told them she would go with them to their far-away home in oregon, and teach them, they did not try to conceal their delight." narcissa prentice was the eldest daughter of judge prentice, an influential, earnest christian man, then residing in angelica, new york. the daughter was well educated, loved for her womanly qualities and famed in all the country around for the sweetness of her voice. she was the leader of the church choir of the village, and the people crowded the building the evening before their departure to bid the little party a good by and give them a blessing. after a good social time, the minister, the rev. dr. hull, called the meeting to order, and gave out the old familiar hymn: "yes, my native land, i love thee, all thy scenes i love them well; friends, connections, happy country, can i bid you all farewell?" etc. the late martha j. lamb, editor of the "magazine of american history," who wrote the report of the farewell gathering, says: "the great audience joined in singing the opening stanzas, but soon they began to drop out by ones and scores, and sobs were heard all over the audience. the last stanza was sung by one voice alone in a clear, sweet soprano, and not a faulty note; it was the voice of narcissa whitman." it was the last time her old friends heard the sweet voice, for daylight found them braving the winter storm on their way to oregon. the late eli g. coe, of illinois, then a young man, drove them in his sleigh to the mountains, en route to pittsburg, where they were to take boat for st. louis. he has given me a delightful sketch of the journey, upon which he marks whitman "the silent man, ever thoughtful of all his guests," and mrs. whitman, "the lovely little woman who was the life of the company, who often dispelled gloom, and made all forget the winter cold, by a song of cheer." their route was from pittsburg down the ohio river to the mississippi up to st. louis, thence up the missouri river to near where fort leavenworth now stands. the journey had no mishaps until they reached "the big muddy," as the missouri has long been called. those who navigated it half and three-quarters of a century ago, will never forget the journey. it was sand bars on sand bars, forever shifting with each freshet, and snags galore! the engineer stood constantly at his lever, to answer the bell, a leadsman stood in the bow casting a lead and calling in loud, singsong the depth of water, until suddenly, like an electric shock, came the sharp, "five feet scant," and the bell rang, and the wheels reversed with a suddenness that aroused every one, until he got used to it. they were hung on snags, "hard aground" on sand bars, and as a consequence were four or five days behind the time at leavenworth. the reader will recollect that the fur-traders had given dr. whitman a cordial invitation to join them in the spring, and he was impatient but helpless in the delay. to the great discomfiture of the missionaries upon reaching the landing, they learned that the fur company had left four days before. what added to whitman's trouble was, that at st. louis he had been told he could get all the provisions he lacked at the fort, and upon inquiry, found nearly everything sold, and that he would have to start in poorly equipped with provisions, without a hope of being able to add to his stock, except by chance and courtesy of the traders. this was the first great test of the courage of dr. whitman. dr. spalding was outspoken, "we must turn back and never think of such madness as to brave a journey among savages without an escort." whitman said little, but rapidly made his preparation, simply declaring, "we will go on." mrs. spalding nobly seconded whitman, and said, "i have started for oregon, and to oregon i will go or leave my body upon the plains." mrs. whitman was alike cheerful. so soon as harness could be adjusted, the loads packed, and the cattle rounded up, the man of courage gave the order, and the little train began to move through the deep mud of the missouri river bottoms. we learned after that the fur company waited one day over the stipulated time. but they had in some way learned at st. louis that the doctor was going to bring with him some american women for the journey, something never heard of before, and as they were expecting to have to fight their way at times, they did not care for such encumbrances, anxious as they were to have the services of the good doctor. thus it was a gloomy start for the brave little company. dr. whitman had made ample preparation for the comfort of the women in a spring-wagon, "the brides' wagon," fitted up with various little comforts and a protection in every storm. but it is doubtful whether two cultivated american brides before, or since, ever made so memorable a wedding journey. the party consisted of the two brides and their husbands, dr. w. h. gray, two teamsters, and the two indian boys. we may add that somewhere in the sioux country the boys picked up three other nez perces friends; one of them, samuel, was added permanently to the company. mrs. whitman writes, "when the boys get together they make a great chattering." they were in an indian country from the first day's start, and met great numbers of savages, out on their hunts, many moving to new camps, and some on the war-path. at no time were the missionaries molested, but on the contrary, were treated with great courtesy, and as mrs. whitman wrote, "they seemed greatly surprised to see white women in the party." the indian boys were soon in their element, and of inestimable value; they could swim the rivers like ducks, and took all the care of the loose stock, and were wise in the ways of plains' life. they could explain to any suspicious indians the coming of "the great medicine men" they were taking to their people, and in a hundred ways were helpers to the little company. mrs. whitman, from the outset, rode on horseback with her husband, only occasionally resting in the wagon, and for company to mrs. spalding, who was yet an invalid. we make no pretense of writing a continued narrative of the journey, but just enough to catch its spirit. we have seen in it a dreary and discouraged start, and none but a hero with heroines to encourage him would have entered upon it. they had now been a whole month on the way making forced marches, the trail of the fur-traders getting fresher every day, until finally hearing they were in camp on loupe fork, the wagons pushed on and joined them. the doctor and mrs. whitman were behind helping to hurry forward the loose stock. finally, late at night, the indian boys begged the doctor and his wife to ride on to camp and leave them to drive the stock in at daylight. but they refused to leave them. picketing their horses out to graze, then with their saddles for pillows, they lay upon the warm ground looking up at the stars and slept. at daylight they rode into camp and were courteously received and praised as "a plucky set." the two american women, who had so alarmed the old plainsmen as a burden and an encumbrance, by their tact and kindness soon won them as friends, and nothing was left undone that the rough old fellows could do for their comfort. they had succeeded so admirably in passing safely for a month alone through the indian country, that they began to have confidence in themselves. but they learned that they had not yet reached the point of real danger, and were glad to be protected by such a stalwart troop. the indians had a great respect for these pioneer traders, who were veterans of the plains and splendidly armed. the greatest anxiety was for the safety of their stock at night, when picketed out to graze. the indians especially coveted the oxen and cows, which required careful guarding to prevent stampeding. cattle when frightened at night lose all sense, breaking away and running as long as they can stand, becoming easy prey for the savages, while horses and mules almost invariably break for the tents and wagons, and the company of men. camp at night is always made by driving the wagons in a circle, with tents pitched inside. the wagons make a protection from an enemy, and all their contents are in easy reach. the year was a peaceable year among the indians, and the buffalo and other game was so plentiful as to make small temptation for indian depredation upon the white man's stock during this portion of the journey, but we may add they cast longing eyes at all times upon every good horse the white man rode. _in the buffalo country_ the company had now reached the buffalo country, and soon began to see great herds containing thousands, and even tens of thousands. every spring the buffalo journeyed northward to the valleys and plains to feed on the rich grasses. it is a feast occasion, one of the greatest the indian enjoys. tribes travel four and five hundred miles from their homes to meet the buffalo, and lay in a supply of dried meat, calf skins, and robes, and never forgetting to feast for a month while laying up winter stores. it is a novel and exhilarating sight to view the annual indian migration to meet these noble wild cattle of the plains--the whole tribe, old and young, dogs and loose horses, with all their movable worldly goods brought with them packed on poles drawn by ponies. they settle down in the little valleys near springs, or along running waters, and arrange for work in advance with as much system as the farmer in the spring plows and sows. the buffalo country has generally, by mutual consent, been regarded as "peace grounds," but the desire for revenge has many times made it the scene of bloody contests and massacres. hunting buffalo in those days, either by the indians or white men, was not sport, but butchery. they were in such immense herds that, when running from their enemies, those in the rear could not get out of the way, and were an easy prey to any kind of weapon of death. the buffalo bull is the most gallant and noble among animals. on the march he leads, brings up the rear, and marches on the flanks, while all the cows and calves are kept in the center of the herd and protected from the bands of wolves, mountain-lions, and bears which linger around ready to devour the straying members of the herd. by a wonderful provision of nature, the buffalo calves are practically all of the same age, so that a herd in the long summer outing is not much detained upon its way, for the little one trots gayly beside its mother in a few hours. but while the little fellows are thus comparatively helpless, those who have witnessed the scene, bear testimony to the courage of the great, strong-necked, sharp-horned bulls who will attack a grizzly or a whole pack of wolves, or a mountain-lion regardless of his own danger. at such times he is even at night a sleepless, faithful picket ever on duty. he walks backward and forward along his picketed line like a trained soldier, and when the ground is wet, he treads a deep path in the sod, and the picket line of a sleeping herd can easily be traced long afterward, and often is referred to as "indian trails." one would suppose that such nobility would command respect. but it never did. even such explorers and writers as parkman and his men never seem to have enjoyed the day unless, in addition to the calves they killed for food, they were able to tell of the slaughter of many "savage old bulls." at the time of which i write buffalo were seen by the million. fourteen years later, when the writer visited the same region, they could be seen in single herds covering a thousand acres. when frightened and running, they were turned from their course with the greatest difficulty. a train on the trail they were crossing was only safe in halting and allowing it to pass. the pressure from the rear was so great that the front could not halt. some of the old plainsmen told of "a tenderfoot's" experience, who was going to have some "rare sport, and his pick of an entire bunch." he observed a large herd quietly grazing and saw by making a detour, up a dry ravine, where he would be hidden from view, he could get immediately in their front. he succeeded, and tying his mule behind him, concealed himself in the edge of some bushes upon the bank of the creek. he did not have long to wait, something in the rear frightened the herd and it began to come directly toward him. as soon as in reach, he began to fire and kill. it would break the ranks for an instant only, and he at once saw death impending, as there was not a tree large enough to climb. he had shot until his gun was hot, but all in vain. just then his old mule tied in the bushes opened up his musical "honk, honk," such as only a thoroughly frightened mule can utter, and the whole herd opened right and left, and the man was saved. some have expressed a wonder that these noble animals, in such myriads, should so soon have disappeared. it is easily seen, in the fact of the improved firearms used by the indians, and that they killed, for food, skins for clothing, and robes for the market, only the cows and calves. they selected only the choice cuts of the meat, and left the great bodies for the wolves and other varments. they could tan only the skins of cows and calves for clothing and for tepee covers. it was a sickening sight to pass over the place of slaughter, and thus see hundreds of bodies, with only tongues and choice cuts and skins taken. american hunters were equally sacrificial. half a century later the writer rode over the same land and saw indians, all across the region, with carts and pack ponies gathering up bones of the buffalo. passing stations along the great northern and northern pacific railroads, one passes ricks of bones half a mile long on each side, and as high as the tops of the cars, waiting for shipment east as fertilizers, and horn handles for knives and other uses in the arts. only two living wild herds of buffalo are now reported, one small one in texas, and one carefully protected by the government in yellowstone park. it would have been wise and humane had they been protected sooner by the strong arm of the law. but it was the great good fortune to our missionaries to meet the buffalo herds. they started out poorly provided, and would soon have been in distress, for they had added three nez perces indian boys to their company, and the pure air and exercise upon the plains provokes great appetites. it was equally good for the fur-traders, who had calculated upon the event. so the whole train stopped and began to kill and "jerk" meat. the indian boys were in their element and veterans in the business, and laid in bountiful supplies. while it is fresh and juicy few animals furnish more nutritious food. a buffalo porterhouse steak, cooked over coals at the end of a forked stick, when the thermometer of appetite is up to "one hundred degrees in the shade," is a royal feast to be remembered. if however kept up long enough, the good old-fashioned pig with lean and fat strips on his ribs, is quite a relief. but the dried meat was the staple food of the little company from that time on. mrs. whitman cheerfully and jokingly writes in her diary, "we have dried buffalo meat and tea for breakfast, and tea and jerked buffalo for supper, but the doctor has a different way of cooking each piece to give variety to the entertainment." mrs. whitman kept carefully a daily diary of events of travel, which was luckily preserved, and passed into the hands of her sister, mrs. jackson, of oberlin, ohio, which i have been permitted to read and from which have copious selections in my larger work, "how marcus whitman saved oregon," after which it was passed on to the whitman college library, where it is preserved as a precious treasure. the notable feature of this diary is its self-sacrificing spirit and good cheer. the scorching sun, the clouds of alkaline dust that stung the eyes and throat, the impure water they were compelled to use, the myriads of mosquitoes and buffalo gnats, all of which the author so well remembers as the dreariest things encountered in a long life, did not daunt the spirit of this delicate little woman. not a word of complaint can be found in that daily diary, which was never written for the public eye, or for effect. the nearest to it was once, after being without flour or bread for weeks, she writes, "o for a few crusts of mother's bread; girls, don't waste the bread in the old home!" men and women are all human, and i have no desire to picture my characters as perfect beings. they doubtless had their faults, but none who have not experienced some of the difficulties of that pioneer band, who, tired and worn with travel, sought sleep while hungry (after shaking out their blankets to be sure no snakes were within them), can censure. i repeat, it takes such experience to fully appreciate the heroism and unselfishness of such consecrated lives. the old pioneers were wise geographers and surveyors. there were two things necessary for life upon the plains, viz., water and grass. they studied their maps and saw the platte, north and south forks, reaching northward and westward. so they made their trails along the banks, cutting off bends, avoiding impossible sloughs and hills, but keeping an eye upon the river in the distance, and ever working nearer to it when a detour had been made. the two plattes thus furnish supplies for from five to six hundred miles. travellers struck across the divide for the sweetwater and its tributaries, until the foot of the rockies is reached. as the eyes of our travelers had rested for a month upon the snow-covered peaks of the great stony mountains, one can imagine it was a day of rejoicing when they began the ascent. the trail up "the south pass" was so easy a grade that the horses and cattle scarcely felt the strain. one looking at it would surmise that this break in the great mountain was not an accident, but it was left for a great highway between the oceans, to make one family, and a united nation. striking mountains, after the long dreary summer upon the alkaline plains, hard as mountain-climbing is, was yet a change to be appreciated. i recollect distinctly, it turned our little company of sturdy men (a few years later) into rollicking boys who whooped and sang to get the echoes, and rolled great stones, until their arms ached, crushing down the mountain-side. [illustration: pacific spring--july , ] _a notable celebration_ here on the top of the rockies, or just beyond the summit, is a spring appropriately named "the pacific spring," for its pure, ice-cold water bubbles up and in a silvery stream winds its way westward. it is a beauty spot as the author well remembers. a little valley upon the mountains, covered with grass and wild flowers, with grand views of valleys and mountains reaching farther away than the eye can follow. here the missionaries halted and allowed the fur-traders to pass on. it was the fourth day of july, a day ever memorable in the mind of every patriotic american. true they were but missionaries, and far from home and friends, but they were home-lovers and patriots. so spreading their blankets upon the bunch grass, they brought out the american flag, unfurled it, and with prayer and song dedicated the fair land thence to the pacific, to god and the union. it was a prayer and song which after history proved a prophecy; and one in which the actors in this little celebration took so brave a part as to deserve their names enrolled among the nation's royal benefactors. god rules the world, and all history shows that he oftenest leaves the great and strong, and takes the weak and humble to accomplish his grand purposes. eternity will reveal whether that dedication was one of the agencies which brought the after grand results. certain it was, that it was the agency of dr. whitman and his heroism in carrying out that vow years after, and stirred up a spirit never before experienced, and aroused the nation to action. no stage could have been grander for such a celebration. behind were the long stretches of the great plains, and still beyond the civilization of the continent, the hope of the christian world; while before was the wilderness in all its wildness, reaching to the pacific. the rockies towered about them, glittering in the sunshine! the craggy peaks of the wind river mountains loomed up in the north, with the coast range visible, like floating clouds in the far west. the luxurious grass, the towering pines, and flowers that perfumed the air, made the spot beautiful, while the history of the event is a fit theme for a grand national epic or painting. there have been many historic celebrations of the nation's birth, some upon battle-fields where victory perched upon the "the banner of beauty and glory," but none more impressive than when upon that mountain top, in , mrs. whitman's musical voice echoed from the rocks and trees, "the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave, o'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave." they had now entered upon the scenic stage of their journey, and it was a delightful change from the dead levels of the plains. they luxuriated in the pure ice-cold water, and magnificent scenery, but it was well for them that they knew none of the weary climbs ahead. we will not pause to note events from thence to green river. there they met with exciting and interesting savage life in all its realities. they found at "the rendezvous" two thousand indians in camp, waiting for the coming of the traders. a thousand or more were from the oregon country, and among them friends and relatives of the indian boys, who had come the long distance to meet and welcome them, as well as to trade. they gave the boys a royal greeting, as they regarded them as heroes and great travelers. they were proud of their accomplishments in speaking like the "bostons," and when the missionaries vouched for their earnest, faithful services, the indians were proud of their boys. here they stayed for nearly two weeks waiting for the completion of the trading. the indians regarded the missionaries as their guests, and taxed themselves to the utmost to amuse them by wild games and feats of horsemanship and mimic battles. they scoured the hills and woods for game, brought fish from the river, and seemed to think even that not doing enough. they at all times treated "the white squaws" with the greatest courtesy. mrs. whitman marks this in her diary. she says: "one of the chiefs brought his wife to our tent, and taking off his cap and bowing gracefully, introduced her as politely as any civilized man. such encourages me to believe that much can be done for these poor people, and i long to be at work." chapter iv _"old click-click-clackety-clackety," the historic wagon. breaking camps and its incidents, and the end of the journey._ breaking camp at green river was a noisy and gleeful occasion. half-starved indian ponies, when they have rested a few weeks, generally rebel when packs are cinched with a "diamond hitch" around their well-marked ribs. upon this occasion amusement was diversified and enjoyable, even to the actors. but both indians and traders were no novices in such business, and soon the companies bade good by to each other and started along the trails to their widely scattered homes. it was the great exciting social event of indian life, this distant visit to trade. the indians there met friends and relatives, exchanged gossip, gathered the few luxuries and necessaries of life for the year to come. they brought with them squaws and some of their children, and enjoyed their outing in their savage way as much as the élite do the seashore or saratoga, and judging of both, one would say they had more fun. the oregon indians were all anxious to be escorts to "the boston teachers." there were two intelligent traders from oregon, messrs. mckay and mcleod, who offered escort to the little company, which was gladly accepted, and they were of invaluable service in that most difficult portion of the journey. the faithful indian boys, however, held their places of honor and trust to the last. mrs. spalding had for some time been on horseback, and enjoyed it more than the wagon, traversing the rocky roads. there was no longer need of two wagons, and one was left at the rendezvous; but "the brides' wagon" pulled out with the pack-train. my young readers may think it an uninteresting object to write about, but they must remember it is "the brides' wagon," fitted up with all the little accommodations for the first two white women who braved the dangerous journey across the great stony mountains to the pacific. true, it was battered and worn, dust and mud and storms had robbed it of style. it is well for those who ride in palace cars and whizzing 'autos to remember the days of their great grandfathers and grandmothers, who, amid privations and perils, with the parting blessings of puritan homes, pulled across the alleghanies in rough wagons and hewed out homes, and built this great empire of the middle west. the more often we remember the heroines of the past the more we will enjoy this grandest inheritance of the present ever left to any people. but there was more than sentiment to this wagon as we shall see later on. it figuratively blazed the way, and "marked a wagon-road to the columbia," and years after silenced the eloquence of america's greatest orator! the battered old wagon was a source of amusement to the indians, who rode in troops by its side to see the wheels go round, and hear its clatter. especially was it a novelty to the younger indians, who at once named it "old click-click-clackety-clackety." there was a plain wagon-road from the missouri to green river, and from thence to fort hall--there it stopped. the royal owners of oregon had long before prophesied and decreed, "there would never be a wagon-road to the columbia!" they did not want one. [illustration: the rugged trail to oregon.] the company reached fort hall safely, which was an outpost of the english company, and only a pack trail led westward to the columbia. captain grant, in command of the post, knew his business, and that was never to allow a wagon to go beyond fort hall. he at once told the company of the dangers and perils of the journey, of the impracticability of hauling a wagon. if tried it would so detain them that they would be caught in the snows upon the mountains and perish. his earnestness and arguments were such that he convinced most of them, who favored abandoning the wagon. even mrs. whitman joined others in the entreaty to dr. whitman to leave the wagon and move on. "the silent man" said little, but went on with his preparations, and when the pack-train moved out, "old click-click-clackety-clackety" clacked in the rear as usual. the real facts are, that captain grant had scarcely overstated the dangers and difficulties of the undertaking. from the day they left fort hall until the memorable baptism of the wagon in snake river, the old wagon is one of the constant themes of mrs. whitman's diary. we read, "husband had a tedious time with the wagon to-day. it got stuck in a creek and he had to wade to get it out. after that in going up the mountain the wagon upset twice." she describes the steep up and down mountain trails where at times the mules had to be unhitched and the wagon lowered with ropes (as the writer a few years later was compelled to do). she adds, "i wondered that the wagon was not turning somersaults all the time. it is not grateful to my feelings to see him wearing himself out with such fatigue. all the mountain part of the way he has walked in laborious attempts to take the wagon." about one week later mrs. whitman writes, gleefully, "the axletree of the wagon broke to-day. i was a little rejoiced, for we are in hopes it will now be left." she adds, in her next note, "our rejoicing was in vain; they have made the wagon into a cart with the back wheels, and lashed the front wheels to the sides, determined to take it through in some shape or other." "worse yet" (she writes a week later), "the hills are so steep and rocky, husband thinks it best to lighten the load as much as possible, and haul nothing but the wheels, leaving the box and the trunk!" what do you think of that, my girl readers? the brides' trunk, that came from the far-away home, with all its mementoes and tender memories to be sacrificed, and "only the wheels" taken! but the gallant mcleod solved the problem and ordered the trunk packed on one of his mules, and it made the journey safely, and the old wagon made into a cart, but its wheels and every iron sacredly preserved, was still a wagon; and under a power impressed upon one brave soul it moved on its great way, marking a wagon-road and a highway between the oceans. those may smile who will, but they do not think deep, nor do they estimate how small and seemingly insignificant events shape the greatest events in a personal, and even national, life. the last note of mrs. whitman's diary referring to the wagon says: "august . we have just crossed the snake river, the packs were removed from the ponies and placed on the tallest horses, while two of the highest were selected for mrs. spalding and me. mr. mcleod gave me his and rode mine. the river is divided into three channels by islands, the last, a half a mile wide, and our direction was against the current, which made it hard for the horses, as the water was up to their sides. husband had a difficult time with the cart, as both mules and cart upset in midstream, and the animals got tangled in the harness, and would have drowned but for the desperate struggle for their release. two of the strongest horses were taken into the river and hitched to the cart, while two men swam behind and guided it safely to the shore." there they were at fort boise, beyond the snake, and in oregon! the wagon-road was made! it was within easy reach of their future home. there it was decided to leave the cart until spring, together with half a dozen footsore cattle, which could be sent for, or exchanged for others at fort walla walla. packs were now divided and the patient mules, which had long drawn the cart, became packers. an old wagon is the common rubbish in every farm-yard, and if my reader enters a protest to the large place i have given it, or to protest against marcus whitman for his persistent refusal to take the advice of his companions, i will state in simple defense, i believe whitman was an inspired man! he never once made such claim, even to the wife he almost adored. later on, as we shall see, he obeyed the same voice under far more trying circumstances, when called to make his midwinter ride to save oregon. when his friends insisted in saying, "it is like going down into the valley and shadow of death; wait until spring," his only answer was, "i must go now!" who can fathom such mysteries in any other way than that i have mentioned. the chances are, he never dreamed of making a trail for a great transcontinental traffic. it is not at all likely that ever the thought came to him that he should guide a great immigrant train over the same route a few years later and the brides' wagon proved a notable factor in his success. _the last march_ the incumbrances left behind, the company moved on as rapidly as the loose stock could be driven. it was still a wild, rugged road, but much of the country traversed was beautiful. they were all now on horseback, and all their worldly possessions on pack-saddles. the weather was delightful, game abundant, and there was now no danger of starving, although they had long been without all the luxuries common to civilization. but best of all, they were buoyed up by the near completion of a nearly seven months' journey of hardships and danger. the day before they were to reach fort walla walla, the doctor and mrs. whitman rode ahead of the company, and camped under the trees on the bank of the river, eight miles from the fort. at daylight they were upon the road. who can imagine the delight of the tired travelers, as they came in sight, at a distance, of human habitations and civilization! they spurred their horses into a gallop and rode to the gates of the fort just as the occupants were sitting down to breakfast. the men and women of the fort came at once and admitted them through the gates, and gave them a cordial welcome, and did their best to make them feel at ease. mrs. whitman writes in her diary: "september , . we reached here this morning just as they were sitting down to breakfast. we were soon seated at table and treated to fresh salmon, potatoes, tea, bread, and butter; what a variety thought i. you cannot imagine what an appetite those rides in the mountain air give a person." she playfully adds that, "while at breakfast a rooster perched himself upon the doorstep, and crowed lustily. whether it was in honor of the arrival of the first two white women, or as a general compliment to the company, i know not, but he pleased me." the rest of the company reached the fort during the afternoon. here they all were, and none missing, right upon the scene of their probable future labor. the cayuse indians who had earnestly interceded for teachers were the owners of a great tract of fertile land on both sides of the walla walla river. adjoining them, one hundred miles distant, was the nez perces, to whom all the missionaries felt indebted and attracted, because of the boy friends who had so faithfully served them during the long journey, and as well for their amiable dispositions. the cayuse were smart indians, whose wealth was in horses, which roamed over their rich pastures, and without care, kept fat the year through. but the cayuse were not like the nez perces, always to be relied upon. they were sharp traders, and notably tricky. but our missionaries found they could do nothing by way of settlement until they presented their credentials and consulted with the ruling authorities--the english hudson bay company at vancouver, two hundred and fifty miles down the columbia. they were urged to stop and rest before making the long journey, but so eager were they to get to their work, and to make preparations for the winter, that they declined the kind invitation. large boats were secured, and strong-armed, experienced indian rowers soon bore the party to their destination, through a land, and along rivers romantically interesting. they found great bands of indians on their route, especially at the rapids, and the dalles, where many found employment, as boats and goods had to be carried for miles to smooth water. dr. whitman at once marked the dalles as an ideal place for a mission.[ ] [ ] years after, and just before dr. whitman's death, he purchased the old methodist mission at the dalles. his later judgment justified his first impressions. dr. mcloughlin, the chief factor of the hudson bay company, received the party most cordially, and bade them welcome. he was known among the indians as "the great white head chief." he was a giant in stature, a gentleman of culture and education, and a man with a soul as large as his body. from the outset there seemed to be a freemasonry attachment between whitman and mcloughlin. they were much alike, physically and mentally. they were both physicians and men with high moral character, stamped in every act of their lives. mcloughlin carried out fixed principles in all his dealings with the indians; he never allowed them cheated in any trade; he lived up to every promise made; and the savage tribes, in every quarter, obeyed his commands like good soldiers do their general. whitman laid bare the whole case, how and why they were there, and concealed nothing. his ideas freely given were, that he believed savages must first be taught to build homes, plant and sow, and raise cattle, sheep, and stop their roaming life. this was directly what the hudson bay people did not want. they wanted furs and skins, and to get them whole tribes must each year migrate to the distant hunting and trapping regions. dr. mcloughlin, while anxious to serve the missionaries, was yet true to his company. he had placed the methodist missionaries jason and daniel lee the year before far up the willamette, and he explained to dr. whitman that the dalles was not the place for a mission, and that it would be far better for the company and for the missionaries, to settle in a more distant quarter. it all resulted in dr. whitman going to the cayuse on the walla walla, and dr. spalding to the nez perces, one hundred and twenty-five miles further on. mcloughlin was so impressed with the honesty and earnestness of his guests, that he gave them liberty to draw upon him for anything he could furnish for their use and comfort. such an unlooked-for kindness was greatly appreciated. and we may add, as far as dr. mcloughlin could execute the promise, it was sacredly fulfilled. it is well to constantly remember that without his kindly aid the missionaries of oregon would have suffered, or even starved. having settled these important preliminaries, the little company was impatient to be at its work. mcloughlin saw the necessity of house-building in preparation for the winter, but protested against the wives leaving his roof until homes were provided, and when he saw that they hesitated and feared that they would tax hospitality, he at once overcome all by stating it would not overtax, but would be a great favor to him if mrs. whitman would remain and give his daughter lessons in music. so it was arranged--the husbands with helpers, tools, and seeds departed for the scene of their future homes. the cayuse indians were delighted with the arrangement, and at once set off six hundred and forty acres of their best land at the junction of two branches of the walla walla river for the mission. here the doctor, his two teamsters, and two he had hired set about house-building. there were small trees all about the grounds and along the river, but none suitable for lumber or boards. for all such they had to go from eight to ten miles up the river to the foot of the blue mountains, and saw by hand, or rive boards, pack them on horses, or float them down the rapid river. it is easy to see that house-building was no picnic job under such circumstances. but whitman was not an "eight-hour man," and he never "struck." he toiled early and late, and camped down in the forest, and went to sleep with the musical howl of the wolf in his ears. the result was, in less than six weeks there loomed up "a commodious house," of one great room, with a large open fireplace and nearly ready for guests. it had a shingled roof, places for windows and doors, and while the doctor added the many little conveniences for comfort, dr. spalding went to vancouver to escort the women, who were impatient, and anxious to be helpers of their husbands. a house, whether a cabin or a palace, is never a home until a good wife enters its doors. a man alone can no more make a home home-like than he can pack a trunk. chapter v _the home-coming. the beginning of missionary life. clarissa, "the little white cayuse queen." her death. sketches of daily events._ after a somewhat tedious journey up the river for two hundred and fifty miles, against the current and strong winds, mrs. whitman and her escort reached the mission station december th, and alighted from her horse at the cabin door after dark, while the wolves from the farther banks of the walla walla united in a vigorous howl, either of protest or of welcome. my girl readers may imagine that the surroundings were not such as would call out any enthusiasm in a young wife, entering her first home. and yet there is a beautiful lesson of contentment, thankfulness, and love shown in the words of this earnest little christian woman, surrounded by savage life. she writes in her diary: "we reached our new home december th, found a house reared, and the lean-to inclosed, a good chimney and fireplace, and the floor laid, but no windows or doors, except blankets. my heart truly leaped for joy as i alighted from my horse, entered, and seated myself before a pleasant fire, for it was night and the air chilly." again, december th, she writes (you will observe the date, one day after the world's greatest anniversary): "where are we now, and who are we, that we should be so blessed of the lord? i can scarcely realize that we are thus comfortably fixed and keeping house, so soon after our marriage, when i consider what was before us." think of it, girls! no chairs except those rudely made with skins stretched across them. table made of four posts, covered with boards sawed by hand; stools made of logs sawed of proper length; pegs along the walls upon which to hang the clothing, nails being too expensive a luxury to use. beds were bunks fastened to the walls, and filled with dried grass and leaves, and yet the young bride, accustomed to the luxuries of civilization, set about building a home around which always cluster life's comforts and joys. every page of her diary speaks her thankfulness for unnumbered blessings, and not a discordant note, or a complaint, or a regret in all the pages. if i were to stop to moralize, i should mark the love that only comes where gold glitters, as the demoralizing agency of our day in this christian land. young people desire too often to start in life rich, even when their honored parents toiled for years for life comforts. this desire for wealth is to-day so universal as to mark it the chief aim of life. to start rich and be happy have lured a multitude to misery. the little story i relate, however, tells its own moral in its simple facts, and needs few words to impress its beautiful lessons. mrs. whitman thus describes the great farm and its surroundings. i have many times wandered over the old place, and cannot better describe it than to insert a note from her diary: "it is a lovely situation. we are on a level peninsula formed by the two branches of the walla walla river. our house stands on the southeast shore of the main river. to run a fence across, from river to river, will inclose three hundred acres of good land, and all directly under the eye. just east of the house rises a range of low hills, covered with bunch grass almost as rich as oats, for the stock. the indians have named the place 'waiilatpui,' the place of the rye grass." upon one of the highest of those hills in the east, which mrs. whitman refers to, the pioneers of oregon, washington, and idaho recently erected a stately marble monument to whitman, and at its base is "the great grave" containing the remains of dr. and mrs. whitman, and twelve others who perished in the massacre, which will be referred to more particularly in another chapter. dr. whitman regarded it his first duty to plan to live in comfort, and set his indians a good example. he toiled day and night in making his arrangements to plant and sow in the early spring months. the indians flocked about the mission in great numbers, curious to see the active, earnest work of the man, and wondering at his accomplishments. mrs. whitman soon organized classes of indian children, and entered with enthusiasm upon the work to which she had dedicated her life. indian children are bright, docile, and quick-witted, and she soon had them under control, and saw rapid progress, considering the fact that each had to learn the language of the other at the start. the cayuse were very anxious for their children to learn all the secrets of "great medicine" and often sat around the yard and grounds in groups to take mental note of events. whitman tried hard, by example and otherwise, to persuade the indians to lend a helping hand at work; now and then they would join him in some heavy lifting which one man could not do, but they did not believe that indian men were made to work, that "work was only for squaws." what whitman accomplished may be best seen by a short extract from a book written by t. j. farnham, who visited the mission in , three years later. he writes: "i found two hundred and fifty acres inclosed and two hundred acres under good cultivation. i found from forty to fifty indian children in the school, and mrs. whitman an indefatigable instructor. one new building was in course of construction, and a small grist mill in running order. it appeared to me quite remarkable that the doctor could have accomplished so much since , and act as physician to the indians, and also to the distant mission stations at clearwater and spokane. he could not have done so, and kept the mission work to its high standard, only by the tactful and unceasing work of mrs. whitman." the rev. dr. jonathan edwards, writing of the mission, which he visited in , says: "i found the indians had taken a practical lesson from the doctor, and were each cultivating for themselves from one-fourth to four acres of ground, and they had seventy head of cattle and a few sheep." the great crops of wheat, barley, potatoes, melons, and vegetables so easily raised in the rich soil were a revelation to the indians, and taught them just the practical lessons the doctor so much desired. his theory was, that little could be done in a religious way with the indians until he could induce them to build homes, and plant and sow and reap, and adopt the methods of civilized people. many had been induced to build houses, and much of the unnecessary nomadic life had been abandoned. mrs. whitman retained her wonderful voice and sang and won the hearts of the savages, long before she knew enough of the language to make the sentiment of her songs impressive lessons. from the outset she was regarded as their friend, and they embraced every opportunity, in their crude way, to show their appreciation. they often brought her presents of venison and wild fowl, which was an agreeable change of diet from the horse meat they were compelled to use for over three years. their stock of cattle and sheep and hogs was too small to be used for food. mrs. whitman says in her diary, in : "to supply our men and many visitors we have this year bought of the indians and eaten ten wild horses." those young cayuse horses that roamed over the rich pastures and nearly as wild as the deer, are not such bad food, as the author can testify. they are not to be compared with the old broken-down horses sometimes used for food by civilized people. mrs. whitman, in her diary, seldom enters a complaint against her indian wards. she treated them as friends; nothing was kept under lock and key, and she declares nothing was ever stolen. but they liked to roam all over the house and were curious to see everything. after the home had been enlarged, as it had been each year, and bedrooms were added, she had a difficult task in teaching the indian men that it was not proper for them to open the door or enter a lady's bedroom. they seemed to have difficulty in understanding that it was "a sacred place," and appeared hurt and aggrieved, lest that in some way they had lost favor with their good friend. _a notable event_ perhaps i should have noted it long before this, for it was a distinct event to these two people, so far separated from kindred and civilized friends, when a little girl baby came to cheer their rude home in the wilderness, seemed a gracious gift direct from paradise. to the indians she was a wonder and delight. great burly savages with their squaws came from miles and miles away to look upon the "little white squaw baby." they seemed to think it a great privilege and honor to be permitted to touch the soft, white cheek with a finger. to the sixty and seventy indian children in the school, the baby was more interesting than their lessons, and the older and more careful indian girls who were permitted to nurse and care for the little one during school hours were envied by all others. in the pure health-giving air, with her vigorous constitution, the baby grew strong and vigorous. she was a precocious child physically and mentally, and before she was a year and a half old, she spoke both the english and indian language. her constant association with indian children made her even more familiar with their language than the english. she had inherited a wonderful musical voice from her mother, and sang as the birds sing, because they cannot help singing. [illustration: mt. tacoma from longmire springs. (the home of nekahni.)] later on, she incorporated cayuse words in her songs which delighted the indians, and they thought her almost more than human. every day they would lounge around the yard and watch every movement and listen to her songs. the old chief was one of her great admirers; he called her "the little white cayuse queen," and openly gave notice that he would make her the heir to all his wealth, for he was rich, as the indians understood riches. we have had but the meager facts, those written by mrs. whitman to her family and the notes in her diary, to guide us in telling the story of this fleeting beautiful young life. _an impending calamity_ but an affliction was impending, even before the child reached two and a half years of age. it was sunday morning in june, and none brighter or more glorious than june days in oregon, and the little girl had been permitted by her father as usual to select the hymn for the morning service. the hymn was one unusual for the child of her tender years, but you must remember that at that far-away date there were few hymns adapted to children, and she selected one she had memorized. it was the olden-time favorite "_rock of ages_ "while i draw this fleeting breath, when my eyelids close in death, when i rise to worlds unknown, and behold thee on thy throne; rock of ages, cleft for me, may i hide myself in thee." this was the morning family service; in the afternoon there was a large attendance of the indians. the doctor led the service, and for the opening hymn selected the same one sung in the morning, and the little girl's sweet childish voice chimed in beautifully with the rich soprano of her mother. mrs. whitman writes, "this was the last we ever heard her sing." i never hear "rock of ages," but it calls to mind little clarissa, and her wilderness home, where the angelic messengers hovered even then, to bear the dear child, in the words of her song, "to worlds unknown." after the service mrs. whitman was busy in the preparation of the evening meal for her large family; the little child was here and there, busy as usual, and had not been missed until five minutes before the alarm was given, and a hurried search made in every direction, with calls that were unanswered. they had a path which led to the walla walla river, sixty or more yards away, and a platform built out, so that pure water could be dipped up for family use. there upon the platform they found one of her little red tin cups, which was a treasure she greatly prized. the indian who found it at once reached the conclusion that the little girl had fallen in while attempting to dip the water. he at once dived in, and allowing the rapid current to drift his body as it would the child, he soon seized the clothing and bore the little body, yet warm, to its father's arms. every effort was made to recall the life which had departed, but in vain. possibly my young readers may inquire why was this permitted? why was the dear child taken, and such sorrow left in the home? such thoughts and utterances have occurred thousands of times during the centuries. the pure, the good, and the true depart, and the vicious often live on. we indeed "look through a glass darkly" on this earth, but we may know more for the reasons of life when we reach the life beyond. certainly such events are trials of christian faith in multitudes of christian homes! did they come too near worshiping the child? was it likely the great, strong man who was to be called to a great work would have been turned aside from it had the child lived? could the "silent man" have left that tender charge in the wilderness to answer a call to duty? who can answer? dr. whitman himself writes nothing of the event. but one glancing at the notes of mrs. whitman's diary, will see revealed the profoundly christian character of the mother. she writes, "lord, it is right, it is right! she is not mine, but thine! she was only lent to me to comfort me for a little season, and now, dear saviour, thou hast the best right to her. thy will, not mine, be done!" one seldom reads a better sermon upon christian faith than that. the effect of the death of "the little white cayuse queen" upon the indians was marked. they had but little of the faith of the mother's heart to buoy them up. they could not understand it. the indians were superstitious, and they conceived it to be a judgment, sent by the great spirit, upon dr. whitman, and that he was displeased with "great white medicine." from that event the older indians appear to have lost most of their interest in the mission and its work, and the task of the missionaries never after ran as smoothly as before. the best of them still attended the religious services, and the school flourished. the medicine men of the cayuse had long been jealous of whitman's power, and they helped the grumblers and mischief-makers to lessen the doctor's power and influence with the tribe. the occupants of the mission were very busy people. the fields and gardens produced bountiful crops, but it required it all to feed the many at the mission, and the hungry transient guests. it was upon the direct route of immigrants--many sick and impoverished, and they all met with hospitable welcome. mrs. whitman writes, in her diary, "in some respects we are in a trying situation, being missionaries and not traders." dr. spalding, who was more intimately associated with whitman and his work than any other man, years after whitman's death, made this record. "immigrants by the hundreds, and later on, and near the close of his life, by the thousands, reached his mission, weary, worn, hungry, sick, and often destitute, but he cared for them all. seven small children of one family, by the death of parents, were left upon the hands of the doctor and his wife, one a babe four months old. they adopted them with four others, furnishing food and clothing without pay. frequently the doctor would give away his entire food supply, and send to me for grain to get him through the winter." the cayuse indians were scarcely a fair test of dr. whitman's theories of indian elevation and civilization. they were smart, shrewd traders, and not fur-hunters, and a low state of morals existed. while many of the older ones accepted the doctor's advice of living in peace with surrounding tribes and treating them honestly, yet many of the younger indians rebelled against his strict rules, and went on forays that he severely condemned. in one case a distant tribe owed a debt which they had failed to pay, and the cayuse braves made a foray and stole their horses to pay the debt. the doctor made a vigorous protest, and the young bloods had to take back their booty, but it estranged many of the influential, younger indians, who rebelled against such strict moral methods. such conditions grew with the years. they were near the fort, and came oftener under the influence of the canadian fur-traders and hangers-on of the hudson bay company, and as we shall see later on, were easily led to believe the stories started at the time of the great ride, that "whitman's designs were to kill off all the indians, and take possession of their lands." but we will not enter into any discussion of the direct causes which led up to the great disaster of , many of them not well authenticated. the nez perces presided over by dr. spalding, whose mission was intimately associated with that of whitman, and one in which he took a deep interest, was a much more tractable tribe, and have ever since proved their training. they are perhaps to-day as fine specimens of civilized indians as can be found in the united states. from the year , when dr. and mrs. spalding took charge of them, they have never raised an arm or showed enmity against white people. one little faction led by a minor chief, at one time joined a war party, which, however, was not countenanced by the tribe. at the time of the great massacre, when dr. and mrs. spalding were also expecting death, the nez perces rallied around them, and five hundred of their bravest warriors escorted them to civilization and safety, braving the scorn and enmity of hostile tribes. to-day they are christian people, have five flourishing presbyterian churches, good schools, and productive farms. every fourth of july all the churches unite in "a yearly meeting," raise american flags, hear speeches and sermons, and patriotic songs. in the fine two-volume history and biography of his father, general stevens, who was the first governor of washington territory, captain hazard stevens pays a noble tribute to the work of the early missionaries and the nez perces. he specifies as many as three occasions when all the other tribes were on the war-path, the nez perces stood loyal, and saved the lives of the governor and his party. true, we cannot, in view of the facts, have much to say of the cayuse, but they were not all bad. it was related by those who visited the cayuse in their reservation, to which they were banished after the massacre, that "fourteen years after, old istikus, every sunday morning went to the door of his tent and rang the old sacred mission bell, and invited all to come to prayers." how little or how much of christianity was planted in indian souls by the pioneer missionaries of oregon eternity alone will reveal. but we venture the assertion that the american board and christian people, in view of the good we know of the indians such as i have recited, and the overwhelmingly invaluable services of dr. whitman to christianity and the nation, no wiser expenditure was ever made by that great organization. there is not a blight nor a blur upon the lives of the messengers of salvation who answered the indian's call for "the white man's book of heaven." they sacrificed ease and comfort and home and friends that they might brighten indian life and point the way to the life to come. the strange thing about it all is, that the great multitude even of intelligent, christian people have either never heard of or forgot to do them honor. we must now turn for a brief retrospect of pioneer history relating to early oregon. the author begs his young readers not to shun the chapter. it is important, for it is the key that unlocks the brave story to follow, of "whitman's ride." it is good history to know, for it shows the stepping-stones of the nation's greatest progress. chapter vi _brief sketch of discovery and history of oregon country. when discovered! who owned it! by what title! the various treaties, and final contest._ upon the opening of the year , the oregon country was an unknown and unexplored land. it had been believed that a great river entered the northern pacific, and several nations had, from time to time, made investigations. it had been reported that ancient navigators had discovered it a century previous, but if so, it had no place upon any map. it was in that year that captain robert gray, a merchant trader, whose ship was fitted out in boston by a syndicate of merchants achieved the honor. captain gray was a native american, born in tiverton, rhode island, in , and died in charleston, south carolina, in , eight years after his discovery. he was an observant sailor, as well as a yankee trader, and as he was sailing leisurely in a gentle breeze, from forty to sixty miles from the shore, he observed a change in the color of the water, and upon testing it, found it comparatively fresh. he at once reached the conclusion that he had found the mysterious, long-sought river. turning the bow of his vessel toward the shore, and keeping as near what appeared the middle of the fresh-water current, he, at first venture, entered the mouth of the river, and luckily one of its most easily navigated outlets (for it has several). he sailed up the river, anchored in its wide bay near where astoria now stands, and raising the american flag, took possession in the name of the united states. he was impressed with the immense volume of water pouring into the ocean, and the grandeur of the great harbor, from six to ten miles wide, and the wild beauty of the new land. he sailed up and down the river, sounded its depths, traded his goods with savage tribes for furs and skins, got fresh supplies of pure water, fish, and venison. after a more than usual prolonged stay for a trading vessel, he again put out to sea, having named the great river after his staunch vessel, "the columbia."[ ] [ ] ................"he was the first, that ever burst, into that silent sea." it so happened that a week or more before making his great discovery he had spoken, at sea, to captain vancouver, of the english navy, who was upon a voyage of discovery on the northern pacific coast. a few days after emerging from the river he again came in hailing distance of the english ship, and announced to captain vancouver his great discovery, giving him all the bearings which had been accurately taken. captain vancouver immediately changed his course, found the entrance, entered the river, sailed up the willamette to its falls, up the columbia to the rapids, and formally took possession in the name of england! it is a singular fact that both spain and england that year each had a ship along the coast upon voyages of discovery. we are accustomed to call such events as "it so happened," but whether accidental or providential, america was ahead. it will be well to keep these facts in mind, for upon them hinges all claims england had upon oregon! yet, weak as they were, she held supreme possession of all oregon for nearly half a century, and as we shall show, had it not been for the heroic work of the old pioneer missionaries, would probably have held the whole fair land for all time to come. england owned the territory northward from the united states, whose boundaries were not accurately defined. even those along the borders of the new england states were not definitely fixed, and were a source of constant conflict until settled by the ashburton treaty as late as . the line between the united states and canada ran westward to the rocky mountains, and there ended. thirty-five years later, while england was in full possession of oregon, by a treaty signed in , to run for ten years (and was renewed in for ten years more), her commissioners claimed that they were "the owners of oregon by discovery." they argued that "captain gray only discovered the mouth of the river, while captain vancouver made full and complete discovery"; that "captain gray's claim was limited to the mouth of the river, and that he was only a merchant, sailor, and trader, and not a legitimate discoverer, while captain vancouver was a commander in his majesty's navy." mark, then, the discovery, in , as the united states' first claim to oregon. when the united states purchased the claims of france to all the great possession west of the mississippi river, it was supposed at the time to reach the pacific ocean and include the oregon country, and was so marked on the maps until the publication of the latest government map, which marks "the louisiana purchase," reaching only to the rockies. so, by the after-light of history, we can make no claim to oregon from that purchase. but president jefferson, who had a more enthusiastic interest in the oregon country than did any other of the statesmen of his day, evidently believed his purchase from france included the oregon country, for he at once began to plan a voyage, for survey and discovery, of all the lands from the mississippi to the pacific. jefferson looked much farther into the future grandeur of the nation than his fellows. while minister to france he met the great traveler and ornithologist, audubon, and became deeply interested in the mysteries of the western wilderness. he attempted upon his return to america, by private subscription, to send out an exploring expedition under the guidance of audubon. but the death of the great naturalist defeated the enterprise. jefferson, in , was elected president; he made the great louisiana purchase; he believed it extended to the pacific; and it was through him that the lewis and clark expedition was fitted out in , and sent on its mission to explore the land. my young readers who desire the complete and thrilling story of the lewis and clark expedition can find it in "the conquest," by mrs. eva emory dye of oregon city. the third claim for american ownership was the settlement at astoria by the astor fur company, in . it had but a short life, as it was captured by the english early in the year of , and not returned until after the final treaty of . spain held an old fort on lands south of the oregon country, really a shadowy and uncertain title. in a general treaty with spain was signed in which she gave to the united states all claims she possessed in the oregon country. this made the fourth claim to ownership. mexico, which was a part of spain at that time, in her northern possessions, laid claim to the same, and this was quieted by the treaty with mexico in . this made the fifth claim to ownership. it will thus be seen that the united states had but one competitor for title to oregon, and that was great britain. i have thus in the briefest way recited the important historical events relating to our title to the now valued country beyond "the great stony mountains." no facts of american history are stranger or more interesting, and the reader must catch the spirit of that period to find interest, and give due credit to the pioneers of that distant land for their grand work of rescuing it from a foreign power. it is well to bear in mind that american statesmen, who in - arranged for the purchase of the territory west of the mississippi river from france, had but two objects in view: one was to get possession of the mouth of the missouri river, upon a demand made by the commerce of the western states; and the other was to get possession of the rich, alluvial bottoms of louisiana for slave labor. it was those two elements combined which enabled president jefferson to get the measure through congress, in spite of the united opposition of new england, which was opposed to expansion. it is also a notable fact, worthy of remembrance, that sixty years later, all the great states carved out of the louisiana territory, except two, were solidly massed behind the flag and the union to crush human slavery. it reads like romance, but is true history, and caught in its spirit, shows an overruling power dominating the nation's destiny. the great louisiana purchase not only failed to make slavery strong, but it eventually, and within half a century, was one of the strong agents for slavery's destruction. chapter vii _why did the united states dicker with england for half a century, before asserting her rights to oregon? the answer--american statesmen had no appreciation of oregon, and determinedly opposed expansion._ it is no pleasure for an american to call in question and criticise the wisdom and statesmanship of the men of the first half of the nineteenth century. but history is made of stubborn facts. from , the time of discovery of the columbia river, up to , the united states government never, by an official act in any way aided oregon, or attempted to control it. time and time again some statesman in congress offered a resolution, or framed an act looking to that end, and upon several occasions one branch of congress permitted the act to pass, simply to avoid discussion, knowing that it would fall dead in the other house. thus, year by year our statesmen went on such record, as for their credit and wisdom it would be well if it could be obliterated from the records. they were men, brave and true; they had guided the nation to an honorable place among the nations of the earth, but they were, after all, willing to stand still, and let well enough alone. they regarded their territory as already vaster and larger than would ever be peopled. the readers can best understand the canny sentiment of the period by a few quotations from speeches made in congress from time to time when the oregon question was brought before them. senator winthrop of massachusetts, in one of his great speeches, said: "what do we want with oregon? we will not need elbow room for a thousand years." another senator, second to none in influence, benton of missouri, in a speech, while in congress in , said: "the ridge of the rocky mountains may be named as a convenient, natural, and everlasting boundary. along this ridge the western limits of the republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god terminus should be erected upon its highest peak, never to be thrown down." in justice to benton, we may observe he later on was convinced of the unwisdom of the sentiment, and became, with his co-worker, senator linn of missouri, an ardent friend of oregon. but his colleague, senator winthrop of massachusetts, as late as , when the oregon treaty was before the senate, and when the question had reached almost a war stage, repeated the words of benton's speech of , and commended it for its wisdom and statesmanship. general jackson, who was a power in the nation's counsels in that day, in a letter to president monroe, concisely stated his opinion in these words: "it should be our policy to concentrate our population, and confine our frontier to proper limits, until our country in those limits is filled with a dense population. it is denseness of population that gives strength and security to our frontier." that was a diplomatic and conservative opinion, which doubtless reflected the sentiment of the multitude. the calhouns, the websters, the daytons, and a host of others were more pronounced, and less diplomatic. they pointedly hated the very name of oregon, and did not propose to endanger the nation's safety or defile its garments by making it a part of the union. to all that class, and i shall mention but few of them in illustration, oregon was an aversion. the great webster said: "oregon is a vast worthless area, a region of savages, wild beasts, deserts of shifting sands, cactus, and prairie dogs. what can we ever hope to do with a coast of three thousand miles, rock bound, cheerless, and not a harbor on it. what use have we for such a country?" senator mcduffie of south carolina, was fiery with his oratory, and can easily be understood. he said in one of his several speeches: "the whole of oregon is not worth a pinch of snuff." again he said: "as i understand it, there are seven hundred miles this side of the rocky mountains uninhabitable, where rain never falls, mountains wholly impassable except through gaps. what are you going to do in such a case? can you apply steam? have you estimated the cost of a railroad to the mouth of the columbia? the wealth of the indies would not build it. i wish the rocky mountains were an impassable barrier. if there was an embankment five feet high to be removed, i would not vote five dollars to remove it, and encourage our people to go there." that speech was delivered in congress only a few months before whitman's memorable ride to save oregon. senator dayton of new jersey was marked as an able man, and yet his knowledge of oregon was as limited as that of webster, winthrop, or mcduffie. in one of his speeches he called "oregon a sahara, except along the little streams and bottom lands!" we have in modern times had some eloquent opponents to expansion, but they were "childlike and bland" when compared with the old statesmen of the first half of the nineteenth century, who easily saw ruin to the country by acknowledging practical ownership of that distant territory. the public press was not behindhand with statesmen in ridiculing oregon. the louisville journal and the national intelligencer, then the two most influential newspapers in the land, were bitter. the journal wrote, and the intelligencer copied and approved: "of all the countries upon the face of the earth, oregon is the one least favored by heaven. it is the riddlings of creation. it is almost as barren as sahara, and quite as unhealthy as the campana of italy. russia has her siberia, and england her botany bay, and if the united states should ever need a country to which to banish her rogues and scoundrels, the utility of such a region as oregon would be demonstrated. until then, we are perfectly willing to leave this magnificent country to the indians and trappers and buffalo-hunters that roam over its sand banks." one passing over that beautiful and fertile land, after only half a century and ten years have passed, can easily conceive how dense was the ignorance of the common people upon the subject, when a man, eminent in letters, and the wisest journalist of his day, george d. prentice, would give expression to such sentiments. the english press if possible was even more pronounced, and used every argument to discourage emigration. the hudson bay fur company was owned and controlled by the titled nobility of england. it had made every owner rich by its wealth of furs. it was in full control of all the territory by the consent of the united states, and only desired "to be let alone" and in peace to enjoy the monopoly. [illustration: lake chelan--first view of the snowy peaks. (photo. lyman.)] the london examiner, in , just when the united states was waking from its lethargy, wrote: "ignorant americans are disposed to quarrel over a country, the whole of which in dispute not being worth, to either party, twenty thousand pounds." about the same time the edinburgh review wrote: "only a small portion of the land is capable of cultivation. it is a case where the american people have been misled, as to soil and climate. in a few years all that gave life to the country, both the hunter and his prey, will be extinct, and their places supplied by a thin half-breed population, scattered along the fertile valleys, who will gradually degenerate into a barbarism far more offensive than backwoodsmen." in view of the utterances of the american press and statesmen, we remain silent in any criticism of england. it was acting no dishonorable part in oregon. they were simply using to their great profit a vast territory the united states owned, but did not want to be troubled with. they, it is true, knew more of its worth than did americans, but as far as the hudson bay people were concerned, they did not covet immigration, even of their own kind, only enough to hold the balance of power, and keep themselves in readiness to organize the territory, and retain it under terms of the treaty of . they had great interests at stake. modern writers have asserted over and over again that "the united states was never in any danger of losing oregon, and needed no whitman and his missionaries to save it!" but they cannot do away with the record which i have only tersely recited. a volume could be written, along the same line, to prove the utter lack of interest in that country. but if statesmen, in congress and out, and the press had been silent, the single official act of the government, in signing the treaty of , giving entire control of the land to england (for the hudson bay company represented england), would tell the whole story of the neglect of oregon. when ever before or since has the united states made such a deal, giving by solemn treaty, a country thirty times as large as massachusetts, for a full twenty years and more, without a dollar of compensation, to a great foreign nation, and unresistingly seen american traders driven out or starved out of the entire country? those making the charge of "no danger of losing oregon by the united states" would do well to explain _this one act, which was official_, even if they make light of the utterances of the men who refused, for more than fifty years, to legislate by a single act for oregon. it is true the treaty said: "it should not be to the prejudice of either of the high contracting parties, the only object being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves!" who does not see and acknowledge that the treaty was a virtual acknowledgment of england's ownership by "discovery" as claimed at that time? these modern critics find no flaw in the title of the united states, they simply shout "no danger" for no other conceivable purpose than to attempt to dishonor and disparage the heroic work of the missionaries and pioneers of early oregon, in which they have succeeded only too well. they were poor men, who made no claim for honors. the leading, heroic actor made no demands for his services, neither money nor official recognition. our historians, until modern justice cried out in shame, have sought to bolster up the statesmen, lawmakers and molders of public opinion of that day, only giving sneers to a man who sacrificed ease, comfort, home and life to patriotic christian duty. chapter viii _the conditions of oregon in . the arrival of a large party of americans. the news they bore. the great ride to save oregon. the incidents of travel. whitman reaches washington._ we now reach a critical period in oregon history, and are to study events crowded with exciting interest. several new missions had been organized by the american board, and were manned by a scholarly, heroic band of missionary workers. they were christian men and women in the best sense of the term, and were there in answer to the savage's appeal made at st. louis, to teach and read to them "the book of heaven." but at the same time, they were intensely patriotic american citizens. they had been given passports by the united states authorities before leaving the states; a copy of that given dr. cushing eells is still in the possession of his son, myron eells, now living in washington. it varied, it is true, from regular passports, but nevertheless was enough foreign to make its possessor understand he was destined to "a foreign land," and under the direction of "the foreign missionary society." the missionaries often met in conference, and generally at waiilatpui, that being central, having larger accommodations than other posts. notwithstanding the courtesies and constant kindness personally received from dr. mcloughlin, of the hudson bay company, they were ill at ease. they had now been six years in oregon, and realized its grand possibilities. their bountiful crops of grains and fruits told them of the productive soil; the healthful climate, the great forests, the wild grand scenery, all emphasized its value. they were missionaries, far away from home, yet americans, and patriots, to see so fair a domain year by year slipping away from the union, ground them to the quick. in their private correspondence to friends, and dr. parker, in his able book, had encouraged immigrants to brave the dangers of the journey. the heroic methodist missionary, rev. jason lee, made a trip across the plains to washington and brought back with him several americans. despite all their efforts, canadians and adherents of the hudson bay company outnumbered them three to one. the missionaries and all others in oregon knew that the meaning of the treaty of was that, whichever nation settled the country would hold and own it. they knew it had been practically in possession of england for many years with the direct sanction of american authorities. they knew the low esteem in which oregon was held by many american statesmen, but what could they do? such were the conditions in , when elijah white, a former indian agent of the government, reached whitman's mission in the month of september. with him came one hundred and twenty-five american immigrants. he was an intelligent man, and had many in his company who were thoroughly posted upon american affairs. they found whitman an intensely interested listener and questioner. in this company was a young lawyer, amos l. lovejoy, a most intelligent man, who, in after years, filled a large and honored place in oregon history, and latterly shared with our hero the daring and danger of his great work. _what was before congress_ these men informed the doctor that "the ashburton treaty," fixing the boundary line between the united states and canada, which had run up against the rocky mountain and rested there for half a century, was under discussion between the two governments, and would probably come before the united states senate for final action during the session of - . whitman was a man of few words, and quick action. he pondered deeply. he felt that a climax was impending, and in the contest oregon was to be lost or won for his country. i do not stop to argue whether it was simply the call of patriotism of the man as an american, or whether, like the men of old, "he was called of god," but when we remember the perils to be met, the sacrifices to be made, and none knew them better than whitman, i cannot believe that so clear-headed a man would ever have entertained the idea, if he had not heard and obeyed a call higher and more commanding than that of man! he laid the matter before his wife, his chief counselor, that he fondly loved and cherished. the two were as one. they had met dangers and hardships, sacrifices and sorrows, together for seven years. this meant separation and dangers unknown to both for a whole year, during which not a line or a word could pass between them to tell of the fate of the other. words would fail to express or picture that september conference in the wilds of oregon if it had ever been written. but narcissa whitman was the same heroic woman who years before sacrificed the ease of civilized life and rode on horseback across the dreary plains, climbed mountains, and swam rivers, endured hunger at the call of duty! she was an ideal missionary, and the patriotic wife of a missionary who, in song and prayer, had dedicated the whole fair land to god and the union upon that memorable anniversary upon the rockies in , and she answered, "go!" the doctor at once sent messengers to the several missionary stations, summoning them to an immediate council at waiilatpui for important business. they all responded promptly, glad to come in contact with the many new guests from the states, and hear words from home, as well as to learn the meaning of this sudden and unusual call for conference. of this meeting, and what was said and done, we have more complete reports, from the written words of dr. eells, dr. spalding, and other members. when assembled dr. whitman lost no time in explaining his call, and that it was to obtain leave of absence from the local conference for one year, to visit washington and the states! the proposition was astounding to his brethren, and caused wide discussion. while they were, in the main, in full sympathy with whitman, they well knew the prejudices of the rulers of the american board against ministers "dabbling in politics," or concerning themselves with questions of state. a second important question was discussed, viz.: "if it became known to the ruling powers in oregon, upon which all the missions were wholly dependent, would it not greatly embarrass if not destroy them all?" they had the kindliest feeling for dr. mcloughlin for his eminent services rendered, but they well knew the hudson bay company was there for business, and that it had starved out every american trader who had intruded upon their domain, even the wealthy john jacob astor was permitted only one year in oregon, although he came with the direct sanction of the american government. the company owned all the ships which came and went each year to hawaii and london, bearing their letters and bringing all the supplies they received from civilization. would the good dr. mcloughlin under such conditions be able to shield and protect them? (further along it will appear that he did, and was driven from his great office for his aid to the missionaries.) a third reason given was the immensity of the danger of such a journey in mid-winter--was like, as one expressed it, "going down into the valley and shadow of death to attempt it." a fourth objection was that while the local board was the adviser in regard to all local affairs of the missions, the home board at boston required a permit officially signed for any missionary to separate himself from his work. all these questions were canvassed pro and con. the men of that conference were as brothers joined in the one great work, and the counsels given were free and earnest. dr. whitman was mainly a silent listener. when the dangers of his trip were pointed out, and he was asked to "wait until spring," his sententious reply was, "i must go now!" in reply to the objection that he would violate the rules of the board, dr. eells says: "dr. whitman was so fixed in his purpose that he declared he would make the attempt even if he had to withdraw from the mission, remarking, 'i am not expatriated by becoming a missionary.'" continuing, says dr. eells: "the idea of his withdrawal could not be entertained. therefore, to retain him in the mission, a vote to approve his making the perilous journey prevailed." there has been a contention made by persons ignorant of the facts, that "the sole purpose of whitman's ride was to save his mission from being closed." it is a silly charge, and unworthy of refutation, except to state the facts. the immigrants in oregon were curious to know the cause of such a journey, and the people of the hudson bay company doubtless made inquiry, but it was enough for them all to know that "whitman had business with the american board," and let it go at that. the missionaries were under no obligations to make known facts detrimental to all their interests, and when the proper time came, all the actors told the whole truth in regard to it. the silence of the missionaries, which was imperative for their own safety, doubtless misled many. whitman's object was definite and clear. dr. spalding, explaining years after, says: "the last words whitman spoke to me as he mounted his horse for the long journey, were: 'my life is of little worth if i can save this country to the american people.'" the time fixed for his departure by the board was october th, and all set about writing voluminous letters, for it was seldom they had such opportunity. there was much talk and counsel as to a companion and helper of the doctor on his way. a score of his trusted indians would have been glad of the opportunity. the doctor pondered over the matter, and made up his mind, and approached general lovejoy, and explained to him the urgency of the case that compelled him to go, and asked the blunt question, "will you go with me?" he was delighted with the prompt response, "yes!" mrs. whitman was delighted that "a christian gentleman like general lovejoy would bear her husband company, and he would not be left alone to indians and guides on the long and dreary way." all was now hurry and preparation, and the few things the good wife could find from her stores were gathered and packed. on the d of october, for a double purpose of visiting a sick man and securing some needed stores, the doctor rode to the fort, and while there heard news of an incoming colony of immigrants from canada. as he galloped home to the mission, he saw increasing danger, and resolved there should be no delay. it was a great occasion, that beautiful october morning at waiilatpui. a number of indians were to go with the party to make sure they got on the new trail to fort hall, much shorter and easier than that traversed by the missionaries in . there were a large number of immigrants around waiilatpui, and they with many indians, without knowing the real objects of the expedition, were there to see. one can easily believe that it was a great event in the wilderness country. the ever-faithful indian istikus was there as leader of the indians; as they sat mounted upon their ponies, they added picturesqueness to the group. the sun was just gilding the treetops along the walla walla as it wended its swift and winding way like a silver thread in the distance. the last adieu had been said, and the doctor emerged from his room and mounted his horse. the faithful old dog, which had run by the side of his master in hundreds of journeys along blind trails, was to be permitted to accompany them, barked impatiently. they were off, an imposing little cavalcade with whitman and general lovejoy in the lead, the indians led by old istikus following, the pack mules in the rear, while the old dog ran barking up and down the line as if he was responsible commander of the entire outfit. i have many times in the years since stood upon the ground of this historic scene, and tried to picture it in my mind, in the full grandeur of its intentions and achievements. i have since marched with great armies with music and banners, bright equipments, guns gleaming in the sunlight and their pageantry was imposing, but i most like to catch the spirit of the history they were all making, and it has seemed as if this little band in the wilderness, made up of christian and savage life was, even in its simplicity, more notably an expression of god's leadings, when i view them in the light of the great events which followed. nor can the reader forget to honor the heroic little christian american woman, who looking through her tear-dimmed eyes, as she waved farewells to her departing husband until the hills away toward the blue mountains hid him from view. after going to her silent and deserted room, she wrote: "i look from my window and see the grave of our dear child, surely god will take care of my noble husband and return him to me!" love is the greatest word in the english language, and when united to faith, it lifts the heaviest burdens of life. who can measure the power of the prayers of one faithful, trusting soul, in guiding that heroic little band over the dangers of their unknown way? possibly some reader may scoff at such sentiment, but unnumbered instances have proved that there comes an emergency in every human life, when the soul, if reason is not clouded, cries out in prayer to a being higher than itself. the cavalcade is made up of rapid riders. the favorite gait of cayuse horses is a lope, and small as they are, carry a heavy man fifty and sixty miles per day. but as the journey was to be a long one, they selected the finest horses to be found, only those thoroughly broken and tested. they knew the value of caring for their animals in the earlier stages, and lessened their speed. the first four hundred and fifty miles to fort hall was made in eleven days. the indians, except two to look after the animals, had returned to waiilatpui. at fort hall their old friend, captain grant, was still in command, and when he learned of the proposed journey to the states, openly protested that "it was madness to attempt it at this season of the year." undoubtedly captain grant this time was right, even if whitman had proved him, to his chagrin, wrong about the wagon in . "it so happened" that a company of scouts just then reached the fort, and confirmed all captain grant had said, and more. they reported that the snow in many of the cañons was from ten to twenty feet deep, and badly drifting. the silent man listened, and sat thinking. he knew those mountains and cañons, and could readily believe the statement of the scouts, and the old captain, who was an admirer of whitman, felt certain that he would give up his dangerous expedition and return home. but he did not yet know his man. _the old map_ whitman was face to face with a new problem. as he prayed and pondered, a new inspiration came to him. we have no reason to believe that such an idea had occurred to the missionaries, when discussing the dangers of the journey by the route they knew. we have no knowledge that even whitman had ever before studied the possibilities of a new and undiscovered way to the states. the old trappers and scouts sat around the stove swapping stories of bears, mountain-lions, of indians, and wonderful escapes. whitman, upon looking up, discovered an old united states map hanging upon the wall. it at once attracted his attention, and he brought it to the light and began to study. it had the outlines of all the great west as far as geographers of that day knew and understood. the ranges of the mountains were nearly accurately pictured. "the great stony," the sierra and coast ranges, the shasta, and wind river, and the possible passes were marked, so as to give some idea of the lay of the land. the thought came to him, why not strike west and south and get between the great ranges so as to avoid the earlier snows of winter? he found marked upon the map fort uintah, an old abandoned spanish fort, which came into possession of the united states in , by the florida treaty. he then began inquiry among the old mountaineers and found a man who knew the blind trail to uintah, located in what is now northern utah. he learned also there was an abandoned trail from that point southward. the old scout was ready to pilot them to uintah, and was at once engaged. at break of day whitman and lovejoy were in their saddles en route, led by the guide, not homeward, but upon a voyage of discovery of the unknown way. the route led south through what is now idaho, thence through utah leaving great salt lake to the right. general lovejoy gives very indistinct notes, not sufficiently clear to accurately verify locations. he kept a record of daily events, but whitman never a line. lovejoy writes: "from fort hall to uintah we met with terribly severe weather. the deep snow caused us to lose much time. at uintah we took a new guide to fort uncompagra in old spanish territory, which place we safely reached. there we hired a new guide, and while passing over a high mountain on the trail toward grand river, we encountered a terrible snow storm which compelled us to seek shelter in a deep, dark cañon. we made several attempts to pass on, but were driven back, and detained ten days. we finally got well upon the mountain again, when we met with a violent storm of snow and wind, which almost blinded us, maddened the animals, and made them nearly unmanageable. finally the guide stopped and said, 'i am lost and can lead you no farther.' in this dire dilemma, adds general lovejoy, dr. whitman got off his horse, and kneeling in the snow, committed his little company, his loved wife, his work, and his oregon to the infinite one for guidance and protection. the lead pack mule being left to himself by the guide pricked up his long ears, turning them this way and that, and began plunging through the snowdrifts. the mexican guide called out, 'follow this old mule, he will find the camp if he lives long enough to reach it.'" and he did lead them to the still burning fire they had left in the morning in the deep, dark cañon. the instinct of dumb animals is a wonderful gift, superior to that of wise men. the writer has, twice in his life, been rescued by his horse when hopelessly lost. one instance i will recite, simply to impress a lesson of kindness upon my young readers for dumb animal life. two of us, in a large hunting party in arkansas, got separated from the rest, and found ourselves in the back-water of the mississippi river, which was many miles away. my companion was an old woodsman, and pretended to know his direction. he assured me "we will come out all right." he led on and on for hours, the water growing constantly deeper. i finally called to him and pointed to the water-mark on the trees as high as our heads as we sat on our horses. i said to him: "you are lost, now i am going to trust to my horse to lead me from danger." he insisted he knew the way, but followed. my horse was a sleepy old fellow, and i gave him a little cut with a whip to wake him up, then gave him a loose rein to go as he pleased. he wound around fallen trees and brush until he got his direction, then turning nearly at a right angle, struck a line like a surveyor, and in two hours we were upon dry land and in camp. [illustration: lost in the rockies.] but to our story. they were safely in camp, by a roaring log fire, the deep cañon protecting them from the raging winds. as they discussed with thankful hearts the perils of the day, from which they had been rescued, they made plans for to-morrow, but here the guide spoke up and said, "i go back, i cannot take you over this mountain." general lovejoy says, "whitman talked and plead with the guide until a late hour, but could not change his mind. to any except such a character as whitman, the situation would have been indeed hopeless; but before he slept his plans were made. he said to general lovejoy: "you stay here in the cañon and recuperate the stock, and i will return to the fort and get a new guide." at the first streak of dawn the men were mounted and on their way. it was a cheerless wait for lovejoy, but he had the companionship of his dog, and he busied himself in cutting bunch grass and tender twigs for the animals and bringing in logs for his fire. the general says, "whitman was gone just one week, when the old dog heard his distant halloo and answered it with a rejoicing bark." he and his new guide, hungry and tired, were soon enjoying the bright log fire, always the crowning comfort of camp-life. i trust that my readers may all live to have a camp-fire experience. permit me to tell you of one great camp-fire, near the summit of the sierras, which lives in the memory after nearly fifty years of busy life. our pack-train had been toiling up the mountain, hoping for a resting-place, when our scouts came and reported. following them along winding paths which grizzlies and indians had made, around the rugged rocks, we reached a beautiful little valley covered with luxuriant grass. we picketed our tired animals in the meadow, built a great fire of cedar logs against a marble wall straight up for a thousand feet, sang songs, sounded the bugle, and listened to the scores of echoes from the mountain peaks. but we were young and ready to enjoy nature's grand scenes.--nowhere are they grander than in our own western mountains. but our heroic snow-bound travelers were burdened with far too much anxiety to enjoy nature in her magnificent winter adornment. their eyes were not upon the lofty mountain peaks, but far along unknown trails towards the nation's capital. after they had succeeded in passing the well-nigh impassable mountains, they struck a more level country with sheltered valleys having a bountiful supply of wood and good water. i have often asked myself, when pondering over these events, was it a simple accident that the old scouts reached fort hall that october night and turned whitman and lovejoy a thousand miles off their direct route? that year the snow lay unusually deep all over the great plains. had they started and been able to have crossed the rockies, they would have met snow-covered, treeless plains, and for weeks at a time would have had to go without fires, having to depend upon the _bois de vache_ for fuel, which, covered deep with the snow, would have been impossible to find. this, with the lack of grass for the animals, would have made the route, not only impracticable, but nearly impossible. the scout and the old map seemed insignificant events, but yet how often they and their kind loom up in grand proportions. they may be marked by the thoughtless as mere happenings, but it is not a tax upon reason to believe that the soul attuned to listen and receive ever has a guidance higher than the wisdom of men. this detention in the cañon and along other parts of the route caused the scant supplies to run lower. the bears were holed up in their winter quarters, they could have found deer and elk, had they stopped and hunted; but whitman's maxim was forever, "travel, travel." he led upon the trail from morning until night, with eyes ever to the front. general lovejoy tells us they finally reached a great emergency, and the first animal sacrificed to keep them from starving was the faithful old dog. i doubt not, that some of my young readers will stop to criticize so noble a man as whitman for having any part in such an act, and the writer would sympathize with the sentiment. the dog is man's closest friend, that clings to him when all others forsake him. seventy-four years ago, when the author's parents came to the western wilderness across the alleghanies, we had a great dog named watch. he kept guard over us children as we rambled through the woods and along the way, as if he were wholly responsible for our safety. he grew old and nearly helpless. a conference was held among the older members, and it was thought merciful to put him out of his obvious misery, and an old friend of the family was selected for the task. i believe that after all three-quarters of a century of years the children, who loved the old dog, never quite forgave his executioner. general lovejoy tells us none of the particulars, but it is reasonable to suppose that whitman was not consulted at all in the matter, and likely knew nothing of it until long after. the second animal used for food was one of the pack mules. they knew if they could live until they reached taos, in new mexico, they could secure supplies, and trade their broken-down stock for fresh animals. so they made forced marches. i have indulged in only enough description of locality as to keep in touch with the travelers, and to note historic events. to-day the same scenes they viewed are the wonderlands of thousands of tourists each year. _they reach grand river_ a little incident at grand river reveals marcus whitman's indomitable spirit. it is a deep, dangerous, treacherous river, and many an immigrant has lost his life in the grand or the green river. the water is icy cold, even in mid-summer. when the bold group of travelers stood on the bank they found a stream six hundred feet wide, two hundred feet on each side ice, and two hundred in the middle rolled the rapid torrent. the guide shook his head and said, "it is impossible! we cannot cross." whitman replied, "we must cross, and now." he got down from his horse, cut a strong cottonwood pole about eight feet long. mounting his horse, he put the pole upon his shoulder, and said, "now push us in." the guide and the general skated them to the brink, and "horse and rider," says the general, "entirely disappeared, coming to the surface some distance below." the horse soon found footing and made for the shore, where whitman broke the ice with his pole, and helped his horse to the firm ice. he soon had a rousing fire from the logs and driftwood. those conversant with animal habits know that when the lead animal has passed any point, however dangerous, the rest are eager to follow. the general and guide broke the ice for a roadway to the water, and each seizing a tail, were towed safely to the farther shore. _they reach santa fé_ upon reaching santa fé, in new mexico, they felt quite in touch with civilization. they would no longer have to grope in the dark, along doubtful and unknown trails, but it all the more made whitman anxious to push forward. they paused only long enough to inquire for news from the states, and to purchase a few needed supplies. it was still a long journey, and as it proved, more perilous to life than any portion they had already passed. their next point was bent's fort on the head waters of the arkansas river, now in colorado. it was a cheerless, dreary plains journey, with none of the magnificent scenery of the mountain route to keep them company. water was often scarce, as well as wood, except along the small streams. the intensely cold winter and deep snows had made the big gray wolves a menace to life of men and beasts. one very cold night they reached a little river which had no wood on the side they camped, but was plentiful on the opposite bank. whitman seized his ax, but found the ice would break under his feet. he then lay flat upon the ice, wormed himself across, skated a bountiful supply across the glossy surface, and then returned in safety as he had gone. unfortunately, one of his heavy blows split his ax-handle. when he returned to his tent, he took a piece of rawhide, wrapped the spliced pieces carefully, and threw it down at the door of the tent. in the morning it was discovered that some thieving wolf attracted by the rawhide had stolen the implement, and they never saw it again. had this occurred two months before, it would have been regarded as an irreparable disaster. four days before reaching bent's fort they met colonel bent's son with a pack-train en route to el paso. he informed them that in two days a company of fifty packers would leave the fort for st. louis, and that there would not be another until towards spring. he told them that it would be impossible for them with pack animals to reach the fort before the departure of the company. whitman was at once aroused by the information. he proposed that he should take his blankets and two days' provision, make a forced march, and catch the convoy, while general lovejoy and the guide could bring on the pack animals and remain at the fort, recuperate the stock, and meet him on the missouri border in the spring. this was agreed to, and whitman started on his lonely ride to bent's. general lovejoy and the guide moved on leisurely, reaching bent's fort four days later. they were astonished and alarmed when told that the doctor had not arrived. _whitman is lost_ general lovejoy stated the whole case to colonel bent, who was at once aroused to action. he started runners after the company, ordering them to go into camp on the cottonwood, and await further commands. "he sent out his best scouts in the search. myself, guide, and one of the scouts passed up the banks of the arkansas for one hundred miles, knowing if whitman was alive he would make for the river. every night our camp would be surrounded by hungry, gaunt, gray wolves, which as they were shot down would be torn in pieces and devoured by their fellows." this gave them great uneasiness about whitman, alone and without a shelter. they encountered some indians who told them they had met a white man two days before who was hunting for bent's fort, and they had pointed out the way to him. they, in all haste, retraced their steps, along the way the indians directed, and in an hour after they reached the fort whitman came in greatly fatigued, and well-nigh despairing. but wearied as he was, he was deeply touched with colonel bent's kindness and thoughtfulness, and was buoyed up with new heart and hope that after all the hardships of the long journey he was yet able to prosecute it to the end. in the early morning he was in the saddle upon a fresh horse, with a good guide, and ready to ride forty miles before night to the camp on the cottonwood, with credentials which would give them safe convoy to st. louis. general lovejoy, the guide, and all the stock remained until the next convoy was sent out in the spring, and found whitman upon the missouri border. in that early day the route from bent's fort to st. louis was invested by bands of outlaws, as well as savage wild beasts, so that an escort of well-armed men was a necessity for all travelers. thus a good providence seemed from the outset to have guided the little band through all its perils in safety. _they reach st. louis_ dr. barrows, in his interesting book, "oregon, the struggle for possession," says: "upon the arrival of whitman in st. louis, it was my good fortune that he should be quartered as a guest under the same roof, and at the same table. trappers and traders all eagerly asked questions, and he answered all courteously. he in turn asked about congress; whether the ashburton treaty had been passed by the senate; and whether it covered the northwestern territory? he then learned, for the first time, that the ashburton treaty had been signed, even before he left oregon, and was confirmed by the senate about the time he was lost and floundering in the snow upon the mountains." he was eager to learn whether the oregon question was still pending, and greatly relieved when told that the treaty only covered a little strip of twelve thousand acres, up in maine, and that oregon was left untouched in its boundaries. dr. barrows continues: "marcus whitman once seen, and in one's family circle, telling of his business, for he apparently had but one, was a man not to be forgotten by the writer. he was of medium height, more compact than spare, a stout shoulder, and a large head covered with iron-gray hair. he carried himself awkwardly. he seemed built as a man for whom more stock had been furnished than used systematically and gracefully. he was not quick in motion or speech, and no trace of a fanatic, but he was a profound enthusiast. he wore coarse, fur garments, with buckskin breeches. he had a buffalo overcoat with a head hood for emergencies, with fur leggins and foot moccasins. if my memory is not at fault, his entire dress when on the street did not show an inch of woven fabric." we copy thus fully dr. barrows's description of whitman and his dress, and it agrees with other descriptions less complete, as we trace him to cincinnati, and again to the door of his old cherished friend, dr. parker, and have the testimony of his son, professor parker, who opened the door of his father's home to admit the guest in strange costume. whitman had little confidence in his own power of oratory, and was even timid, while brave. he knew the persuasive eloquence of his old associate, and his enthusiasm for oregon, and he had hoped and expected to have his help to plead for oregon in washington. but the doctor was confined to his room by ill health, and it was impossible for him to undertake the journey. glad again to meet his old friend, and sorrowing that he was not to have his aid in this critical time, he resumed his way, and reaching washington, ended one of the most memorable trans-continental journeys ever recorded. chapter ix _whitman in washington. his conference with president tyler and secretary webster and the secretary of war. visits new york and the american board, boston. his return to the frontier and to oregon._ the exact date of whitman's arrival at the national capital can be determined only from letters, but was probably on march , , the day before the close of congress, when, as usual, there was hurry and confusion. but it matters little for our purposes, for we have seen that the "oregon boundary question had been up," and as usual had been ignored, and only the disputed lines upon a few thousand acres up in maine had been adjudicated, while the oregon boundary line was left in its old place, "up against the rocky mountains," as senator benton expressed it, "the natural, convenient, and everlasting boundary of the united states!" so whitman had only to meet the president and his officials and individual members to press the claims of oregon. washington in that day was not the beautiful city now seen, and its manners and customs were wholly different. it was before the day of enterprising newspaper work. mccullough and halstead had not then introduced the modern methods of "the interview" in daily journals, or we should not now have to depend upon meager details and verbal messages to tell of this thrilling episode in american history. but it requires no imagination to believe that this heroic pioneer, dressed in the garb of the plains, attracted full attention. no man better knew the opinions of statesmen regarding oregon, and we may well believe he felt, modest man as he was, appalled at the magnitude of the work before him. but with such a man we can believe there was no loitering for preparation. fortunately the secretary of war was an old school fellow of whitman's and arranged for a speedy conference with the president and his secretary of state, webster, the latter the well-known active enemy of oregon. nothing is more discouraging to a writer than just such an occasion when giants meet in combat, and to be unable to report the words and acts of the actors, except from scrappy notes and verbal reports. whitman never left any written record of that great discussion, for he never wrote a note in his life for the purpose of exalting himself in public estimation. for the story of the great ride we are wholly dependent upon general lovejoy's notes and utterances. and upon the return journey to oregon, and during the long rides, the general says, "whitman told me over and over all that was said and done," in that notable conference at washington. along the same lines we have the testimony of a score of his associates and co-workers in oregon, to whom he was in duty bound to make full report, for they were parties in interest. so from such sources we glean our facts, and in their true spirit and meaning can rest upon them with much confidence, even if not so satisfactory, as if written down at the time. the characters are before us, they had met in consultation--marcus whitman, the man with frosted hands and feet, dressed in furs and buckskin, who had so loved his country that he had braved the winter storms, and over unknown ways, without pay or hoped-for honors or rewards, had come four thousand five hundred miles to plead for oregon to be placed under the flag. there was the president, the nation's chief; john tyler, dignified, clear-eyed, honest, earnest, and as he proved, sympathetic and anxious to do his whole duty to the nation; and there was daniel webster, known the nation over as "the great orator," and "the brainy, far-seeing statesman," who was in this case all out of sympathy with oregon. he had repeatedly marked its "worthlessness"; he was in full accord with those who had declared "it would endanger the republic," "was nearer asia than the united states," and, we may add, that it was fully stated, he was at that very time actively negotiating the trade of oregon for the newfoundland fishing banks. such, tersely, is a vague pen-picture of three men who met and made history in the executive chamber, noonday, the th of march, ! the picture is worthy of the skilled brush of some master artist, instead of the poor words of the writer. it matters not if their work failed to be conclusive, it was but forging a link in the golden chain of the nation's grandeur, which had it been severed, no imagination can measure the calamity that would have resulted. [illustration: whitman crossing grand river] it is the pride of the whole loyal people that the humblest citizen with something important to say may have audience with the nation's chief official. president john tyler was no exception, and when notified of whitman's wishes by secretary of war porter, he arranged to give him audience without delay. the president was, every day and hour, importuned to meet men, who came to beg for office or honors or emoluments of some kind, but as he learned from secretary porter, this man from oregon was not of that kind he was curiously anxious to meet him. as we have stated, we make no effort to report speeches. it is well known that "the silent man" when aroused was strong and eloquent. upon that long journey, with the weight and importance of his mission pressing upon him, my readers can well believe that whitman's words were strong and true and impressive. as he told it to his friends, he dwelt upon the marvelous fertility of the soil, and the great crops of grain and fruits his fields and gardens and orchards had produced for six years; how stock ranged the pastures, fat the year round, without protection or feed from barns. he told of the magnificent forests, not equaled in other portions of the world, of the undoubted mineral riches in mountains, of the pure water in springs, flowing rivers navigable for the greatest ships, and of the inviting, balmy, healthful climate. who could describe better than whitman the grandeur of the oregon country, destined, as he hoped, "for millions of american people!" it was then that the keen webster made the remark, but "doctor, how can you ever make a wagon-road for american immigration to oregon?" and received the prompt reply, "there, mr. secretary, you have been deceived and misinformed. there is a wagon-road to oregon now, and i made it and took a wagon over it six years ago, and it is there to-day!" that is the triumph of the old wagon turned into a cart with its front wheels lashed to its sides. the patient, good little wife, in the years before, was sorrowing over the labors of her husband in his hard work, and mourned through many pages of her diary, as we have seen, over the folly of hauling along "the old wagon." she was not permitted to look into the future and hear how the indian boys' "old click-click-clackety-clackety" would strike dumb the nation's greatest orator. nor is it at all likely that whitman himself ever dreamed of such results. he simply obeyed a silent voice within, as was his rule of life, and old "click," amid trials and perils never half told, rolled on, and made history. whitman referred also to the current rumors, of the purpose of "trading oregon for the newfoundland fishing banks," and said, "mr. president, you had far better trade all new england than oregon for the fishing banks!" this was a hard blow at the great secretary, who was as much wrapped up in new england as new england was in him. he referred to the treaty of - , and "its understood meaning in oregon, that whichever of the two nations settled oregon should own and hold it"; he said, all i ask is, that you make no barter of oregon until we can settle loyal americans there in numbers sufficient to hold that which is their own. i hope to help lead such a band this summer, a group already gathering upon the missouri, worthy of your consideration and protection. i do not here pretend to give the exact words of whitman, for reasons stated, but they are truthful to the spirit, as verified by scores of men, to whom all the scenes were related, and whose veracity cannot be doubted. dr. spalding says: "whitman concluded his address by saying, 'mr. president, all that remains for me to say is, to ask, that you will not barter any of oregon or allow english interference, until i can lead a band of stalwart american settlers across the plains, which i hope and expect to do.' to this president tyler, deeply impressed, promptly and positively replied, 'dr. whitman, your long ride and frosted limbs speak of your courage and patriotism, and your missionary credentials are good vouchers for your character,' and he unhesitatingly granted his simple requests." whitman then held a long conference with the secretary of war, and agreed that he at an early a date as possible would prepare an act which could be laid before congress, covering the important points in the territorial organization of oregon, and also a second article upon the strategic points along the immigrant route, where forts, resting places and protection could be vouchsafed. both these important documents were written by whitman during the summer, and are to be found in the archives of the war department in washington, and can be read in the appendix to my larger work, "how marcus whitman saved oregon." he held conference with many members of congress, and felt that his work at the national capital was ended. whitman was not a man to loiter, and we next hear of him closeted with the staunch friend of oregon, horace greeley of the new york tribune. greeley knew and admired a heroic character, and he highly complimented whitman and his work in the tribune. he proceeded to boston to report to the american board, to receive any reprimand for violation of rules and to transact minor affairs of the missions in oregon. the enemies of whitman have again and again gone over the old records of the american board to find some severe rebuke to the man who "dabbled in politics." but if any rebuke was offered, it was careful to make no record of it. but it may be said the governors of the american board evidently failed to comprehend in their anxiety to keep clear of all complications between "church and state," that they were dealing with an _inspired man_, who had rendered the greatest possible service to the nation and to protestant christianity. they did another good act, either through pride for one of their missionaries or from generosity they sent him to a tailor shop for a complete suit of cloth clothes, which his own slim pocket-book could not afford. it took the american board just fifty years from the date of his death to see that the man in furs and leather breeches from oregon, who stood humbly before them upon that occasion, was one of the grandest characters, as christian and patriot, that they ever before or since enrolled as missionary! they waked up to that fact in , when the great organization assembled in annual council, called attention to the fact, that it was "the fiftieth anniversary of the death of dr. marcus whitman, an eminent missionary of the board," and appointed special services to be held in several leading cities, and a general observance of that day. it was a thoughtful, educational, christian act, which, if the old martyr could from his eternal mansion look down and hear, would make him glad. the good presbyterians who were a part of the american board at that time, and were not then at all anxious to share in any honors to whitman, latterly saw new light in something of the character grandeur of the neglected missionary. they caused a beautiful statue of dr. marcus whitman to be placed in their witherspoon building at philadelphia. to the boys and young men, let me say the lesson in this is, that all good things come to the good who wait! stand true for the right. it was that which has resurrected the name and honor of whitman, after long years of neglect, and will make his name shine, and glow with increasing luster, as the years come and go! as mrs. whitman playfully wrote her father and mother, "i expect my dear husband will be so full of his great mission that he will not take time to tell you of home affairs, i will do so." that was in a measure true. he made a hurried visit to his mother in her home, to his wife's parents, and to his brother, who had moved west. but his eyes and thoughts and hopes were ever westward. he had heard from general lovejoy, who was on the ground, of the bright prospect of a large company for oregon. as the spring months opened in , there were stirring times along the border, such as never before seen. great wagons, with white canvas covers, drawn by long-horned oxen, sturdy mules, and horses, herds of fine cattle to stock the new farms, with from eight hundred to a thousand men, women, and children, with their household treasures, were there. they had received the same inspiration as their fathers who had peopled the great west across the alleghanies, and the motto still was, "westward the star of empire takes its way." such were the inspiring conditions which greeted whitman when he reached the border. he was a man of great faith, and firmly believed in success, but such an imposing body filled his soul with gratitude and thankfulness. the company was made up mainly from the rural districts, strong, muscular men, their wives and children, and eager young people. there were many anxious mothers, who saw the responsibility of the great undertaking, and whose perils women intuitively feel more certainly than men. who can tell the secret of that sudden gathering of pioneer heroes, on the banks of "the great muddy" in ? true, the old missionaries had written many letters. new immigrants had done the same. but congress and the national authorities had done nothing but ridicule, and in no single case had lent a helping hand. there must have been some secret telepathetic power which had sounded a call! true, whitman and lovejoy had been busy, but neither one ever made claim of inducing the great immigration of . the honor was sufficient for them, as the only men acquainted with the road, to lead the great company to the promised land in safety. but the enemies of these missionaries, especially of whitman, tried so often to make light of his eminent services, that the rev. dr. myron eells of twana, washington, some years ago, sat down and wrote to every living pioneer of that immigration he could locate (and he knew most of them), and asked the question, "did dr. whitman induce you to immigrate to oregon in ?" two-fifths replied, "yes." the last weeks of april and the first of may found most of the immigrants pulled out upon the road, in companies of fifties and hundreds. they were in the indian country on the first day of travel, and not sure how such an invasion would be received by the savages, they were warned to keep compact, and in bodies large enough for protection. the indians, men, women, and children, swarmed about every camp, and watched every movement. they were invariably treated kindly, and responded with kindness. the warriors sat upon their horses stolidly by the trails and watched the long wagon-trains, the herds of cattle, and especially the women and children, the like of which had never before invaded their domain. the weeks of travel across the grass-grown, flower-covered prairies of kansas and nebraska was a picnic occasion for the immigrants. it was well that it was so. they did not have many afterward. [illustration: marmaduke island. (b. h. gifford, photo.)] the wagons were soon strung out over a long line. dr. whitman did not start with the head of the company. in a letter to a friend he wrote, "i remained behind until the last wagon was on the road." there were many who needed advice as to proper outfit, what to take, and what to leave, many who needed encouragement to start at all. when all had moved he rode rapidly to the head of the column, to overtake it before it reached the platte, the first wide river to be crossed. the platte is not a dangerous river if forded properly, but it looks threatening to timid people. it is nearly one mile wide, and it is about breast deep in ordinary stages. it runs over a bed of sand, and the secret of safety is to keep on the sand bars and keep moving. a halt, even for a few minutes, allows the feet of animals, or the wagon wheels to sink into the sands, and they are not easily extricated. upon reaching the bank of the river, horsemen upon the best horses survey the route by zigzagging up and down, finding the shallowest water upon the bars, which are constantly shifting. the train of wagons are arranged to follow each other, a dozen or more yards apart, with horsemen at each vehicle to give immediate assistance in case of break or accident. the first driver keeps his eye upon the careful guides, picking the shallowest route. careless endeavors to pull straight across, instead of pulling two miles around to gain one, involved trouble. the murky water is surcharged with sand, which is forever blown into it as it winds through the great plains, and is the source of the missouri river's excessive supply of sand. it proves to be pure water if allowed to stand and settle. a bucket of water standing over night in the morning will be clear, with an inch of pure sand on the bottom. if the old maxim is true, "a fellow needs sand in his craw," he easily gets it on the platte. our immigrant party, wisely directed, forded the river safely with all its stock. care was taken in fording all rivers to place heavy articles not easily injured by water low in the bed of the wagon. _the buffalo country_ here the caravan entered the buffalo country, where they were likely to meet large bodies of armed indians who came there from long distances, to lay in their winter stores of meat and furs and skins. many of these tribes were jealous of each other, and of white men who intruded upon their domain on such occasions, and bloody encounters frequently occurred while upon the way. the caravan had elected a captain to direct affairs and a guide to make orders for travel. but now they found so many questions arising in this large company, that a council or superior court was organized, from which there was no appeal. it held its sessions at night and upon rest days, and many of the members of that court upon the plains, after in the territory and states of oregon, washington, and idaho, held the highest offices of trust and honor. a halt to lay in a supply of buffalo meat was looked forward to with great satisfaction. but it was found impracticable for so large a company to make a permanent halt, so they kept moving. the hunters in large numbers went out each morning, with pack horses, and came in loaded at night with spoils of the chase. the noble bison was there by the million. when reaching the dusty alkaline plains, where both good water and grass were scarce, naturally the best tempered people often turned grumblers. one of the chief causes of complaint laid before the superior court was that which arose between the horse companies and the cattle companies. they did not agree well together. the court decided to divide the caravan into two columns, "the horse" and "the cow" column. in the honorable jesse applegate, a member of that immigration, delivered an address before the historical society of oregon, entitled "a day with the cow column." it is one of the most precise and graphic pictures ever drawn of life as it was, in this advance column of civilization, destined for its great work in the future pacific states. the last third of the distance of that memorable journey proves the courage of the american, and at the same time arouses our commiseration and pity. i passed over the larger portion of the same road a few years later, with goggles drawn over my eyes, and a handkerchief bound about my face, as a defense from the dust and the myriad buffalo gnats, and can the more easily sympathize with those hundred mothers, often forced to travel on foot with little and well-nigh helpless children pulling at their skirts. as i think, i can but say, "o the pity of it!" mr. applegate remarks: "there was no time to pause and recruit the hungry stock, or to hunt for the withered herbage, for a marauding enemy hung upon the rear, and hovered on our flanks, and skulked in ambuscade in front. the road was strewn with dead cattle, abandoned wagons, and every article of household goods, even the sacred keepsakes. the failing strength of teams, required shorter couplings so as to save a few pounds. an ox or a horse would fall. men would remove the yoke or harness, and secure a substitute from the almost equally tired animals in the corral." oh, it is well for the sons and daughters of these states of the pacific, as well as the tourist in his parlor car, as they look upon flower-decked meadows, waving wheat-fields, orchards, and homes of comfort, with beauty everywhere, to remember the heroic deeds of heroic men and women who won for them this grand inheritance. when the immigrants reached fort hall they met captain grant, who made the old appeal: "leave your wagons, impossible to take them, no wagon-road to oregon." he showed them the many wagons already left as proof of his statement. but here comes whitman, who says, "men, you have with incredible hardship brought your wagons thus far, they are a necessity for your wives' and children's comfort, even their lives. they will be invaluable to you when the end of the journey is reached. i took a wagon, made into a cart, to fort boise six years ago." and thus "old click," on its last round, gave out its best blessing, which it conferred upon tired mothers and little children. the company took whitman's advice, and the wagons rolled on. his watch-word was, "travel, travel, travel, nothing else will bring rest and the end of the journey." upon reaching snake river, the doctor devised an ingenious and safe method for the weaker teams to cross. there were still remaining about one hundred wagons, which whitman arranged in one long line, placing the strong teams in front. the wagons rear and front were then roped together and the procession started with fifty men on horseback, pulling upon a long rope in front, while others attended the various teams to keep every one in line and moving. it was a daring venture, but so well managed that the deep and dangerous river, the worst upon the route, was passed without accident. many years ago the author, while making a talk in the opera house at walla walla, where many of the old pioneers and their descendants were gathered, recited the incident of the crossing of the snake. after the close of the meeting a venerable old gentleman came to me and taking my hand said: "yes, that story of the crossing of the snake is true, i was there. but i had four yoke of as good steers as ever pulled in yokes, and i was determined they should not be tied up in that long string of wagons to drown. i stood upon the bank and waited until the whole line was fully one-third across when i whipped in. i got about a quarter of a mile from shore, when i struck deep water, and felt my wagon floating, and soon oxen and wagon were facing squarely up stream, and the oxen barely getting foothold. i saw it only a question of time when we would drift into the deep water below and be lost. just then i heard a shout, 'hold them steady,' 'hold them steady,' and i looked and saw a man rushing through the water, and as he came in reach he deftly dropped a rope over the horns of the lead ox, and beginning to pull gently said, 'now whip up.' the noble animals responded, and taking a wide circuit, the water grew shallower, and we reached the shore in safety! and that man was marcus whitman!" at the snake the doctor met his faithful old indian istikus, and a pack-train loaded with flour sent to them by dr. spalding. never was a generous gift so fraught with blessing. he also received letters telling him of the dangerous illness of mrs. spalding and urging him to leave all and ride with speed to the spalding mission. so the rest of the journey was made under the guidance of istikus, who knew every foot of the way, and could give excellent advice. the doctor, mounted upon a fresh horse sent by dr. spalding, was soon galloping on his way, and his wonderful ride ended when he reached home a few days later. less than three weeks after that one hundred wagons, with their precious loads of wearied humanity, rolled down the sides of the blue mountains into the grassy, flower-decked meadows of the walla walla valley, and american history made one of its grandest records. old glory went up, never to be hauled down while patriots live! the entire land between the oceans was ours. while perhaps one distinctive personage stands conspicuously in the front, there were honors enough to crown the whole band of heroes and heroines which, in , at a critical period, marked plainly the great highway across the continent. chapter x _whitman joins the great immigrating column. the news of the safe arrival in oregon, and its effects upon the people. the part taken by dr. whitman, and oregon's importance to the nation. the great political contest. the massacre._ the great immigration of to oregon had called out wide attention from the thinking people all over the land. congressmen in washington began to hear from the people; still, in both houses of congress were heard mutterings of "the desert waste" and "dangers of expansion." lawmakers have a way of listening to the voices of men who make lawmakers, and they heard it on the oregon question. president tyler was true to his pledge to whitman, and if there ever was a thought on the part of webster to barter off oregon, it was never heard of again. a great political party saw in it a popular national issue, and emblazoned upon their banners "oregon and ' ° or fight!" nobody ever before or since saw such a political upheaval and somersault. the issue elected both a president and a congress. president tyler was unwilling to let all the glory of it go to his political enemies, and in his closing message, gave large place to the importance of oregon! the incoming president james k. polk gave about one-fourth of his entire message to the oregon question. such was the status of the question within a year and a half after whitman's great ride. the question was up to england, and the western boundary of the united states, which had been so easily settled in , by compromising on a few farms in maine, had to move westward from its fixed place in "the great stony mountains," or war was imminent. england, as well as america, was aroused, and she sent over her experienced minister plenipotentiary packingham. james buchanan represented the united states, and they began their great task without delay. we no longer heard the old congressional cry of "no value in oregon." both nations saw great issues at stake, and keen and prolonged negotiations resulted. it was a battle royal between experienced diplomatists. now, please note a prominent fact, this demand to settle the national dispute began in , and it was not until april, , that the treaty was signed, after most laborious efforts. i wish to impress upon my readers the importance of dates in this, for they emphasize and make clear the timely acts of whitman. in less than seven months the united states declared war against mexico, and california was at stake. suppose england could have foreseen that event, and the nine hundred million dollars of pure gold mined in california and oregon, during the following ten years, would she have signed the treaty even in ? when did that great nation ever allow such a golden opportunity to pass without reserving tribute? had england been given more time and more thorough knowledge, there is scarcely a doubt but that she would have tenaciously held to oregon. it would have been easy for her to have joined hands with mexico, and if so, had the united states held any of her present pacific possessions, it would have been after a long and desolating war, in which the united states would have been at a great disadvantage, from its small navy at that time. _"i must go now"_ you will recollect when dr. whitman's old friends at the mission conference recited to him the dangers of such a trip, and said "wait until spring," he simply and solemnly replied "_i must go now._" the plain facts of history are the keys that explain that answer! it would not have done "to wait until spring." in all the sacred record, dealing with men's duties, the command is "go," "do," not to-morrow, not next year, but "now." whitman made no boast to his fellow-missionaries of any inspiration, but they were of the class of men who could understand and appreciate his acts. in the glow of light from history, every thoughtful christian can read their deeper meaning. no, it would have been all too late had he waited to pilot that great immigration of . no reader can but know, upon the safety of that band of immigrants, the fate of oregon was dependent for years to come. had another great donnelley disaster come to them, and they had perished, who knows when another would have followed? no, it would not do to "wait until spring." it even then, with an awakened people, required two years to get england's consent to sign the treaty. then, having oregon we wanted and needed california. more reason still, great perils were in front, and less than a dozen years later, the existence of the union was in danger. with the gold of california and oregon, and the three great loyal states behind the flag, it is easy to see the timeliness of the act, and the immensity of the danger from delay, _not only to oregon, but to the nation_. some may say, "this is only a supposable case," and it would be true, but the facts are that england, through her hudson bay company, had virtually owned and controlled oregon for nearly half a century, from up to the day whitman started upon his great ride, altogether with the official sanction of the american people. there can scarcely be a doubt in regard to it, for reasons before stated, that england expected to continue to hold it all, or at least a large portion of it. those who shout no danger are blind to historic facts. had england at the date mentioned owned oregon, or any part of it, it is reasonably certain she would have thrown her great influence with the south in that terrible struggle in - , when "cotton was king," and when it required all the eloquence of america's greatest orators, backed up by many of england's wisest statesmen, to prevent england at the most critical period of the struggle, "acknowledging the belligerent rights of the south." old glory floats to-day from ocean to ocean, and from lakes to the gulf the men once at war are at peace: "the gray" and "the blue" have since marched and fought under the same flag, and have rejoiced together alike in its achievements. [illustration: the assassination of dr. whitman.] the brave pioneers of oregon, without waiting for authority of congress, raised the american flag, organized a territorial government, elected officials to make and execute laws, and from to , without the aid of congress, by a single official act, they carried on the government as becomes good citizens of the republic. true, there were murmurings in congress as of old, but they were only half-hearted, and half in earnest. the final signing of the treaty in was the doom, however, of the regime of england in oregon. _england in its saddle_ she did not wait for signatures to the treaty to set on foot an inquiry, as to the loss of oregon, or who was responsible for it, and how this great immigration from the states had originated. the english company forthwith sent a commission, made up of messrs. peel, park, and wavaseur, to oregon, to learn all the facts. when they reached there they had an easy task, for both englishmen and americans understood the matter. when whitman and spalding, with their wives, caught up with the convoy of fur-traders, in that memorable journey in , one of the old voyageurs who had felt the iron hand of the hudson bay company, sententiously remarked, as he pointed his finger at the two american women, "there is something the royal hudson bay company and its masters can't drive out of oregon!" and it proved true prophecy. we have already noted the courtesy and kindness with which dr. john mcloughlin, the chief factor, received the missionaries. the london officials soon learned that they had to deal with but one man, and he was in their power. if that interview between the doctor and these eminent englishmen, who had grown great and rich through his management, could be fully reported, it would doubtless make interesting reading. however modern historians may differ as to the cause of the sudden large immigration of americans to oregon, the commissioners from london had no doubt upon the subject. they made the direct charge that it was due to mcloughlin's over-kindness to the missionaries, that had he treated them as he did the american traders, such conditions would not have existed. it mattered not that the good old doctor knew that the charge was substantially true, and yet he arose in righteous indignation, and replied: "what would you have? would you have me turn a cold shoulder on the men of god, who came to do for the indians, that which this company had ever neglected to do? if we had not helped them, and the immigrants of ' and ' , fort vancouver would have been destroyed, and the world would have treated our inhuman conduct as it deserved. every officer of the company, from governor down, would have been covered with obloquy and the business ruined." this conference was about one year and eight months before the signing of the treaty, and the english people and the hudson bay company, while worried over the situation, still had small fear of losing the entire country. they felt sure of at least owning, upon final settlement, all north of the columbia river. they still expected to undo the work of the man who had for more than a quarter of a century been coining them fortunes, and they promptly turned him adrift, and appointed his successor. after the treaty was signed, in , and came fully into american possession, the great monopoly continued to show its modesty, and sent in a bill of damages to the united states for $ , , . , of which amount the united states paid in cash $ , . then the company "squatted" upon one of our islands some six miles from shore, raised the english flag, and the united states had another siege lasting thirty years, with threatened war, before the question, "who owns san juan island?" was left to the arbitration of the emperor of germany, who, in , decided in favor of the united states. with this brief history we dismiss the hudson bay company from our further concern, except to note its humane act, in the prompt rescuing of the captive women and children, after the massacre. still there is another good thing that should be said of the hudson bay company. under the rule of dr. mcloughlin "the great white head chief," the indians over so large a district were never before so well and wisely ruled. they obeyed his orders as promptly as loyal subjects to their king. the desire in these pages has been to do no injustice, or make unfair criticism. there are "trusts" and "monopolies" in the united states to-day even more selfish than the hudson bay company. the english people were not usurpers in oregon. they only accepted and used for the first half of the nineteenth century, with the full official consent of the american people, one of our great possessions, which we had marked as "worthless." it is well to bear such facts in mind, and thus allow the mischief done, as well as the good attained, to rest where it belongs. _whitman on the march and at the mission_ "who led the great immigration of safely to oregon?" has often been a subject of discussion. upon the safety of that band was that of oregon dependent. whitman was not the captain of the caravan, but he was the one man in the cavalcade who had been three times over the route. in that day there was not a guide-book in existence, and he, with general lovejoy (who had been over this route once, and that from fort hall twice), was relied upon by captain, guide, and people for advice and direction. it is easy to see the important place he held. perhaps no man among the pioneers of oregon was better qualified to tell of whitman's services than was the honorable jesse applegate, who was a member of the expedition, and for many years after, one of the most honored citizens of oregon. in a great oration, delivered before the state historical society of oregon, in , he calls dr. whitman the "good angel of the immigration." in closing his address, after noting many eminent men and their good work, he said: "now, i will intrude no other name of that noble band but that devoted man, dr. marcus whitman. his stay with us was transient, but the good he did was permanent. from the day he joined us on the platte, his indomitable energy was of priceless value to the migrating column, and it is no disparagement to any individual to say, that to no other man are the immigrants of so deeply indebted for a successful conclusion of their journey as to dr. whitman." dr. spalding, who was present at the whitman mission when the immigrants reached there, says: "hundreds of the immigrants stopped at waiilatpui to take whitman by the hand, and many with tears in their eyes, acknowledged their obligations for his untiring labor and skill, which brought them in safety over the weary way." whitman was not a politician in the sense the term is generally used, but only a few months before his death he rode on horseback to oregon city to induce his old friend judge thornton to visit washington and try to persuade the authorities to organize a territorial government in oregon. the judge accepted, and was on that mission at the time of the massacre at waiilatpui (november , ). _the massacre_ whitman was a tireless worker. frequently, after toiling all day in his fields or upon his buildings, he spent long hours of the night on the rounds to visit his sick; yet he did not fail to see the bad influences used upon the cayuse indians. they feared him and his influence. there had been mutterings of discontent among the cayuse indians; too many whites were coming in. there was much sickness among the indians; the measles had prevailed; with their unsanitary living and barbarous treatment of the sick many had died. they laid it all to the white settlers, and blamed those who encouraged and helped them. good old istikus, their faithful indian friend of many years, had warned them that some of his people had bad hearts toward them, and begged them to go away until their hearts were good again. but how could they go. on the fatal morning when the conspiracy was brought to execution, seventy people were in the mission station, mostly women, children, and sick men worn out by long travel and exposure. it was two hundred and fifty miles to fort vancouver by trail or in open boats down the columbia river. that was the only place of safety, and they could not leave all these people, nor could they take them. moreover, whitman still had faith in his indians, which was partly justified by the facts, as it was proved that no cayuse could quite bring himself to strike the first blow. but they found one more treacherous who was ready to take the judas part in the tragedy. he was called joe tahamas, a half-breed canadian, who had come to the mission station several months before hungry, sick, and half-clad. as their custom was they took him in, clothed, fed, and nursed him back to health again. after a time they found him fomenting quarrels among their people, and stirring up their evil passions in various ways. they finally procured him a place as teamster to go to the willamette river, and hoped their troubles with him were ended. he had returned, and from after evidence, had no doubt been going through the tribe, and with a lying tongue rousing the indians to a mad passion against their friends and benefactors. some distant chief of the tribe had armed him with what was known as "the charmed tomahawk." it had long before been presented to them by the warring sioux, in some great peace talk, and was to bring them victory and good fortune wherever it was used. after the massacre at waiilatpui and the war following, with the banishment and partial destruction of their tribe, "the charmed tomahawk" became "bad medicine." no one wished to keep it, but with the old superstition of a living spirit in everything, they feared to destroy it, lest some greater punishment should fall upon them, and it passed from one to another as they would receive it. _the charmed tomahawk_ an indian agent, named logan, learned the story and purchased it, as we may believe, for but a small sum. during the civil war, in an auction sale for the benefit of the sanitary commission, the hatchet with its story was sold for a hundred dollars, and was presented to the legislature of oregon. it has finally lodged among the treasured relics of the oregon pioneer association in portland, where it will doubtless be seen by many during the coming summer. the th of november, , the fatal morning dawned that ended the career of the devoted missionary band gathered on the walla walla. the doctor no doubt with a heavy heart, after all his warnings, went out on his round of duty, to look after the farm and stock, to visit the sick, and supply any wants of the emigrants camped about them. returning to the house, he sat down in his office before his desk and was reading with john sager, one of his adopted boys seated by his side. an indian came in, saying he was sick and wanted some medicine. while his attention was engaged by him, tahamas stole silently in, armed with "the charmed tomahawk," and with one blow on the back of the head, crushed in the skull, and the poor doctor sank unconscious to the floor, though he lived for several hours after. the brave boy by his side, drew a small pistol from his pocket, and attempted to shoot the murderer, but was struck down with the same weapon and immediately killed. the indians then left the house, where there were only women and children, to join the great company gathering outside and find the unarmed men scattered about the place. two of these badly wounded made their way back to the house, and barred doors and windows as best they could to protect the helpless ones inside. only four men made their escape unharmed to carry the news to fort vancouver and ask for help. mr. spalding, one of their fellow missionaries, was on his way, and near waiilatpui, when the massacre occurred. his little daughter was in mrs. whitman's school, a witness of the whole bloody tragedy, and afterward one of the captives, carried away by the indians. from her descriptions, and that of others who lived to tell the tale, he wrote a full description of the tragic scenes to the parents of mrs. whitman. it is needless to say they were too terrible to repeat in detail. still it is well to know how the heroic wife met death, still giving her thought and life for others. she and one of the young women had carried the body of her dying husband to a private room, and she was kneeling by his side, when the host of savages returned to the house. maddened like wild beasts with the sight of blood, they tore the weak bars from doors and windows, and with savage war-whoops entered the house. their superstitions prevented them from entering the death chamber, but they began looting the house and threatening to kill the women and children, whose frantic cries added terror to the scene. it was then the heroic wife left the side of her dying husband, and her safe retreat, going from one to another trying to comfort and soothe them. as she walked past a window, a bullet struck her in the breast; she grasped the window-sill to keep from falling, and recognized her murderer as tahamas, for whom she had done so much. she exclaimed, "oh, joe, is it you!" it was like the dying cry of cæsar, when he saw his old-time friend in the mob about him, "thou, too, brutus!" and a sharper pang than her wound gave entered that tender heart. she was carried back to her room. a few hours later the indians sent word to her that if she would come out they would not harm her, but would go away after they had seen her. she was then too weak from loss of blood to walk, but she asked mr. rogers, one of their helpers, and miss beulah, a friend, to carry her into the next room, where the indians had gathered. they had hardly entered it when a volley of shots were fired, and both she and rogers were pierced by many balls. some one now in authority gave an order not to shoot the women and children. the little ones were all gathered in one corner, witnessing the whole terrible scene, but one indian more humane picked up some blankets and screened it all from their view. one of the men, a guest at the mission, raised a board in the floor and hid himself, wife, and three children beneath. they suffered agony in their imprisonment, with the blood of the murdered ones trickling through the floor upon them. on a visit to walla walla and out to the old mission farm, two years ago, we met a very intelligent and interesting lady, who, in the course of conversation, told us that she was one of the three children hidden under the floor during that terrible day and that she was then but a little child the remembrance had never left her, nor could she see an indian without a shudder. the indians went at their work leisurely, and seemed anxious to prolong the torture. they knew it was two hundred and fifty miles to vancouver, and they had no fear of molestation from any other source. for five days they kept up their orgies, guarding against escape of their victims. at the end of that time they began to be anxious for their own safety, and gathering the women and children, forty in number, they started for a friendly tribe to wait for developments. [illustration: d. k pearsons, m. d., ll. d] runners were sent in haste to fort vancouver telling of the disaster, and chief factor ogden of the hudson bay company lost no time in starting for the scene with twenty picked men, boats and provisions. upon reaching waiilatpui they found everything in ruins, the houses wrecked, the mill burned, and the dead bodies of eleven men, one boy, besides the bodies of dr. and mrs. whitman. these were all tenderly gathered and buried together, in what has been called ever since "the great grave." in the mean time chief ogden had sent runners after the indians, with a peremptory order to return all the captive women and children to him at once, to fort walla walla. for many years the indians had been accustomed to obey orders from this source, and they thought it wise now to comply; besides they soon began to find the helpless captives a burden to feed. chief ogden assured them he would pay them a handsome ransom if all were brought in safely. one or two of the chiefs, who were enamored of the young women, insisted they should be allowed to keep them in captivity and make them their wives. it required strategy, threats, and promise of larger reward before that trouble was overcome. all were finally brought in, except three delicate children, one the adopted child of the doctor, and two others, who perished from exposure. ogden gave the indians blankets, powder, lead, and other articles they demanded, to the value of five hundred dollars, and all were conveyed to fort vancouver, and places of safety. four men only escaped the massacre. one of these was dr. spalding. he was on his way to visit the doctor on business, and to see his little daughter, who was a pupil in mrs. whitman's school. when nearing the station he met one of the jesuit priests, who told him of the disaster. he immediately retraced his steps, fully expecting a like work at his own mission. he reached home the second night in a dazed condition. his nez perces, when they heard of it, rallied around him some five hundred of their bravest warriors, and escorted dr. and mrs. spalding quickly to a place of safety. their little daughter eliza, nearly ten, was rescued and returned to them. _cayuse thought the flurry over_ the cayuse received their presents and seemed to think their work was over. in this they were mistaken. the hardy old pioneers of oregon, who loved and honored dr. and mrs. whitman, arose as one man, and in winter, without tents or proper equipments, moved down upon the cayuse country. i do not intend to burthen my readers with the story of a long, desolating indian war. it was a bloody and savage contest, where general phil h. sheridan was initiated into active military life and won his first honors. the leaders in the massacre, tilcokait, tahamas, ouichmarsum, klvakamus, and sichsalucus were arrested and hung at oregon city, just before the author reached there. in one of the most miserable of the villains, tarntsaky, was killed while being arrested. my room-mate in oregon in , the late samuel campbell of idaho, spent the winter and spring of at the whitman mission, and never tired in telling of the lovely christian character of mrs. whitman, of her kindness and patience to whites and indians alike. she had retained the same glorious musical voice, and life wherever she went was filled with what matthew arnold would call "sweetness and light." mr. campbell said while he was a prisoner at grand ronde, old tarntsaky one day boasted in his presence that he took the scalp from mrs. whitman's head, and told him of the long, golden, silky hair. he said, "prisoner as i was, it was all i could do to keep my fingers from his throat." the many tribes around sided with the cayuse, except the nez perces, and the whole land was closed to white settlers for over ten years, as the state government deemed it impossible to protect the scattered settlements. _the result_ the final result was that the tribes engaging in the war were all removed to distant reservations, and forty thousand square miles of rich territory were opened to settlement. thus the great sacrifice resulted for the good of the people. the work of the american board in sending missionaries to oregon has sometimes been called "a disaster" and "failure." was it? what could have been grander work for any christian man than whitman's brave part in saving the whole great territory to the union? patriotism is a part of christianity, and an important part. that man is a feeble christian who does not love his home and fatherland. the american board never claimed, or received, a moiety of the reward deserved, because of its poor estimate of the great work done at that time by its servants. well did dr. frank gunsaulus say: "marcus whitman was more to the ulterior northwest than john harvard has ever been to the northeast of our common country." two names which shine brightest upon the pages of english history are dr. robert livingstone and dr. john mckenzie, both missionaries, and both poor men. their eminent services were along much the same lines as those of dr. whitman--services to the whole people and the nation. dr. mckenzie made three trips to london before he could persuade the english authorities to plant their flag over bechuanaland, the flower and wealth of all south africa. but how england and english people have ever since loved to do honor to both these noble men! dr. whitman, by his eminent and heroic service, laid the american people under as great a debt of gratitude, and i simply point to facts already narrated to sustain that position. have the people of the united states done their simple duty to its noble martyrs? _the benefits to the indians_ as to the benefits from the missionaries to the indians themselves eternity alone will reveal how little or how much good was conferred. the cayuse was a trading tribe of indians, and were almost as unscrupulous in their dealings as wall street is to-day. dr. whitman had hard uphill work in changing their customs. yet many of the cayuse became christians. old istikus was a prince among christian men, savage as he was. for sixteen years after the death of his loved friends, he regularly went to the door of his wigwam, rang the old mission bell, and invited all to come in to prayers. general joel barlow, who was one of the commissioners after the treaty of peace in , to settle the indians upon their reservations, says: "i found forty-five cayuse and one thousand nez perces who have kept up regular family worship, singing from the old hymn books, translated into their language by mrs. spalding. many of them showed surprising evidences of piety." the most successful of the missions, as far as good to the indians was concerned, was doubtless that of mr. and mrs. spalding among the nez perces. they were the friends and companions of dr. and mrs. whitman on that long wedding journey over plains and mountains. they were pushed far out in the wilderness by the hudson bay company in what is now eastern washington, and the spokane country near where the city of that name is located. they were gentle, kind, and self-sacrificing, and perhaps were fortunate in being so isolated. the indians received them and their message kindly, and soon there were many sincere and earnest christians among them. a small printing-press was sent them from honolulu that had become insufficient for their work there. mrs. spalding translated the book of matthew, some psalms, hymns, and a few school books, into the nez perces language, and they printed them with their little hand-press. it is said that, now after sixty years have passed, they still have some of them that are carefully treasured relics. they have never engaged in wars, remain in the lands of their fathers, are farmers and stock raisers, have churches and schools, and are respected by their white neighbors. one little touch of nature lingers with them still, one will often see an indian teepee or wigwam in the yard or some place near a comfortable house. doubtless the father often goes there to smoke his pipe in peace and comfort. mr. spalding lived to be an old man, and told and wrote much of the early life of the missions. in these chapters we have purposely avoided discussing the motives which led up to the massacre. there have been many charges not fully sustained, that have caused ill feeling and done harm. but it is undoubtedly true that dr. whitman's activity to help settle oregon with americans was the direct cause of the great disaster. dr. mcloughlin was driven from office for no other reason than his kindness to the missionaries that made whitman's ride possible. just as certainly dr. and mrs. whitman perished because they loved the flag and all it represented, and were brave enough to express it by heroic acts whose results would not be misunderstood by the enemies of the republic. there is good evidence that dr. whitman understood the perils of his mission before entering upon it, but in such a character fear played a small part when confronted by duty. chapter xi _the memorials to whitman. why delayed. why the history was not written earlier. whitman college the grand monument! professor harris defines "history the window through which the soul looks down upon the past and reads its lessons."_ it is of great importance that history be written accurately, and is best when written at the time of action by reliable observers. but there is much history of great value which was not currently recorded. the bible record is an instance of this. take the history of the battles of the great civil war as another illustration. general sherman, president of "the army of the tennessee," in every annual meeting, long after the war, declared the papers read before the society, and those read before "the loyal legion," descriptions of skirmishes, campaigns, and battles of the great conflict, as of greater value to history than were even the official reports made at the time of action; they were the personal experiences of many participants; that they caught the very spirit of the time and events, and were reliable although written thirty and more years later. there were many valid reasons why the history of the north pacific states in pioneer days was left unwritten for many years. it was most fortunate that when the subject first began to receive attention so many of the pioneers were still living, and that so much of the history had been preserved by the pioneer association of oregon, and by individual records and letters. the writer reached oregon soon after the massacre at waiilatpui. he was a teacher of the boys and girls of the first settlers, and had access to their homes soon after the execution of the five indian leaders. the scene of the execution was not far distant from the school-house in the fir woods. naturally it was a subject for discussion in every intelligent circle. i thus learned historic facts not from books of written history, but from men who were makers of the history. _why the writing was delayed_ in less than eight months after the massacre, gold was discovered in california and oregon, and no other event so absorbed the attention of the population of the pacific coast or we might say of the whole united states. they thought of little else for ten years. during the same period, an indian war following the whitman massacre was in progress in oregon. before these excitements ceased, the political upheavals, beginning in , culminated in . then followed the great struggle of the civil war, when giants met in battle, and the very existence of the nation hung upon the success of the men behind the flag. after , the starry flag floated from ocean to ocean, from the lakes to the gulf, came the troublous period of reconstruction--railroad-building and money-making as never before witnessed in the republic. it is not at all strange that under such conditions, at least such history as was made by a poor country doctor and his noble, unselfish wife should have been for the time neglected. who will say that it is too late to remember such? in every civilized land the historian's pen, the painter's brush, and the sculptor's art have been taxed to place upon the library shelves historical books, upon the walls paintings, and upon pedestals sculptured marble; thus commemorating the noble dead, their great names live again as educators of the people. _the memorials to whitman few_ after leaving oregon, the writer did not return for forty-five years; in the interim were wondrous changes. the giant forests of firs had disappeared, while cities, towns, and country homes, and waving wheat-fields had taken their places. but as i stood at "the great grave" of the martyrs, it alone was undisturbed and unchanged, in all these years! to the great credit of loyal pioneers of oregon who knew whitman and his work, upon the fiftieth anniversary of his death erected a stately marble column above the grave and secured five acres of ground about it, while the christian people of walla walla built a little memorial mission church at the place of the massacre. in a previous chapter we noted the action of the american board and the presbyterian statue to whitman upon the fiftieth anniversary of his death. it is gratifying to observe these marked evidences of awakened interest in the long-neglected oregonian hero. it is but the beginning, for the name and honor of marcus whitman will shine with new luster in the years to come. _the grand memorial is whitman college_ it needs no argument to convince intelligent readers, young or old, that to such a character as whitman, a great institution of learning is the best and most appropriate memorial. while it is a constant reminder of a noble, unselfish, patriotic christian life, it is also a blessing to the whole people within its reach, by building up intellectual and moral character in the young men and women of that land for which he gave his life. the story of whitman college, like the life of the man it commemorates, gives a lesson in faith. dr. cushing eells was the co-worker with whitman, and perhaps knew the inner life of the man better than any other. after the massacre he was driven from his post, but returned to the indian country as soon as it was opened to white people. he at once visited the tragic grounds at waiilatpui. as he stood uncovered at the great grave of his beloved friends, he writes in his diary: "i believe the power of the highest came upon me, and i asked, what can i do to honor the memory of these christian martyrs who did so much for the nation and humanity? i felt if dr. whitman could be consulted he would prefer a high school for the benefit of both sexes, rather than a monument of marble." we must remember that at that time there were very few schools in the pacific states above the grade of the ordinary country district school. the subject impressed him, and as he thought and prayed, it came to him as his life work and duty, to build such a monument. in memory of his friend he laid the matter before his good wife, it met with her cordial approval; and then before the congregational council, and they enthusiastically indorsed the work, and in a closing minute said, "the whitman seminary is in memory of the noble deeds and great work of the late lamented dr. whitman and his noble wife." [illustration: memorial hall whitman college.] [illustration: young men's dormitory, whitman college.] dr. eells, like whitman, was a very poor man. the people about them were poor. but they were rich in the kind of "faith that removes mountains." to financiers of modern times who demand millions for schools the outlook for whitman seminary would not have been marked as "promising." dr. eells bought the great whitman mission farm from the american board for one thousand dollars (on credit), and began work. he and his wife were then well along in years, but that did not count, and they had two sons of like mind who still live to tell the story. for six years he plowed, sowed, reaped, and preached a free gospel up and down the valley; while the good wife made butter, raised chickens, spun and wove, and at the end of that time, they had accumulated six thousand dollars to start whitman seminary. the charter was granted, the foundations laid, and work begun. the time came, years later, when the seminary grew into a college, and dr. eells had such strong and able men to aid and advise him as dr. anderson, the first president, dr. atkinson, dr. lyman, dr. spalding, and many others. but the college, while it had from the outset a good reputation, was poor; there was no endowment, and the young men and women to be educated were poor. dr. eells devoted his time and life energies to his task, but in spite of all they had to place a mortgage of thirteen thousand five hundred dollars upon the property. one has to read the story in dr. eells' diary to know it in its completeness. in its darkest days, when the faith of others was small, his was still as strong as at the beginning. the last entries in his diary, just before his death, were prayers for the upbuilding and full success of whitman college. _the story of long ago, and its sequel_ the sacred word says, "a word fitly spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of silver!" who can overestimate the power of a good word or a good act? drop a stone in the middle of a placid lake and the circles begin and widen until they reach the farthest shore. so with good words and good acts, they go on and on into the great future, in ways we know not of. congressman thurston was a maine man--a fine type physically, intellectually, and morally. he had early immigrated to oregon, and was the first congressman from that territory. it was too far to return to oregon for his summer vacation, over the slow routes of that day, so he went up to chicopee, massachusetts, to spend the summers of and . the house where he boarded was one of the old-fashioned new england double houses, with a wide porch across the entire front. it so happened that a young doctor and his wife occupied the other side of the house, and the front portico was the common retreat in the long summer evenings. he loved to tell of the majestic forests of fir and pine trees, fifteen feet in diameter and three hundred feet high, of the grand rivers, rich soil, and its great future. it was not until that word reached the states of the tragic disaster at waiilatpui, and the death of his dear friends, dr. and mrs. whitman. the incidents and heroism of their lives were told by the eloquent, earnest congressman, in a way that made a deep and lasting impression upon the young doctor and his good wife. they were seriously casting about for some wider field in life, and were almost persuaded to make oregon their future home. upon the homeward journey to oregon in , congressman thurston lost his life in a great ocean disaster upon the pacific. the writer was in oregon at the time, and well remembers the wave of sorrow that spread throughout the territory. after the death of thurston, the young doctor gave up the far western journey, but he still had "the western fever," removed to illinois, and bought a small farm. prospecting through that state, wisconsin and michigan, he made up his mind that there was money in pine land, and beginning in a small way, marketed the timber, and made money. he at once invested all his money in pine timberland, bought and sold, and ever bought more pine, and the time came when he could readily sell for four times the cost of it. he was an observant man, and his success in locating and selling, by his straightforward way of doing business, soon attracted the attention of capitalists, and they persuaded him to settle in chicago and buy and sell for them. soon an immense business was in his hands, which continued for years, and left him with a fortune. he wearied with the years of intense business activity, retired, and said to himself, here is a snug little fortune, what is to be done with it? in the language of a notable address, delivered by the doctor before a great audience at battle creek, when he said, "these dead hands can carry nothing out! what, gentlemen, are you going to do with your money?" he soon settled upon a plan to spend his, and that was to use it through deserving struggling colleges, to give to poor young men and women an intellectual, moral, and religious training. he believed that every institution for its permanency and security should have a healthy, interested, money-giving constituency about it, and so he gave in a way to induce others to give, and aids no institution where the bible and moral training are neglected. i scarcely need tell my intelligent readers this person is d. k. pearsons, m.d., ll.d., of chicago, now eighty-six years old. i have given, in brief, a sketch of his work in this connection, first because of his direct association with it, and secondly, because it pointedly marks what we have tried to show from historic facts in all the chapters--that power higher than man's power can be traced and studied. we often speak of all such as "accidental happenings." _were they?_ did the four flathead chiefs accidentally, in - , appear in the streets of st. louis upon their strange mission and there meet their old friend the great red-head chief? were drs. whitman and spalding and their wives accidentally in oregon? was his heroic ride to save oregon in an accident? was it accidental that he was on the border in to lead that great immigration to oregon in safety? the oregon of to-day was dependent upon the safety of that great company in . was it all accidental that congressman thurston met dr. pearsons in - at chicopee, massachusetts, and by "words fitly spoken," that forty-five years after he had rested in his watery grave were found to be "apples of gold in pictures of silver"? we all view such events from different standpoints, and i do not stop to argue, only to state facts historically accurate. there are accidents in the physical world from violated laws certainly, but in the moral uplift of the race there seems to be an invisible hand, and an agency greater than man's power. wise as the race has grown, we cannot understand and explain the mysteries that surround us. i see the poor young doctor in struggling to master his professional work, and i see him again in , old and rich, and in january of that year, he sat musing by the fire in his winter home in georgia, and he took his pen and wrote: lithia springs, georgia, january, . to the president of whitman college, walla walla, washington:-- _dear sir:_ i will give whitman college fifty thousand dollars for endowment, provided friends of the college will raise one hundred and fifty thousand additional, yours, d. k. pearsons. [illustration: rev. s. b. l. penrose, president of whitman college] some may say "nothing strange in that. dr. pearsons had made large gifts to thirty-four different colleges." that is true. i one day asked him, "did any one ever ask that gift to whitman college?" he replied, "no; no one asked me for a dollar, and the president of the college evidently thought my proposition preposterous, for he never even replied to my letter." it was in the dark days of the college. president eaton was a good man, but he had lost the strong faith of his predecessors, and soon after resigned. just then the yale band of missionaries invaded washington, and rev. s. b. l. penrose, a man of eells faith and whitman's courage and perseverance, was chosen president. he at once visited dr. pearsons, thanked him for his generous offer, and set about his task of raising the money. the difficulty was in getting a start. on june , , the book "how marcus whitman saved oregon" was published in chicago, and on the fourth of july, sunday, two weeks later, forty ministers in chicago and neighboring places took marcus whitman as a patriotic text. many of them took up collections for the memorial college, and the congregational club gave its check for one thousand dollars. virginia dox, an eloquent and enthusiastic pleader, took up the work, carrying it through michigan, along northern and central ohio and all new england from maine to massachusetts, and the one hundred and fifty thousand was raised, and the doctor's fifty thousand added. the doctor, in the meanwhile has paid off the mortgage debt of thirteen thousand five hundred dollars. everything looked brighter. but the buildings were poor and over-crowded, the campus of five acres too small. it was a good fortune which enabled the directors to buy eighteen acres adjoining, and admirably adapted for the purpose. dr. pearsons then said, "you need a dormitory for young men, where they can be cheaply and comfortably fed and housed, and i will give fifty thousand dollars to erect a memorial building to dr. and mrs. whitman if others will erect the dormitory." through the aid of mrs. billings of new york (the largest giver), billings and memorial halls went up simultaneously. then dr. pearsons said, the girls need a dormitory as well as the boys, let others build it, and i will give fifty thousand to endowment. it was done. the people of walla walla, though possessed of no surplus wealth, came nobly to the rescue and contributed several thousand dollars, and the poor professors and many students literally gave "all that they had, even all their living," in making up the required sum. and so it has been from the beginning a college built by faith and self-denial. it has still many great needs, but its friends still hope and believe that its wants will be supplied. some time ago the writer read the story of an orphan newsboy, a waif of the streets, but a manly little chap. he attended a mission sunday school and became a christian boy. some weeks later, one of the smart young men half-sneeringly said to the boy, as he looked at his broken shoes and tattered garments, "well, my boy, if i believed in god as you do, i would ask him to tell some of those rich church people to give me some better shoes and nicer clothes." the little fellow looked troubled for a moment, and then replied, "i expect he did, but they forgot." it was one of the great characteristics of the men and women of these pages, that they listened, heard, and never "forgot." the world to-day, and in the generation to follow, is in need of strong men and noble women. greater problems than the fathers have solved will the sons be called to solve. be ready for them. mistaken christian teachers have sometimes used the words "prepare to die." change them to read "prepare to live," and may you live long and bless the world by your living. in this land of ours, the poorest can aspire to and reach out for grand achievements. the poor, half-orphan boy, conning his lessons by a pine knot fire in his grandfather whitman's old new england home, or as he went through his classical course, and the study of his profession, then learned to be a millwright, and learned all about machinery, perhaps never dreamed of the great work he was to be called to do. he simply did it all well! that is the key which unlocks the future good things of earth, and swings wide open the everlasting doors of the eternal world. you are here for work in a broad field, and while you toil, be happy, joyous, contented, and make others the same. the children of earth are in partnership with the great ruler of the universe in the moral government of this world. his great law is love. love is the greatest word in the language. the bible represents god's love, as "like a flowing river." drink deep of it, as have our heroes and heroines, and when taps are sounded, whether in the quiet of your homes or amid the yells of savage men, as befell our loved ones, you can say with st. paul, even when the feet of his murderers echoed from the walls of his dungeon, "i have fought a good fight, i have finished my course, i have kept the faith, thenceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness." you can sing with tennyson in his age: "twilight and evening bell, and after that the dark; and may there be no sadness of farewell when i embark. "and though from out the bourne of time and place the flood may bear me far, i hope to see my pilot face to face when i have crossed the bar." the end. * * * * * transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error. transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. the quote starting on page with "if, however," has no end quote. on page , "as he plead" should possibly be "as he pled." the quote starting on page with "marcus whitman" has no end quote. on page , "staid back" should possibly be "stayed back." [illustration: whitman leaving home on his winter ride to save oregon.] how marcus whitman saved oregon. a true romance of patriotic heroism, christian devotion and final martyrdom.... with sketches of life on the plains and mountains in pioneer days by oliver w. nixon, m.d., ll.d., _for seventeen years president and literary editor of the chicago inter ocean_. introduction by rev. frank w. gunsaulus, d.d., ll.d. second edition. illustrated. star publishing company, chicago, copyrighted, , by oliver w. nixon. (all rights reserved.) dedication. to the boys and girls of the little log school house on the willamette, now the gray haired men and women of oregon, washington, idaho and california, to whom i am indebted for a multitude of pleasing memories which have been undimmed by years and distance, i gratefully dedicate this volume. preface. this little volume is not intended to be a history of oregon missions or even a complete biography of dr. whitman. its aim is simply to bring out, prominently, in a series of sketches, the heroism and christian patriotism of the man who rendered great and distinguished service to his country, which has never been fully appreciated or recognized. in my historical facts i have tried to be correct and to give credit to authorities where i could. i expect some of my critics will ask, as they have in the past: "who is your authority for this fact and that?" i only answer, i don't know unless i am authority. in and i was a teacher of the young men and maidens, and bright-eyed boys and girls of the old pioneers of oregon. many years ago i told the story of that school to hezekiah butterworth, who made it famous in his idyllic romance, "the log school house on the columbia." it was a time when history was being made. the great tragedy at waiilatpui was fresh in the minds of the people. with such surroundings one comes in touch with the spirit of history. later on, i was purser upon the lot whitcomb, the first steamer ever built in oregon, and came in contact with all classes of people. if i have failed to interpret the history correctly, it is because i failed to understand it. the sketches have been written in hours snatched from pressing duties, and no claim is made of high literary excellence. but if they aid the public, even in a small degree, to better understand and appreciate the grand man whose remains rest in his martyr's grave at waiilatpui, unhonored by any monument, i shall be amply compensated. o. w. n. contents. pages. introduction - chapter i. the title of the united states to oregon--the hudson bay company--the louisiana purchase - chapter ii. english and american opinion of the value of the northwest territory--the neglect of american statesmen - chapter iii. the romance of the oregon mission - chapter iv. the wedding journey across the plains - chapter v. mission life at waiilatpui - chapter vi. the ride to save oregon - chapter vii. whitman in the presence of president tyler and secretary of state daniel webster--the return to oregon - chapter viii. a backward look at results - chapter ix. change in public sentiment - chapter x. the failure of modern history to do justice to dr. whitman - chapter xi. the massacre at waiilatpui - chapter xii. biographical--dr. whitman--dr. mcloughlin - chapter xiii. whitman seminary and college - chapter xiv. oregon then, and oregon, washington and idaho now - chapter xv. life on the great plains in pioneer days - appendix - illustrations. page. . whitman leaving home on his ride to save oregon frontispiece. . falls of the willamette . map of early oregon and the west, showing whitman's route, etc. . steamer lot whitcomb . dr. marcus whitman . mission station at waiilatpui . mrs. narcissa prentice whitman . whitman pleading for oregon before president tyler and secretary webster . rev. h. h. spalding . rev. cushing eells, d.d. . whitman college . whitman's grave . dr. john mcloughlin . dr. daniel k. pearsons . rev. s. b. l. penrose, president of whitman college . the log school house on the willamette . a. j. anderson, ph.d. . rev. james f. eaton, d.d. . portraits of flathead indians who visited st. louis introduction by rev. frank w. gunsaulus, d.d., pastor of plymouth church, and president of armour institute, chicago. among the efforts at description which will associate themselves with either our ignorance or our intelligence as to our own country, the following words by our greatest orator, will always have their place: "what do we want with the vast, worthless area, this region of savages and wild beasts, of deserts, of shifting sands and whirlwinds of dust, of cactus and prairie dogs? to what use could we ever hope to put these great deserts, or these endless mountain ranges, impenetrable, and covered to their base with eternal snow? what can we ever hope to do with the western coast, a coast of three thousand miles, rock-bound, cheerless, and uninviting, and not a harbor on it? what use have we for such a country? mr. president, i will never vote one cent from the public treasury to place the pacific coast one inch nearer to boston than it is now." perhaps no words uttered in the united states senate were ever more certainly wide of their mark than these of daniel webster. in their presence, the name of marcus whitman is a bright streak of light penetrating a vague cloud-land. washington, with finer prevision, had said: "i shall not be contented until i have explored the western country." even the father of his country did not understand the vast realm to which he referred, nor had his mind any boundaries sufficiently great to inclose that portion of the country which marcus whitman preserved to the united states. an interesting series of splendid happenings has united the ages of history in heroic deeds, and this volume is a fitting testimonial of the immense significance of one heroic deed in one heroic life. the conservatism, which is always respectable and respected, had its utterance in the copious eloquence of daniel webster; the radicalism, which always goes to the root of every question, had its expression in the answer which whitman made to the great new englander. even daniel webster, at a moment like this, seems less grand of proportion than does the plain and poor missionary, with "a half pint of seed wheat" in his hand, and words upon his lips which are an enduring part of our history. only a really illumined man, at that hour, could fitly answer senator mcduffie, when he said: "do you think your honest farmers in pennsylvania, new york, or even ohio and missouri, would abandon their farms and go upon any such enterprise as this?" whitman made answer by breaking the barrier of the rockies with his own courage and faith. it may well be hoped that such a memorial as this may be adopted in home and public library as a chapter in americanism and its advance, worthy to minister to the imagination and idealism of our whole people. the heroism of the days to come, which we need, must grow out of the heroism of the days that have been. the impulse to do and dare noble things to-morrow, will grow strong from contemplating the memory of such yesterdays. this volume has suggested such a picture as will sometime be made as a tribute to genius and the embodiment of highest art by some great painter. the picture will represent the room in which the old heroic missionary, having traveled over mountains and through deserts until his clothing of fur was well-nigh worn from him, and his frame bowed by anxiety and exposure, at that instant when the great secretary and orator said to him: "there cannot be made a wagon road over the mountains; sir george simpson says so," whereat the intrepid pioneer replied: "there is a wagon road, for i have made it." what could be a more fitting memorial for such a man as this than a christian college called whitman college? he was more to the ulterior northwest than john harvard has ever been to the northeast of our common country. nothing but such an institution may represent all the ideas and inspirations which were the wealth of such a man's brain and heart and his gift to the republic. he was an _avant courier_ of the truths on which alone republics and democracies may endure. whitman not only conducted the expedition of men and wagons to oregon, after president tyler had made his promise that the bargain, which daniel webster proposed, should not be made, but he led an expedition of ideas and sentiments which have made the names oregon, washington and idaho synonymous with human progress, good government and civilization. when the soldier-statesman of the civil war, col. baker, mentioned the name and memory of marcus whitman to abraham lincoln, he did it with the utmost reverence for one of the founders of that civilization which, in the far northwest, has spread its influence over so vast a territory to make the mines of california the resources of freedom, and to bind the forests and plains with the destiny of the union. when thomas starr king was most eloquent in his efforts to keep california true to liberty and union, in that struggle of debate before the civil war opened, he worked upon the basis, made larger and sounder by the fearless ambassador of christian civilization. in an hour when the mind of progress grows tired of the perpetual presence of napoleon, again clad in all his theatrical glamour before the eyes of youth, we may well be grateful for this sketch of a sober far-seeing man of loyal devotion to the great public ends; whose unselfishness made him seem, even then, a startling figure at the nation's capital; whose noble bearing, great faith, supreme courage, and vision of the future, mark him as a genuine and typical american. these hopes and inspirations are all enshrined in the educational enterprise known as whitman college. every student of history must be glad to recognize the fact that the history of which this book is the chronicle, is also a prophecy, and that whatever may be the fate of men's names or men's schemes in the flight of time, this college will be a beacon, shining with the light of marcus whitman's heroism and devotion. [illustration] chapter i. the title of the united states to oregon--the hudson bay company--the louisiana purchase the home of civilization was originally in the far east, but its journeys have forever been westward. the history of the world is a great panorama, with its pictures constantly shifting and changing. the desire for change and new fields early asserted itself. the human family divided up under the law of selection and affinities, shaped themselves into bands and nationalities, and started upon their journey to people the world. two branches of the original stock remained as fixtures in asia, while half a dozen branches deployed and reached out for the then distant and unexplored lands of the west. they reached europe. the gaul and the celt, the teuton and slav, ever onward in their march, reached and were checked by the atlantic that washed the present english, german and spanish coasts. the latin, greek and illyrian were alike checked by the mediterranean. for a long period it seemed as if their journey westward was ended; that they had reached their ultima thule; that the western limit had been found. for many centuries the millions rested in that belief, until the great discoveries of awakened them to new dreams of western possibilities. at once and under new incentives the westward march began again. the states of the atlantic were settled and the wilderness subdued. no sooner was this but partially accomplished than the same spirit, "the western fever," seized upon the people. it seems to have been engrafted in the nature of man, as it is in the nature of birds, to migrate. in caravan after caravan they pushed their way over the allegheny mountains, invaded the rich valleys, floated down the great rivers, gave battle to the savage inhabitants and in perils many, and with discouragements sufficient to defeat less heroic characters, they took possession of the now great states of the middle west. the country to be settled was so vast as to seem to our fathers limitless. they had but little desire as a nation for further expansion. up to the date of , the far west was an unexplored region. the united states made no claim to any lands bordering upon the pacific, and the discovery made in the year was more accidental than intentional, as far as the nation was concerned. captain robert gray, who made the discovery, was born in tiverton, r. i., , and died at charleston, s. c., in . he was a famous sailor, and was the first citizen who ever carried the american flag around the globe. his vessel, the columbia, was fitted out by a syndicate of boston merchants, with articles for barter for the natives in pacific ports. in his second great voyage in he discovered the mouth of the columbia river. there had been rumors of such a great river through spanish sources, and the old american captain probably, mainly for the sake of barter and to get fresh supplies, had his nautical eyes open. men see through a glass darkly and a wiser, higher power than man may have guided the old explorer in safety over the dangerous bar, into the great river he discovered and named. he was struck by the grandeur and magnificence of the river as well as by the beauty of the country. he at once christened it "the columbia," the name of his good ship which had already carried the american flag around the globe. he sailed several miles up the river, landed and took possession in the name of the united states. it is a singular coincidence that both spain and england had vessels just at this time on this coast, hunting for the same river, and so near together as to be in hailing distance of each other. captain gray only a few days before had met captain vancouver, the englishman, and had spoken to him. captain vancouver had sailed over the very ground passed over soon after by gray, but failed to find the river. he had noted, too, a change in the color of the waters, but it did not sufficiently impress him to cause an investigation. after captain gray had finished his exploration and gone to sea, he again fell in with vancouver and reported the result of his discoveries. vancouver immediately turned about, found the mouth of the river, sailed up the columbia to the rapids and up the willamette to near the falls. in the conference between the english and americans in , which resulted in the renewal of the treaty of , while the british commissioners acknowledged that gray was first to discover and enter the columbia river, yet they demanded that "he should equally share the honor with captain vancouver." they claimed that while gray discovered the mouth of the river, he only sailed up it a few miles, while "captain vancouver made a full and complete discovery." one of the authorities stated concisely that, "captain gray's claim is limited to the mouth of the river." this limit was in plain violation of the rules regulating all such events, and no country knew it better than england. besides, it was captain gray's discovery, told to the english commander vancouver, which made him turn back on his course to rediscover the same river. the claim that the english made, that "captain gray made but a single step in the progress of discovery," in the light of these facts, marks their claims as remarkably weak. the right of discovery was then the first claim made by the united states upon oregon. the second was by the louisiana purchase from france in . this was the same territory ceded from france to spain in and returned to france in , and sold to the united states for $ , , in , "with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they were acquired by the french republic." there has always been a dispute as to how far into the region of the northwest this claim of the french extended. in the sale no parallels were given; but it was claimed that their rights reached to the pacific ocean. dr. barrows says, "if, however, the claims of france failed to reach the pacific on the parallel of degrees, it must have been because they encountered the old claims of spain, that preceded the nootka treaty and were tacitly conceded by england. between the french claims and the spanish claims there was left no territory for england to base a claim on. if the united states did not acquire through to the pacific in the louisiana purchase, it was because spain was owner of the territory prior to the first, second and third transfers. it is difficult to perceive standing ground for the english in either of the claims mentioned. the claim of england that the nootka treaty of abrogated the rights of spain to the territory of oregon, which she then held, is untenable, from the fact that no right of sovereignty or jurisdiction was conveyed by that treaty. whatever right spain had prior to that treaty was not disturbed, and all legal rights vested in spain were still in force when she ceded the territory to france in , and also when france ceded the same to the united states in . the third claim of the united states was by the commission sent out by jefferson in , when lewis and clarke and their fellow voyagers struck the headwaters of the columbia and followed it to its mouth and up its tributary rivers. the fourth was the actual settlement of the astor fur company at astoria in . true it was a private enterprise, but was given the sanction of the united states and a u. s. naval officer was allowed to command the leading vessel in astor's enterprise, thus placing the seal of nationality upon it. true the town was captured and the effects confiscated in by the british squadron of the pacific, commanded by captain hillyar, but the fact of actual settlement by americans at astoria, even for a short time, had its value in the later argument. in the treaty of ghent with england in , astoria, with all its rights, was ordered to be restored to its original owners, but even this was not consummated until . america's fifth claim was in her treaty with spain in , when spain relinquished any and all claims to the territory in dispute to the united states. the sixth and last claim was from mexico, by a treaty in , by which the united states acquired all interest mexico claimed, formerly in common with spain, but now under her own government. such is a brief statement, but i trust a sufficient one, for an intelligent understanding of the questions of ownership. it will be seen that the united states was vested in all the rights held over oregon by every other power except one, that of great britain. her claim rested, as we have seen, in the fact that "captain gray only discovered the mouth of the river," but did not survey it to the extent that the english captain vancouver did, after being told by gray of his discovery. they also made claims of settlement by their fur company, just as the united states did by the settlement made by astor and others. as the hudson bay company and the northwest fur company of montreal figure so extensively in the contest for english ownership of oregon, it is well to have a clear idea of their origin and power. the hudson bay company was organized in by charles ii., with prince rupert, the king's cousin, at its head, with other favorites of his court. they were invested with remarkable powers, such as had never before, nor have since, been granted to a corporation. they were granted absolute proprietorship, with subordinate sovereignty, over all that country known by name of "rupert's land" including all regions "discovered or undiscovered within the entrance to hudson strait." it was by far the largest of all english dependencies at that time. for more than a century the company confined its active operations to a coast traffic. the original stock of this company was $ , . during the first fifty years the capital stock was increased to $ , wholly out of the profits, besides paying dividends. during the last half of the th century the northwest fur company became a formidable opponent to the hudson bay company, and the rivalry and great wealth of both companies served to stimulate them to reach out toward the rocky mountains and the pacific ocean. after canada had become an english dependency and the competition had grown into such proportions as to interfere with the great monopoly, in the year , there was a coalition between the northwest and the hudson bay companies on a basis of equal value, and the consolidated stock was marked at $ , , , every dollar of which was profits, as was shown at the time, except the original stock of both companies, which amounted to about $ , . and yet during all this period there had been made an unusual dividend to stockholders of per cent. single vessels from headquarters carried furs to london valued at from three to four hundred thousand dollars. it is not at all strange that a company which was so rolling in wealth and which was in supreme control of a territory reaching through seventy-five degrees of longitude, from davis strait to mt. saint elias, and through twenty-eight degrees of latitude, from the mouth of the mackenzie to the california border, should hold tenaciously to its privileges. it was a grand monopoly, but it must be said of it that no kingly power ever ruled over savage subjects with such wisdom and discretion. of necessity, they treated their savage workmen kindly, but they managed to make them fill the coffers of the hudson bay company with a wealth of riches, as the years came and went. their lives and safety and profits all depended upon keeping their dependents in a good humor and binding them to themselves. the leading men of the company were men of great business tact and shrewdness, and one of their chief requisites was to thoroughly understand indian character. they managed year by year so to gain control of the savage tribes that the factor of a trading post had more power over a fractious band, than could have been exerted by an army of men with guns and bayonets. if, now and then, a chief grew sullen and belligerent, he was at once quietly bought up by a judicious present, and the company got it all back many times over from the tribe, when their furs were marketed. it was the refusal of the missionaries of oregon to condone crime and wink at savage methods, as the hudson bay company did, which first brought about misunderstanding and unpleasantness, as we shall see in another place. it was this power and controlling influence which met the pioneer fur traders and missionaries, upon entering oregon. they controlled the savage life and the white men there were wholly dependent upon them. in an american fur company at astoria undertook to open business upon what they regarded as american soil. they had scarcely settled down to work when the war of began and they were speedily routed. in a treaty was made, which said, "it is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of america westward of the stony mountains shall, together with its harbors, bays, creeks and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that the agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of said country; nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any of said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." that looked fair and friendly enough. but how did the hudson bay company carry it out? they went on just as they had done before, governing to suit their own selfish interests. they froze out and starved out every american fur company that dared to settle in any portion of their territory. they fixed the price of every commodity, and had such a hold on the various tribes that a foreign company had no chance to live and prosper. it so continued until the ten-year limit was nearly up, when in the commission representing the two powers met and re-enacted the treaty of , which went into effect in . it was a giant monopoly, but dealing as it did with savage life, and gathering its wealth from sources which had never before contributed to the world's commerce, it was allowed to run its course until it came in contact with the advancing civilization of the united states, and was worsted in the conflict. with the adoption of the ashburton treaty the hudson bay company was shorn of much of its kingly power and old time grandeur. but it remained a money-making organization. under the terms of the treaty the great corporation was fully protected. this ashburton treaty was written in england and from english standpoints, and every property and possessory right of this powerful company was strictly guarded. the interests of the company were made english interests. under this treaty the united states agreed to pay all valuations upon hudson bay company property south of forty-nine degrees; while england was to make a settlement for all above that line. the company promptly sent in a bill to the united states for $ , , . , while their dependent company, the puget sound agricultural company, sent in a more modest demand for $ , , . these bills were in a state of liquidation until , when the united states made a final settlement, and paid the hudson bay company $ , and the puget sound company $ , . they also, at the time of presenting bills to the united states, presented one to england for $ , , . . in the english government settled the claim by paying $ , , . this amount was paid from the treasury of the dominion of canada, and all the vast territory north of degrees came under the government of the dominion. it was, however, stipulated and agreed that the company should retain all its forts, with ten acres of ground surrounding each, together with one-twentieth of all the land from the red river to the rocky mountains, besides valuable blocks of land to which it laid special claim. the company goes on trading as of old; its organization is still complete; it still makes large dividends of about $ , per year, and has untold prospective wealth in its lands, which are the best in the dominion. among the most interesting facts connected with our title to oregon are those in connection with the louisiana purchase by the united states from france in . many readers of current history have overlooked the fact, that it was wholly due to england, and her overweening ambition, that the united states was enabled to buy this great domain. letters, which have recently been published, written by those closest to the high contracting parties, have revealed the romance, and the inside facts of this great deal, perhaps the most important the united states ever made, and made so speedily as to dazzle the nation. few take in the fact that the "louisiana purchase" meant not only the rich state at the mouth of our great river, but also, arkansas, missouri, iowa, nebraska, colorado, wyoming, montana, idaho, oregon, with probably the two dakotas. roughly estimated it was a claim by a foreign power upon our continent to territory of over , square miles. at the time, but little was thought of its value save and except the getting possession of the rich soil of louisiana for the purposes of the southern planter, and being able to own and control the mouth of our great river upon which, at that time, all the states of the north and west were wholly dependent for their commerce. while napoleon and the french government were upon the most friendly terms with the united states, and conceded to our commerce the widest facilities, yet there was a lurking fear that such conditions might at any time change. the desirability of obtaining such possession had often been canvassed, with scarcely a ray of hope for its consummation. the united states was poor, and while the south and the west were deeply interested, the east, which held the balance of power, was determinedly set against it. the same narrow statesmanship existed then, which later on undervalued all our possessions beyond the stony mountains, and was willing and even anxious that they should pass into the possession of a foreign power. france acquired this vast property from spain in . in march, , there was a great treaty entered into between france on one side and great britain, spain and the batavian republic on the other. it was known as "the amiens treaty." it was a short-lived treaty which was hopelessly ruptured in . england, foreseeing the rupture, had not delayed to get ready for the event. then as now, she was, "mistress upon the high seas," and set about arranging to seize everything afloat that carried the french flag. her policy was soon made plain, and that was to first make war upon all french dependencies. no man knew better than napoleon how powerless he would be to make any successful defense. his treasury was well-nigh bankrupt and he must have money for home defense as soon as the victorious army of the enemy should return from the mississippi campaign, which he foresaw. while the treaty of amiens was not really abrogated until may, , yet upon january , , the whole matter was well understood by napoleon and his advisers. early in that month the government received disquieting news from admiral villeneuve who was in command of the french fleet in west india waters. it plainly stated that it was undoubtedly the fact that the first blow of the english would be made at new orleans. this knowledge was promptly conveyed to the american minister monroe, well knowing that the united states was almost as much interested in the matter as france was, as it would stop all traffic from all the states along the ohio and mississippi rivers, and be a death blow to american prosperity for an indefinite period. the recently published letters, already referred to, say of the conference between minister monroe and bonaparte: "unfortunately mr. monroe at this time did not understand the french language well enough to follow a speaker who talked as rapidly as did bonaparte, and the intervention of an interpreter was necessary. 'we are not able alone to defend the colony of louisiana,' the first consul began. 'your new regions of the southwest are nearly as deeply interested in its remaining in friendly hands as we are in holding it. our fleet is not equal to the needs of the french nation. can you not help us to defend the mouth of the mississippi river?' "'we could not take such a step without a treaty, offensive and defensive,' the american answered. 'our senate really is the treaty-making power. it is against us. the president, mr. jefferson, is my friend, as well as my superior officer. tell me, general, what you have in your mind.' "bonaparte walked the room, a small private consulting cabinet adjoining the salles des ambassadeurs. he had his hands clasped behind him, his head bent forward--his usual position when in deep thought. 'i acquired the great territory to which the mississippi mouth is the entrance,' he finally began, 'and i have the right to dispose of my own. france is not able now to hold it. rather than see it in england's hands, i donate it to america. why will your country not buy it from france?' there bonaparte stopped. mr. monroe's face was like a flame. what a diplomatic feat it would be for him! what a triumph for the administration of jefferson to add such a territory to the national domain! "no man living was a better judge of his fellows than bonaparte. he read the thoughts of the man before him as though they were on a written scroll. he saw the emotions of his soul. 'well, what do you think of it?' said general bonaparte. "'the matter is so vast in its direct relations to my country and what may result from it, that it dazes me,' the american answered. 'but the idea is magnificent. it deserves to emanate from a mind like yours.' the first consul bowed low. monroe never flattered, and the look of truth was in his eyes, its ring in his voice. 'i must send a special communication at once touching this matter to president jefferson. my messenger must take the first safe passage to america.' "'the blonde, the fastest ship in our navy, leaves brest at once with orders for the west indian fleet, i will detain her thirty-six hours, till your dispatches are ready,' the first consul said. 'your messenger shall go on our ship.' "'how much shall i say the territory will cost us?' the great corsican--who was just ending the audience, which had been full two hours long--came up to the american minister. after a moment he spoke again. 'between nations who are really friends there need be no chaffering. could i defend this territory, not all the gold in the world would buy it. but i am giving to a friend what i am unable to keep. i need , , francs in coin or its equivalent. whatever action we take must be speedy. above all, let there be absolute silence and secrecy,' and bonaparte bowed our minister out. the audience was ended. the protracted audience between napoleon and the american minister was such as to arouse gossip, but the secret was safe in the hands of the two men, both of whom were statesmen and diplomats who knew the value of secrecy in such an emergency. "the profoundly astonishing dispatches reached president jefferson promptly. he kept it a secret until he could sound a majority of the senators and be assured of the standing of such a proposition. "the main difficulty that was found would be in raising the , , francs it was proposed to give. in those days, with a depleted treasury, it was a large sum of money. the united states had millions of unoccupied acres, but had few millions in cash in its treasury. but our statesmen, to their great honor, proved equal to the emergency. through the agency of stephen girard as financier in chief, the loan necessary was negotiated through the dutch house of hapes in amsterdam, and the money paid to france, and the united states entered into possession of the vast estate." [illustration: falls of the willamette.] this much of the well-nigh forgotten history we have thought appropriate to note in this connection; first, because of the new light given to it from the recent disclosures made; and, second, to call attention to the fact that a second time, forty-three years later, it served a valiant purpose in thwarting english ambition and serving america's highest interests. estimated from the standpoint of money and material values, it was a great transaction, especially notable in view of existing conditions, but from the standpoint of state and national grandeur, carrying with it peace and hope and happiness to millions, and continuous rule of the republic from ocean to ocean, it assumes a greatness never surpassed in a single transaction, and not easily over-estimated, and never in the history of the english people did a single transaction, with dates so widely separated, arise, and so effectually check their imperious demands. the american republic may well remember with deep gratitude president jefferson, and the far-seeing statesmen who rallied to his call and consummated the grand work. they can at the same time see the foresight and wisdom of jefferson in, at once, the very next year, sending the expedition of lewis and clarke to the headwaters of the columbia river, and causing a complete survey to be made to its mouth. it was a complete refutation of the claim of the english commissioners, in , that while "captain gray only discovered the mouth of the river, captain vancouver made a complete survey." the american mistake was, not in the purchase and active work then done, but the lassitude and inexcusable neglect in the forty subsequent years which imperiled every interest the republic held in the territory beyond the rocky mountains. when the treaty of was signed, it was hoped that the questions at issue were settled forever; but the hudson bay company was slow to surrender its grasp on any of the territory it could hold, and especially one so rich in all materials that constituted its wealth and power. the treaty of between the united states and great britain read: "from the point on the th parallel to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from vancouver's island and thence southerly through the middle of said channel and of the fuca straits, to the pacific ocean, provided, however, that the navigation of such channel and straits south of the latitude degrees remain free and open to both parties." this led to after trouble and much ill feeling. the passage referred to in the treaty is about seven miles wide, between the archipelago and vancouver island. the archipelago is made up of half a dozen principal islands, and many smaller ones. the largest island, san juan, contained about , acres, and the hudson bay company, knowing something of its value, had taken possession, and proposed to hold it. the legislature of oregon, however, included it in island county by an act of , which passed to the territory of washington in by the division of oregon. in the collector of customs for the puget sound came in conflict with the hudson bay authorities and a lively row was raised. the hudson bay company raised the english flag and the collector as promptly landed and raised the stars and stripes. there was a constant contention between the united states and state authorities, and the hudson bay people, in which the latter were worsted, until in - , after much correspondence, both governments appointed a commission to settle the difficulty. then followed years of discussion which grew from time to time warlike, but there was no settlement of the points in dispute. in december, , the british government tired of the contest, proposed arbitration by one of the european powers and named either the swiss republic, denmark or belgium. then followed the war of the rebellion and america had no time to reach the case until - , when the whole matter was referred to two commissioners from each government and the boundary to be determined by the president of the general council of the swiss republic. this proposition was defeated and afterward in the whole matter was left to the decision of the emperor of germany. he made the award to the united states on all points of dispute in october, , and thus ended the long contest over the boundary line between the two countries, after more than half a century's bickering. chapter ii. english and american opinion of the value of the northwest territory--the neglect of american statesmen. the history briefly recited in the previous chapter, fully reveals the status of the united states as to ownership of oregon. prior to the date to which our story more specifically relates, the united states had gone on perfecting her titles by the various means already described. for the nation's interest, it was a great good fortune at this early period that a broad-minded, far-seeing man like thomas jefferson was president. it was his wisdom and discretion and statesmanship that enabled the country to overcome all difficulties and to make the louisiana purchase. looking deeper into the years of the future than his contemporaries, he organized the expedition of lewis and clarke and surveyed the columbia river from its source to its mouth. it was regarded by many at the time as a needless and unjustifiable expense; and their report did not create a ripple of applause, and it was an even nine years after the completion of the expedition, and after the death of one of the explorers, before the report was printed and given to the public. but no reader of history will fail to see how important the expedition was as a link in our chain of evidence. the great misfortune of that time was, that there were not more jeffersons. true, it did not people oregon, nor was it followed by any legislation protecting any interest the united states held in the great territory. there were congressmen and senators, who, from time to time, made efforts to second the work of jefferson. floyd, of virginia, as early as , made an eloquent plea for the occupation of the territory and a formal recognition of our rights as rulers. in a bill passed the lower house of congress embodying the idea of floyd stated four years previously, but upon reaching the senate it fell on dull ears. when the question was before the senate in , renewing the treaty of with england, floyd again attempted to have a bill passed to give land to actual settlers who would emigrate to oregon, and as usual, failed. in february, , senator linn, of missouri, always the friend of oregon, introduced a bill with the main features of the house bill which passed that body in , but again failed in the senate. the government, however, was moved to send a special commissioner to oregon to discover its real conditions and report. but nothing practical resulted. it is not a pleasant thing to turn the pages of history made by american statesmen during the first third of the century, and even nearly to the end of its first half. there is a lack of wisdom and foresight and broad-mindedness, which shatters our ideals of the mental grandeur of the builders of the republic. diplomatically they had laid strong claim to the now known grand country beyond "the stony mountains." they had never lost an opportunity by treaty to hold their interests; and yet from year to year and from decade to decade, they had seen a foreign power, led by a great corporation, ruling all the territory with a mailed hand. while they made but feeble protest in the way we have mentioned, they did even worse, they turned their shafts of oratory and wit and denunciation loose against the country itself and all its interests. [illustration: map showing oregon in , whitman's ride, the return trip to oregon, the spanish possessions and the louisiana purchase.] turn for a brief review of the political record of that period. among the ablest men of that day was senator benton. he, in his speech of , said, that "the ridge of the rocky mountains may be named as a convenient, natural and everlasting boundary. along this ridge the western limits of the republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god terminus should be erected on its highest peak, never to be thrown down." in quoting senator benton of , it is always but fair to say he had long before the day of whitman's arrival in washington greatly modified his views. but senators equally intelligent and influential--such as winthrop, of massachusetts, as late as , quoted this sentence from benton and commended its wisdom and statesmanship. it was in this discussion and while the treaty adopted in was being considered, that general jackson is on record as saying, that, "our safety lay in a compact government." one of the remarkable speeches in the discussion of the ashburton-webster treaty was that made by senator mcduffie. nothing could better show the educating power of the hudson bay company in the united states, and the ignorance of our statesmen, as to extent and value of the territory. mcduffie said: "what is the character of this country?" (referring to oregon). "as i understand it there are seven hundred miles this side of the rocky mountains that are uninhabitable; where rain never falls; mountains wholly impassable, except through gaps and depressions, to be reached only by going hundreds of miles out of the direct course. well, now, what are you going to do in such a case? how are you going to apply steam? have you made an estimate of the cost of a railroad to the mouth of the columbia? why the wealth of the indies would be insufficient. of what use would it be for agricultural purposes? i would not, for that purpose, give a pinch of snuff for the whole territory. i wish the rocky mountains were an impassable barrier. if there was an embankment of even five feet to be removed i would not consent to expend five dollars to remove it and enable our population to go there. i thank god for his mercy in placing the rocky mountains there." will the reader please take notice that the speech was delivered on the th day of january, , just about the time that whitman, in the ever-memorable ride, was floundering through the snow drifts of the wasatch and uintah mountains, deserted by his guide and surrounded by discouragements that would have appalled any man not inspired by heroic purpose. it was at this same session of , prior to the visit of whitman, that linn, of missouri, had offered a bill which made specific legal provisions for oregon, and he succeeded in passing the bill, which went to the house and as usual was defeated. the prevailing idea was that which was expressed by general jackson to president monroe, and before referred to, in which jackson says, "it should be our policy to concentrate our population and confine our frontier to proper limits until our country, in those limits, is filled with a dense population. it is the denseness of our population that gives strength and security to our frontier." that "interminable desert," those "arid plains," those "impassable mountains," and "the impossibility of a wagon road from the united states," were the burdens of many speeches from the statesmen of that time. and then they emphasized the whole with the clincher that, after overcoming these terrible obstacles that intervened, we reached a land that was "worthless," not even worth a "pinch of snuff." senator dayton, of new jersey, in , in the discussion of the oregon boundary question, said: "with the exception of land along the willamette and strips along other water courses, the whole country is as irreclaimable and barren a waste as the desert of sahara. nor is this the worst; the climate is so unfriendly to human life that the native population has dwindled away under the ravages of malaria." the national intelligencer, about the same date, republished from the louisville journal and sanctioned the sentiments, as follows: "of all the countries upon the face of the earth oregon is one of the least favored by heaven. it is the mere riddlings of creation. it is almost as barren as sahara and quite as unhealthy as the campagna of italy. russia has her siberia and england has her botany bay and if the united states should ever need a country to which to banish her rogues and scoundrels, the utility of such a region as oregon would be demonstrated. until then, we are perfectly willing to leave this magnificent country to the indians, trappers and buffalo hunters that roam over its sand banks." in furtherance of the jackson sentiment of "a dense population," senator dayton said: "i have no faith in the unlimited extensions of this government. we have already conflicting interests, more than enough, and god forbid that the time should ever come when a state on the shores of the pacific, with its interests and tendencies of trade all looking toward asiatic nations of the east, shall add its jarring claims to our already distracted and over-burdened confederacy. we are nearer to the remote nations of europe than to oregon." the hudson bay company had done its educating work well. if they had graduated american statesmen in a full course of hudson bay training and argument and literature, they could not have made them more efficient. our statesmen did not doubt that the honest title of the property was vested in the united states; for they had gone on from time to time perfecting this title; yet they had no idea of its value and seemed to hold it only for diplomatic purposes or for prospective barter. the united states had no contestant for the property except england, but in she was not ready to make any assertion of her rights. in she still postponed making any demand and renewed the treaty, well knowing that the little island many thousands of miles across the atlantic, was the supreme ruler of all the vast territory. again, when the ashburton treaty was at issue, and the question of boundary which had been for forty-eight years a bone of contention, the government again ignored oregon, and was satisfied with settling the boundaries between a few farms up in maine. but it requires no argument in view of this long continued series of acts, to reach the conclusion that american interests in oregon were endangered most of all from the apathy and ignorance of our own statesmen. that loyal old pioneer, rev. jason lee, the chief of the methodist mission in oregon, visited washington in and presented the conditions of the country and its dangers forcibly. with funds contributed by generous friends he succeeded in taking back with him quite a delegation of actual settlers for oregon. but neither congress nor the people were aroused. for all practical purposes oregon was treated as a "foreign land." there was not even a show of a protectorate over the few american immigrants who had gathered there. the "american board," which sent missionaries only to foreign lands, had charge of the mission fields, and carefully secured passports for their missionaries before starting them upon their long journey. the rev. myron eells in his interesting volume entitled "father eells," gives a copy of the passport issued to his father. it records-- "the rev. cushing eells, missionary and teacher of the american board of commissioners for foreign missions to the tribes west of the rocky mountains, having signified to this department his desire to pass through the indian country to the columbia river, and requested the permission required by law to enable him so to do, such permission is hereby granted; and he is commended to the friendly attention of civil and military agents and officers and of citizens, if at any time it shall be necessary to his protection. given under my hand and the seal of the war department this th day of february, . "j. r. poinsett, "secretary of war." it is a truth so plain as to need no argument, that during all these earlier years the whole effort of the fur traders had been to deceive all nationalities as to the value of the northwestern country. in their selfishness they had deceived england as well as america. their idea and hope was to keep out emigration. but england had been better informed than the united states, for the reason that all the commerce was with england, and english capitalists who had large interests in the hudson bay company, very naturally were better informed, but even they were not anxious for english colonization and an interference with their bonanza. they controlled the english press, and so late as we read in the "british and foreign review," that "upon the whole, therefore, the oregon country holds out no great promise as an agricultural field." the london examiner in wonders that "ignorant americans" were "disposed to quarrel over a country, the whole in dispute not being worth to either party twenty thousand pounds." the edinburgh review, generally fair, said: "only a very small portion of the land is capable of cultivation. it is a case in which the american people have been misled as to climate and soil. in a few years all that gives life to the country, both the hunter and his prey will be extinct, and their places will be supplied by a thin white and half-breed population scattered along the fertile valleys supported by pastures instead of the chase, and gradually degenerating into barbarism, far more offensive than backwoodsmen." our english friends, it may be observed, had long had a poor opinion of "backwoodsmen." the edinburgh review, in , says: "however the political question between england and the united states as to their claim on oregon shall be determined, oregon will never be colonized overland from the united states. the world must assume a new phase before the american wagons make a plain road to the columbia river." in this educating work of the english press, we can easily understand how public opinion was molded, and how our statesmen were misinformed and misdirected. it was, no doubt, largely due to the shrewd work of the great monopoly in oregon backed up by the english government. its first object was to keep it unsettled as long as possible, for on that depended the millions for the hudson bay company's treasury, but beyond that, the government plainly depended upon the powerful organization to hold all the land as a british possession. in the war of , one of the first moves was to dispatch a fleet to the columbia, with orders, as the record shows, "to take and destroy everything american on the northwest coast." the prosperous people of oregon, washington and idaho are in a position now to enjoy such prophetic fulminations, but they can easily see the dangers that were escaped. it was a double danger, danger from abroad and at home, and of the latter most of all. the nation had been deceived. it must be undeceived. the outlook was not hopeful. the year had been ushered in. the long-looked-for and talked-of treaty had been signed, and oregon again ignored. there was scarcely a shadow cast of coming events to give hope to the friends of far-away oregon. suppose some watchman from the dome of the capitol casting his eyes westward in , could have seen that little caravan winding through valleys and over the hills and hurrying eastward, but who would dream that its leader was "a man of destiny," bearing messages to a nation soon to be aroused? of how little or how much importance was this messenger or his message, turn to "the ride to save oregon" and judge. but certain it is, a great change, bordering on revolution, was portending. chapter iii. the romance of the oregon mission. these pages are mainly designed to show in brief the historical and political environments of oregon in pioneer days, and the patriotic services rendered the nation by dr. marcus whitman. but to attempt to picture this life and omit the missionary, would be like reciting the play of hamlet and omitting hamlet. the mission work to the oregon indians began in a romance and ended in a great tragedy. the city of st. louis in that day was so near the border of civilization that it was accustomed to see much of the rugged and wild life of the plains; yet in the people beheld even to them the odd sight of four flathead indians in indian dress and equipment parading their principal streets. general clarke, who commanded the military post of that city, was promptly notified and took the strangers in charge. he had been an indian commissioner for many years in the far west, knew the tribe well and could easily communicate with them. with it all he was a good friend to the indians and at once made arrangements at the fort to make them comfortable. they informed him that they were all chiefs of the tribe and had spent the entire summer and fall upon their long journey. their wearied manner and wasted appearance told the fact impressively, even had the general not known the locality where they belonged. for a while they were reticent regarding their mission, as is usual with indians; but in due time their story was fully revealed. they had heard of "the white man's book of life," and had come "to hunt for it" and "to ask for teachers to be sent" to their tribe. to gen. clarke this was a novel proposition to come in that way from wild indians. gen. clarke was a devoted catholic and treated his guests as a humane and hospitable man. after they were rested up he piloted them to every place which he thought would entertain and interest them. frequent visits were made to catholic churches, and to theaters and shows of every kind. and so they spent the balance of the winter. during this time, two of the indians, from the long journey and possibly from over-eating rich food, to which they were unaccustomed, were taken sick and died, and were given honored burial by the soldiers. when the early spring sun began to shine, the two remaining indians commenced their preparations for return home. gen. clarke proposed to give them a banquet upon the last evening of their sojourn, and start them upon their way loaded with all the comforts he could give. at this banquet one of the indians made a speech. it was that speech, brimming over with indian eloquence, which fired the christian hearts of the nation into a new life. the speech was translated into english and thus doubtless loses much of its charm. the chief said: "i come to you over the trail of many moons from the setting sun. you were the friends of my fathers, who have all gone the long way. i came with an eye partly open for my people, who sit in darkness. i go back with both eyes closed. how can i go back blind, to my blind people? i made my way to you with strong arms through many enemies and strange lands that i might carry back much to them. i go back with both arms broken and empty. two fathers came with us, they were the braves of many winters and wars. we leave them asleep here by your great water and wigwams. they were tired in many moons and their moccasins wore out. "my people sent me to get the "white man's book of heaven." you took me to where you allow your women to dance as we do not ours, and the book was not there. you took me to where they worship the great spirit with candles and the book was not there. you showed me images of the good spirits and the pictures of the good land beyond, but the book was not among them to tell us the way. i am going back the long and sad trail to my people in the dark land. you make my feet heavy with gifts and my moccasins will grow old in carrying them, yet the book is not among them. when i tell my poor blind people after one more snow, in the big council, that i did not bring the book, no word will be spoken by our old men or by our young braves. one by one they will rise up and go out in silence. my people will die in darkness, and they will go a long path to other hunting grounds. no white man will go with them, and no white man's book to make the way plain. i have no more words." when this speech was translated and sent east it was published in the christian advocate in march, , with a ringing editorial from president fisk of wilbraham college. "who will respond to go beyond the rocky mountains and carry the book of heaven?" it made a profound impression. it was a macedonian cry of "come over and help us," not to be resisted. old men and women who read this call, and attended the meetings at that time, are still living, and can attest to its power. it stirred the church as it has seldom been stirred into activity. this incident of the appearance in st. louis and demand of the four flathead indians has been so fully verified in history as to need no additional proof to silence modern sceptics who have ridiculed it. all the earlier histories such as "gray's history of oregon," "reed's mission of the methodist church," governor simpson's narrative, barrow's "oregon," parkman's "oregon trail," with the correspondence of the lees, verified the truth of the occurrence. bancroft, in his thirty-eight-volume history, in volume , page , says, "hearing of the christians and how heaven favors them, four flathead indian chiefs, in , went to st. louis and asked for teachers," etc. as this latter testimony is from a source which discredited missionary work, as we shall show in another chapter, it is good testimony upon the point. some modern doubters have also ridiculed the speech reported to have been made by the indian chief. those who know indians best will bear testimony to its genuineness. almost every tribe of indians has its orator and story-teller, and some of them as famous in their way as the beechers and phillipses and depews, among the whites, or the douglasses and langstons among the negroes. in the writer of this book was purser upon the steamer lot whitcomb, which ran between milwaukee and astoria, oregon. one beautiful morning i wandered a mile or more down the beach and was seated upon the sand, watching the great combers as they rolled in from the pacific, which, after a storm, is an especially grand sight; when suddenly, as if he had arisen from the ground, an indian appeared near by and accosted me. he was a fine specimen of a savage, clean and well dressed. he evidently knew who i was and my position on the steamer and had followed me to make his plea. with a toss of his arm and a motion of his body he threw the fold of his blanket across his left shoulder as gracefully as a roman senator could have done, and began his speech. "hy-iu hyas kloshe boston, boston hy-iu steamboat hy-iu cuitan. indian halo steamboat, halo cuitan." it was a rare mixture of english words with the chinook, which i easily understood. the burthen of his speech was, the greatness and richness and goodness of white men; (they called all white men boston men); they owned all the steamboats and horses; that the indians were very poor; that his squaw and pappoose were away up the willamette river, so far away that his moccasins would be worn out before he could reach their wigwam; that he had no money and wanted to ride. i have heard the great orators of the nation in the pulpit and halls of legislation, but i never listened to a more eloquent plea, or saw gestures more graceful than were those of that wild wasco indian, of which i alone was the audience. another interesting historical scrap of the romantic history of these flathead chiefs is furnished in the fact that the celebrated indian artist, george catlin, was on one of his tours in the west taking sketches in the spring of . soon after their leaving st. louis he dropped in with the two indians on their return journey and traveled with them for some days, taking pictures of both, and they are now numbers and in his great collection. upon his return east he read the indian speech, and of the excitement it had caused, and not having been told by the indians of the cause of their journey, and wishing to be assured that he had accidentally struck a great historic prize in securing the pictures, he sat down and wrote gen. clarke at st. louis, asking him if the speech was true and the story correct. gen. clarke promptly replied, "the story is true; that was the only object of their visit." taken in connection with the after history, no two pictures in any collection have a deeper or grander significance. [illustration: the lot whitcomb. the first steamboat built in oregon.] we may add here that within a month after leaving st. louis, one of the indians was taken sick and died, and but one reached his home in safety. when i reached oregon in , the first tribe of indians i visited in their home was the flatheads. but whether the story is true in all its minutiae or not, it matters but little. it was believed true, and produced grand results. it can hardly be said, from the standpoint of the christian missionary, that the work in oregon was a grand success. and yet, never were missionaries more heroic, or that labored in any field with greater fidelity for the true interests of the indian savages to whom they were sent. they were great, warm-hearted, intelligent, educated, earnest men and women, who endured privation, isolation and discomfort with cheerfulness, that they might teach christianity and save souls. there was no failure from any incompetency of the teachers, but from complications and surroundings hopelessly beyond their power to change. they brought with them over their long, weary journey the bible, christianity and civilization, and the school. they were met at first with a cordial reception by the indians, but a great corporation, dependent upon the steel trap and continuous savage life, soon showed its hand. it was a foreign un-american opposition. it had met every american company that had attempted to share in the business promoted by savage life, and routed them. the missionaries were wide-awake men and were quick to see the drift of affairs. dr. whitman early foresaw what was to happen. he saw the possibilities of the country and that the first battle was between the schoolhouse and civilization, and the tepee and savagery. he resolved to do everything possible for the indian before it began. in a letter to his father-in-law, dated may , , from waiilatpui, he says: "it does not concern me so much what is to become of any particular set of indians, as to give them the offer of salvation through the gospel, and the opportunity of civilization, and then i am content to do good to all men as i have opportunity. i have no doubt our greatest work is to be to aid the white settlement of this country and help to found its religious institutions. providence has its full share in all those events. although the indians have made, and are making rapid advance in religious knowledge and civilization, yet it cannot be hoped that time will be allowed to mature the work of christianization or civilization before white settlers will demand the soil and the removal both of the indians and the missions. "what americans desire of this kind they always effect, and it is useless to oppose or desire it otherwise. to guide as far as can be done, and direct these tendencies for the best, is evidently the part of wisdom. indeed, i am fully convinced that when people refuse or neglect to fill the design of providence, they ought not to complain at the results, and so it is equally useless for christians to be over-anxious on their account. "the indians have in no case obeyed the command to multiply and replenish the earth, and they cannot stand in the way of others doing so. a place will be left them to do this as fully as their ability to obey will permit, and the more we do for them the more fully will this be realized. no exclusiveness can be asked for any portion of the human family. the exercise of his rights are all that can be desired. in order for this to be understood to its proper extent, in regard to the indians, it is necessary that they seek to preserve their rights by peaceable means only. any violation of this rule will be visited with only evil results to themselves." this letter from dr. whitman to his wife's father, dated about seven months after his return from his memorable "ride to save oregon," is for the first time made public in the published transactions of the state historical society of oregon in . it is important from the fact that it gives a complete key to the life and acts of this silent man and his motives for the part he took in the great historic drama, in which the statesmen of the two nations were to be the actors, with millions of people the interested audience. in another place we will show how whitman has been misrepresented by modern historians, and an attempt made to deprive him of all honor, and call attention to the above record, all the more valuable because never intended for the public eye when written. in the same letter whitman says, "as i hold the settlement of this country by americans, rather than by english colonists, most important, i am happy to have been the means of landing so large an immigration on the shores of the columbia with their wagons, families and stock, all in safety." such sentiments reveal only the broad-minded, far-seeing christian man, who, though many thousand miles away from its protecting influence, still loved "the banner of beauty and glory." he had gone to oregon with only a desire to teach savages christianity; but saw in the near future the inevitable, and, without lessening his interest in his savage pupils, he entered the broader field. who can doubt that both were calls from a power higher than man? or who can point to an instance upon historic pages where the great work assigned was prosecuted with greater fidelity? having accomplished a feat unparalleled for its heroism and without a break in its grand success, he makes no report of it to any state or national organization, but while he talked freely with his friends of his work it is only now, after he has rested for forty-seven and more years, that this modest letter written to his wife's father at the time, strongly reveals his motives. having accomplished his great undertaking, he was still the missionary and friend of the indians, and at once dropped back to his work, and the drudgery of his indian mission. again we find him enlarging his field of work, teaching his savage friends, not only christianity, but how to sow, and plant, and reap, and build houses, and prepare for civilization. he took no part in the new political life which he had made possible. he was a stranger to all things except those which concerned the work he was called to do. in his letter he speaks of earnestly desiring to return east and bring out the second company of immigrants the coming spring, but the needs of his mission, his wasted fields, and his mill burned during his absence, seemed to demand his presence at home. the world speaks of this event and that, as "it so happened." they will refer to the advent of the flathead indians in st. louis in , as "it so happened." the more thoughtful readers of history find fewer things "accidental." in this great historic romance the flathead indians were not an accident. the american board, the methodist board, dr. whitman and jason lee, and their co-workers, were not accidents. they were all men inspired to a specific work, and having entered upon it, the field widened into dimensions of unforeseen grandeur, whose benefits the nation has never yet befittingly acknowledged. chapter iv. the wedding journey across the plains. the romance of the oregon mission did not end with the call of the flathead indians. this was savage romance, that of civilization followed. the methodists sent the lees in , and the american board tried to get the right men for the work to accompany them, but failed. but in they sent dr. marcus whitman and the rev. samuel parker to oregon upon a trip of discovery, to find out the real conditions, present and prospective. they got an early start in and reached green river, where they met large bodies of indians and indian traders, and were made fully acquainted with the situation. the indians gave large promises, and the field seemed wide and inviting. upon consultation it was agreed that dr. whitman should return to the states and report to the american board, while dr. parker should go on to the columbia. two indian boys from the pacific coast, richard and john, volunteered to return with dr. whitman and come back with him the following year. the doctor and his indian boys reached his home in rushville, new york, late on saturday night in november, and not making known the event to his family, astonished the congregation in his church by walking up the aisle with his indians, and calling out an audible exclamation from his good old mother, "well, there is marcus whitman." upon the report of dr. whitman the american board resolved to at once occupy the field. dr. whitman had long been engaged to be married to miss narcissa prentice, the daughter of judge prentice, of prattsburg, new york, who was as much of an enthusiast in the oregon indian mission work as the doctor himself. the american board thought it unwise to send the young couple alone on so distant a journey, and at once began the search for company. the wedding day, which had been fixed, was postponed, and valuable time was passing, and no suitable parties would volunteer for the work, when its trials and dangers were explained. the board had received word that the rev. h. h. spalding, who had recently married, was then with his wife on his way to the osage mission to enter upon a new field of work. it was in january and whitman took to the road in his sleigh in pursuit of the traveling missionaries. he overtook them near the village of hudson and hailed them in his cheery way: "ship ahoy, you are wanted for the oregon mission." after a short colloquy they drove on to the hotel of the little village. there the subject was canvassed and none of its dangers hidden. mr. spalding promptly made up his mind, and said: "my dear, i do not think it your duty to go, but we will leave it to you after we have prayed." mrs. spalding asked to be left alone, and in ten minutes she appeared with a beaming face and said: "i have made up my mind to go." "but your health, my dear?" "i like the command just as it stands," says mrs. spalding, "go ye into all the world and preach the gospel, with no exceptions for poor health." others referred to the hardships and dangers and terrors of the journey, but dr. spalding says: "they all did not move her an iota." such was the party for the wedding journey. it did look like a dangerous journey for a woman who had been many months an invalid, but events proved mrs. spalding a real heroine, with a courage and pluck scarcely equaled, and under the circumstances never excelled. having turned her face toward oregon she never looked back and never was heard to murmur or regret her decision. this difficulty being removed, the day was again set for the marriage of dr. whitman and miss prentice, which took place in february, . all authorities mark narcissa prentice as a woman of great force of character. she was the adored daughter of a refined christian home and had the love of a wide circle of friends. she was the soprano singer in the choir of the village church of which she and her family were members. in the volume of the magazine of american history for , the editor, the late miss martha j. lamb, says: "the voice of miss prentice was of remarkable sweetness. she was a graceful blonde, stately and dignified in her bearing, without a particle of affectation." says miss lamb: "when preparing to leave for oregon the church held a farewell service and the minister gave out the well-known hymn: 'yes, my native land i love thee, all thy scenes i love them well; friends, connection, happy country, can i bid you all farewell?' "the whole congregation joined heartily in the singing, but before the hymn was half through, one by one they ceased singing and audible sobs were heard in every part of the great audience. the last stanza was sung by the sweet voice of mrs. whitman alone, clear, musical and unwavering." one of the pleasant things since it was announced that these sketches would be written, is the number of people, that before were unknown, who have volunteered charming personal sketches of dr. and mrs. whitman. a venerable friend who often, he fears, attended church more for the songs of miss prentice than for the sermons, was also at their wedding. the venerable j. s. seeley, of aurora, illinois, writes: "it was just fifty-nine years ago this march since i drove dr. and mrs. whitman from elmira, n. y., to hollidaysburg, pa., in my sleigh. this place was at the foot of the allegheny mountains (east side) on the pennsylvania canal. the canal boats were built in two sections and were taken over the mountains on a railroad. "they expected to find the canal open on the west side and thus reach the ohio river on the way to oregon. i was with them some seven days. dr. whitman impressed me as a man of strong sterling character and lots of push, but he was not a great talker. mrs. whitman was of medium size and impressed me as a woman of great resolution." a younger sister of the bride, mrs. h. p. jackson, of oberlin, ohio, writes: "mrs. whitman was the mentor of her younger sisters in the home. she joined the church when eleven years old, and from her early years expressed a desire to be a missionary. the wedding occurred in the church at angelica, n. y., to which place my father had removed, and the ceremony was performed by the rev. everett hull. i recollect how deeply interested the two indian boys were in the ceremony, and how their faces brightened when the doctor told them that mrs. whitman would go back with them to oregon. we all had the greatest faith and trust in dr. whitman, and in all our letters from our dear sister there was never a word of regret or repining at the life she had chosen." the two indian boys were placed in school and learned to read and speak english during the winter. the journey down the ohio and up the mississippi and missouri rivers was tedious, but uneventful. those who navigated the missouri river, fifty years ago, have not forgotten its snags and sand bars, which caused a constant chattering of the bells in the engineer's room from morning until evening, and all through the night, unless the prudent captain tied up to the shore. the man and his "lead line" was constantly on the prow singing out "twelve feet," "quarter past twain," then suddenly "six feet," when the bells would ring out as the boat's nose would bury in the concealed sandbar. but the party safely reached its destination, and was landed with all its effects, wagons, stock and outfit. the company was made up of dr. and mrs. whitman, rev. mr. and mrs. spalding, h. h. gray, two teamsters and the two indian boys. the american fur company, which was sending out a convoy to their port in oregon, had promised to start from council bluffs upon a given date, and make them welcome members of the company. it was a large company made up of two hundred men and six hundred animals. on the journey in from oregon, in , cholera had attacked the company, and dr. whitman had rendered such faithful and efficient service that they felt under obligations to him. but they had heard there were to be women along and the old mountaineers did not want to be bothered with women upon such a journey, and they moved out promptly without waiting for the doctor's party, which had been delayed. when dr. whitman reached council bluffs and found them gone, he was greatly disturbed. there was nothing to do but make forced marches and catch the train before it reached the more dangerous indian country. dr. spalding would have liked to have found it an excuse to return home, but mrs. spalding remarked: "i have started to the rocky mountains and i expect to go there." spalding in a dressing gown in his study, or in a city pulpit, would have been in his element, but he was not especially marked for an indian missionary. early in the campaign a missouri cow kicked him off the ferryboat into the river. the ague racked every bone in his body, and a kansas tornado at one time lifted both his tent and his blanket and left him helpless. he seemed to catch every disaster that came along. a man may have excellent points in his make-up, as dr. spalding had, and yet not be a good pioneer. he and his noble wife made a grand success, however, when they got into the field of work. it was mrs. spalding who first translated bible truths and christian songs into the indian dialect. it seemed a discouraging start for the little company when compelled to pull out upon the boundless plains alone. but led by whitman, they persevered and caught the convoy late in may. the doctor's boys now proved of good service. they were patient and untiring and at home on the trail. they took charge of all the loose stock. the cows they were taking along would be of great value upon reaching their destination, and they proved to be of value along the journey as well, as milk suppliers for the little party. the first part of the journey mrs. whitman rode mainly in the wagon with mrs. spalding, who was not strong enough for horseback riding. but soon she took to her pony and liked it so much better, that she rode nearly all the way on horseback. they were soon initiated into the trials and dangers of the journey. on may th mrs. whitman writes in her diary: "we had great difficulty to-day. husband became so completely exhausted with swimming the river, that it was with difficulty he made the shore the last time. we had but one canoe, made of skins, and that was partly eaten by the dogs the night before." she speaks of "meeting large bodies of pawnee indians," and says: "they seemed very much surprised and pleased to see white women. they were noble looking indians. "we attempted, by a hard march, to reach loup fork. the wagons got there at eleven at night, but husband and i rode with the indian boys until nine o'clock, when richard proposed that we go on and they would stay with the loose cattle upon the prairie, and drive them in early in the morning. we did not like to leave them and concluded to stay. husband had a cup tied to his saddle, and in this he milked what we wanted to drink; this was our supper. our saddle-blankets with our rubber-cloaks were our beds. having offered thanksgiving for the blessings of the day, and seeking protection for the night, we committed ourselves to rest. we awoke refreshed and rode into camp before breakfast." here they caught up with the fur company caravan, after nearly a month's traveling. these brave women, with their kindness and tact, soon won the good-will and friendship of the old plainsmen, and every vestige of opposition to having women in the train disappeared and every possible civility and courtesy was extended to them. one far-seeing old american trader, who had felt the iron heel of the english company beyond the stony mountains, pointing to the little missionary band, prophetically remarked: "there is something that the honorable hudson bay company cannot drive out of oregon." in her diary of the journey, mrs. whitman never expresses a fear, and yet remembering my own sensations upon the same journey, i can scarcely conceive that two delicately nurtured women would not be subjected to great anxieties. the platte river, in that day, was but little understood and looked much worse than it really was. where forded it was a mile wide, and not often more than breast deep to the horses. two men, on the best horses, rode fifty yards in advance of the wagons, zig-zagging up and down, while the head-driver kept an eye open for the shallowest water and kept upon the bar. in doing this a train would sometimes have to travel nearly twice the distance of the width of the river to get across. the bed of the river is made of shifting sand, and a team is not allowed to stop for a moment, or it will steadily settle down and go out of sight. [illustration: dr. marcus whitman. at the time of his marriage.] a balky team or a break in the harness requires prompt relief or all will be lost. but after all the platte river is remembered by all old plainsmen with a blessing. for three hundred miles it administered to the comfort of the pioneers. it is even doubtful whether they could have gone the journey had it not been for the platte, as it rolls its sands down into the missouri. the water is turbid with sand at all times, as the winds in their wide sweep across sandy plains perpetually add to its supply. but the water when dipped up over night and the sand allowed to settle, is clear and pure and refreshing. the pioneers, however, took the platte water as it ran, often remarking: "in this country a fellow needs sand and the platte was built to furnish it." in june mrs. whitman writes: "we are now in the buffalo country and my husband and i relish it; he has a different way of cooking every part of the animal." mrs. whitman makes the following entry in her diary, for the benefit of her young sisters: "now, h. and e., you must not think it very hard to have to get up so early after sleeping on the soft ground, when you find it hard work to open your eyes at seven o'clock. just think of me every morning. at the word 'arise!' we all spring. while the horses are feeding we get breakfast in a hurry and eat it. by that time the words 'catch up, catch up,' ring throughout the camp for moving. we are ready to start usually at six, travel until eleven, encamp, rest and feed, and start again at two and travel till six and if we come to a good tavern, camp for the night." a certain number of men were set apart for hunters each day and they were expected to bring in four mule loads of meat to supply the daily demands. while in the buffalo country this was an easy task; when it came to deer, antelope and birds, it was much more difficult work. the antelope is a great delicacy, but he is the fleetest footed runner upon the plains and has to be captured, generally, by strategy. he has an inordinate curiosity. the hunter lies down and waves a red handkerchief on the end of his ramrod and the whole herd seems to have the greatest desire to know what it is. they gallop around, trot high and snort and keep coming nearer, until within gun shot they pay dearly for their curiosity. to avoid danger and failure of meat supplies before leaving the buffalo country, the company stopped and laid in a good supply of jerked buffalo meat. it was well they did, for it was about all they had for a long distance. as mrs. whitman says in her diary: "dried buffalo meat and tea for breakfast, and tea and dried buffalo meat for supper," but jokingly adds: "the doctor gives it variety by cooking every part of the animal in a different way." but after all it was a novel menu for a bridal trip. by a strange miscalculation they ran out of flour before the journey was half ended. but, says mrs. whitman, "my health continues good, but sister spalding has been made sick by the diet." on july d, she writes: "had a tedious ride until four p. m. i thought of my mother's bread as a child would, but did not find it. i should relish it extremely well. but we feel that the good father has blessed us beyond our most sanguine expectations. it is good to feel that he is all i want and if i had ten thousand lives i would give them all to him." the road discovered by the pioneers through the south pass seems to have been made by nature on purpose to unite the pacific with the atlantic slope by an easy wagon road. the wind river and rocky mountains appear to have run out of material, or spread out to make it an easy climb. so gentle is the ascent the bulk of the way that the traveler is scarcely aware of the fact that he is climbing the great "stony mountains." fremont discovered the pass in and went through it again in , and stanbury in , but it is well to remember that upon this notable bridal tour, these christian ladies passed over the same route six years before "the pathfinder," or the engineer corps of the united states, ever saw it. it is always an object of interest to know when the top has been reached and to see the famous spring from which the water divides and runs both ways. our missionary band, accustomed to have regular worship on the plains, when they reached the dividing of the waters held an especially interesting service. the rev. dr. jonathan edwards graphically describes it. he says: "there is a scene connected with their journey which demands extraordinary attention in view of its great significance. it is one that arouses all that is good within us, and has been pronounced as hardly paralleled in american records for historic grandeur and far-reaching consequence. it is sublimely beautiful and inspiring in its effects, and would baffle the genius of a true poet to describe it with adequate fitness. they were yet high on the rocky mountains, with the great expanse of the pacific slope opening before them like a magnificent panorama. their hearts were profoundly moved as they witnessed the landscape unfolding its delightful scenes, and as they viewed the vast empire given them to win for king emanuel. "there we find the little group of five missionaries, and the two nez perces boys that whitman took with him to new york selecting a spot where the bunch grass grows high and thick. their hearts go out to god in joyful adoration for his protecting care over them thus far, especially so, because they felt the greatest difficulties had been overcome and they now entered the country for the people of which they had devoted their lives. the sky is bright above them, the sun shines serenely and the atmosphere is light and invigorating. the sun continues his course and illuminates the western horizon like a flame of fire, as if striving to give them a temporary glimpse of the vast domain between them and the pacific ocean. they spread their blankets carefully on the grass, and lifted the american flag to wave gracefully in the breeze, and with the bible in the center, they knelt, and with prayer and praise on their lips, they take possession of the western side of the american continent in his name who proclaimed "peace on earth and good will toward men." how strongly it evidences their faith in their mission and the conquering power of the king of peace. what a soul-inspiring scene." continuing her diary, mrs. whitman says: "i have been in a peaceful state of mind all day." july th she writes: "the ride has been very mountainous, paths only winding along the sides of steep mountains, in many places so narrow that the animal would scarcely find room to place his foot." it is upon this date that she again mourns over the doctor's persistence in hauling along his historic wagon. even the good wife in full sympathy with her husband failed to see it as he did; it was the pioneer chariot, loaded with a richness that no wagon before or since contained. on july th: "husband has had a tedious time with the wagon to-day. it got stuck in the creek, and on the mountain side, so steep that the horses could scarcely climb, it was upset twice. it was a wonder that it was not turning somersaults continually. it is not grateful to my feelings to see him wearing himself out with excessive fatigue. all the most difficult portions of the way he has walked, in a laborious attempt to take the wagon." those who have gone over the same road and remember the hard pulls at the end of long ropes, where there was plenty of help, will wonder most that he succeeded. the company arrived at fort hall on august st. here they succeeded in buying a little rice, which was regarded a valuable addition to their slender stock of eatables. they had gone beyond the buffalo range and had to live upon the dried meat, venison and wild ducks or fish, all of which were scarce and in limited supply. speaking of crossing snake river mrs. whitman says: "we put the packs on the tallest horses, the highest being selected for mrs. spalding and myself. "the river where we crossed is divided into three branches, by islands. the last branch is half a mile wide and so deep as to come up to the horses' sides, and a very strong current. the wagon turned upside down in the current, and the mules were entangled in the harness. i once thought of the terrors of the rivers, but now i cross the most difficult streams without a fear." among the novel ferries she speaks of was a dried elk skin with two ropes attached. the party to be ferried lies flat down on the skin and two indian women swimming, holding the ropes in their mouths, pull it across the stream. one of the notable qualities of dr. whitman was his observance of the small things in every-day life. many a man who reaches after grand results overlooks and neglects the little events. mrs. whitman says: "for weeks and weeks our camping places have been upon open plains with not a tree in sight, but even here we find rest and comfort. my husband, the best the world ever produced, is always ready to provide a comfortable shade from the noonday sun when we stop. with one of our saddle-blankets stretched across the sage brush or upheld by sticks, our saddle blankets and fishamores placed on the ground, our resting is delightful." among the notable events of the journey was when the party reached green river, the place of annual meeting of the indians and the traders. it was this place that dr. whitman had reached the year previous. the green is one of the large branches of the colorado, which heads among the snow banks of fremont's peak, a thousand miles away. in its picturesque rugged beauty few sections excel the scenery along the river, and now the whole scene, alive with frontier and savage life, was one to impress itself indelibly upon the memories of our travelers. there were about two hundred traders and two thousand indians, representatives of tribes located many hundreds of miles distant. the cayuse and nez perces, who expected dr. whitman and his delegation, were present to honor the occasion, and meet the boys, john and richard, who had accompanied the doctor from this place the year before. the indians expressed great delight over the successful journey; but most of all they were delighted with the noble white squaws who had come over the long trail. they were demonstrative and scoured the mountains for delicacies in game from the woods and brought trout from the river, and seemed constantly to fear that they were neglecting some courtesy expected of them. they finally got up a war tournament, and six hundred armed and mounted indians, in their war paint, with savage yells bore down toward the tents of the ladies, and it was almost too realistic of savage life to be enjoyed. here the brides were permitted to rest for ten days, and until their tired animals could recuperate. the scenery along the last three hundred miles was most charming, and almost made the travelers forget the precipitous climbs and the steep descents. the days sped past, and the wagon being left behind to be sent for later on, the wedding party marched more rapidly. they reached walla walla river, eight miles from the fort, the last day of august, and on september st they made an early start and galloped into the fort. the party was hospitably received. says mrs. whitman: "they were just eating breakfast when we arrived, and soon we were seated at the table and treated to fresh salmon, potatoes, tea, bread and butter. what a variety, thought i. you cannot imagine what an appetite these rides in the mountains give a person." we have preferred to let mrs. whitman tell in her own way the story of this memorable wedding journey. the reader will look in vain for any mourning or disquietude. two noble women started in to be the helpmeets of two good men, and what a grand success they made of it. there is nowhere any spirit of grumbling, but on the contrary, a joyousness and exhilaration. true womanhood of all time is honored in the lives of such women. it was but the coming of the first white women who ever crossed the rocky mountains and notable as an heroic wedding journey, but to the world it was not only exalted heroism, but a great historic event, the building of an empire whose wide-reaching good cannot easily be overestimated. it was an event unparalleled in real or romantic literature, and so pure and exalted in its motives, and prosecuted so unostentatiously, as to honor true womanhood for all time to come. chapter v. mission life in waiilatpui. most writers speak of the mission at waiilatpui, as "the presbyterian mission." while it does not much matter whether it was presbyterian or congregational, it is well to have the history correct. the two great churches at that time were united in their foreign missionary work, and their missionaries were taken from both denominations. a year or more ago i asked the late professor marcus whitman montgomery, of the chicago theological seminary (a namesake of dr. whitman), to go over dr. whitman's church record while in boston. he sends me the following, which may be regarded as authentic: ravenswood, chicago, jan. , . dr. o. w. nixon: dear sir--the record of dr. whitman's church membership is as follows: converted during a revival in the congregational church at plainfield, mass., in , rev. moses hallock, pastor. his first joining of a church was at rushville, yates county, n. y., where he joined the congregational church in , rev. david page, pastor. he was a member of this church for nine years, then he removed to wheeler center, steuben county, n. y. there being no congregational church there he joined the presbyterian church of wheeler center, rev. james t. hotchkiss, pastor. he was a member of this presbyterian church for three years, then he went to the pacific coast. this mission church was presbyterian in name and congregational in practice, while whitman and the other missionaries were supported by the american board. the american board was always congregational, but, at that time, the presbyterians were co-operating with the american board. these are the bottom facts as i have every reason to believe. very truly yours, marcus whitman montgomery. the rev. h. h. spalding was a presbyterian, and the mission church was presbyterian in name, but was congregational in practice, and had a confession of faith and covenant of its own. while the record shows whitman to have been a congregationalist, it also shows that he united with the presbyterian church when he settled at wheeler center, n. y., where there was no congregational church. but the fact remains that his memory and the acts of his grand life are amply sufficient to interest both these great denominations. mrs. whitman joined the presbyterian church when a young girl of eleven. dr. whitman was born at rushville, n. y., september , , and was thirty-three years old when he entered upon his work in oregon. when first converted he resolved to study for the ministry, but a chain of circumstances changed his plans and he studied medicine. the early hardships and privations educated him into an admirable fitness for the chosen work of his life. picture that little missionary band as they stood together at fort walla walla in september, , and consulted about the great problems to solve. it was all new. there were no precedents to guide them. they easily understood that the first thing to do was to consult the ruling powers of oregon--the hudson bay company officials at fort vancouver. this would require another journey of three hundred miles, but as it could be made in boats, and the indians were capital oarsmen, they resolved to take their wives with them, and thus complete the wedding journey. the gallant dr. mcloughlin, chief factor of the hudson bay company, was a keen judge of human nature, and read men and women as scholars read books, and he was captivated with the open, manly ways of dr. whitman and the womanly accomplishments of the fair young wife, who had braved the perils of an overland journey with wholly unselfish purposes. whitman soon developed to dr. mcloughlin all his plans and his hopes. perhaps there was a professional free masonry between the men that brought them closer together, but, by nature, they were both men endowed richly with the best manly characters. dr. mcloughlin resolved to do the best thing possible for them, while he still protected the interests of his great monopoly. dr. whitman's idea, was to build one mission at the dalles so as to be convenient to shipping; mcloughlin at once saw it would not do. he had already pushed the methodist mission far up the willamette out of the way of the fort and its work, and argued with whitman that it would be best for him to go to the walla walla country, three hundred miles away, and spalding, one hundred and twenty-five miles farther on. he argued that the river indians were far less hopeful subjects to deal with, and that the bunch grass indians, the cayuse and nez perces, had expressed a great anxiety for teachers. this arrangement had been partially agreed to by mr. parker the year before. after a full canvass of the entire subject, dr. mcloughlin promised all the aid in his power to give them a comfortable start. at his earnest petition, mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding remained at vancouver while their husbands went back to erect houses that would shelter them from the coming winter. to make mrs. whitman feel at ease, and that she was not taxing the generosity of their new friends, dr. mcloughlin placed his daughter under her instruction, both in her class work and music. every effort was made to interest and entertain the guests; the afternoons were given to excursions on the water, or on horseback, or in rambles through the great fir forests, still as wild as nature made them. there is a grandeur in the great forest beyond the stony mountains unequaled in any portion of the world. in our northern latitudes the undergrowth is so thick as to make comfortable traveling impossible, but in the fir woods and in the pine and redwood forests of oregon, there are comparatively few of such obstructions. the great giants ten or twelve feet in diameter, two hundred and seventy feet high, and one hundred feet without a limb, hide the sun, and upon a summer day make jaunts through the forest delightful to a lover of nature. it was a grand rest and a pleasing finale to the hardships of the wedding journey for these heroic women, and mrs. whitman, in her diary, never a day neglects to remember her kind benefactors. they rested here for about one and a half months, when mr. spalding came after them and reported the houses so far advanced as to give them shelter. we read the following note in mrs. whitman's diary, : "december th. where are we now, and who are we, that we should be thus blessed of the lord? i can scarcely realize that we are thus comfortably fixed and keeping house so soon after our marriage, when considering what was then before us. "we arrived here on the th, distance twenty-five miles from fort walla walla. found a house reared and the lean-to enclosed, a good chimney and fireplace and the floor laid. no windows or doors, except blankets. my heart truly leaped for joy as i lighted from my horse, entered and seated myself before a pleasant fire (for it was now night). it occurred to me that my dear parents had made a similar beginning and perhaps a more difficult one than ours. "we had neither straw, bedstead or table, nor anything to make them of except green cottonwood. all our boards are sawed by hand. here my husband and his laborers (two owyhees from vancouver, and a man who crossed the mountains with us), and mr. gray had been encamped in a tent since the th of october, toiling excessively hard to accomplish this much for our comfortable residence during the remainder of the winter. "it is, indeed, a lovely situation. we are on a beautiful level peninsula formed by the branches of the walla walla river, upon the base of which our house stands, on the southeast corner, near the shore of the main river. to run a fence across to the opposite river on the north from our house--this, with the river, would enclose three hundred acres of good land for cultivation, all directly under the eye. "the rivers are barely skirted with timber. this is all the woodland we can see. beyond them, as far as the eye can reach, plains and mountains appear. on the east, a few rods from the house, is a range of small hills covered with bunch grass, very excellent food for animals and upon which they subsist during winter, even digging it from under the snow." [illustration: mission station at waiilatpui.] this section is now reported as among the most fertile and beautiful places in washington. looking away in a southeasterly direction, the scenic beauty is grandly impressive. the indians named the place wai-i-lat-pui (the place of rye grass). for twenty miles there is a level reach of fertile soil through which flows like a silver thread the walla walla river, while in the distance loom up toward the clouds as a background the picturesque blue mountains. the greatest drawback was the long distance to any timber suitable for making boards, and the almost entire lack of helpers. the cayuse indians seemed delighted with the prospect of a mission church and school, but they thought it disgraceful for them to work. the doctor had to go from nine to fifteen miles to get his timber for boards, and then hew or saw them out by hand. it was not, therefore, strange, as mrs. whitman writes in her diary, december th: "no doors or windows." from the day he entered upon his work, dr. whitman was well-nigh an incessant toiler. every year he built an addition to his house. t. j. furnham, who wrote a book of "travels across the great western prairies and rocky mountains," visited the whitman mission in september, . he says: "i found acres enclosed and acres under good cultivation. i found forty or fifty indian children between the ages of seven and eighteen years in school, and mrs. whitman an indefatigable instructor. one building was in course of construction and a small grist mill in running order." he says again: "it appeared to me quite remarkable that the doctor could have made so many improvements since the year ; but the industry which crowded every hour of the day, his untiring energy of character, and the very efficient aid of his wife in relieving him in a great degree from the labors of the school, enabled him, without funds for such purposes, and without other aid than that of a fellow missionary for short intervals, to fence, plow, build, plant an orchard, and do all the other laborious acts of opening a plantation on the face of that distant wilderness, learn an indian language, and do the duties, meanwhile, of a physician to the associate stations on the clearwater and spokane." people who give their money for missionary work can easily see that in the case in hand they received faithful service. this is no prejudiced report, but facts based upon the knowledge of a stranger, who had no reason to misrepresent or exaggerate. one of the first efforts of dr. whitman was to induce his indians to build permanent homes, to plow, plant and sow. this the hudson bay company had always discouraged. they wanted their savage aids as nomads and hunters, ready to move hundreds and hundreds of miles away in search of furs. they had never been encouraged to raise either grain or fruit, cattle or sheep. dr. jonathan edwards says, in speaking of the whitman mission in : "the indians were cultivating from one-fourth to four acres of land, had seventy head of cattle, and some of them a few sheep." the same author gives a graphic description of the painstaking work of dr. and mrs. whitman, not only in the school room, but in the indian home, to show them the comforts and benefits of civilization. every indian who will plant is furnished the seed. he also describes the orderly sunday at the mission. up to the year the principal meat used as food by the mission was horse flesh. the cattle were too few to be sacrificed in that way. in mrs. whitman writes in her diary: "we have had but little venison furnished by the indians, but to supply our men and visitors we have bought of the indians and eaten ten wild horses." in their stock of hogs and cattle had so increased that they were able to make a partial change of diet. another witness to the value of dr. whitman's missionary work is joseph drayton, of commodore wilkes' exploring expedition of . he says of the mission: "all the premises looked comfortable, the garden especially fine, vegetables and melons in great variety. the wheat in the fields was seven feet high and nearly ripe, and the corn nine feet in the tassel." he marks the drawbacks of the mission: "the roving of the indians, rarely staying at home more than three months at a time." "they are off after buffalo," and "again off after the salmon," and "not more than fifty or sixty remain during the winter." these cayuse indians were not a numerous band, but they were born traders, were wealthy, and had a great influence over other tribes. their wealth consisted mainly in horses; a single indian chief owned two thousand head. one of their good qualities mrs. whitman speaks of, is, "there are no thieves among them." she has to keep nothing locked out of fear from thieves; but they had one trying habit of which mrs. whitman had great trouble to break them--that was, they thought they had a right to go into every room in the house, and seemed to think that something was wrong when deprived of visiting the bedrooms of the family. in june, , a great sorrow came to dr. and mrs. whitman. they had but one child, a little girl of two years and three months old. in their isolated condition one can easily imagine what a large place a bright and attractive child would have in the heart of father and mother in such a home. in the pursuance of his duties the doctor was absent night after night, and some of his more distant patients occupied him frequently many days. it was at such times that mrs. whitman found great comfort and happiness in her little daughter. the child had learned the indian language and spoke it fluently, to the delight of the indians, and had learned all the songs sung in the nez perces dialect, having inherited the musical talent of her mother. it was in september, , that she was accidentally drowned in the walla walla river. in her diary mrs. whitman writes to her mother: "i cannot describe what our feelings were when night came and our dear child a corpse in the next room. we went to bed, but not to sleep, for sleep had departed from our eyes. the morning came, we arose, but our child slept on. i prepared a shroud for her during the day; we kept her four days; it was a great blessing and comfort to me so long as she looked natural and was so sweet i could caress her. but when her visage began to change i felt it a great privilege that i could put her in so safe a resting place as the grave, to see her no more until the resurrection morning. "although her grave is in sight every time i step out of the door, my thoughts seldom wander there to find her. i look above with unspeakable delight, and contemplate her as enjoying the full delights of that bright world where her joys are perfect." one seldom reads a more pathetic story than this recorded by mrs. whitman, and yet, the almost heartbroken mother in her anguish never murmurs or rebels. on the morning of the day she was drowned, mrs. whitman writes, the little daughter was permitted to select a hymn for the family worship. she made a selection of the old-time favorite: "rock of ages." "while i draw this fleeting breath, when my eyelids close in death; when i rise to worlds unknown, and behold thee on thy throne; rock of ages cleft for me, let me hide myself in thee." when the indians came in for the afternoon service dr. whitman turned to the same hymn and the baby girl again with her sweet voice joined in the singing. says mrs. whitman: "this was the last we heard her sing. little did we think that her young life was so fleeting or that those sparkling eyes would so soon be closed in death, and her spirit rise to worlds unknown to behold on his throne of glory him who said: 'i will be a god to thee and thy seed after thee.'" they got water for the household use from the running river, and the two little tin cups were found on the edge of the water. an old indian dived in and soon brought out the body, but life was extinct. the profoundly christian character of the mother is revealed in every note of the sad event. she writes: "lord, it is right; it is right. she is not mine, but thine; she was only lent to me to comfort me for a little season, and now, dear savior, thou hast the best right to her. thy will, not mine, be done." perils and hardships had long been theirs, but this was their great sorrow. but it only seemed to excite them to greater achievements in the work before them. not a single interest was neglected. the sudden death of "the little white cayuse," as the indians called her, seemed to estrange the indians from the mission. they almost worshiped her, and came almost daily to see her and hear her sing the cayuse songs. the old chief had many times said: "when i die i give everything i have to the 'little white cayuse.'" from this time on the indians frequently showed a bad spirit. they saw the flocks and herds of the mission increasing, and the fields of waving grain, and began to grow jealous and make demands that would have overtaxed and caused fear in almost any other man than a whitman. both before and after his memorable ride to washington, his good friend, dr. mcloughlin, many times begged him to leave the mission for a while, until the indians got in a better frame of mind. no man knew the indians so well as mcloughlin, and he saw the impending danger; but no entreaties moved whitman. here was his life work and here he would remain. in these sketches there is no effort to tell the complete oregon mission story, but only so much of it as will make clear the heroic and patriotic services of dr. and mrs. whitman. the reader will find a most careful study of the whole broad field of pioneer mission work upon the pacific coast in the rev. myron eells' two books, the "history of indian missions," and the "biography of rev. cushing eells." how much or how little the work of the oregon missionaries benefited the indians eternity alone will reveal. they simply obeyed the call "to preach the gospel to every creature." a train of circumstances, a series of evolutions in national history which they neither originated nor could stop, were portending. but that the missionaries first of all saw the drift of coming events, and wisely guided them to the peace and lasting good of the nation is as plain as any page of written history. with the light of that time, with the terrible massacre at waiilatpui in sight, it is not strange that good people felt that there had been great sacrifice with small good results. all the years since have been correcting such false estimates. the american board and the christian people of the land have made their greatest mistake in not rallying to the defense of their martyr heroes. no "forty thousand dollars" ever spent by that organization before or since has been so prolific in good. the argument to sustain this assertion will be found in other sketches. the united states government could well afford to give a million dollars every year to the american board for fifty years to come, and to endow whitman college magnificently, and then not pay a moiety for the benefit it has received as a nation, and never acknowledged. the best possible answer of the church and of the friends of missions to those who sneeringly ask, what good has resulted to the world for all the millions spent on missions? is to point to that neglected grave at waiilatpui, and recite the story of heroism and patriotism of dr. marcus whitman. chapter vi. the ride to save oregon. the world loves a hero, and the pioneer history of our several states furnishes as interesting characters as are anywhere recorded. in view of the facts and conditions already recited, the old missionaries were anxious and restless, and yet felt in a measure powerless to avert the danger threatened. they believed fully that under the terms of the treaty of , re-affirmed in , whichever nationality settled and organized the territory, that nation would hold it. this was not directly affirmed in the terms of that treaty, but was so interpreted by the americans and english in oregon, and was greatly strengthened by the fact that leading statesmen in congress had for nearly half a century wholly neglected oregon, and time and again gone upon record as declaring it worthless and undesirable. in their conferences the missionaries from time to time had gone over the whole question, and did everything in their power to encourage immigration. their glowing accounts of the fertility of the soil, the balmy climate, the towering forests, the indications of richness in minerals, had each year induced a limited number of more daring americans to immigrate. in this work of the missionaries jason lee, the chief of the methodist missions, was, up to the date of the incident we are to narrate, the most successful of all. he was a man of great strength of character. like whitman, he was also a man of great physical strength, fearless, and, with it all, wise and brainy. no other man among the pioneers, for his untiring energy in courting immigration, can be so nearly classed with whitman. they were all men, who, though in oregon to convert indian savages to christianity, yet were intensely american. they thought it no abuse of their christianity to carry the banner of the cross in one hand and the banner of their country in the other. missionaries as they were, thousands of miles from home, neglected by the government, yet the love of country seemed to shine with constantly increasing luster. in addition to the missionaries, at the time of which we write, there was quite a population of agriculturists and traders in the near vicinity of each mission. these heartily coöperated with the missionaries and shared their anxieties. in -' many of them met and canvassed the subject whether they should make an attempt to organize a government under the stars and stripes; but they easily saw that they were outnumbered by the english, who were already organized and were the real autocrats of the country. so the time passed until the fall of , when elijah white, an indian agent for the government in the northwest, brought a party of americans, men, women and children, numbering one hundred and twenty, safely through to waiilatpui. in this company was a more than usually intelligent, well-informed christian gentleman, destined to fill an important place in our story, general amos l. lovejoy. he was thoroughly posted in national affairs, and gave dr. whitman his first intimation of the probability that the ashburton treaty would likely come to a crisis before congress adjourned in march, . this related, as it was supposed, to the entire boundary between the united states and the english possessions. the question had been raised in , "where is 'the angle of nova scotia,' and where are the 'highlands between the angle and the northwest head of the connecticut river?'" time and again it had been before commissioners, and diplomats had many times grown eloquent in explaining, but heretofore nothing had come of it. much was made of it, and yet it was only a dispute as to who owned some twelve thousand and twenty acres of land, much of which was of little value. looking back now one wonders at the shortsightedness of statesmen who quarreled for forty-eight years over this garden patch of rocky land in maine, when three great states were quietly slipping away with scarcely a protest. but this arrival of recruits, and this knowledge of the political situation revealed by general lovejoy, at once settled dr. whitman upon his line of duty. to mrs. whitman he at once explained the situation, and said he felt impelled to go to washington. she was a missionary's wife, a courageous, true-hearted, patriotic woman, who loved and believed in her husband, and at once consented. under the rules the local members of the mission had to be consulted, and runners were at once dispatched to the several stations, and all responded promptly, as the demand was for their immediate presence. there was a second rule governing such cases of leave of absence, and that was the sanction, from headquarters, of the american board in boston. but in this emergency dr. whitman preferred to take all the responsibility and cut the red tape. dr. eells, one of the noblest of the old missionaries, writes an account of that conference, and it is all the more valuable from the fact that he was opposed to the enterprise. dr. eells says: "the purpose of dr. whitman was fixed. in his estimation the saving of oregon to the united spates was of paramount importance, and he would make the attempt to do so, even if he had to withdraw from the mission in order to accomplish his purpose. in reply to considerations intended to hold dr. whitman to his assigned work, he said: 'i am not expatriated by becoming a missionary.' "the idea of his withdrawal could not be entertained. therefore, to retain him in the mission, a vote to approve of his making this perilous endeavor prevailed." in addition to this the doctor undoubtedly intended to visit the american board and explain the mission work and its needs, and protest against some of its orders. but in this there was no need of such haste as to cause the mid-winter journey. in this note of dr. eells the explanation is doubtless correct. dr. spalding says: "dr. whitman's last remarks were, as he mounted his horse for the long journey: 'if the board dismisses me, i will do what i can to save oregon to the country. my life is of but little worth if i can save this country to the american people.'" they all regarded it a most perilous undertaking. they knew well of the hardships of such a journey in the summer season, when grass could be found to feed the stock, and men live in comfort in the open air. but to all their pleadings and specifications of danger, dr. whitman had but one reply, "i must go." as dr. eells says:--"they finally all yielded when he said, 'i will go, even if i have to break my connection with the american board.'" they all loved him, and he was too valuable a man for them to allow that. besides, they became thoroughly convinced that the man and the missionary had received a call from a higher source than an earthly one, and a missionary board should not stand in the way. it was resolved that he must not be allowed to make such a journey alone. a call was at once made, "who will volunteer to go with him?" again the unseen power was experienced when general lovejoy said: "i will go with dr. whitman." the man seems to have been sent for just such a purpose. aside from the fact that he was tired out with the long five months' ride upon the plains, and had not been fully rested, no better man could have been chosen. he was an educated, christian gentleman, full of cheerfulness, brave, cautious, and a true friend. [illustration: mrs. narcissa prentice whitman.] mrs. whitman, in her diary, dwells upon this with loving thoughtfulness, and her soul breaks forth in thanksgiving to the good father above, who has sent so good and true a companion for the long and dangerous journey. she refers to it again and again that he will have a friend in his hours of peril and danger, and not have to depend entirely upon the savages for his society. the conference passed a resolution, as stated, giving leave of absence and fixed the time for his starting in "five days" from that day. it was not often they had such an opportunity for letter-carriers, and each began a voluminous correspondence. the doctor set about his active preparations, arranging his outfit and seeing that everything was in order. the next day he had a call to see a sick man at old fort walla walla, and as he needed many articles for his journey which could be had there, he went with this double purpose. he found at the fort a score or more of traders, clerks and leading men of the hudson bay company, assembled there. they were nearly all englishmen, and the discussion soon turned upon the treaty, and the outlook, and as might be inferred, was not cheering to whitman. but his object was to gain information and not to argue. the dinner was soon announced and the doctor sat down to a royal banquet with his jovial english friends. for no man was more highly esteemed by all than was whitman. the chief factor at vancouver, dr. mcloughlin, from the very outset of their acquaintance, took a liking to both the doctor and mrs. whitman, and in hundreds of cases showed them marked and fatherly kindness. mrs. whitman, in her diary, recently published in the proceedings of the oregon state historical society, mainly in the years and , often refers to the fatherly kindness of the good old man whose home she shared for weeks and months, and he begged her when first reaching oregon to stop all winter and wait until her own humble home could be made comfortable. but while the company were enjoying their repast, an express messenger of the company arrived from fort colville, three hundred and fifty miles up the columbia, and electrified his audience by the announcement that a colony of one hundred and forty englishmen and canadians were on the road. in such a company it is easy to see such an announcement was exciting news. one young priest threw his cap in the air and shouted, "hurrah for oregon--america is too late, we have got the country." dr. whitman carefully concealed all his intentions--in fact, this was enjoined upon all the missionary band, as publicity would likely defeat any hope of good results. those who will take the pains to read mrs. whitman's diary will notice how she avoids saying anything to excite comment regarding the purposes of his winter visit to washington. in her letter to her father and mother she simply says: "i expect my dear husband will be so full of his great work that he will forget to tell you of our life in oregon. he can explain what it is," etc. it is said "women cannot keep a secret," but here is an instance of one that did. in his absence she visited fort vancouver, astoria, oregon city, and other points. she is painstaking in keeping a regular record of every-day events. but the secret of his mission to the states was perfectly safe with the good wife. as soon as the doctor could with politeness excuse himself, he mounted his pony and galloped away home, pondering the news he had received. by the time he reached waiilatpui he resolved there must be no tarrying for "five days." on the morning of the third day after the conference the spirit was upon him, and he took such messages as were ready, and on october d, , bade a long good-bye to his wife and home, and the two men, their guide, and three pack mules, began that ever memorable journey--escorted for a long distance by many cayuse braves. intelligent readers of all classes can easily mark the heroism of such an undertaking under such circumstances, but the old plainsman and the mountaineer who know the terrors of the journey, will point to it as without a parallel in all history. it was surmised by most that it was "a ride down to the valley of the shadow of death." it is comforting and assuring of that power which sustains a believing soul, to turn the pages of the diary of mrs. whitman, as day by day she follows the little caravan with thought and prayer, and see with what confidence she expresses the belief that an almighty arm is guiding her loved one in safety through all perils. it is easy to surmise the feelings of the missionary band when they sent in their letters and messages and learned that the doctor was far on his journey and had not waited the required limit of "five days." the echo of dissatisfaction was heard even for years after, very much to the disturbance of the good wife. and she in her diary expresses profound thankfulness when, years after, the last vestige of criticism ceased and the old cordiality was restored. as for dr. whitman, with his whole being impressed with the importance of his work and the need for haste, it is doubtful whether he even remembered the "five days" limit. the great thought with him was, i must reach washington before congress adjourns, or all may be lost. the after disclosures convinced the aggrieved missionaries that whitman was right, and they deeply regretted some of the sharp criticisms they made and wrote east. with horses fresh, the little company made a rapid ride, reaching fort hall in eleven days. the road thus far was plain and familiar to every member of the party. prior to leaving home there had been rumors that the blackfoot indians had suddenly grown hostile, and would make the journey dangerous along the regular line of travel. upon reaching fort hall, captain grant, who seems to have been placed at that point solely to discourage and defeat immigration, set about his task in the usual way. without knowing, he shrewdly suspected that the old missionary had business of importance on hand which it would be well to thwart. he had before had many a tilt with whitman and knew something of his determination. it was grant who had almost compelled every incoming settler to forsake his wagon at fort hall, sacrifice his goods, and force women and children to ride on horseback or go on foot the balance of the journey. six years before he had plead with whitman to do this, and had failed, and whitman had thus taken the first wagon into oregon that ever crossed the rockies. now he set about to defeat his journey to the states. he told of the hopelessness of a journey over the rocky mountains, with snow already twenty feet deep. he also informed him that from recent advices the sioux and pawnee indians were at war, and it would be almost certain death to the party to undertake to pass through their country. this, all told for a single purpose, was partly true and partly false. the writer, a few years after, when war broke out between the cheyennes and the pawnees, passed entirely through the cheyenne country and was treated with the utmost courtesy and kindness by the cheyenne braves. but captain grant's argument had more effect upon whitman than upon a former occasion. the captain even began to hope that he had effectually blocked the way. but he was dealing with a man of great grit, not easily discouraged, and, we may say it reverently, an inspired man. he had started to go to the states and he would continue his journey. captain grant was at his wits' end. he had no authority to stop whitman and his party; he carried with him a permit signed by "lewis cass, secretary of war," commanding all in authority to protect, aid, etc. the american board was as careful in having all oregon missionaries armed with such credentials as if sending them to a foreign land, and, in fact, there was no vestige of american government in oregon in that day. the hudson bay company, wholly english, ruled over everything, whether whites or indians. much to captain grant's chagrin, whitman, instead of turning backward, set out southeast to discover a new route to the states. he knew in a general way the lay of the mountain ranges, but he had never heard that a white man's foot had passed that way. first east and south from fort hall, in the direction of the now present site of salt lake city, from thence to fort uintah and fort uncompahgra, then to taos, santa fe, to bent's fort, and st. louis. this course led them over some very rough mountainous country. in his diary gen. lovejoy says: "from fort hall to fort uintah we met with terribly severe weather. the deep snow caused us to lose much time. here we took a new guide to fort uncompahgra on grand river in spanish country, which we safely reached and employed a new guide there. passing over a high mountain on our way to taos we encountered a terrible snow storm, which compelled us to seek shelter in a dark defile, and although we made several attempts to press on, we were detained some ten days. when we got upon the mountain again we met with another violent snow storm, which almost blinded man and beast. the pelting snow and cold made the dumb brutes well-nigh unmanageable." finally the guide stopped and acknowledged he was lost and would go no farther, and they resolved to return to their camp in the sheltered ravine. but the drifting snow had obliterated every sign of the path by which they had come, and the guide acknowledged that he could not direct the way. in this dire dilemma, says gen. lovejoy, "dr. whitman dismounted and upon his knees in the snow commended himself, his distant wife, his missionary companions and work, and his oregon, to the infinite one for guidance and protection. "the lead mule left to himself by the guide, turning his long ears this way and that, finally started plunging through the snow drifts, his mexican guide and all the party following instead of guiding, the old guide remarking: 'this mule will find the camp if he can live long enough to reach it.' and he did." as woodsmen well know this knowledge of directions in dumb brutes is far superior often to the wisest judgment of men. the writer well remembers a terrible experience when lost in the great forests of arkansas, covered with the back water from the mississippi river, which was rapidly rising. two of us rode for hours. the water would grow deeper in one direction; we would try another and find it no better; we were hopelessly lost. my companion was an experienced woodsman and claimed that he was going in the right direction, so i followed until in despair i called to him, and showed him the high water mark upon the trees ten feet above our heads as we sat upon our horses. i remarked: "i have followed you; now you follow me. i am going to let my old horse find the way out." i gave him the rein; he seemed to understand it. he raised his head, took an observation, turned at right angles from the way we had insisted was our course, wound around logs and past marshes, and in two hours brought us safely to camp. this incident of dr. whitman's mule, as well as all such, educates one in kindness to all dumb animal life. reaching camp the guide at once announced that, "i will go no farther; the way is impossible." "this," says gen. lovejoy, "was a terrible blow to dr. whitman. he had already lost more than ten days of valuable time." but it would be impossible to move without a guide. whitman was a man who knew no such word as fail. his order was: "i must go on." there was but one thing to do. he said to gen. lovejoy: "you stay in camp and recuperate and feed the stock, and i will return with the guide to fort uncompahgra, and get a new man." and so lovejoy began "recuperation," and recuperated his dumb animals by collecting the brush and inner bark of the willows upon which they fed. it is astonishing how a mule or horse on the plains can find food enough to live on, under such conditions. the writer had a pet mule in one of his journeys over the great plains, which he would tie to a sage bush near the tent when not a vestige of grass was anywhere in sight, and yet waking up in the night at any hour i would hear ben pawing and chewing. he would paw up the tender roots of the sage and in the morning look as plump and full as if he had feasted on good no. corn. "the doctor," says lovejoy, "was gone just one week, when he again reached our camp in the ravine with a new guide." the storm abated and they passed over the mountain and made good progress toward taos. their most severe experience was on reaching grand river. people who know, mark this as one of the most dangerous and treacherous rivers in the west. its rapid, deep, cold current, even in the summer, is very much dreaded. hundreds of people have lost their lives in it. where they struck the grand it was about six hundred feet wide. two hundred feet upon each shore was solid ice, while a rushing torrent two hundred feet wide was between. the guide studied it, and said: "it is too dangerous to attempt to cross." "we must cross, and at once," said whitman. he got down from his horse, cut a willow pole eight feet long, put it upon his shoulder, and after remounting, said: "now you shove me off." lovejoy and the guide did as ordered, and the general says: "both horse and rider temporarily went out of sight, but soon appeared, swimming. the horse struck the rocky bottom and waded toward the shore where the doctor, dismounting, broke the ice with his pole and helped his horse out. wood was plentiful and he soon had a roaring fire. as readers well know, in a wild country where the lead animal has gone ahead, the rest are eager to follow, regardless of danger, and the general and his guide, after breaking the ice, had no difficulty in persuading their horses and pack-mules to make the plunge into the icy flood. they all landed in safety and spent the day in thoroughly drying out. "is the route passable?" asked napoleon of his engineer. "barely possible, sire," replied the engineer. "then let the column move at once," said the great commander. the reader, in the incident of the grand and on the mountains, sees the same hero who refused to believe the "impossible" of captain grant, at fort hall, and took that "historic wagon" to oregon. it looked like a small event to take a wagon to oregon, shattered and battered by the rocks and besetments of the long three thousand mile journey. the good wife many times mourned that the doctor should "wear himself out in getting that wagon through." "yesterday," she says, "it was overset in the river and he was wet from head to foot getting it out; to-day it was upset on the mountain side, and it was hard work to save it." the dear woman did not know it was an inspired wagon, the very implement upon which the fate of oregon would turn. small events are sometimes portentous, and the wagon that whitman wheeled into oregon, as we shall soon see, was of this character. one of the providential events was, that the little company had been turned aside from the attempt to make the journey over the direct route and sent over this unexplored course, fully one thousand miles longer. the winter of - was very cold, and the snow throughout the west was heavy. from many of these storms they were protected by the ranges of high mountains, and what was of great value, had plenty of firewood; while on the other route for a thousand miles they would have had to depend mainly upon buffalo chips for fire, which it would have been impossible to find when the ground was covered with snow. to the traveler good fires in camp are a great comfort. even as it was, they suffered from the cold, all of them being severely frosted. dr. whitman, when he reached washington, was suffering from frozen feet, hands and ears, although he had taken every precaution to protect himself and his companions. the many vexatious delays had caused not only the loss of valuable time, but they had run out of provisions. a dog had accompanied the party and they ate him; a mule came next, and that kept them until they came to santa fe, where there was plenty. santa fe is one of the oldest cities upon the continent occupied by english-speaking people. the doctor, anxious for news, could find little there, and only stopped long enough to recruit his supplies. he was in no mood to enjoy the antiquities of this favorite resort of all the heroes of the plains. pushing on over the treeless prairies, they made good headway toward bent's fort on the headwaters of the arkansas. the grass for the horses was plentiful. that is one of the prime requisites of the campaigner upon the plains. had there been time for hunting, all along their route they could have captured any amount of wild game, but as it was, they attempted nothing except it came directly in the way. they even went hungry rather than lose an hour in the chase. there was one little incident which may seem very small, but the old campaigner will see that it was big with importance. they lost their axe. it was after a long tedious day crossing a bleak prairie, when they reached one of the tributaries of the arkansas river. on the opposite side was wood in great plenty. on their side there was none. the river was frozen over with smooth, clear ice, scarcely thick enough to bear a man. they must have wood. the doctor seized the axe, lay down on the ice and snaked himself across on the thin crust. he cut loads of wood and pushed it before him or skated it across and returned in safety; but unfortunately split the axe helve. this they soon remedied by binding it with a fresh deer skin thong. but as it lay in the edge of the tent that night, a thieving wolf wanting the deer skin, took the axe and all, and they could find no trace of it. the great good fortune was, that such a catastrophe did not occur a thousand miles back. it is barely possible it might have defeated the enterprise. "when within about four days' journey of bent's fort," says gen. lovejoy, "we met george bent, a brother of gen. bent, with a caravan on his way to taos. he told us that a party of mountain men would leave bent's fort in a few days for st. louis, but said we could not reach the fort with our pack animals in time to join the party. "the doctor being very anxious to join it, and push on to washington, concluded to leave myself and guide with the packs, and he himself taking the best animal, with some bedding and a small allowance of provisions, started on alone, hoping by rapid traveling to reach the fort before the party left. but to do so he would have to travel upon the sabbath, something we had not done before. "myself and guide traveled slowly and reached the fort in four days, but imagine my astonishment when told the doctor had not arrived nor been heard from. as this portion of the journey was infested by gangs of gray wolves, that had been half starved during the snows and cold weather, our anxiety for the doctor's safety was greatly increased. every night our camp would be surrounded by them coming even to the door of the tent, and everything eatable had to be carefully stored and our animals picketed where we could defend them with our rifles; when a wolf fell he would instantly be devoured by his fellows. "if not killed we knew the doctor was lost. being furnished by the gentlemen of the fort with a good guide i started to search for him and traveled up the river about one hundred miles. i learned by the indians that a man who was lost had been there and he was trying to find bent's fort. they said they had directed him down the river and how to find the fort. i knew from their description that it was the doctor, and i returned as rapidly as possible; but he had not arrived. "late in the afternoon he came in much fatigued and almost desponding. he said that god had hindered him for traveling on the holy sabbath." says general lovejoy: "this was the only time i ever knew him to travel on sunday." the party which the doctor was to accompany to st. louis had already started, but was kindly stopped by a runner, and it was in camp waiting his coming. tired as he was, he tarried but a single night at fort bent, and again with a guide hurried on to overtake the caravan. this was a dangerous part of the journey. savage beasts and savage men were both to be feared. in pioneer days the borders of civilization were always infested by the worst class of people, both whites and indians. this made the doctor more anxious for an escort. gen. lovejoy remained at the fort until he entirely recovered from his fatigue, and went on with the next caravan passing eastward to st. louis. in a letter to dr. atkinson, published in full in the appendix to this volume, gen. lovejoy recites many interesting incidents of this journey. before reaching st. louis, gen. lovejoy immediately began to advertise the emigration for the following may. dr. barrows, in his fine volume, "oregon--the struggle for possession," says: "upon the arrival of dr. whitman in st. louis it was my good fortune that he should be quartered as a guest under the same roof and at the same table with me. those interested in the news from the plains, the trappers and traders in furs and indian goods, gathered about him and beset him with a multitude of questions. answering them courteously he in turn asked about congress. whether the ashburton treaty had been concluded? and whether it covered the northwest territory? the treaty he learned had been signed august th, long before he left oregon, and had been confirmed by the senate and signed by the president on november th, while he was floundering in the snow upon the mountains." but the oregon question was still open, and only the few acres up in maine had been fixed. the question he was eager to have answered was: "is the oregon question still pending, and can i get there before congress adjourns?" the river was frozen, and he had to depend upon the stage, and even from st. louis a journey to washington in midwinter at that time, was no small matter. but to a man like whitman with muscles trained, and a brain which never seemed to tire, it was counted as nothing. dr. barrows says: "marcus whitman once seen, and in our family circle, telling of his business, he had but one, was a man not to be forgotten by the writer. he was of medium height, more compact than spare, a stout shoulder, and large head not much above it, covered with stiff iron gray hair, while his face carried all the moustache and whiskers that four months had been able to put on it. he carried himself awkwardly, though perhaps courteously enough for trappers, indians, mules and grizzlies, his principal company for six years. he seemed built as a man for whom more stock had been furnished than worked in symmetrically and gracefully. "there was nothing quick in his motion or speech, and no trace of a fanatic; but under control of a thorough knowledge of his business, and with deep, ardent convictions about it, he was a profound enthusiast. a willful resolution and a tenacious earnestness would impress you as marking the man. "he wore coarse fur garments with buckskin breeches. he had a buffalo overcoat, with a head hood for emergencies, with fur leggins and boot moccasins. his legs and feet fitted his mexican stirrups. if my memory is not at fault his entire dress when on the street did not show one inch of woven fabric." one can easily see that a dress of such kind and upon such a man would attract attention at the national capital. but the history of the event nowhere hints that the old pioneer suffered in any quarter from his lack of fashionable garments. it was before the day of interviewing newspapers, but the men in authority in washington soon learned of his coming and showed him every courtesy and kindness. he would have been lionized had he encouraged it. but he had not imperiled life for any such purpose. he was, after a four thousand miles ride, there upon a great mission and for business, and time was precious. almost in despair he had prayed that he might be enabled to reach the capital of the nation and make his plea for his land, oregon, before it was too late. and here he was. would he be given an audience? would he be believed? would he succeed? these were the questions uppermost in his mind. chapter vii. whitman in the presence of president tyler and secretary of state daniel webster, and the return to oregon. it has been an american boast that the president of the united states is within the reach of the humblest subject. this was truer years ago than now, and possibly with some reason for it. unfortunately the historian has no recorded account of the interview between the president, his secretary of state and whitman. whitman worked for posterity, but did not write for it. for his long journey over the plains in and the many entertaining and exciting events we are wholly dependent upon mrs. whitman, and for the narrative of the perilous ride to save oregon, we are dependent upon the brief notes made by gen. lovejoy, and from personal talks with many friends. whitman always seemed too busy to use pencil or pen, and yet when he did write, as a few recorded specimens show, he was remarkably clear, precise and forcible. but while we have no written statement of the celebrated interview, dr. whitman, in many private conversations with friends in oregon said enough to give a fair and clear account of it. it will require no stretch of imagination in any intelligent reader to suppose, that a man who had undergone the hardships and perils he had, would be at a loss how to present his case in the most forcible and best possible method. he was an educated man, a profound thinker; and he knew every phase of the questions he had to present, and no man of discernment could look into his honest eyes and upon his manly bearing, without acknowledging that they were in the presence of the very best specimen of american christian manhood. both president tyler and secretary of state daniel webster, speedily granted him an audience. some time in the future some great artist will paint a picture of this historic event. the old pioneer, in his leather breeches and worn and torn fur garments, and with frozen limbs, just in from a four thousand mile ride, is a picture by himself, but standing in the presence of the president and his great secretary, to plead for oregon and the old flag, the subject for a painter is second to none in american history. some writers have said that whitman "had a chilling reception from secretary webster." of this there is not a shadow of proof. it has also been asserted that whitman assailed the ashburton-webster treaty. this much only is true, that whitman regarded the issues settled as comparatively insignificant to those involved in the possession and boundaries of oregon; but he was profoundly grateful that in the treaty, oregon had in no way been sacrificed, as he had feared. gen. lovejoy says: "dr. whitman often related to me during our homeward journey the incidents of his reception by the president and his secretary. he had several interviews with both of them, as well as with many of the leading senators and members of congress." the burden of his speech in all these, says gen. lovejoy, was to "immediately terminate the treaty of and , and extend the laws of the united states over oregon." it takes a most credulous reader to doubt that. for months prior to whitman's visit to washington in diplomatic circles it was well understood that there were negotiations on foot to trade american interests in oregon for the fisheries of newfoundland. dr. whitman soon heard of it, and heard it given as a reason why the boundary line between oregon and the british possessions had been left open and only the little dispute in maine adjusted. according to all reports we can gather from the doctor's conversations, there was only one time in the several conferences in which he and secretary webster got warm and crossed swords. secretary webster had received castigation from political leaders, and sharp criticism from his own party over the ashburton treaty, and was ready to resent every remote allusion to it, as a give-away of american interests. in defense of secretary webster it has been asserted that "he had no intention of making such an exchange." but his well-known previous views, held in common by the leading statesmen of the day, already referred to, and openly expressed in congress and upon the rostrum, that "oregon was a barren worthless country, fit only for wild beasts and wild men, gave the air of truth to the reported negotiation." this he emphasized by the interruption of whitman in one of his glowing descriptions of oregon, by saying in effect that "oregon was shut off by impassable mountains and a great desert, which made a wagon road impossible." then, says whitman, i replied: "mr. secretary, that is the grand mistake that has been made by listening to the enemies of american interests in oregon. six years ago i was told there was no wagon road to oregon, and it was impossible to take a wagon there, and yet in despite of pleadings and almost threats, i took a wagon over the road, and have it now." this was the historic wagon. it knocked all the argument out of the great secretary. facts are stubborn things to meet, and when told by a man like whitman it is not difficult to imagine their effect. he assured the secretary that the possibilities of the territory beyond the rockies were boundless, that under the poorest cultivation everything would grow; that he had tested a variety of crops and the soil made a wonderful yield. that not only is the soil fertile, the climate healthful and delightful, but there is every evidence of the hills and mountains being rich in ores; while the great forests are second to none in the world. but it was the battered old wagon that was the clinching argument that could not be overcome. no four-wheeled vehicle ever before in history performed such notable service. the real fact was, the doctor took it into oregon on two wheels, but he carefully hauled the other two wheels inside as precious treasures. he seems to have had a prophetic view of the value of the first incoming wagon from the united states. the events show his wisdom. proceeding with his argument, dr. whitman said: "mr. secretary, you had better give all new england for the cod and mackerel fisheries of new foundland than to barter away oregon." [illustration: whitman pleading for oregon before president tyler and secretary webster.] from the outset, and at every audience granted, president tyler treated dr. whitman with the greatest deference. he was a new character in the experience of both these polished and experienced politicians. never before had they listened to a man who so eloquently plead for the cause of his country, with no selfish aim in sight. he asked for no money, or bonds, or land, or office, or anything, except that which would add to the nation's wealth, the glory and honor of the flag, and the benefit of the hardy pioneer of that far-off land, that the nation had for more than a third of the century wholly neglected. it was a powerful appeal to the manly heart of president tyler, and as the facts show, was not lost on secretary webster. the rev. h. h. spalding, whitman's early associate in the oregon work, had many conferences with whitman after his return to oregon. spalding says, speaking of the conference: "webster's interest lay too near to cape cod to see things as whitman did, while he conceded sincerity to the missionary, but he was loth to admit that a six years' residence there gave whitman a wider knowledge of the country than that possessed by governor simpson, who had explored every part of it and represented it as a sandy desert, cut off from the united states by impassable mountains, and fit only for wild animals and savage men." with the light we now have upon the subject the greater wonder is that a brainy man like webster could be so over-reached by an interested party such as governor simpson was; well knowing as he did, that he was the chief of the greatest monopoly existing upon either continent--the hudson bay company. all dr. whitman demanded was that if it were true, as asserted by mr. webster himself, in his instructions to edward everett in , then minister to england, that "the ownership of oregon is very likely to follow the greater settlement and larger amount of population;" then "all i ask is that you won't barter away oregon, or allow english interference until i can lead a band of stalwart american settlers across the plains: for this i will try to do." president tyler promptly and positively stated: "dr. whitman, your long ride and frozen limbs speak for your courage and patriotism; your missionary credentials are good vouchers for your character." and he promptly granted his request. such promise was all that whitman required. he firmly believed, as all the pioneers of oregon at that time believed, that the treaty of , while not saying in direct terms that the nationality settling the country should hold it, yet that that was the real meaning. both countries claimed the territory, and england with the smallest rightful claim had, through the hudson bay company, been the supreme autocratic ruler for a full third of a century. more than half a dozen fur companies, attracted to oregon by the wealth flowing into the coffers of the english company, had attempted, as we have before shown, to open up business on what they claimed was american soil; but, in every instance, they were starved out or bought out by the english company. the indians obeyed its orders, and even the american missionaries settled in just the localities they were ordered to by the english monopoly. in another connection we have more fully explained this treaty of , but, suffice it to say, these conditions led whitman to believe that the only hope of saving oregon was in american immigration. it was for this that he plead with president tyler and secretary webster and the members of congress he met. from the president he went to the hon. james m. porter, secretary of war, and by him was received with the greatest kindness, and he eagerly heard the whole story. he promised dr. whitman all the aid in his power in his scheme of immigration. he promised that captain fremont, with a company of troops, should act as escort to the caravan which whitman was positive he could organize upon the frontier. the secretary of war also inquired in what way he and the government could aid the pioneers in the new country, and asked dr. whitman, at his leisure, to write out his views, and forward them to him. dr. whitman did this, and the state historical society of oregon did excellent service, recently, in publishing whitman's proposed "oregon organization," found among the official papers of the war department, a copy of which will be found in the appendix of this volume. in a senate document, december st, viz., the st cong., february th, , we read: "there is no doubt but that the arrival of dr. whitman, in , was opportune. the president was satisfied that the territory was worth the effort to win it. the delay incident to a transfer of negotiations to london was fortunate, for there is reason to believe that if former negotiations had been renewed in washington, and that, for the sake of a settlement of the protracted controversy and the only remaining unadjudicated cause of difference between the two governments, the offer had been renewed of the th parallel to the columbia and thence down the river to the pacific ocean, it would have been accepted. the visit of whitman committed the president against any such action." this is a clear statement, summarizing the great historic event, and forever silencing effectually the slanderous tongues that have, in modern times, attempted to deprive the old hero of his great and deserving tribute. we will do secretary webster the justice to say here, that in his later years, he justly acknowledged the obligations of the nation to dr. whitman. in the new york independent, for january, , it is stated: "a personal friend of mr. webster, a legal gentleman, and with whom he conversed on the subject several times, remarked to the writer of this article: 'it is safe to assert that our country owes it to dr. whitman and his associate missionaries that all the territory west of the rocky mountains and south as far as the columbia river, is not now owned by england and held by the hudson bay company.'" having transacted his business and succeeded even beyond his expectations, whitman hurried to boston to report to the headquarters of the american board. his enemies have often made sport over their version of his "cool reception by the american board." if there was a severe reprimand, as reported, both the officers of the board and dr. whitman failed to make record of it. but enough of the facts leaked out in the years after to show that it was not altogether a harmonious meeting. it is not to be wondered at. the american board was a religious organization working under fixed rules, and expected every member in every field to obey those rules. but here was a man, whose salary had been paid by the board for special work, away from his field of labor without the consent from headquarters. it is not at all unlikely that he was severely reprimanded. the officers of the american board had no reason to know, as christian people can see now, that whitman was an inspired man, and a man about his father's business. it is even reported, but not vouched for, that they ordered him to promptly repair to his post of duty, and dismissed him with his pockets so empty, that, when starting upon his ever-memorable return journey across the plains, "he had but money enough to buy only a single ham for his supplies." one of his old associates who had frequent conferences with whitman--dr. gray--says: "instead of being treated by the american board as his labors justly deserved, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expenses, and for dangers incurred without orders or instructions or permission from headquarters. thus, for economical, prudential reasons, the board received him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, causing a chill in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his statements, and been most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean labors." we leave intelligent readers to answer for themselves, whether this attitude of this great and influential and excellent organization has not been, in a measure, responsible for the neglect of this hero, who served it and the christian world with all faithfulness and honesty, until he and his noble wife dropped into their martyr graves? if they say yea, we raise the question whether the time has not been reached to make amends? dr. barrows says, in his "oregon and the struggle for possession," "it should be said in apology for both parties at this late day that, at that time, the oregon mission and its managing board were widely asunder geographically, and as widely separated in knowledge of the condition of affairs." dr. whitman seems to have assumed that his seven years' residence on the northwest coast would gain him a trustful hearing. but his knowledge gave him the disadvantage of a position and plans too advanced--not an uncommon mishap to eminent leaders. as said by coleridge of milton, "he strode so far before his contemporaries as to dwarf himself by the distance." he adds that: "years after only, it was discovered by one of the officers of the american board," that "it was not simply an american question then settled, but at the same time a protestant question." he also refers to a recent work, "the ely volume," in which is discussed the question, "instances where the direct influence of missionaries has controlled and hopefully shaped the destinies of communities and states," and illustrates by saying, "perhaps no event in the history of missions will better illustrate this than the way in which oregon and our whole northwest pacific coast was saved to the united states." this covered directly the whitman idea. it was, as he before stated, a union of banners--the banner of the cross, and the banner of the country he loved. it took the spirit and love of both to sustain a man and to enable him to undergo the hardships and dangers and discouragements that he met, from the beginning to the end. from boston, with an aching heart, and yet doubtless serene over an accomplished duty, which he had faith to believe time would reveal in its real light, dr. whitman passed on to make a flying visit to his own and his wife's relations. from letters of mrs. whitman, it is easy to see that her prophecy was true; "he would be too full of his great work on hand, to tell much of the home in oregon." his visit was hurried over and seemed more the necessity of a great duty than a pleasure. but the doctor's mind was westward. he had learned from gen. lovejoy that already there was gathering upon the frontier a goodly number of immigrants and the prospect was excellent for a large caravan. in the absence of dr. whitman, gen. lovejoy had neglected no opportunity to publish far and wide that dr. whitman and himself would, early in the spring, pilot across the plains to oregon, a body of immigrants. a rendezvous was appointed, not far from where kansas city now stands, at the little town of weston. but they were in various camps at fort leavenworth and other points, waiting both for their guide and for the growing spring grass--a necessity for the emigrant. certain modern historians have undertaken to rob whitman of his great services in , by gathering affidavits of people who emigrated to oregon in that year, declaring, "we never saw marcus whitman," and "we were not persuaded to immigrate to oregon by him," etc. doubtless there were such upon the wide plains, scattered as they may have been, hundreds of miles apart. but it is just as certain that the large immigration to oregon that year was incited by the movements of whitman and lovejoy, as any fact could be. there is no other method of explaining it. that he directly influenced every immigrant of that year, no one has claimed. true, old elijah white had paved the way, the year before, by leading in the first large band of agriculturist settlers; but men of families, undertaking a two thousand mile journey, with their families and their stock, were certainly desirous of an experienced guide. they may, as some of them say, never have met whitman. he was not one of the free and easy kind that made himself popular with the masses. then, besides all that, fifty years ago plains life was an odd life. i have journeyed with men for weeks, and even after months of acquaintance have not known their names, except that of buckeye, sucker, missouri, cass county bill, bob, etc. little bands would travel by themselves for days and weeks and then, under the sense of danger that would be passed along the line, and for defense against depredations of some dangerous tribe of indians, they would gather into larger bands soon again to fall apart. some of these would often follow many days behind the head of the column, but always have the benefit of its guidance. that year grass was late, and they did not get fully under way until the first week in june. whitman remained behind and did not overtake the advance of the column until it reached the platte river. he knew the way, he had three times been over it. he was ahead arranging for camping places for those in his immediate company, or in the rear looking after the sick and discouraged. if some failed to know him by name, there were many who did, and all shared in all the knowledge of the country and road which he, better than any other, knew. in answer to historical critics of modern times we quote dr. h. h. spalding, who says, in speaking of the immigration of : "and through that whole summer dr. whitman was everywhere present; the ministering angel to the sick, helping the weary, encouraging the wavering, cheering the tired mothers, setting broken bones and mending wagons. he was in the front, in the center and in the rear. he was in the river hunting out fords through the quicksand; in the desert places looking for water and grass; among the mountains hunting for passes, never before trodden by white men; at noontide and at midnight he was on the alert as if the whole line was his own family, and as if all the flocks and herds were his own. for all this he neither asked nor expected a dollar from any source, and especially did he feel repaid at the end, when, standing at his mission home, hundreds of his fellow pilgrims took him by the hand and thanked him with tears in their eyes for all that he had done." the head of the column arrived at fort hall and there waited for the stragglers to come up. dr. whitman knew that here he would meet captain johnny grant, and the old story, "you can't take a wagon into oregon," would be dinned into the ears of the head of every family. he had heard it over and over again six years before. fort hall was thirteen hundred and twenty-three miles from the missouri river at kansas city. here the doctor expected trouble and found it. johnny grant was at fort hall to make trouble and discourage immigration. he was working under the pay of the fur company and earned his money. the fur company did not desire farmers in settlements in oregon. captain grant at once began to tell them the terrors of the mountain journey and the impossibility of hauling their wagons further. then he showed them, to prove it, a corral full of fine wagons, with agricultural tools, and thousands of things greatly needed in oregon, that immigrants had been forced to leave when they took to their pack-saddles. the men were ready, as had been others before, to give up and sacrifice the comforts of their families and rob themselves at the command of the oily advocate. but here comes whitman. johnny grant knows he now has his master. dr. whitman says: "men, i have guided you thus far in safety. believe nothing you hear about not being able to get your wagons through; every one of you stick to your wagons and your goods. they will be invaluable to you when you reach the end of your journey. i took a wagon through to oregon six years ago." (again we see the historic wagon.) the men believed him. they refused to obey captain grant's touching appeal and almost a command to leave their wagons behind. never did an order, than the one whitman made, add more to the comfort and actual value of a band of travelers. one of a former company tells of a packing experience, after submitting to captain grant's orders. he says: "there were lively times around old fort hall when the patient old oxen and mules were taken from the wagons to be left behind and the loads of bedding, pots and pans were tied on to their backs. they were unused to such methods. there would first be a shying, then a fright and a stampede, and bellowing oxen and braying mules and the air would be full of flying kettles and camp fixtures, while women and children crying and the men swearing, made up a picture to live in the memory." no one better than whitman knew the toil and danger attending the last six hundred miles of the journey to oregon. col. george b. curry, in an address before the pioneer society of oregon in , gives a graphic sketch, wonderfully realistic, of the immigrant train in . he says: "from the south pass the nature of our journeying changed, and assumed the character of a retreat, a disastrous, ruinous retreat. oxen and horses began to perish in large numbers; often falling dead in their yokes in the road. the heat-dried wagon, striking on the rocks or banks would fall to pieces. as the beasts of burden grew weaker, and the wagon more rickety, teams began to be doubled and wagons abandoned. the approaching storms of autumn, which, on the high mountains at the last end of our journey, meant impassable snow, admitted of no delay. whatever of strength remained of the jaded cattle must be forced out. every thing of weight not absolutely necessary must be abandoned. "there was no time to pause and recruit the hungry stock, nor dare we allow them much freedom to hunt the withered herbage, for a marauding enemy hung upon the rear, hovering on either flank, and skulked in ambuscade in the front, the horizon was a panorama of mountains, the grandest and most desolate on the continent. the road was strewn with dead cattle, abandoned wagons, discarded cooking utensils, ox-yokes, harness, chairs, mess chests, log chains, books, heirlooms, and family keepsakes. the inexorable surroundings of the struggling mass permitted no hesitation or sentiment. "the failing strength of the team was a demand that must be complied with. clothing not absolutely required at present was left on the bare rocks of the rugged canyons. wagons were coupled shorter that a few extra pounds might be saved from the wagon beds. one set of wheels was left and a cart constructed. men, women and children walked beside the enfeebled teams, ready to give an assisting push up a steep pitch. "the fierce summer's heat beat upon this slow west rolling column. the herbage was dry and crisp, the rivulets had become but lines in the burning sand; the sun glared from a sky of brass; the stony mountain sides glared with the garnered heat of a cloudless summer. the dusky brambles of the scraggy sage brush seemed to catch the fiery rays of heat and shiver them into choking dust, that rose like a tormenting plague and hung like a demon of destruction over the panting oxen and thirsty people. "thus day after day, for weeks and months, the slow but urgent retreat continued, each day demanding fresh sacrifices. an ox or a horse would fall, brave men would lift the useless yoke from his limp and lifeless neck in silence. if there was another to take his place he was brought from the loose band, yoked up and the journey resumed. when the stock of oxen became exhausted, cows were brought under the yoke, other wagons left, and the lessening store once more inspected; if possible, another pound would be dispensed with. "deeper and deeper into the flinty mountains the forlorn mass drives its weary way. each morning the weakened team has to commence a struggle with yet greater difficulties. it is plain the journey will not be completed within the anticipated time, and the dread of hunger joins the ranks of the tormentors. the stench of carrion fills the air in many places; a watering place is reached to find the putrid carcass of a dead animal in the spring. the indians hover in the rear, impatiently waiting for the train to move on that the abandoned trinkets may be gathered up. whether these are gathering strength for a general attack we cannot tell. there is but one thing to do--press on. the retreat cannot hasten into rout, for the distance to safety is too great. slower and slower is daily progress. "i do not pretend to be versed in all the horrors that have made men groan on earth, but i have followed the "flight of tartar tribes," under the focal light of dequincy's genius, the retreat of the ten thousand under xenophon, but as far as i am able to judge, in heroism, endurance, patience, and suffering, the annual retreat of immigrants from the black hills to the dalles surpasses either. the theater of their sufferings and success, for scenic grandeur, has no superior. "the patient endurance of these men and women for sublime pathos may challenge the world. men were impoverished and women reduced to beggary and absolute want, and no weakling's murmur of complaint escaped their lips. it is true, when women saw their patient oxen or faithful horses fall by the roadside and die, they wept piteously, and men stood in all the 'silent manliness of grief' in the camp of their desolation, for the immigrants were men and women with hearts to feel and tears to flow." [illustration: rev. h. h. spalding.] this, it will be observed, was a train upon the road ten years later than dr. whitman's memorable journey. he was a wise guide, and his train met with fewer disasters. the hon. s. a. clarke in his address tells how whitman moved his train across snake river. he says: "when the immigrants reached the snake, dr. whitman proceeded to fasten wagons together in one long string, the strongest in the lead. as soon as the teams were in position, dr. whitman tied a rope around his waist and starting his horse into the current swam over. he called to others to follow him, and when they had force enough to pull at the rope the lead team was started in and all were drawn over in safety. as soon as the leading teams were able to get foothold on the bottom all was safe; as they, aided by the strong arms of the men pulling at the rope, pulled the weaker ones along." the snake river at the ford is divided into three rivers by islands, the last stream on the oregon side is a deep and rapid current, and fully half a mile wide. to get so many wagons, pulled by jaded teams, and all the thousand men, women and children, and the loose stock across in safety, showed wise generalship. we here copy "a day with the cow column in ," by the hon. jesse applegate, a late honored citizen of oregon, who was one of dr. whitman's company in . it is a clear, graphic description of a sample day's journey on the famous trip, and was an address published in the transactions of the pioneer oregon association in . the migration of a large body of men, women and children across the continent to oregon was, in the year , strictly an experiment, not only in respect to the numbers, but to the outfit of the migrating party. before that date two or three missionaries had performed the journey on horseback, driving a few cows with them. three or four wagons drawn by oxen had reached fort hall on snake river, but it was the honest opinion of most of those who had traveled the route down snake river that no large number of cattle could be subsisted on its scanty pasturage, or wagons taken over a route so rugged and mountainous. the emigrants were also assured that the sioux would be much opposed to the passage of so large a body through their country, and would probably resist it on account of the emigrants destroying and frightening away the buffaloes, which were then diminishing in numbers. the migrating body numbered over one thousand souls, with about one hundred and twenty wagons, drawn by ox teams, averaging about six yokes to the team, and several thousand loose horses and cattle. the emigrants first organized and attempted to travel in one body, but it was soon found that no progress could be made with a body so cumbrous, and as yet, so averse to all discipline. and at the crossing of the "big blue," it divided into two columns, which traveled in supporting distance of each other as far as independence rock, on the sweetwater. from this point, all danger from indians being over, the emigrants separated into small parties better suited to the narrow mountain paths and small pastures in their front. before the division on the blue river there was some just cause for discontent in respect to loose cattle. some of the emigrants had only their teams, while others had large herds in addition, which must share the pastures and be driven by the whole body. this discontent had its effect in the division on the blue, those not encumbered with or having but few loose cattle attached themselves to the light column, those having more than four or five cows had of necessity to join the heavy or cow column. hence, the cow column, being much larger than the other and encumbered with its large herds, had to use greater exertion and observe a more rigid discipline to keep pace with the more agile consort. it is with the cow or more clumsy column that i propose to journey with the reader for a single day. it is four o'clock a. m., the sentinels on duty have discharged their rifles, the signal that the hours of sleep are over; and every wagon or tent is pouring forth its night tenants, and slow kindling smokes begin to rise and float away on the morning air. sixty men start from the corral, spreading as they make through the vast herd of cattle and horses that form a semi-circle around the encampment, the most distant, perhaps, two miles away. the herders pass to the extreme verge and carefully examine for trails beyond, to see that none of the animals have been stolen or strayed during the night. this morning no trails lead beyond the outside animals in sight, and by five o'clock the herders begin to contract the great moving circle, and the well-trained animals move slowly toward camp, clipping here and there a thistle or tempting bunch of grass on the way. in about an hour , animals are close up to the encampment, and the teamsters are busy selecting their teams, and driving them inside the "corral" to be yoked. the corral is a circle one hundred yards deep, formed with wagons connected strongly with each other, the wagon in the rear being connected with the wagon in front by its tongue and ox chains. it is a strong barrier that the most vicious ox cannot break, and in case of an attack by the sioux, would be no contemptible entrenchment. from six to seven o'clock is a busy time; breakfast to be eaten, the tents struck, the wagons loaded, and the teams yoked and brought up in readiness to be attached to their respective wagons. all know, when at seven o'clock the signal to march sounds, that those not ready to take their proper places in the line of march must fall into the dusty rear for the day. there are sixty wagons. they have been divided into sixteen divisions, or platoons of four wagons each, and each platoon is entitled to lead in its turn. the leading platoon of to-day will be the rear one to-morrow, and will bring up the rear, unless some teamster, through indolence or negligence, has lost his place in the line, and is condemned to that uncomfortable post. it is within ten minutes of seven; the corral, but now a strong barricade, is everywhere broken, the teams being attached to the wagons. the women and children have taken their places in them. the pilot (a borderer who has passed his life on the verge of civilization, and has been chosen to the post of leader from his knowledge of the savage and his experience in travel through roadless wastes) stands ready, in the midst of his pioneers and aides, to mount and lead the way. ten or fifteen young men, not to lead to-day, form another cluster. they are ready to start on a buffalo hunt, are well mounted and well armed, as they need to be, for the unfriendly sioux have driven the buffalo out of the platte, and the hunters must ride fifteen or twenty miles to reach them. the cow-drivers are hastening, as they get ready, to the rear of their charge, to collect and prepare them for the day's march. it is on the stroke of seven; the rushing to and fro, the cracking of whips, the loud command to oxen, and what seemed to be the inextricable confusion of the last ten minutes has ceased. fortunately, every one has been found, and every teamster is at his post. the clear notes of a trumpet sound in the front; the pilot and his guards mount their horses; the leading division of wagons move out of the encampment and take up the line of march; the rest fall into their places with the precision of clock-work, until the post, so lately full of life, sinks back into that solitude that seems to reign over the broad plain and rushing river, as the caravan draws its lazy length toward the distant el dorado. it is with the hunters we will briskly canter toward the bold but smooth and grassy bluffs that bound the broad valley, for we are not yet in sight of the grander, but less beautiful, scenery (of the chimney rock, court house, and other bluffs so nearly resembling giant castles and palaces) made by the passage of the platte through the highlands near laramie. we have been traveling briskly for more than an hour. we have reached the top of the bluff, and now have turned to view the wonderful panorama spread before us. to those who have not been on the platte, my powers of description are wholly inadequate to convey an idea of the vast extent and grandeur of the picture, and the rare beauty and distinctness of its detail. no haze or fog obscures objects in the pure and transparent atmosphere of this lofty region. to those accustomed to only the murky air of the sea-board, no correct judgment of distance can be formed by sight, and objects which they think they can reach in a two hours' walk, may be a day's travel away; and though the evening air is a better conductor of sound, on the high plain during the day the report of the loudest rifle sounds little louder than the bursting of a cap; and while the report can be heard but a few hundred yards, the smoke of the discharge may be seen for miles. so extended is the view from the bluff on which the hunters stand, that the broad river, glowing under the morning sun like a sheet of silver, and the broader emerald valley that borders it, stretch away in the distance until they narrow at almost two points in the horizon, and when first seen, the vast pile of the wind river mountains, though hundreds of miles away, looks clear and distinct as a white cottage on the plain. we are full six miles away from the line of march; though everything is dwarfed by distance, it is seen distinctly. the caravan has been about two hours in motion, and is now extended as widely as a prudent regard for safety will permit. first, near the bank of the shining river, is a company of horsemen; they seem to have found an obstruction, for the main body has halted, while three or four ride rapidly along the bank of a creek or slough. they are hunting a favorable crossing for the wagons; while we look they have succeeded; it has apparently required no work to make it possible, while all but one of the party have passed on, and he has raised a flag, no doubt a signal to the wagons to steer their course to where he stands. the leading teamster sees him, though he is yet two miles off, and steers his course directly towards him, all the wagons following in his track. they (the wagons) form a line three-quarters of a mile in length; some of the teamsters ride upon the front of their wagons, some march beside their teams; scattered along the line companies of women and children are taking exercise on foot; they gather bouquets of rare and beautiful flowers that line the way; near them stalks a stately greyhound or an irish wolf dog, apparently proud of keeping watch and ward over his master's wife and children. next comes a band of horses; two or three men or boys follow them, the docile and sagacious animals scarcely needing this attention, for they have learned to follow in the rear of the wagons, and know that at noon they will be allowed to graze and rest. their knowledge of time seems as accurate as of the place they are to occupy in the line, and even a full-blown thistle will scarce tempt them to straggle or halt until the dinner hour is arrived. not so with the large herd of horned beasts that bring up the rear; lazy, selfish and unsocial, it has been a task to get them in motion, the strong always ready to domineer over the weak, halt in the front and forbid the weaker to pass them. they seem to move only in fear of the driver's whip; though in the morning full to repletion, they have not been driven an hour, before their hunger and thirst seem to indicate a fast of days' duration. through all the day long their greed is never sated nor their thirst quenched, nor is there a moment of relaxation of the tedious and vexatious labors of their drivers, although to all others the march furnishes some reason of relaxation or enjoyment. for the cow-drivers, there is none. but from the standpoint of the hunters the vexations are not apparent; the crack of whip and loud objurgations are lost in the distance. nothing of the moving panorama, smooth and orderly as it appears, has more attraction for the eye than that vast square column in which all colors are mingled, moving here slowly and there briskly as impelled by horsemen riding furiously in front and rear. but the picture, in its grandeur, its wonderful mingling of colors and distinctness of detail, is forgotten in contemplation of the singular people who give it life and animation. no other race of men, with the means at their command, would undertake so great a journey; none save these could successfully perform it, with no previous preparation, relying only on the fertility of their invention to devise the means to overcome each danger and difficulty as it arose. they have undertaken to perform with slow-moving oxen, a journey of two thousand miles. the way lies over trackless wastes, wide and deep rivers, rugged and lofty mountains, and it is beset with hostile savages. yet, whether it were a deep river with no tree upon its banks, a rugged defile where even a loose horse could not pass, a hill too steep for him to climb, or a threatened attack of an enemy, they are always found ready and equal to the occasion, and always conquerors. may we not call them men of destiny? they are people changed in no essential particulars from their ancestors, who have followed closely on the footsteps of the receding savage, from the atlantic sea-board to the great valley of the mississippi. but while we have been gazing at the picture in the valley, the hunters have been examining the high plain in the other direction. some dark moving objects have been discovered in the distance, and all are closely watching them to discover what they are, for in the atmosphere of the plains a flock of crows marching miles away, or a band of buffaloes or indians at ten times the distance look alike, and many ludicrous mistakes occur. but these are buffaloes, for two have struck their heads together, and are alternately pushing each other back. the hunters mount and away in pursuit, and i, a poor cow-driver, must hurry back to my daily toil, and take a scolding from my fellow-herders for so long playing truant. the pilot, by measuring the ground and timing the speed of the wagons and the walk of his horses, has determined the rate of each, so as to enable him to select the nooning place, as nearly as the requisite grass and water can be had at the end of five hours' travel of the wagons. to-day, the ground being favorable, little time has been lost in preparing the road, so that he and his pioneers are at the nooning place an hour in advance of the wagons, which time is spent in preparing convenient watering places for the animals, and digging little wells near the bank of the platte. as the teams are not unyoked, but simply turned loose from their wagons, a corral is not formed at noon, but the wagons are drawn up in columns, four abreast, the leading wagon of each platoon on the left--the platoons being formed with that view. this brings friends together at noon as well as at night. to-day, an extra session of the council is being held, to settle a dispute that does not admit of delay, between a proprietor and a young man who has undertaken to do a man's service on the journey for bed and board. many such engagements exist, and much interest is taken in the manner this high court, from which there is no appeal, will define the rights of each party in such engagements. the council was a high court in a most exalted sense. it was a senate, composed of the ablest and most respected fathers of the emigration. it exercised both legislative and judicial powers, and its laws and decisions proved it equal and worthy the high trust reposed in it. its sessions were usually held on days when the caravan was not moving. it first took the state of the little commonwealth into consideration; revised or repealed rules defective or obsolete, and enacted such others as the exigencies seemed to require. the common weal being cared for, it next resolved itself into a court to hear and settle private disputes and grievances. the offender and the aggrieved appeared before it; witnesses were examined and the parties were heard by themselves and sometimes by counsel. the judges thus being made fully acquainted with the case, and being in no way influenced or cramped by technicalities, decided all cases according to their merits. there was but little use for lawyers before this court, for no plea was entertained which was calculated to hinder or defeat the ends of justice. many of these judges have since won honors in higher spheres. they have aided to establish on the broad basis of right and universal liberty two of the pillars of our great republic in the occident. some of the young men who appeared before them as advocates have themselves sat upon the highest judicial tribunal, commanded armies, been governors of states, and taken high positions in the senate of the nation. it is now one o'clock; the bugle has sounded, and the caravan has resumed its westward journey. it is in the same order, but the evening is far less animated than the morning march; a drowsiness has fallen apparently on man and beast; teamsters drop asleep on their perches and even when walking by their teams, and the words of command are now addressed to the slowly-creeping oxen in the softened tenor of a woman or the piping treble of children, while the snores of teamsters make a droning accompaniment. but a little incident breaks the monotony of the march. an emigrant's wife, whose state of health has caused dr. whitman to travel near the wagon for the day, is now taken with violent illness. the doctor has had the wagon driven out of the line, a tent pitched and a fire kindled. many conjectures are hazarded in regard to this mysterious proceeding, and as to why this lone wagon is to be left behind. and we, too, must leave it, hasten to the front and note the proceedings, for the sun is now getting low in the west, and at length the painstaking pilot is standing ready to conduct the train in the circle which he had previously measured and marked out, which is to form the invariable fortification for the night. the leading wagons follow him so nearly round the circle, that but a wagon length separates them. each wagon follows in its track, the rear closing on the front until its tongue and ox-chains will perfectly reach from one to the other, and so accurate the measurement and perfect the practice, that the hindmost wagon of the train always precisely closes the gateway. as each wagon is brought into position, it is dropped from its team (the teams being inside the circle), the team unyoked, and the yokes and chains are used to connect the wagon strongly with that in its front. within ten minutes from the time the leading wagon halted the barricade is formed, the teams unyoked and driven out to pasture. every one is busy preparing fires of buffalo chips to cook the evening meal, pitching tents and otherwise preparing for the night. there are anxious watchers for the absent wagon, for there are many matrons who may be afflicted like its inmate before the journey is over, and they fear the strange and startling practice of this oregon doctor will be dangerous. but as the sun goes down, the absent wagon rolls into camp, the bright, speaking face and cheery look of the doctor, who rides in advance, declare without words that all is well, and that both mother and child are comfortable. i would fain now and here pay a passing tribute to that noble and devoted man, dr. whitman. i will obtrude no other name upon the reader, nor would i his, were he of our party or even living, but his stay with us was transient, though the good he did was permanent, and he has long since died at his post. from the time he joined us on the platte, until he left us at fort hall, his great experience and indomitable energy was of priceless value to the migrating column. his constant advice, which we knew was based upon a knowledge of the road before us, was "travel, travel, travel--nothing else will take you to the end of your journey; nothing is wise that does not help you along; nothing is good for you that causes a moment's delay." his great authority as a physician and complete success in the case above referred to, saved us many prolonged and perhaps ruinous delays from similar causes, and it is no disparagement to others to say that to no other individual are the immigrants of so much indebted for the successful conclusion of their journey, as to dr. marcus whitman. all able to bear arms in the party had been formed into three companies, and each of these into four watches; every third night it is the duty of one of these companies to keep watch and ward over the camp, and it is so arranged that each watch takes its turn of guard duty through the different watches of the night. those forming the first watch to-night, will be second on duty, then third and fourth, which brings them all through the watches of the night. they begin at eight o'clock p. m. and end at four o'clock a. m. [illustration: rev. cushing eells, d.d. founder of whitman college.] it is not yet eight o'clock when the first watch is to be set; the evening meal is just over, and the corral now free from the intrusion of horses or cattle, groups of children are scattered over it. the larger are taking a game of romps; "the wee, toddling things" are being taught that great achievement which distinguishes men from the lower animals. before a tent near the river, a violin makes lively music and some youths and maidens have improvised a dance upon the green; in another quarter a flute gives its mellow and melancholy notes to the still night air, which, as they float away over the quiet river, seem a lament for the past rather than for a hope of the future. it has been a prosperous day; more than twenty miles have been accomplished of the great journey. the encampment is a good one; one of the causes that threatened much future delay has just been removed by the skill and energy of "that good angel" of the emigrants, dr. whitman, and it has lifted a load from the hearts of the elders. many of these are assembled around the good doctor at the tent of the pilot (which is his home for the time being), and are giving grave attention to his wise and energetic counsel. the care-worn pilot sits aloof quietly smoking his pipe, for he knows the grave doctor is "strength in his hands." but time passes, the watch is set for the night, the council of good men has been broken up and each has returned to his own quarters. the flute has whispered its last lament to the deepening night. the violin is silent and the dancers have dispersed. enamored youths have whispered a tender "good night" in the ear of blushing maidens, or stolen a kiss from the lips of some future bride; for cupid, here as elsewhere, has been busy bringing together congenial hearts, and among these simple people, he alone is consulted in forming the marriage tie. even the doctor and the pilot have finished their confidential interview and have separated for the night. all is hushed and repose from the fatigues of the day, save the vigilant guard, and the wakeful leader who still has cares upon his mind that forbid sleep. he hears the ten o'clock relief taking post, and the "all well" report of the returned guard; the night deepens, yet he seeks not the needed repose. at length a sentinel hurries to him with the welcome report that a party is approaching, as yet too far away for its character to be determined, and he instantly hurries out in the direction seen. this he does both from inclination and duty, for, in times past, the camp has been unnecessarily alarmed by timid or inexperienced sentinels, causing much confusion and fright amongst women and children, and it had been made a rule that all extraordinary incidents of the night should be reported directly to the pilot, who alone had authority to call out the military strength of the column, or so much of it as was, in his judgment, necessary to prevent a stampede or repel an enemy. to-night he is at no loss to determine that the approaching party are our missing hunters, and that they have met with success, and he only waits until, by some further signal, he can know that no ill has happened to them. this is not long wanting; he does not even wait their arrival, but the last care of the day being removed and the last duties performed, he, too, seeks the rest that will enable him to go through the same routine to-morrow. but here i leave him, for my task is also done, and, unlike his, it is to be repeated no more. after passing through such trials and dangers, nothing could have been more cheering to these tired immigrants than the band of cayuse and nez perces indians, with pack mules loaded with supplies, meeting the doctor upon the mountains with a glad welcome. from them he learned that in his absence his mill had been burned, but the rev. h. h. spalding, anticipating the needs of the caravan, had furnished flour from his mill, and nothing was ever more joyously received. dr. whitman also received letters urging him to hurry on to his mission. he selected one of his most trusty cayuse indian guides, istikus, and placed the company under his lead. he was no longer a necessity for its comfort and safety. the most notable event in pioneer history is reaching its culmination. that long train of canvas-covered wagons moving across the plains, those two hundred campfires at night, with shouts and laughter and singing of children, were all new and strange to these solitudes. as simple facts in history, to an american they are profoundly interesting, but to the thoughtful student who views results, they assume proportions whose grandeur is not easily over-estimated. but the little band has come safely across the rockies; has forded and swam many intervening rivers; the dreary plains, with saleratus dust and buffalo gnats, had been left behind, and here they stand upon a slope of the farthest western range of mountains, with the fertile foot hills and beautiful green meadows reaching as far away as the eye can see. the wagons are well bunched. for weeks they have been eager to see the land of promise. it is a goodly sight to see, as they file down the mountain side, one hundred and twenty-five wagons, one thousand head of loose stock, cattle, horses and sheep, and about one thousand men, women and children, and oregon is saved to the union. who did it? we leave every thoughtful, honest reader to answer the query. chapter viii. a backward look at results. the reader of history is often moved to admiration at the dash and courage of some bold hero, even when he has failed in the work he set out to accomplish. the genius to invent, with the courage to prosecute, has often failed in reaching the hoped-for results. the pages of history of all time are burdened with the plaintive cry, "oh, for night or blucher." it is the timeliness of great events that marks real genius, and the largest wisdom. of whitman it was a leading characteristic. he did the right thing just at the right time. his faith was equal to his courage and when his duty was made clear to his mind, there was no impediment that he would not attempt to overcome. now we are to study the results of his heroic ride, and will see how dangerous would have been any delay. we have noted webster's letter to the english minister, dated in , in which he said, "the ownership of the whole country (referring to oregon) will likely follow the greater settlement and larger amount of population," and this we may say was the common sentiment of our early statesmen, and not peculiar to mr. webster. but whitman had started a new train of thought and given a new direction to the policy of the administration. the president believed in the truthful report of the hero with his frozen limbs, who had ridden four thousand miles in midwinter without pay or hope of reward, to plead for oregon. immediately upon the close of the conference the record shows that secretary webster wrote to minister everett and said: "the government of the united states has never offered any line south of forty-nine and never will, and england must not expect anything south of the forty-ninth degree." that is a wonderful change. upon receipt of the news that dr. whitman, in june, "had started to oregon with a great caravan numbering nearly one thousand souls," another letter was sent to the english minister, still more pointed and impressive. the president and his secretary at once began to arrange terms for a treaty with england regarding the boundary line, and negotiations were speedily begun. it did not look to be a hopeful task when the ashburton-webster treaty, just signed in , had been a bone of contention for forty-eight years. still more did it look discouraging from the fact that diplomats the year before had resolved to leave the oregon boundary out of the case, as it was said, "otherwise it would likely defeat the whole treaty." but suddenly new blood had been injected into american veins in and about washington. they saw a great fertile country, thirty times as large as massachusetts, which was rightfully theirs and yet claimed by a power many thousand miles separated from it. the national blood was aroused. a great political party, not satisfied with secretary webster's modest "latitude of forty-nine degrees" emblazoned on its banners, "oregon and fifty-four forty or fight." the spirit of ' and seemed to have suddenly been aroused throughout the nation. people did not stop to ask, who has done it, or how it all happened; but no intelligent or thoughtful student of history can doubt how it all happened, or who was its author. it was also easy to see that it was to be no forty-eight year campaign before the question must be adjudicated. the hon. elwood evans, in a speech in , well said: "the arrival of dr. whitman in was opportune. the president was satisfied the territory was worth preserving." he continues: "if the offer had been made in the ashburton treaty of the forty-ninth parallel to the columbia river and thence down the columbia to the pacific ocean, it would have been accepted, but the visit of whitman committed the president against any such settlement." the offer was not made by english diplomats, because they intended to have a much larger slice. captain johnny grant and the english hudson bay officials made their greatest blunder in allowing whitman to make his perilous winter ride. they were not prepared for the sudden change in american sentiment. in any enthusiasm for our hero, we would not willingly make any exaggerated claim for his services. prior to the arrival of whitman, president tyler had shown thoughtful interest in the oregon question, and in his message in he said: "in advance of the acquirement of individual rights to those lands, sound policy dictates that every effort should be resorted to by the two governments to settle their respective claims." fifteen days before the arrival of whitman, senator linn, always a firm friend of oregon, in a resolution called for information, "why oregon was not included in the ashburton-webster treaty." this resolution passed the senate, but was defeated in the house. neither the president, senators, or congressmen had the data upon which to base clear, intelligent action, and whitman's arrival just when congress was closing up its business gave no opportunity for the wider discussion which would have followed then and there. it was, however, another evidence of timeliness, which we wish to keep well to the front in all of whitman's work. all can see how fortunate it was that the oregon boundary question was not included in the ashburton treaty in , and that it had waited for later adjudication. during the summer of the people of the entire country had heard of the great overland emigration to oregon, and on the th day of january, , congress was notified that the whitman immigration to oregon was a grand success, and upon the very day of the arrival of this news, a resolution was offered in the senate which called for the instructions to our minister in england, and all correspondence upon the subject. but the conservative senate was not quite ready for such a move, and the resolution was defeated by a close vote. but two days after a similar resolution was passed by the house. urged to do so by whitman, the lees, lovejoy, spalding, eells and others, scores of intelligent emigrants flooded their congressmen with letters giving glowing descriptions of the beauty of the country, the fertility of the land, and the mildness and healthfulness of the climate. even senator winthrop, who at one time declared that "neither the west nor the country at large had any real interest in retaining oregon; that we would not be straitened for elbow room in the west for a thousand years," was aroused to something of enthusiasm, and said in his place in the senate: "for myself, certainly, i believe that we have a good title to the whole twelve degrees of latitude up to fifty-four, forty." senator benton had long since materially changed his views from those he held when he had said that "the ridge of the rocky mountains may be named as the convenient, natural and everlasting boundary." fremont, not whitman, had converted him. benton was aggressive and intelligent. in the discussion of , he said: "let the emigrants go on and carry their rifles. we want thirty thousand rifles in the valley of the oregon. the war, if it come, will not be topical; it will not be confined to oregon, but will embrace the possessions of the two powers throughout the globe." in the discussion, which took a wide turn, many of the eminent statesmen at that time took a part. prominent among them was calhoun, linn, benton, choate, berrien and rives. many of them tried the most persuasive words of peace, yet no one who reads the speeches and the proceedings, but will perceive the wonderful changes in public sentiment during a single year. the year ended with the struggle growing every day more intense. the english people had awakened to the fact that they had to meet the issue and there would not be any repetition of the old dallying with the maine boundary. they sent to this country minister packenham as minister plenipotentiary to negotiate the treaty. mr. buchanan acted for the united states. it was talk and counter-talk. buchanan was one of the leading spirits in the demand for fifty-four forty, and his position was well understood both by the people of the united states and by england. president tyler, in his final message, earnestly recommended the extension of the united states laws over the territory of oregon. in this connection it will be remembered that dr. whitman, only a few months before the great massacre, in which he and his noble wife lost their lives, rode all the way to oregon city to urge judge thornton to go to washington and beg, on the part of the people of oregon, for a "provisional government." judge thornton believed in dr. whitman's wisdom, and when the doctor declared that which seemed to be a prophecy, "unless this is done, nothing will save even my mission from murder," the judge said, "if governor abernethy will furnish me a letter to the president, i will go." the governor promptly furnished the required letter and judge thornton resigned his position as supreme judge. all know of the fatal events at the whitman mission in less than two months after judge thornton's departure. but the boundary question lapped over into mr. polk's administration in with a promise of lively times. president polk, in december, , made it the leading question in his message. he covers the whole question in dispute and says: "the proposition of compromise which has been made and rejected, was by my order withdrawn, and our title to the whole of oregon asserted, and, as it is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments." the president recommended that the joint occupation treaty of - be terminated by the stipulated notice, and that the civil and criminal laws of the united states be extended over the whole of oregon, and that a line of military posts be established along the route from the states to the pacific. if the reader will take the pains to read the paper which dr. whitman by request sent to the secretary of war in , republished in the appendix of this volume, he will find in it just the recommendations now two years later made by the president. the great misfortune was that it was not complied with promptly. war upon a grand scale seemed imminent. a leading senator announced that "war may now be looked for almost inevitably." the whole tone of public sentiment, in congress and out, was that the united states owned oregon, not only up to forty-nine degrees, but up to degrees, minutes. it was thought that the resolution of notice for the termination of the treaty would cause a declaration of war. for forty days the question was pending before the house and finally passed by the strong vote of for to against. in the senate the resolution covered a still wider range and a longer time. but little else was thought or talked about. business throughout the land was at a standstill in the suspense, or was hurrying to prepare for a great emergency. the wisest, coolest-headed senators still regarded the question at issue open for peaceful settlement. they dwelt upon the horrors of a war, that would cost the nation five hundred millions in treasure, besides the loss of life. webster, who had been so soundly abused for his ashburton treaty, had held aloof from this discussion. but there came a time when he could no longer remain silent, and he put himself on the record in a single sentence: "it is my opinion that it is not the judgment of this country, or that of the senate, that the government of the united states should run the hazard of a war for oregon, by renouncing as no longer fit for consideration, the proposition of adjustment made by the government thirty years ago, and repeated in the face of the world." calhoun, than whom no senator was more influential, urged continued peaceful methods. he said: "a question of greater moment never has been presented to congress." others counseled a continuance of things as they were and letting immigration after the bold whitman plan settle it. suffice it here to say that both nations, after the wide discussion and threats, saw war as a costly experiment. in the last of april the terms of treaty were agreed upon, and on july th, , both governments had signed a treaty fixing the boundary line at forty-nine degrees. now here again comes in the timeliness of whitman's memorable ride. it had taken every day of exciting contest in congress since that event, up to april, , to agree upon the boundary and for america to get her oregon. on the th day of may, , congress declared war against mexico, and california was at stake. suppose england could have foreseen that event, would she not have declared in favor of a longer wait? who that knows england does not know that she would? with england still holding to her rights in oregon how easy it would have been to take sides with mexico and to have helped her hold california. but we won not only california and new mexico, but won riches. in the year gold was discovered in california. and now suppose england could have foreseen that, as she would have known it had she prolonged the negotiations, would she ever have signed away any possessions like that rolled in gold? when did the great and powerful kingdom of great britain ever do anything of the kind? it would not have done for whitman to have waited for next year and warm weather as his friends demanded. "i must go," and "now," and at this day it is easy to see from the light of history how god rules in the minds and hearts of men, as he rules nations. they, as men and nations, turn aside from his commands, but a man like marcus whitman obeys. go still farther. from the time gold was discovered in california up to the outbreak of the war of the rebellion, nine hundred millions of gold were dug from the mines of california and oregon. where did it go? the great bulk of it went into storehouses and manufactories and vaults of the north. the south was sparsely represented in california and oregon in the early days. we repeat that when the war broke out, the great bulk of the yellow metal was behind the union army. who don't recognize that it was a great power? even more than that, it was a controlling power. the nation was to be tried as never before. human slavery was the prize for which the south contended, while human freedom soon asserted itself, despite all opposition, as a contending force in the north. but the wisest were in doubt as to results. they could not see how it was possible that "the sum of all villainies" could be obliterated. in the east and the north and the west, the boys in blue flocked to the standard, and bayonets gleamed everywhere. the plow was left in the furrow, and the hum of the machine shop was not heard. the fires in the furnaces and forges went out, and multitudes were in despair over the mighty struggle at hand. the union might have been saved without the wealth of gold of california and oregon; it might have proved victorious, even if the two great loyal states of the pacific had been in the hands of strangers or enemies, but they were behind the loyal union army. and the men marched and fought and sung-- "in the beauty of the lilies, christ was born across the sea, with a glory in his bosom, that transfigures you and me; as he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free, while god is marching on," as they marched, leaving graves upon every mountain side and in every valley. appomattox was reached, and lo, the chains dropped from the limbs of six million slaves, and "the flag of beauty and glory" floated from lake to gulf and from ocean to ocean, in truth as in song-- "o'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave." [illustration: whitman college, walla walla, washington.] again, older readers will remember with what fear and trembling they opened their morning papers for many months, fearing to read that england had accorded "belligerent rights" to the confederacy. they will have a vivid recollection of the eloquent orator, henry ward beecher, as he plead, as no other man could, the cause of the union in english cities. he was backed up by old john bright, the descendants of penn, gurney and wilberforce, and the old-time enemies of human slavery. but it took them all to stem the tide. at one time it even seemed that they had won over gladstone to their interests. while the great masses of the english people were in sympathy with the union cause, the moneyed men and commerce sided with the confederacy: "cotton was king." they had been struck in a tender place--their pockets and bank accounts. but suppose england had owned oregon and its great interests, who don't see that all the danger would have been multiplied, and our interests endangered? there is in this no extravagant claim made that all this was done by marcus whitman. the ruler of the universe uses men, not a man, for its direction and government. going back upon the pages of history, the student sees whittier in his study, and listens to his singing; he sees mrs. stowe educating with uncle tom in his cabin; he notes garrison forging thunderbolts in his liberator; he sees old gamaliel bailey with his national era; he sees sumner fall by a bludgeon in the senate; he hears the eloquent thunderings of hale and bluff old ben wade and giddings and julian and chase; he sees lovejoy fall by the hands of his assassin; he hears the guns of the old "fanatic" john brown, as he began "marching on;" he sees a great army marshaled for the contest which led up to the election of the "martyr president," and the crowning victories which redeemed the grandest nation upon which the sun shines from the curse of human slavery. giving due credit to all, detracting no single honor from any one in all the distinguished galaxy of honored names, and yet the thoughtful student can reach but one conclusion, and that is, that in the timeliness of his acts, in the heroism with which they were carried out, in the unselfishness which marked every step of the way, and in the wide-reaching effects of his work, dr. marcus whitman, as a man and patriot and national benefactor, was excelled by none. such unselfish devotion, such obedience to the call of duty, such love of "the flag that makes you free," such heroism, which never even once had an outcropping of personal benefit, will forever stand, when fully understood, as among the brightest and most inspiring pages of american history. the young american loves to read of paul revere. he dwells with thrilling interest upon the ride of the boy archie gillespie, who saw the great dam breaking, and at the risk of his life rode down the valley of the conemaugh to johnstown, shouting, "flee for your lives, the flood, the flood!" the people fled and two minutes behind the boy rolled the mighty flood of annihilation. how painter, and poet, and patriot, lingers over the ride of the gallant sheridan "from winchester, twenty miles away." all the honor is deserved; he saved an army and turned a defeat into victory. but how do all these compare with the ride of whitman? it, too, was a ride for life or death. over snow-capped mountains, along ravines, traveled only by savage beasts and savage men. it was a plunge through icy rivers, tired, hungry, cold, and yet he rode on and on, until he stood before the president, four thousand miles away! let us hope and believe that the time will come when whitman, standing before president tyler and secretary webster, in his buckskin breeches and a dress as we have shown, which was never woven in loom, will be the subject of some great painting. it would be grandly historical and tell a story that a patriotic people should never forget. alice wellington rollins wrote the following poem, which was published in the new york independent, and widely copied. the cassell publishing company made it one of their gems in their elegant volume, "representative poems of living poets," and kindly consent to its use in this volume: whitman's ride. listen, my children, and you shall hear of a hero's ride that saved a state. a midnight ride? nay, child, for a year he rode with a message that could not wait. eighteen hundred and forty-two; no railroad then had gone crashing through to the western coast; not a telegraph wire had guided there the electric fire; but a fire burned in one strong man's breast for a beacon light. you shall hear the rest. he said to his wife; "at the fort to-day, at walla walla, i heard them say that a hundred british men had crossed the mountains; and one young, ardent priest shouted, 'hurrah for oregon! the yankees are late by a year at least!' they must know this at once at washington. another year, and all would be lost. someone must ride, to give the alarm across the continent; untold harm in an hour's delay, and only i can make them understand how or why the united states must keep oregon!" twenty-four hours he stopped to think, to think! nay then, if he thought at all, he thought as he tightened his saddle-girth. one tried companion, who would not shrink from the worst to come, with a mule or two to carry arms and supplies, would do. with a guide as far as fort bent. and she, the woman of proud, heroic worth, who must part from him, if she wept at all, wept as she gathered whatever he might need for the outfit on his way. fame for the man who rode that day into the wilds at his country's call; and for her who waited for him a year on that wild pacific coast, a tear! then he said "good-bye!" and with firm-set lips silently rode from his cabin door just as the sun rose over the tips of the phantom mountain that loomed before the woman there in the cabin door, with a dread at her heart she had not known when she, with him, had dared to cross the great divide. none better than she knew what the terrible ride would cost as he rode, and she waited, each alone. whether all were gained or all were lost, no message of either gain or loss could reach her; never a greeting stir her heart with sorrow or gladness; he in another year would come back to her if all went well; and if all went ill-- ah, god! could even her courage still the pain at her heart? if the blinding snow were his winding-sheet, she would never know; if the indian arrow pierced his side, she would never know where he lay and died; if the icy mountain torrents drowned his cry for help, she would hear no sound! nay, none would hear, save god, who knew what she had to bear, and he had to do. the clattering hoof-beats died away on the walla walla. ah! had she known they would echo in history still to-day as they echoed then from her heart of stone! he had left the valley. the mountains mock his coming. behind him, broad and deep, the columbia meets the pacific tides; before him--four thousand miles before-- four thousand miles from his cabin door, the potomac meets the atlantic. on over the trail grown rough and steep, now soft on the snow, now loud on the rock, is heard the tramp of his steed as he rides. the united states must keep oregon. it was october when he left the walla walla, though little heed paid he to the season. nay, indeed, in the lonely canyons just ahead, little mattered it what the almanac said. he heard the coyotes bark; but they are harmless creatures. no need to fear a deadly rattlesnake coiled too near. no rattlesnake ever was so bereft of sense as to creep out such a day in the frost. nay, scarce would a grizzly care for a sniff at him. only a man would dare the bitter cold, in whose heart and brain burned the quenchless flame of a great desire; a man with nothing himself to gain from success, but whose heart-blood kept its fire while with freezing face he rode on and on. the united states must keep oregon. it was november when they came to the icy stream. would he hesitate? not he, the man who carried a state at his saddle bow. they have made the leap; horse and rider have plunged below the icy current that could not tame their proud life-current's fiercer flow. they swim for it, reach it, clutch the shore, climb the river bank, cold and steep, mount, and ride the rest of that day, cased in an armor close and fine as ever an ancient warrior wore; armor of ice that dared to shine back at a sunbeam's dazzling ray, fearless as plated steel of old before that slender lance of gold. it is december as they ride slowly across the great divide; the blinding storm turns day to night, and clogs their feet; the snowflakes roll the winding sheet about them; sight is darkened; faint the despairing soul. no trail before or behind them. spur his horse? nay, child, it were death to stir! motionless horse and rider stand, turning to stone; till one poor mule, pricking his ears as if to say if they gave him rein he would find the way, found it and led them back, poor fool, to last night's camp in that lonely land. it was february when he rode into st. louis. the gaping crowd gathered about him with questions loud and eager. he raised one frozen hand with a gesture of silent, proud command; "i am here to ask, not answer! tell me quick, is the treaty signed?" "why yes! in august, six months ago or less!" six months ago! two months before the gay young priest at the fortress showed the english hand! two months before, four months ago at his cabin door, he had saddled his horse! too late then. "well, but oregon? have they signed the state away?" "of course not. nobody cares about oregon." he in silence bares his head. "thank god! i am not too late." it was march when he rode at last into the streets of washington. the warning questions came thick and fast; "do you know that the british will colonize, if you wait another year, oregon and the northwest, thirty-six times the size of massachusetts?" a courteous stare, and the government murmurs: "ah, indeed! pray, why do you think that we should care? with indian arrows and mountain snow between us, we never can colonize the wild northwest from the east you know, if you doubt it, why, we will let you read the london examiner; proofs enough the northwest is worth just a pinch of snuff." and the board of missions that sent him out, gazed at the worn and weary man with stern displeasure. "pray, sir, who gave you orders to undertake this journey hither, or to incur without due cause, such great expense to the board? do you suppose we can overlook so grave an offense? and the indian converts? what about the little flock, for whose precious sake we sent you west? can it be that you left them without a shepherd? most extraordinary conduct, sir, thus to desert your chosen post." ah, well! what mattered it! he had dared a hundred deaths, in his eager pride, to bring to his country at washington a message, for which, then, no one cared! but whitman could act as well as ride. the united states must keep the northwest. he--whatever might say the rest-- cared, and would colonize oregon! it was october, forty-two, when the clattering hoof-beats died away on the walla walla, that fateful day. it was september, forty-three-- little less than a year, you see-- when the woman who waited thought she heard the clatter of foot-beats that she knew on the walla walla again. "what word from whitman?" whitman himself! and see! what do her glad eyes look upon? the first of two hundred wagons rolls into the valley before her. he who, a year ago, had left her side, had brought them over the great divide-- men, women and children, a thousand souls-- the army to occupy oregon. you know the rest. in the books you have read that the british were not a year ahead. the united states have kept oregon, because of one marcus whitman. he rode eight thousand miles, and was not too late! in a single hand, not a nation's fate, perhaps; but a gift for the nation, she would hardly part with it to-day, if we may believe what the papers say upon this great northwest, that was oregon. * * * * * and whitman? ah! my children, he and his wife sleep now in a martyr's grave! murdered! murdered, both he and she, by the indian souls they went west to save! chapter ix. the change in public sentiment. the reader of history seldom sees a more notable instance of a changed public sentiment, than he can find in the authentic records dating from march, , to july, . if the epitome sketch made in another chapter has been studied the conditions now to be observed are phenomenal. statesman after statesman puts himself on record. you hear no more of "no wagon road to oregon," "that weary, desert road," those "impassable mountains;" nor does mr. mcduffie jump up to "thank god for his mercy, for the impassable barrier of the rocky mountains." no mr. benton arises and asks that "the statue of the fabled god terminus should be erected on the highest peak, never to be thrown down." nor does mr. jackson appeal for "a compact government." before the man clothed in buckskin left the national capital, a message was on the way to our minister to england proclaiming "the united states will consent to give nothing below the latitude of forty-nine degrees." when it was known that a great caravan of two hundred wagons and one thousand americans had started for oregon, a second message went to minister everett still more pointed and positive, "the united states will never consent that the boundary line to the pacific ocean shall move one foot below the latitude of forty-nine degrees." it is a historical fact that one hundred and twenty-five of the wagons went through. the whole people began to talk, as well as to think and act. they had suddenly waked up to a great peril, and were casting about how to meet it. a political party painted upon its banners, "oregon, fifty-four forty, or fight." multitudes of those now living remember this great uprising of the people. how was it done? who did it? was it a spontaneous move without a reason? intelligent readers can scan the facts of history and judge for themselves. but it is an historical fact there was a remarkably sudden change. president tyler, and his great secretary, webster, during the balance of his administration, used all the arts of diplomacy, and seemed to make but little progress, except a promise of a minister plenipotentiary to treat with the united states. at any time prior to the arrival of marcus whitman in washington, or any time during the conference upon the ashburton treaty, had the english diplomats proposed to run the boundary line upon forty-nine degrees until it struck the columbia river, and down that river to the ocean, there is multiplied evidence that the united states would have accepted it at once. but england did not want a part, she wanted all. during the negotiations in as to the renewal of the treaty of , her commissioners stated the case diplomatically, thus: "great britain claims no exclusive sovereignty over any portion of that territory. her present claim is not in respect to any part, but to the whole and is limited to a right of joint occupancy in common with other states, leaving the right of exclusive dominion in abeyance." some have urged that this was a give-away and a quit claim on the part of england, but at most, it is only the language of diplomacy, to be interpreted by the acts of the party in contest. those who met and know the men in power in oregon in those pioneer days, can fully attest the assertion of the edinburgh review in an article published in , after whitman's visit to washington. it says: "they are chiefly scotchmen, and a greater proportion of shrewdness, daring and commercial activity is probably not to be found in the same number of heads in the world." they made their grand mistake, however, that while being true britons, they were hudson bay company men first and foremost, and were anxious to keep out all immigration. none better knew the value of oregon lands for the purposes of the agriculturist, than those "shrewd old scotchmen" did. about every trading post they had cleared farms, planted orchards and vineyards, and tested all kinds of grains. mrs. whitman, in her diary of september th, , speaking of her visit to fort vancouver, says, "we were invited to see the farm. we rode for fifteen miles during the afternoon and visited the farms and stock, etc. they estimate their wheat crop this year at four thousand bushels, peas the same, oats and barley fifteen and seventeen hundred bushels each. the potato and turnip fields are large and fine. their cattle are large and fine and estimated at one thousand head. they have swine in abundance, also sheep and goats, but the sheep are of an inferior quality. we also find hens, turkeys and pigeons, but no geese. every day we have something new. the store-houses are filled from top to bottom with unbroken bales of goods, made up of every article of comfort." she tells of "a new and improved method of raising cream" for butter-making, and "the abundant supply of the best cheese." in another note she gives the menu for dinner. "first, we are treated to soup, which is very good, made of all kinds of vegetables, with a little rice. tomatoes are a prominent vegetable. after soup the dishes are removed and roast duck, pork, tripe, fish, salmon or sturgeon, with other things too tedious to mention. when these are removed a rice pudding or apple pie is served with musk melons, cheese, biscuits and wine." shrewd scotsmen! and yet this is the country which for years thereafter american statesmen declared "a desert waste," "unfit for the habitation of civilized society," and from which our orators thanked heaven they were "separated by insurmountable barriers of mountains," and "impassable deserts." we repeat, none better knew the value of oregon soil for the purposes of agriculture, than did these princely retainers of england, and they well knew, that when agriculture and civilization gained a foothold, both they and their savage retainers would be compelled to move on. they held a bonanza of wealth in their hands, in a land of arcadia, which they ruled to suit themselves. it is not at all strange that they made the fight they did; they had in feared the advent of dr. whitman's old wagon, more than an army with banners. they had tried in every way in their power, except by absolute force, to arrest its progress. they foresaw that every turn of its wheels upon oregon soil endangered fur. those in command at fort hall and fort boise were warned to be more watchful. the consequence was that not another wheel was permitted to go beyond those forts, from to . dr. edwards, however, reports that "dr. robert newell brought three wagons through to walla walla in ." but the fact remains that wagon after wagon was abandoned at those points and the things necessary for the comfort of the immigrant were sacrificed, and men, women and children were compelled to take to the pack-saddle, or journey the balance of the weary way on foot. great stress was laid at these points of entrance, upon the dangers of the route to oregon, and the comparative ease and comfort of the journey to california. hundreds were thus induced to give up the journey to oregon, in making which they would be forced to abandon their wagons and goods, and they turned their faces toward california. general palmer, in speaking of this, says: "while at fort hall in , the perils of the way to oregon were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey thither was impossible. they represented the dangers in passing over snake river and the columbia as very great. that but little stock had ever crossed those streams in safety. and more and worst of all, they represented that three or four tribes of indians along the route had combined to resist all immigration." they represented that, "famine and the snows of winter would overtake all with destruction, before they could reach oregon." they did succeed in scaring this band of one hundred and thirty-seven men, women and children in into leaving all their wagons behind, but they went on to oregon on pack-saddles. in the meantime they ran a literary bureau for all it was worth, in the disparagement of oregon for all purposes except those of the fur trader. the english press was mainly depended upon for this work, but the best means in reach were used that all these statements should reach the ruling powers and reading people of the united states. the effect of this literary bureau upon american statesmen and the most intelligent class of readers prior to the spring of , is easily seen by the sentiments quoted, and by their published acts, in refusing to legislate for oregon. modern historians have said that, "the hudson bay company and the english never at any time claimed anything south of the columbia river." such a statement can nowhere be proved from any official record; on the contrary, there are multiplied expressions and acts proving the opposite. as early as the year , the hudson bay company saw the value of the falls of the willamette at oregon city for manufacturing purposes, and took possession of the same; as governor simpson in command of the company said, "to establish a british colony of their retired servants." "governor simpson," says dr. eells in his "history of indian missions," "said in that the colonists in the willamette valley were british subjects, and that the english had no rivals on the coast but russia, and that the united states will never possess more than a nominal jurisdiction, nor will long possess even that, on the west side of the rocky mountains." and he added, "supposing the country to be divided to-morrow to the entire satisfaction of the most unscrupulous patriot in the union, i challenge conquest to bring my prediction and its own power to the test by imposing the atlantic tariff on the ports of the pacific." such sentiments from the governor, the man then in supreme power, who moulded and directed english sentiments, is of deep significance. a man only second in influence to governor simpson and even a much broader and brainier man, dr. john mcloughlin, factor of the company, "said to me in ," says dr. eells, "that in fifty years the whole country will be filled with the descendants of the hudson bay company." but while they believed, just as the american immigrants did, that as a result of the treaty of - , the country would belong to the nationality settling it; yet they had so long held supreme power that they were slow to think that such power was soon to pass from them. that the diplomacy of the home government, the bold methods and "the shrewdness, daring and commercial activity in the heads" of the rulers, that the edinburgh review pictures, were all to be thwarted and that speedily, had not entered into their calculations, and they did not awake to a sense of the real danger until those hundred and twenty-five wagons, loaded with live americans and their household goods, rolled down the mountain sides and into the valley of the willamette on that memorable october day, . it was america's protest, made in an american fashion. it settled the question of american interests as far as americans could settle it under the terms of the treaty of , as they understood it. under the full belief that whitman would bring with him a large delegation, the americans met and organized before he reached oregon. and when the whitman caravan arrived, they outnumbered the english and canadian forces three to one; and the stars and stripes were run up, never again to be hauled down by any foreign power in all the wide domain of oregon. true, there was yet a battle to be fought. the interests at stake were too grand for the party who held supreme power so long to yield without a contest. but there were rugged, brave, intelligent american citizens now in oregon, and there to stay. they had flooded home people with letters describing the salubrity of the climate and the fertility of the soil. statesmen heard of it. sudden conversions sometimes make unreasonable converts. the very men who had rung the changes upon "worthless," "barren," "cut off by impassable deserts," now turned and not only claimed the legitimate territory up to forty-nine degrees, but made demands which were heard across the atlantic. we will have "oregon and fifty-four forty, or fight." in a lengthy message in december, , president polk devotes nearly one-fifth of his space to the discussion of the oregon question, and rehearses the discussion pro and con between the two governments and acknowledges, that thus far there has been absolute failure. he tells congress that "the proposition of compromise, which was made and rejected, was, by my order, subsequently withdrawn, and our title up to degrees minutes asserted, and, as it is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments." in that message, president polk argued in favor of terminating the joint occupancy by giving the stipulated notice, and that the jurisdiction of the united states be extended over the entire territory, with a line of military posts along the entire frontier to the pacific. it all seemed warlike. the withdrawing of "the joint occupancy," many statesmen believed would precipitate a war. senator crittenden and others believed such to be the case. war seemed inevitable. even senator mcduffie, whom we have before quoted, as unwilling to "give a pinch of snuff for all the territory beyond the rockies," now is on record saying, "rather make that territory the grave of americans, and color the soil with their blood, than to surrender one inch." while it was generally conceded that we would have a war, yet there were wise, cool-headed men in the halls of national legislation, determined to avert such disaster if possible, without sacrificing national honor. the debate on giving legal notice to cancel the treaty of , as to joint occupancy, was the absorbing theme of congress, and lasted for forty days before reaching a vote, and then passed by the great majority of . but the senate was more conservative, and continued the debate after the measure had passed the house by such an overwhelming majority. they saw the whole country already in a half paralyzed condition. its business had decreased, its capital was withdrawn from active participation in business, and its vessels stood empty at the wharves of ports of entry. such statesmen as crittenden and others who had not hurried to get in front of the excited people, now saw the necessity for decided action to avert war and secure peace. to brave public opinion and antagonize the lower house of congress required the largest courage. mr. crittenden said, "i believe yet, a majority is still in favor of preserving the peace, if it can be done without dishonor. they favor the settling of the questions in dispute peaceably and honorably, to compromise by negotiations and arbitration, or some other mode known and recognized among nations as suitable and proper and honorable." mr. webster had been too severely chastised by both friends and enemies for his part in the ashburton treaty, to make him anxious to be prominent in the discussion in the earlier weeks, but when he did speak he pointed out the very road which the nation would travel in its way for peace, viz.: a compromise upon latitude forty-nine. webster said, "in my opinion it is not the judgment of this country, nor the judgment of the senate, that the government of the united states should run the hazard of a war for oregon by renouncing, as no longer fit for consideration, the proposition of adjustment made by this government thirty years ago and repeated in the face of the world." his great speech, which extended through the sessions of two days, was a masterly defense and explanation of the ashburton-webster treaty, which was signed three years before. no american statesman of the time had so full and complete a knowledge of the questions at issue as had webster. he had canvassed every one of them in all their bearings with the shrewdest english diplomats and had nothing to learn. his great speech can be marked as the turning point in the discussion, and the friends of peace took fresh courage. the first and ablest aid mr. webster received was from calhoun, then second to none in his influence. in his speech he said, "what has transpired here and in england within the last three months must, i think, show that the public opinion in both countries is coming to a conclusion that this controversy ought to be settled, and is not very diverse in the one country or the other, as to the general basis of such settlement. that basis is the offer made by the united states to england in ." it may here be observed that president monroe offered to compromise on forty-nine degrees. president adams did the same in , while president tyler, in the year of whitman's visit ( ), again offered the same compromise, and england had rejected each and all. she expected a much larger slice. gen. cass followed calhoun in a fiery war speech, which called out the applause of the multitude, in which he claimed that the united states owned the territory up to the russian line of degrees minutes and he "would press the claim at the peril of war." dayton and other senators asked that present conditions be maintained, and that "the people of the united states meet great britain by a practical adoption of her own doctrine, that the title of the country should pass to those who occupied it." this latter view was the pioneer view of the situation, and which was so fully believed as to cause the memorable ride of whitman in mid-winter from oregon to washington. the resolution of notice to the english government, as we have seen, passed the house feb. , , and came to a vote and passed the senate april d, by to . it, however, contained two important amendments to the house resolution, both suggestive of compromise. and as the president was allowed "at his discretion to serve the notice," the act was shorn of much of its warlike meaning. when it is remembered that the president's message and recommendations were made on the d of december, , and the question had absorbed the attention of congress until april , , before final action, it can be marked as one of the most memorable discussions that has ever occurred in our halls of national legislation. it had now been three years since whitman had made his protest to president tyler and his secretary; and while congress had debated and the whole nation was at a white heat of interest, the old pioneers had gone on settling the question in their own way by taking possession of the land, building themselves homes, erecting a state house, and, although four thousand miles distant from the national capital, enacting laws, in keeping with american teachings, and demeaning themselves as became good citizens. love of country, with sacrifices made to do honor to the flag, has seldom had a more beautiful and impressive illustration than that given by the old pioneers of oregon during the years of their neglect by the home government, which even seemed so far distant that it had lost all interest in their welfare. chapter x. the failure of modern history to do justice to dr. whitman. says an old author: "history is a river increasing in volume with every mile of its length, and the tributaries that join it nearer and nearer the sea are taken up and swept onward by a current that grows ever mightier." napoleon said: "history is a fable agreed upon." if napoleon could have looked downward to the closing years of this century and seen the genius of the literary world striving to do him honor, he would perhaps have modified the sentiment. history, at its best, is a collection of biographies of the world's great leaders, and is best studied in biography. to be of value, it must be accurate. scarcely has any great leader escaped from the stings of history, but it is well to know and believe that time will correct the wrong. the case of dr. whitman is peculiar in the fact that all his contemporaries united in doing him honor, save and except one, bishop brouillet. the men who knew the value of his work and his eminent services, such as gray, reed, simpson, barrows, and parkman; the correspondence of spalding, lovejoy, eells, and the lees, have made the record clear. it has been reserved for modern historians of that class who have just discovered the "mistakes of moses," and that shakespeare never wrote shakespeare's plays, to indulge in sneers and scoffs and to falsify the record. it is not the intention to attempt to reply to all these, but we shall notice the fallacies of two or three. in a recent edition of the history of the lewis and clarke expedition, published by f. p. harper, new york, and edited by dr. elliott coues, a most entertaining volume, and yet wholly misleading as to the final issue which resulted in oregon becoming a part of the republic, dr. coues in his dedication of the volume says: "to the people of the great west: jefferson gave you the country. lewis and clarke showed you the way. the rest is your own course of empire. honor the statesman who foresaw your west. honor the brave men who first saw your west. may the memory of their glorious achievement be your precious heritage. accept from my heart this undying record of the beginning of all your greatness. elliott coues." all honor to jefferson, the far-sighted statesman; and a like honor to the courageous explorers, lewis and clarke; but the writer of history should be true to facts. lewis and clarke were not "the first men who saw your west." they were not the discoverers of oregon. old captain gray did that a dozen years prior to the visit of lewis and clarke. a writer of true history should not have blinded his eyes to that fact on his dedicatory page. captain gray sailed into the mouth of the columbia river on his good ship columbia, from boston, on may th, . the great river was named for his vessel. this, together with the title gained by the louisiana purchase in , and the treaty with spain and mexico, more fully recited in another chapter, made the claim of the united states to ownership in the soil of oregon. the mission of lewis and clarke was not that of discoverers, but to spy out and report upon the value of the discovery already made. their work required rare courage, and was accomplished with such intelligence as to make them heroes, and both were rewarded with fat offices; one as the governor of louisiana, and the other as general commissioner of indian affairs; and both were given large land grants. we have not been able to see in any of dr. coues' full notes any explanation of such facts, but even if he has given such explanation, he had no right, as a truthful chronicler of history, to mislead the reader by his highly ornate dedicatory: "jefferson gave you the country, lewis and clarke showed you the way." president jefferson was much more of a seer and statesman than were his compeers. the louisiana purchase, to him, was much more than gaining possession of the state at the mouth of the mississippi river, with its rich acres for the use of slave-owners of the south. in his later years he said: "i looked forward with gratification to the time when the descendants of the settlers of oregon would spread themselves through the whole length of the coast, covering it with free, independent americans, unconnected with us but by the ties of blood and interest, and enjoying, like us, the rights of self-government." if the old statesman could view the scene and the condition now, how much grander would be the view! it would be unjust to question the interest of president jefferson in the northwest territory; the great misfortune was, that the statesmen of his day were almost wholly oblivious to his appeals. the report made by the lewis and clarke expedition was stuffed into a pigeon hole, and was not even published until eight years after the exploration, and after one of the explorers was dead. it was not received with a single ripple of enthusiasm by congress or the people of the nation. the government, on the contrary, fourteen years after the advent of lewis and clarke in oregon, entered into a treaty with england, which virtually gave the english people the control of the entire country for more than the first third of the century. the most that can be said of lewis and clarke is that they were faithful explorers, who blazed the way which americans failed to travel, until, in the fullness of time, a man appeared who led the way and millions followed. among the most pointed defamers of dr. whitman is mrs. frances f. victor, of oregon, author of "the river of the west," who seldom loses an opportunity to attempt to belittle the man and his work. in a communication to the chicago inter ocean, she openly charges that his journey to washington in the winter of and ' was wholly for selfish interests. she charges that he was about to be removed from his mission and wanted to present his case before the american board. that he wanted his mission as "a stopping place for immigrants." in other words, it was for personal and pecuniary gain that he made the perilous ride. we quote her exact language: "that there was considerable practical self-interest in his desire to be left to manage the mission as he thought best, there can be no question. it was not for the indians, altogether, he wished to remain. he foresaw the wealth and importance of the country and that his place must become a supply station to the annual emigrations. instead of making high-comedy speeches to the president and secretary of state, he talked with them about the indians, and what would, in his opinion, be the best thing to be done for them and for the white settlers. his visit was owing to the necessity that existed of explaining to the board better than he could by letter, and more quickly, his reasons for wishing to remain at his station, and to convince them it was for the best." says mrs. victor: "the missionaries all believed that the united states would finally secure a title to at least that portion of oregon south of the columbia river, out of whose rich lands they would be given large tracts by the government, and that was reason enough for the loyalty exhibited." she openly charges that "dr. whitman acted deceitfully toward all the other members of the mission." if such were true, is it not strange that in all the years that followed every man and woman among them were his staunchest and truest friends and most valiant defenders? she proceeds to call whitman "ignorant and conceited to believe that he influenced secretary webster." that the story of his suffering, frost-bitten condition was false. "he was not frost-bitten, or he would have been incapacitated to travel," etc. mrs. victor makes a grave charge against whitman. she says: "he got well-to-do by selling flour and grain and vegetables to immigrants at high prices." now, let us allow dr. spalding to answer this calumny. he knew whitman and his work as well, or better than any other man. dr. spalding says: "immigrants, by hundreds and thousands, reached the mission, way-worn, hungry, sick, and destitute, but he cared for all. seven children of one family were left upon the hands of dr. and mrs. whitman--one a babe four months old--and they cared for them all, giving food, clothing, and medicine without pay. frequently, the doctor would give away his entire food supply, and have to send to me for grain to get through the winter." she pointedly denies that dr. whitman went to washington or the states with the expectation of bringing out settlers to oregon. the letters recently published by the state historical society of oregon, quoted in another chapter, were written by dr. whitman the year following his famous journey. in them he clearly reveals the reasons for the ride to washington. the reader can believe dr. whitman or believe mrs. victor, but both cannot be believed. in addition to these letters, we have the clear testimony of general lovejoy, who went with him; of rev. mr. spalding, of elkanah walker, dr. gray, rev. cushing eells, p. b. whitman, who accompanied him on his return trip; mr. hinman, dr. s. j. parker, of ithaca, n. y., and the rev. william barrows, who had frequent conversations with him in st. louis. in an interview with dr. william geiger, published in the new york sun, january th, , he says: "i was at fort walla walla, and associated directly with dr. whitman when he started east to save oregon. i was there when he returned, and i am, perhaps, the only living person who distinctly recollects all the facts. he left, not to go to st. louis or to boston, but for the distinct purpose of going to washington to save oregon; and yet he had to be very discreet about it." will the honest reader of history reject such testimony as worthless, and mark that of these modern skeptics valuable? mrs. victor's charges, that selfishness and personal aggrandizement accounted for all the sacrifices made by whitman, are preposterous in the light of testimony, and made utterly untenable by the environments of the missionary. there was no time in all the years that dr. and mrs. whitman lived in oregon that they could not have packed all their worldly goods upon the backs of two mules. the american board made no bribe of money to the men and women they sent out to oregon and elsewhere. if the great farm he opened at waiilatpui, and the buildings he erected by his patient toil, had grown to be worth a million, it would not have added a single dollar to whitman's wealth. even the physician's fees given him by grateful sufferers, under the rules of the board, were reported and counted as a part of his meager salary. the idea that a man should leave wife and home, and endure the perils of a mid-winter journey to the states, to persuade congress "to buy sheep" and "make his mission a stopping place," or the american board to allow him to work sixteen hours a day for the cayuse indians, is a heavy task on credulity, and is so far-fetched as to make whitman's maligners only ridiculous. but it is hubert howe bancroft, the author of the thirty-eight volume history of the pacific states, who is the offender-in-chief. as a collector and historian, bancroft necessarily required many co-workers. it was in his failure to get them into harmony and tell the straight connected truth, in which he made his stupendous blunders. chapter is arrayed against chapter, and volume against volume. one tells history, and another denies it. in volume i, page , he refers to the incident, already fully recited in another chapter, of the visit of the flathead indians to st. louis, and does not once doubt its historic accuracy; but in volume xxiii, another of his literary army works up the same historic incident, and says: "the presbyterians were never very expert in improvising providences. therefore, when gray, the great untruthful, and whilom christian mission builder, undertakes to appropriate to the unseen powers of his sect the sending of four native delegates to st. louis in , begging saviors for transmontain castaways, it is, as most of gray's affairs are, a failure. the catholics manage such things better." on page , volume i, "chronicles of the builders," mr. bancroft says: "the missionaries and pioneers of oregon did much to assure the country to the united states. had there been no movement of the kind, england would have extended her claim over the whole territory, with a fair prospect of making it her own." in another place says mr. bancroft: "the missionary, dr. whitman, was no ordinary man. i do not know which to admire most in him, his coolness or his courage. his nerves were of steel, his patience was excelled only by his fearlessness. in the mighty calm of his nature he was a caesar for christ." in the same volume another of his literary co-workers proceeds to glorify john jacob astor, and to give him all the honors for saving oregon to the union. mr. bancroft says: "the american flag was raised none too soon at fort astoria to secure the great oregon country to the united states, for already the men of montreal were hastening thither to seize the prize; but they were too late. it is safe to say that had not mr. astor moved in this matter as he did, had his plans been frustrated or his purposes delayed, the northern boundary of the united states might to-day be the d parallel of latitude. thus we see the momentous significance of the movement." the author proceeds to picture astor and make him the hero in saving oregon. in another chapter we have given the full force and effect of mr. astor's settlement at astoria. a careful reading will only show the exaggerated importance of the act, when compared with other acts which the historian only passes with a sneer or in silence. john jacob astor was in oregon to make money and for no other purpose. in volume i, page , "chronicle of the builders," mr. bancroft allows mrs. victor, his authority, to dip her pen deep in slander. he refers to both the methodist missions on the willamette and the congregational and presbyterian missions of the walla walla, and writes: "but missionary work did not pay, however, either with the white men or the red, whereupon the apostles of this region began to attend more to their own affairs than to the saving of savage souls. they broke up their establishments in , and thenceforth became a political clique, whose chief aim was to acquire other men's property." please note the charges. here are christian men and women who have for years deprived themselves of all the benefits of civilization, and endured the hardships and dangers of frontier life, professedly that they might preach the gospel to savage people, but says mr. bancroft: "missionary work did not pay." in the sense of money making, when did missionary work ever pay? this history of the pacific states is a history for the generations to come. it is to go into christian homes and upon the shelves of christian libraries. if it is true, christianity stands disgraced and christian missionaries stand dishonored. mr. bancroft says: "they broke up their establishments in and became a political clique, whose chief aim was to acquire other men's property." as usual, another one of the historian's valuable aides comes upon the stage in the succeeding volume, and gives a horrifying account of "the great massacre at dr. whitman's mission, on nov. th, ." he tells us "there were at the time seventy souls at the mission" and "fourteen persons were killed and forty-seven taken captives." does this prove the historian's truthfulness who had before told his readers that "they broke up their establishments in and thenceforth became a political clique, whose aim was to acquire other men's property?" there is no possible excuse for the historian to allow his aides to lead him into such blunders as we have pointed out. the real facts were in reach. here were men and women educated, cultivated, exiles from home, engaged in the great work of civilizing and christianizing savages, and without a fact to sustain the charge, it is openly asserted that they gave up their work and entered upon the race for political power and for wealth. instead of the missions of the american board being "closed in ," they were at no time in a more prosperous condition; as the record of dr. eells, dr. spalding and dr. whitman all show. there is not a particle of evidence that dr. whitman ever took any part in any political movement in oregon; save and except as his great effort to bring in settlers to secure the country to the united states may be called political. as soon as he could leave the emigrants, he hurried home to his mission, and at once took up his heavy work which he had laid aside eleven months before. he went on building and planting, and sowing and teaching; the busiest of busy men up to the very date of the massacre. in his young manhood he sacrificed ease in a civilized home, and he and his equally noble wife dedicated themselves and their lives to the missionary service. at all times they were the same patient, quiet, uncomplaining toilers. why should the great historian of the pacific states stand above their martyr graves and attempt to discredit their lives and dishonor their memories? dr. whitman exhibited as much patriotism and performed as grand an act of heroism as any man of this century, and yet, mr. bancroft devotes half a dozen volumes to "the chronicle of the builders," in which he presents handsome photographs and clear, well-written sketches of hundreds of men, but they are mainly millionaires and politicians. the historian seems to have had no room for a missionary or a poor doctor. they were only pretending "to save savage souls." and that "did not pay," and "they broke up their settlements in and thenceforth became a political clique" whose "chief aim was to acquire other men's property." it is a slander of the basest class, not backed up by a single credible fact, wholly dishonorable to the author, and discredits his entire history. an old poet says: "and ever the right comes uppermost, and ever is justice done!" the christian and patriotic people who believe in honest dealing will, in the years to come, compel all such histories to be re-written and their malice expunged, or they will cease to find an honored place in the best libraries. it is by such history that the modern public has been blinded, and the real heroes relegated to the rear to make room for favorites. but facts are stubborn things, "the truth is mighty and will prevail." the great public is honest and loves justice and honesty; and it will not permit such a record to stand. the awakening has already begun. the time is coming when the martyred heroes in their unhonored graves at waiilatpui, will receive the reward due for their patriotic and heroic service. it is also gratifying to be able to observe that this malevolence is limited to narrow bounds. it has originated and has lived only in the fertile brains of two or three boasters of historic knowledge, who have made up in noise for all lack of principle and justice. they seem to have desired to gain notoriety for themselves and imagined that the world would admire their courage. it was mr. bancroft's great misfortune that this little coterie in oregon were entrusted with the task of writing the most notable history of modern times, and his great work and his honored name will have to bear the odium of it until his volumes are called in and the grievous wrong is righted. it will be done. mr. e. c. ross, of prescott, says in the oregonian in : "time will vindicate dr. whitman, and when all calumnies, and their inventors, shall have been forgotten, his name, and that of his devoted, noble wife, will stand forth in history as martyrs to the cause of god and their country." let the loyal, patriotic men and women of america resolve that the time to do this is now. chapter xi. the massacre at waiilatpui. in all the years since the terrible tragedy at waiilatpui, historians have been seeking to find the cause of that great crime. some have traced it to religious jealousies, but have, in a great measure, failed to back such charges with substantial facts. it seems rather to have been a combination of causes working together for a common purpose. for nearly half a century, as we have seen in the history of oregon, the indians and the hudson bay company had been working harmoniously together. it was a case in which civilization had accommodated itself to the desires of savage life. the company plainly showed the indians that they did not wish their lands, or to deprive them of their homes. it only wanted their labor, and in return it would pay the indians in many luxuries and comforts. the indians were averse to manual labor, and the great company had not seen fit to encourage it. they did not desire to see them plant or sow, raise cattle, or build houses for themselves and their families. that would directly interfere with their work as fur gatherers, and break in upon the source of wealth to the company. to keep them at the steel trap, and in the chase, was the aim of the hudson bay policy, and such was congenial to the indian, and just what he desired. the jesuit priests who were attached to the hudson bay company, seconded the interest of the company, and attempted to teach religion to the indian and still leave him a savage. upon the coming of the protestant missionaries, the indians welcomed them and expressed great delight at the prospect of being taught. they gave their choice locations to the missions, and most solemn promise to co-operate in the work. but neither they nor their fathers had used the hoe or the plow, or built permanent houses in which to live. they were by nature opposed to manual labor. squaws were made to do all the work, while indian men hunted and did the fighting. the missionaries could see but little hope of christianizing, unless they could induce them to adopt civilized customs. it was right there that the breach between the indians and the missionaries began to widen. they were willing to accept a religion which did not interfere with savage customs, which had become a part of their lives. it was the custom of the hudson bay company, by giving modest bribes, to win over any unruly chief. it was the best way to hold power; but the missionaries held the tribes which they served up to a higher standard of morals. the cayuse indians made a foray upon a weaker tribe, and levied on their stock in payment for some imaginary debt. dr. whitman gave the chiefs a reprimand, and called it thieving, and demanded that they send back everything they had taken. the indians grew very angry in being thus reminded of their sins. we mention these little incidents as illustrations of the strained conditions which speedily made their appearance in the government of the indians, and made it easy work for the mischief-makers and criminals, later on. it was the boast of english authors that "the english people got along with indians much better than americans." this seems to be true, and it comes from the fact that they did not antagonize savage customs. as long as their savage subjects filled the treasury of the hudson bay company, they cared little for aught else. as a matter of policy and self defense, they treated them honestly and fairly in all business transactions. they were in full sympathy with the indians in their demand to keep out white immigration, and keep the entire land for fur-bearing animals and savage life. dr. whitman's famous ride to the states in the winter of - , and his piloting the large immigration of american settlers in , made him a marked man, both with the indians and the hudson bay company. when the treaty was signed in , and england lost oregon, whitman was doubtless from that hour a doomed man. both the hudson bay company and the indians well knew who was responsible. first, "the great white-haired chief," dr. mcloughlin, was sacrificed because he was a friend of whitman and the missionaries. there was no other reason. if dr. mcloughlin could have been induced to treat the protestant missionaries as he treated the american fur traders, his english company would have been delighted to have retained him as chief factor for life. but with them it was a crime to show kindness to a protestant missionary, and thus foster american interests. if mcloughlin had not resigned and got out of the way, he would doubtless have lost his life by the hands of an assassin. the treaty was signed and proclaimed august th, , and the massacre did not occur until the th of november, . in those days the news moved slowly and the results, and the knowledge that england and the hudson bay company had lost all, did not reach the outposts along the columbia until late in the spring of . if the english and hudson bay company had nothing to do in fanning the flame of indian anger, it was because they had changed and reformed their methods. how much or how little they worked through the cunning and duplicity of jesuit priests has never been demonstrated. after the revolutionary war, england never lost an opportunity to incite the indians upon our northern frontier to make savage assaults. her humane statesmen denounced her work as uncivilized and unchristian. general washington, in a published letter to john jay, in , said: "there does not remain a doubt in the mind of any well-informed person in this country, not shut against conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter with the indians, their hostilities, the murders of helpless women and children along our frontiers, result from the conduct of the agents of great britain in this country." at no time then had the english as much reason for anger at american success and prosperity as in the case of oregon, where a great organization, which has been for well-nigh half a century in supreme control, was now compelled to move on. to have shown no resentment would have been unlike the representatives of england in the days of washington. undoubtedly the sickness of the indians, that year, and the charge that the americans had introduced the disease to kill the indians off and get their land, was a powerful agent in winning over to the murderers many who were still friendly to the missionaries. the indians had fallen from their high mark of honesty of which mrs. whitman in her diary, years before, boasted, and had invaded the melon patch and stolen melons, so that the indians who ate them were temporarily made sick. with their superstitious ideas they called it "conjuring the melon," and the incident was used effectually to excite hostilities. there is no evidence that white men directly instigated the massacre or took a part in its horrors. while there is evidence of a bitter animosity existing among the jesuit priests toward the protestant missionaries, and their defense of the open charges made against them is lame; yet the historical facts are not sufficient to lay the blame upon them. nor is it necessary to hold the leading officials of the hudson bay company responsible for the crime as co-conspirators. there are always hangers-on and irresponsible parties who stand ready to do the villain's work. the leader of the massacre was the half-breed, joe lewis, whose greatest accomplishment was lying. he seems to have brought the conspiracy up to the killing point by his falsehoods. he was a half canadian and came to oregon in company with a band of priests, and strangely enough, dropped down upon dr. whitman and by him was clothed and fed for many months. the doctor soon learned his real character and how he was trying to breed distrust among the indians. dr. whitman got him the position of teamster in a wagon train for the willamette, and expressed a hope that he was clear of him. but joe deserted his post and returned to waiilatpui, and as events showed, was guided by some unseen power in the carrying out of the plans of the murderers. to believe that he conceived it, or that the incentives to the execution of the diabolism rested alone with the indians, is to tax even the credulous. they were simply the direct agents, and were, doubtless, as has been said, wrought up to the crime through superstitions in regard to dr. whitman's responsibility for the prevailing sickness, which had caused many deaths among the indians. for all the years to come, the readers of history will weigh the facts for themselves, and continue to place the responsibility upon this and that cause; but, for a safe standing point, will always have to drop back upon the fact that it was the "irrepressible conflict" between civilization and savagery, between christianity and heathenism, backed up by national antagonisms, which had many times before engendered bad spirit. it has been the history of the first settlement of every state of the union, more or less, from the landing upon plymouth rock up to the tragedy at waiilatpui. only it seems in the case of the massacre at the whitman mission, to be more coldblooded and atrocious, in the fact that those killed had spent the best years of their lives in the service of the murderers. those who had received the largest favors and the most kindness from the doctor and his good wife, were active leaders in the great crime. the rev. h. h. spalding, in a letter to the parents of mrs. whitman, dated april , , gives a clear, concise account of the great tragedy. he says: "they were inhumanly butchered by their own, up to the last moment, beloved indians, for whom their warm christian hearts had prayed for eleven years, and their unwearied hands had administered to their every want in sickness and distress, and had bestowed unnumbered blessings; who claimed to be, and were considered, in a high state of civilization and christianity. some of them were members of our church; others, candidates for admission; some of them adherents of the catholic church; all praying indians. "they were, doubtless, urged on to the dreadful deed by foreign influences, which we have felt coming in upon us like a devastating flood for the last three or four years; and we have begged the authors, with tears in our eyes, to desist, not so much on account of our own lives and property, but for the sake of those coming, and the safety of those already in the country. but the authors thought none would be injured but the hated missionaries--the devoted heretics; and the work of hell was urged on, and has ended, not only in the death of three missionaries, the ruin of our mission, but in a bloody war with the settlements, which may end in the massacre of every adult. "the massacre took place on the fatal th of november last, commencing at half-past one. fourteen persons were murdered first and last; nine the first day. five men escaped from the station, three in a most wonderful manner, one of whom was the trembling writer, with whom, i know, you will unite in praising god for delivering even one. "the names and places of the slain are as follows: the two precious names already given--my hand refuses to write them again; mr. rogers, young man, teacher of our mission school in the winter of ' , who since then has been aiding us in our mission work, and studying for the ministry, with a view to be ordained and join our mission; john and francis sager, the two eldest of the orphan family, ages and ; mr. kimball, of laporte, indiana, killed the second day, left a widow and five children; mr. saunders, of oskaloosa, iowa, left a widow and five children; mr. hall, of missouri, escaped to fort walla walla, was refused protection, put over the columbia river, killed by the walla wallas, left a widow and five children; mr. marsh, of missouri, left a son grown and young daughter; mr. hoffman, of elmira, new york; mr. gillan, of oskaloosa, iowa; mr. sails, of the latter place; mr. bewley, of missouri. the two last were dragged from their sickbeds, eight days after the first massacre, and butchered; mr. young, killed the second day. the last five were unmarried men. "forty women and children fell captives into the hands of the murderers, among them my own beloved daughter, eliza, ten years old. three of the captive children soon died, left without parental care, two of them your dear narcissa's adopted children. the young women were dragged from the house by night, and beastly treated. three of them were forced to become wives of the murderers of their parents, who often boasted of the deed, to taunt their victims." [illustration: whitman's grave.] continuing the narrative mr. spalding says: "monday morning the doctor assisted in burying an indian; returned to the house and was reading; several indians, as usual, were in the house; one sat down by him to attract his attention by asking for medicine; another came behind him with a tomahawk concealed under his blanket and with two blows in the back of the head, brought him to the floor senseless, probably, but not lifeless; soon after telaukaikt, a candidate for admission in our church, and who was receiving unnumbered favors every day from brother and sister whitman, came in and took particular pains to cut and beat his face and cut his throat; but he still lingered till near night. "as soon as the firing commenced at the different places, mrs. hayes ran in and assisted sister whitman in taking the doctor from the kitchen to the sitting-room and placed him upon the settee. this was before his face was cut. his dear wife bent over him and mingled her flowing tears with his precious blood. it was all she could do. they were her last tears. to whatever she said, he would reply 'no' in a whisper, probably not sensible. "john sager, who was sitting by the doctor when he received the first blow, drew his pistol, but his arm was seized, the room filling with indians, and his head was cut to pieces. he lingered till near night. mr. rogers, attacked at the water, escaped with a broken arm and wound in the head, and rushing into the house, shut the door. the indians seemed to have left the house now to assist in murdering others. mr. kimball, with a broken arm, rushed in; both secreted themselves upstairs. "sister whitman in anguish, now bending over her dying husband and now over the sick; now comforting the flying, screaming children, was passing by the window, when she received the first shot in her right breast, and fell to the floor. she immediately arose and kneeled by the settee on which lay her bleeding husband, and in humble prayer commended her soul to god, and prayed for her dear children who were about to be made a second time orphans and to fall into the hands of her direct murderers. i am certain she prayed for her murderers, too. she now went into the chamber with mrs. hayes, miss bewley, catharine, and the sick children. they remained till near night. "in the meantime the doors and windows were broken in and the indians entered and commenced plundering, but they feared to go into the chamber. they called for sister whitman and brother rogers to come down and promised they should not be hurt. this promise was often repeated, and they came down. mrs. whitman, faint with the loss of blood, was carried on a settee to the door by brother rogers and miss bewley. "every corner of the room was crowded with indians having their guns ready to fire. the children had been brought down and huddled together to be shot. eliza was one. here they had stood for a long time surrounded by guns pointed at their breasts. she often heard the cry, "shall we shoot?" and her blood became cold, she says, and she fell upon the floor. but now the order was given, "do not shoot the children," as the settee passed by the children, over the bleeding, dying body of john. "fatal moment! the settee advanced about its length from the door, when the guns were discharged from without and within, the powder actually burning the faces of the children. brother rogers raised his hand and cried, "my god," and fell upon his face, pierced with many balls. but he fell not alone. an equal number of the deadly weapons were leveled at the settee and the discharge had been deadly. she groaned, and lingered for some time in great agony. "two of the humane indians threw their blankets over the little children huddled together in the corner of the room, and shut out the sight as they beat their dying victims with whips, and cut their faces with knives. it was joe lewis, the canadian half-breed, that first shot mrs. whitman, but it was tamtsaky who took her scalp as a trophy." an old oregon friend of the author, samuel campbell, now living in moscow, idaho, spent the winter of ' and ' at the whitman mission, and never wearied in telling of the grandly christian character of mrs. whitman, of her kindness and patience to all, whites and indians alike. every evening she delighted all with her singing. her voice, after all her hard life, had lost none of its sweetness, nor had her environments in any sense soured her toward any of the little pleasantries of every-day life. says mr. campbell, "you can imagine my horror in , when at grand ronde, old tamtsaky acknowledged to me that he scalped mrs. whitman and told of her long, beautiful, silky hair." soon after the united states government, by order of general lane, sent officers to arrest the murderers. old tamtsaky was killed at the time of the arrest and escaped the hangman's rope, which was given to five of the leaders, after trial in oregon city, may, . the names of the murderers hanged were tilwkait, tahamas, quiahmarsum, klvakamus and siahsalucus. the rev. cushing eells says, "the day before the massacre, istikus, a firm friend of dr. whitman, told him of the threats against his life, and advised him to 'go away until my people have better hearts.' he reached home from the lodge of istikus late in the night, but visited his sick before retiring. then he told mrs. whitman the words of istikus. knowing how true a friend istikus was, and his great courage, the situation became more perilous in the estimation of both, than ever before. mrs. whitman was so affected by it that she remained in her room, and one of the children, who took her breakfast up to her room, found her weeping. the doctor went about his work as usual, but told some of his associates that if it were possible to do so, he would remove all the family to a place of safety. it is the first time he ever seems to have been alarmed, or thought it possible that his indians would attempt such a crime." rev. mr. eells gives a detailed account of the massacre and its horrors, but in this connection we only desire to give the reader a clear view without dwelling upon its atrocities. "the tomahawk with which dr. whitman was killed, was presented to the cayuse indians by the blackfeet upon some great occasion, and was preserved by the cayuse as a memorable relic long after the hanging of the chiefs. in the yakima war it passed to another tribe, and the chief who owned it was killed; an indian agent, logan, got possession of it and presented it to the sanitary society during the civil war. a subscription of one hundred dollars was raised and it was presented to the legislature of oregon, and is preserved among the archives of the state." this narrative would be incomplete without recording the prompt action of the hudson bay company officers in coming to the relief of the captive women and children. as soon as chief factor ogden heard of it, he lost no time in repairing to the scene, reaching walla walla december th. in about two weeks he succeeded in ransoming all the captives for blankets, shirts, guns, ammunition and tobacco, and at an expense of $ . no other man in the territory, and no army that could have been mustered could have done it. the americans in oregon promptly mustered and attacked the indians, who retreated to the territory of a different tribe. but the murderers and leaders among the indians were not arrested until nearly two years after the crime. while some have charged that the officials of the hudson bay company could have averted the massacre, this is only an opinion. their humane and prompt act in releasing the captive women and children from worse than death, was worthy of it, and has received the strongest words of praise. thus was ended disastrously the work of the american board which had given such large promise for eleven years. while its greatest achievement was not in saving savage souls, but in being largely instrumental in peacefully saving three great states to the american union, yet there is good evidence, years after the massacre, that the labors of the missionaries had not been in vain. after the treaty of , seven years after the massacre, general joel palmer, who was one of the council, says, "forty-five cayuse and one thousand nez perces have kept up regular family and public worship, singing from the nez perces hymn book and reading the gospel of matthew, translated into nez perces, the work of dr. and mrs. spalding." says general barloe, "many of them showed surprising evidences of piety, especially timothy, who was their regular and faithful preacher during all these years. among the cayuse, old istikus, as long as he lived, rang his bell every sabbath and called his little band together for worship." twelve years after leaving his mission, rev. mr. spalding returned to his people and found the tribe had kept up the form of worship all the years since. upon opening a school, it was at once crowded with children, and even old men and women, with failing eyesight, insisted upon being taught; and the interest did not flag until the failing health of mr. spalding forced him to give up his work. the rev. dr. eells' experience was much the same; all going to prove that the early work of the american board was not fruitless in good, and emphasizing the fact that good words and work are never wholly lost, and their power only will be known when the final summing up is made. there have been few great men that have not felt the stings of criticism and misrepresentation. the wholly unselfish life of dr. marcus whitman, from his young manhood to the day of his death, it would seem, ought to have shielded him from this class, but it did not. in justice to his contemporaries, however, it is due to say, every one of them, of all denominations except one, was his friend and defender. that one man was a french jesuit priest, by the name of j. b. a. brouillett. he was acting bishop among the indians, of a tribe near to the cayuse, where dr. whitman had labored for eleven years, and where he perished in . after the massacre, there were some grave charges made against brouillett, and in he wrote a pamphlet, entitled, "protestantism in oregon," in which he made a vicious attack upon the dead whitman, and the living dr. spalding, and the other protestant missionaries of the american board. it naturally called out some very pointed rejoinders, yet attracted but little attention from the christian world. patriotic american catholics took but little stock in the clamor of the french priest, and the matter was in a fair way to be forgotten, when interest was suddenly renewed in the subject by the appearance of an executive document, no. , th congress, st session, signed j. ross browne, commissioner of indian affairs, and dated at san francisco, december , , which contained a few sentences from j. ross browne and all of the brouillett pamphlet. the idea of getting so slanderous a paper published as an official public document by the united states congress, was an unheard-of challenge that called for a reply. and it came promptly and pointedly. from all parts of the country, members of congress were flooded with letters to find out how such a thing could be accomplished. none of them seemed able to answer. but the mischief was done and many of them expressed a willingness to help undo it. the old school and new school, and the united presbyterians in their presbyteries, resented the outrage, both in the far west and in the east, and none more vigorously than did that of the illinois presbytery at the meeting in chicago in . the methodists and baptists and congregational conferences in oregon and washington, cordially united in the work, and demanded that an address, defending the missionaries and the american board, should be printed just as conspicuously to the world as had been the falsehoods of brouillett. the presbyterian general assembly at chicago, may , , led by the rev. f. a. noble, summed up the case under seven different counts of falsehoods, and demanded that congress should, in simple justice, publish them in vindication of the protestant church. the oregon presbytery was still more positive and aggressive and made their specifications under twelve heads. the congregationalists and the methodists in oregon were equally pointed and positive. it resulted in "a committee on protestantism in oregon," drawing up a reply. in this they say: "the object of brouillett's pamphlet appears to be to exculpate the real instigators of that terrible tragedy, the massacre at waiilatpui, and to cast the blame upon the protestant missionaries who were the victims." they go on to declare that the paper "is full of glaring and infamous falsehoods," and give their reasons concisely, and wholly exonerate dr. whitman from all blame. they close their address thus: "with these facts before us, we would unite with all lovers of truth and justice, in earnestly petitioning congress, as far as possible, to rectify the evils which have resulted from the publication, as a congressional document, of the slanders of j. ross browne, and thus lift the cloud of darkness that 'hangs over the memory of the righteous dead and extend equal justice to those who survive.'" the rev. dr. spalding prepared the matter and it was introduced through secretary columbus delano, and the indian agent, n. b. meacham, and passed congress as "ex-document no. of the st congress." forty thousand copies were ordered printed, the same as of brouillett's pamphlet. it is reported that less than fifty copies ever reached the public. they mysteriously disappeared, and no one ever learned and made public the manner in which it was done. but the incident developed the fact, that the whole patriotic christian people unitedly defended whitman from the charges made. chapter xii. biographical.--dr. marcus whitman and dr. john mcloughlin. dr. marcus whitman was a direct descendant of john whitman of weymouth, who came from england in the ship confidence, december, . of him it is recorded that he feared god, hated covetousness and did good continually all the days of a long life. of the parents of dr. whitman, but little has been written. his father, beza whitman, was born in bridgewater, connecticut, may , . in march, , he married alice green, of mumford, connecticut. two years later, with all of their worldly goods packed in an ox-cart, they moved to rushville, new york, mrs. whitman making a large part of the tedious journey on foot, carrying her one-year-old babe in her arms. settled in their new home, with indians for near neighbors and wilderness all about them, they began the struggle for life, and though no great success rewarded their efforts, it is known that their doors always swung open to the needy and their hands ministered to the sick. mr. whitman died april , , at the early age of years, leaving his young wife to rear their family of four sons and one daughter. mrs. whitman, though not a professing christian, was a woman of much energy and great endurance which, combined with strong christian principle, enabled her to look well to the ways of her household. she lived to see every member of it an active christian. she died september th, , aged , and was buried beside her husband near rushville, new york. dr. marcus was her second son, and inherited from her a strong frame and great endurance. after his father's death he was sent to his paternal grandfather, samuel whitman, of plainfield, massachusetts, where he remained ten years for training and education. there he received a liberal training in the best schools the place afforded, supplemented by a thorough course in latin, and more advanced studies under the minister of the place. we know little of the boyhood spent there, as we should know little of the whole life of whitman, had not others lived to tell it, for he neither told or wrote of it; he was too modest and too busy for that. but we know it was the usual life of the yankee boy, to bring the cows and milk them, to cut the wood, and later to plow and sow the fields, as we afterward find he knew how to do all these things. the strong, sturdy boy of ceaseless activity and indomitable will who loved hunting and exploring, and a touch of wild life, must have sometimes given his old grandfather a trial of his mettle, but on the whole, no doubt, he was a great comfort and help to his declining years. after the death of his grandfather, he returned to the home of his mother in rushville. there he became a member of the congregational church at the age of nineteen, and it is said was very desirous of studying for the ministry, but by a long illness, and the persuasion of friends, was turned from his purpose to the study of medicine. he took a three years' course, and graduated at fairfield, in . he first went to canada, where he practiced his profession for four years, then came back to his home, determined again to take up the study for the ministry, but was again frustrated in his design, and practiced his profession four years more in wheeler, n. y., where he was a member and an elder in the presbyterian church. he and a brother also owned a saw-mill near there, where he assisted in his spare hours, and so learned another trade that was most useful to him in later life. in fact, as we see his environments in his mission station in oregon, these hard lessons of his earlier years seem to have been, in the best sense of the word, educational. with but little help, he opened up and cultivated a great farm, and built a grist-mill and a saw-mill, and when his grist-mill was burned, built another, and, at the same time, attended to his professional duties that covered a wide district. it was the wonder of every visitor to the mission how one man, with so few helpers, accomplished so much. at the time of the massacre, the main building of the mission was one hundred feet in the front, with an l running back seventy feet, and part of it two stories high. every visitor remarked on the cleanliness and comfort and thrift which everywhere appeared. there are men who, with great incentives, have accomplished great things, but were utter failures when it came to practical, every-day duties. dr. whitman, with a genius to conceive, and the will and energy to carry out the most difficult and daring undertaking, was just as faithful and efficient in the little things that made up the comforts of his wilderness home. seeing these grand results--the commodious house, the increase in the herds and the stacks of grain--seems to have only angered his lazy, thriftless indians, and they began to make demands for a division of his wealth. dr. whitman has been accused of holding his indians to a too strict moral accountability; that it would have been wiser to have been more lenient, and winked at, rather than denounced, some of their savage ways. those who have carefully studied the man, know how impossible it would have been for him, in any seeming way, to condone a crime, or to purchase peace with the criminal by a bribe. this was the method of the hudson bay company, and was doubtless the cheap way. by a series of events and environments, he seems to have been trained much as moses was, but with wholly different surroundings from those of the great lawgiver, whose first training was in the royal court and the schools of egypt; then in its army; then an outcast, and as a shepherd, guiding his flocks, and finding springs and pasturage in the land where, one day, he was to lead his people. king david is another man made strong in the school of preparation. as he watched his flocks on the judean hills, he fought the lion and the bear, and so was not afraid to meet and fight a giant, who defied the armies of the living god. it was there, under the stars, that he practiced music to quiet a mad king, and was educated into a fitness to organize the great choirs, and furnish the grand anthems for the temple worship. after this, in self-defense, he became the commander of lawless bands of men, and so was trained to command the armies of israel. so it has been in our own nation, with washington and lincoln, and grant and garfield; they had to pass through many hardships, and receive a many-sided training before they were fitted for the greater work to which they were called. so it was, this strong, conscientious, somewhat restless young man was being trained for the life that was to follow. the farmer boy, planting and reaping, the millwright planning and building, the country doctor on his long, lonely rides, the religious teacher who must oversee the physical and spiritual wants of his fellow church members, all were needed in the larger life for which he was longing and looking, when the sad appeal for the "book of life" came from the indian chiefs who had come so far, and failed to find it. his immediate and hearty response was, "here am i, send me!" dr. marcus whitman, judged by his life as a missionary, must ever be given due credit; for no man ever gave evidence of greater devotion to the work he found to do. he was doubtless excelled as a teacher of the indians by many of his co-laborers. he was not, perhaps, even eminent as a teacher. his great reputation and the honor due him, does not rest upon such a claim, but upon his wisdom in seeing the future of the great west, and his heroic rescue of the land from a foreign rule. that he heard a call to the duty from a higher source than any earthly potentate, none but the skeptic will doubt. the act stands out clear and bold and strong, as one of the finest instances of unselfish patriotism recorded in all history. dr. john mcloughlin. any sketch of pioneer oregon would be incomplete without an honorable mention of dr. john mcloughlin. he was the chief factor of the hudson bay company, an organization inimical to american interests, both for pecuniary and political reasons, and like whitman, has been maligned and misunderstood. as the leading spirit, during all the stages of pioneer life, his life and acts have an importance second to none. nothing could have been more important for the comfort and peace of the missionaries than to have had a man as supreme ruler of oregon, with so keen a sense of justice, as had dr. mcloughlin. physically he was a fine specimen of a man. he was six feet, four inches, and well-proportioned. his bushy white hair and massive beard, caused the indians everywhere to call him, the "great white head chief." he was born in , and was eighteen years older than dr. whitman. he entered the northwestern fur company's service in . he afterward studied medicine, and for a time practiced his profession, but his fine business abilities were so apparent, that in we find him at the head of affairs in oregon. his power over the rough men in the employ of the company, and the savage tribes who filled their coffers with wealth, was so complete as to be phenomenal. in many of the sketches we have shown that his kindness to the pioneer missionaries in another and a higher sense, proved his manhood. to obey the orders of his company, and still remain a humane man, was something that required tact that few men could have brought to bear as well as dr. mcloughlin. while he did slaughter, financially speaking, traders and fur gatherers right and left, and did his best to serve the pecuniary interests of his great monopoly, he drew the line there, and was the friend and the helper of the missionaries. if the reader could glance through mrs. whitman's diary upon the very opening week of her arrival in oregon, there would not be found anything but words of kindness and gratitude to dr. mcloughlin. in justice to his company, to which he was always loyal, he pushed the methodist missions far up the willamette, and those of the american board three hundred miles in another direction. but at the same time he was a friend and brother and adviser, and anything he had was at their service, whether they had money or not. after the immigration in , and the larger immigration led by whitman in , the company in england became alarmed and sent out spies--messrs. park, vavasaur and peel, who were enjoined to find out whether mcloughlin was loyal to british interests. after many months spent in studying the situation, their adverse report is easily inferred from the fact that dr. mcloughlin was ordered to report to headquarters. the full history of that secret investigation has never yet been revealed, but when it is, the whole blame will be found resting upon whitman and his missionary co-workers, who wrested the land from english rule, and that dr. mcloughlin aided them to success. when the charge of "friendship to the missionaries," was made, the old doctor flared up and replied: "what would you have? would you have me turn the cold shoulder on the men of god who came to do that for the indians which this company has neglected to do? if we had not helped the immigrants in ' and ' and ' , and relieved their necessities, fort vancouver would have been destroyed and the world would have treated us as our inhuman conduct deserved; every officer of the company, from governor down, would have been covered with obloquy, and the company's business ruined!" but it all resulted in the resignation of dr. mcloughlin. the injustice he received at the hands of americans afterward, is deeply to be regretted, and it is greatly to the credit of the thinking people of the state of oregon that they have done their best to remedy the wrong. at many times, and in a multitude of ways, dr. mcloughlin, by his kindness to the missionaries, won for himself the gratitude of thinking americans in all the years to come. with a bad man in his place as chief factor, the old missionaries would have found life in oregon well-nigh unbearable. while true to the exclusive and selfish interests of the great monopoly he served, he yet refused to resort to any form of unmanliness. after his abuse by the english company and his severance of all connection with it, he settled at oregon city and lived and died an american citizen. the tongue of slander was freely wagged against him, and his declining years were made miserable by unthinking americans and revengeful englishmen. his property, of which he had been deprived, was returned to his heirs, and to-day his memory is cherished as among oregon's benefactors. a fine oil painting of dr. mcloughlin was secured and paid for by the old pioneers and presented to the state. the hon. john minto, in making the address at the hanging of the picture, closed with these words: "in this sad summary of such a life as dr. mcloughlin's, there is a statement that merits our attention, which, if ever proven true, and no man who ever knew dr. mcloughlin will doubt that he believed it true, namely, that he prevented war between great britain and the united states, will show that two of the greatest nations on this earth owe him a debt of gratitude, and that oregon, in particular, is doubly bound to him as a public benefactor. british state papers may some day prove all this. "it is now twenty-six years since the legislative assembly of the state of oregon, so far as restoration of property to dr. mclouglin's family could undo the wrong of oregon's land bill, gave gladness to the heart of every oregon pioneer worthy of the name. all of them yet living, now know that, good man as they believed him, he was better than they knew. they see him now, after the strife and jealousies of race, national, business, and sectarian interests are allayed, standing in the center of all these causes of contention--a position in which to please all parties was impossible, to 'maintain which, only a good man could bear with patience'--and they have adopted this means of conveying their appreciation of this great forbearance and patient endurance, combined with his generous conduct. "looking, then, at this line of action in the light of the merest glimpses of history, known to be true by witnesses living, can any honest man wonder that the pioneers of oregon, who have eaten the salt of this man's hospitality, who have been the eye-witnesses to his brave care for humanity, and participators in his generous aid, are unwilling to go to their graves in silence--which would imply base ingratitude--a silence which would be eloquent with falsehood? "governor and representatives of oregon: in recognition of the worthy manner in which dr. john mcloughlin filled his trying and responsible position, in the heartfelt glow of a grateful remembrance of his humane and noble conduct to them, the oregon pioneers leave this portrait with you, hoping that their descendants will not forget the friend of their fathers, and trusting that this gift of the men and women who led the advance which has planted thirty thousand rifles in the valley of the columbia, and three hundred thousand, when needed, in the national domain facing the pacific ocean, will be deemed worthy of a place in your halls." [illustration: dr. john mcloughlin, chief factor of hudson bay co., at fort walla walla.] chapter xiii. whitman seminary and college. many institutions of learning have been erected and endowed by the generosity of the rich, but whitman seminary and college had its foundation laid in faith and prayer. viewed from a worldly standpoint, backed only by a poor missionary, whose possessions could be packed upon the back of a mule, the outlook did not seem promising. during all the years of his missionary service in oregon, none knew better the value of the patriotic christian service of dr. and mrs. whitman, than did the rev. dr. cushing eells and his good wife. after the massacre, dr. eells, and all his co-workers were moved under military escort to the willamette, but he writes: "my eyes were constantly turned east of the cascade range, a region i have given the best years of my life to." it was not until when the country was declared open, that he visited walla walla, and stood at the "great grave of dr. whitman and his wife." standing there upon the consecrated spot, he says: "i believe that the power of the highest came upon me." and there he solemnly vowed that he would do something to honor the christian martyrs whose remains rested in that grave. he says: "i felt as though if dr. whitman were alive, he would prefer a high school for the benefit of both sexes, rather than a monument of marble." he pondered the subject and upon reaching home, sought the advice of the congregational association. the subject was carefully canvassed by those who well knew all the sad history, and the following note was entered upon the record: "in the judgment of this association, the contemplated purpose of brother c. eells to remove to waiilatpui, to establish a christian school at that place, to be called the whitman seminary, in memory of the noble deeds and great works and the fulfillment of the benevolent plans of the late lamented dr. whitman and his wife: and his further purpose to act as home missionary in the walla walla valley, meets our cordial approbation and shall receive our earnest support." dr. eells at once resigned from the tualitin academy, where he was then teaching, and in and ' obtained the charter for the whitman seminary. dr. eells had hoped to be employed by the home missionary society, but that organization declined, as its object was not to build seminaries and colleges, but to establish churches. he bought from the american board for $ , the farm of acres where dr. whitman had toiled for eleven years. it was dr. eells' idea to build a seminary directly upon this consecrated ground, and gather a quiet settlement about the school. but he soon found that it would be better to locate the seminary in the village, at that time made up of five resident families and about one hundred men. it, however, was in sight of the "great grave." here the eells family settled down upon the farm for hard work to raise the funds necessary to erect the buildings necessary for the seminary. he preached without compensation up and down the valley upon the sabbath, and like paul, worked with his hands during the week. his first summer's work on the farm brought in $ ; enough nearly to pay three-fourths of its cost; thus year after year dr. eells and his faithful wife labored on and on. he plowed and reaped, and cut cord wood, while she made butter, and raised chickens and saved every dollar for the one grand purpose of doing honor to their noble friends in the "great grave" always in sight. rarely in this world has there been a more beautiful demonstration of loyalty and friendship, than of dr. and mrs. eells. they lived and labored on the farm for ten years, and endured all the privations and isolations common to such a life. an article in the "congregationalist" says: "mother eells' churn with which she made four hundred pounds of butter for sale, ought to be kept for an honored place in the cabinet of whitman college." it was by such sacrifices that the first $ , were raised to begin the buildings. five years had passed after the charter was granted, before the seminary was located, and then only on paper. and this was seven years before the completion of the first school building; the dedication of which occurred on october , . the first principal was the rev. p. b. chamberlain, who also organized and was first pastor of the congregational church at walla walla. in , under the new impulse given to the work by the rev. dr. g. h. atkinson, of portland, whitman seminary developed into whitman college. this was finally accomplished in . during that year, college hall was erected at a cost of $ , . during and , in the same spirit he had at all times exhibited, dr. eells felt it his duty to visit new england in the interest of the institution. he says: "it was the hardest year's work i ever did, to raise that sixteen thousand dollars." the old pioneer would much rather have cut cord wood or plowed his fields, if that would have brought in the money for his loved college. the christian who reads dr. eells' diary during the closing years of his life, will easily see how devoted he was to the work of honoring the memory of the occupants of the "great grave." his diary of may , , says: "the needs of whitman college cause serious thought. my convictions have been that my efforts in its behalf were in obedience to divine will." june , . "during intervals of the night i was exercised in prayer for whitman college. i am persuaded that my prayers are prevailing. in agony i pray for whitman college." october d. "dreamed of whitman college and awoke with a prayer." his last entry in his diary was: "i could die for whitman college." the grand old man went to his great reward in february, . will the christian people of the land allow such a prayer to go unanswered? in mrs. n. f. cobleigh did some very effective work in canvassing sections of new england in behalf of the college, succeeding in raising $ , . dr. anderson, after his efficient labors of nine years, with many discouragements, resigned the presidency in , and the rev. james f. eaton, another scholarly earnest man, assumed its duties. in the meantime the struggling village of walla walla had grown into the "garden city," and the demands upon such an institution had increased a hundred fold in the rapid development of the country in every direction. the people began to see the wisdom of the founder, and cast about for means to make the college more efficient. the union journal of walla walla, said: "it is our pride. it is the cap sheaf of the educational institutions of walla walla, and should be the pride and boast of every good walla wallan. it has a corps of exceptionally good instructors, under the guidance of a man possessing breadth of intellect, liberal education and an enthusiastic desire to be successful in his chosen field of labor, with students who rank in natural ability with the best product of any land. but it is deficient in facilities. it lacks room in which to grow. it lacks library and apparatus, the tools of education." president eaton and the faculty saw this need and the necessity of a great effort. it was under this pressure, and the united desire of the friends of the college that the rev. stephen b. l. penrose, of the "yale band" assumed the duties of president in , and began his plans to raise an endowment fund and place the college upon a sound financial basis, as well as to increase its educational facilities and requirements. it was the misfortune of these educators to enter the field for money at a time of great financial embarrassment, such as has not been experienced in many decades; but it was at the same time their good fortune to enlist the aid of dr. d. k. pearsons of chicago in the grand work with a generous gift of $ , , provided that others could be induced to add $ , to it. with such a start and with such a man as dr. pearsons, there will be no such word as fail. he is a man of faith like dr. eells and has long been administering upon his own estate in wise and generous gifts to deserving institutions. with such a man to encourage other liberal givers, the endowment will not stop at $ , . if whitman college is to be the yale and harvard and chicago university of the far west, it must meet with a generous response from liberal givers. its name alone ought to be worth a million in money. when the people are educated in whitman history, the money will come and the prayers of dr. eells will be answered. the millions of people love fair play and honest dealing and can appreciate solid work, and they will learn to love the memory of the modest hero, and will be glad to do him honor in so practical a method. it will soon be half a century since dr. whitman and his noble wife fell at their post of duty at waiilatpui. had dr. whitman been a millionaire, a man of noble birth, had he been a military man or a statesman, his praise would have been sung upon historic pages as the praise of others has. but he was only a poor missionary doctor, who lost his life in the vain effort to civilize and christianize savages, and an army of modern historians seem to have thought, as we have shown in another chapter, that the world would sit quietly by and see and applaud while they robbed him of his richly won honors. in that they have over-reached themselves. the name of dr. marcus whitman will be honored and revered long after the names of his traducers have been obliterated and forgotten. it is a name with a history, which will grow in honor and importance as the great states he saved to the union will grow into the grandeur they naturally assume. there is not a clearer page of history in all the books than that dr. whitman, under the leading of providence, saved the states of oregon, washington and idaho to the union. there is a possibility that by a long and destructive war we might have held them as against the claims of england. there were just two men who prevented that war and those two men were drs. whitman and mcloughlin. the latter indirectly by his humane and civilized treatment of the missionaries when he might have crushed them, and the former by his unparalleled heroism in his mid-winter ride to washington, and his wisdom in piloting the immigrations to oregon just the year that he did. history correctly written, will truthfully say, "when whitman fell at waiilatpui, one of the grandest heroes of this century went to his great reward." the state of washington has done well to name a great county to perpetuate his memory; dr. eells did a noble act in founding whitman seminary, and the time is coming and is near at hand, when the young men and women of the country will prize a diploma inscribed with the magic name of whitman. endow the college and endow it generously. make it worthy of the man whose love of country felt that no task was too difficult and no danger so great as to make him hesitate. after the endowment is full and complete, a great college hall should be erected from a patriotic fund, and upon the central pillar should be inscribed: "sacred to the memory of dr. marcus and narcissa whitman. while lifting up the banner of the cross in one hand to redeem and save savage souls, they thought it no wrong to carry the flag of the country they loved in the other." there is no such thing as dividing the honors. they are simply whitman honors; they lived and labored and achieved together; the bride upon the plains and in the mission home was a heroine scarcely second to the hero who swam icy rivers and climbed the snow-covered mountains in and , upon his patriotic mission. it is a work that may well engage the patriotic women of america; for true womanhood has never had a more beautiful setting than in the life of narcissa whitman. at the death, by drowning, of her only child, that she almost idolized, she bowed humbly and said: "thy will be done!" and upon the day of her death, she was mother to eleven helpless adopted children, for whose safety she prayed in her expiring moments. what an unselfish life she led. in her diary she says, but in no complaining mood: "situated as we are, our house is the missionaries' tavern, and we must accommodate more or less all the time. we have no less than seven families in our two houses; we are in peculiar and somewhat trying circumstances; we cannot sell to them because we are missionaries and not traders." and we see by the record that there were no less than seventy souls in the whitman family the day of the massacre. emerson says: "heroism is an obedience to a secret impulse of individual character, and the characteristics of genuine heroism is its persistency." where was it ever more strongly marked than in dr. whitman? we are told that "history repeats itself." going back upon the historic pages, one can find the best illustration of dr. whitman in faithful old caleb. their lives seem to run along similar lines. both were sent to spy out the land. both returned and made true and faithful reports. both were selected for their great physical fitness, and for their fine mental and moral worth; and both proved among the finest specimens of unselfish manhood ever recorded. turning to the sacred record we read that a great honor was ordered for caleb; not only that he was permitted to enter the promised land, but it was also understood by all, that he should have the choice of all the fair country they were to occupy. his associates sent with him forty years before were terribly afraid of "the giants," and now they had reached "the land of promise," and joshua had assembled the leaders of israel to assign them their places. just notice old caleb. standing in view of the meadows and fields and orchards, loaded with their rich clusters of purple grapes, everybody expected he would select the best, for they knew that it was both promised and he deserved it; but caleb, lifting up his voice so that all could hear, said: "lo, i am this day four score and five years old. as yet i am as strong this day as i was in the day that moses sent me; as my strength was then, even so is my strength now for war, both to go out and to come in. now, therefore, give me this mountain whereof the lord spoke in that day; for thou heardest in that day how the anakims were there, and that the cities were great and fenced. if so be, the lord will be with me, then i shall be able to drive them out as the lord said." noble, unselfish old caleb! and how wonderfully like him was our hero thirty-four and a half centuries later. it mattered not that he had saved a great country, twice as large as new york, pennsylvania and illinois combined, or thirty-two times as large as massachusetts. it mattered not that it was accomplished through great peril and trials and sufferings that no man can over-estimate, he never once asked a reward. "give me this mountain," and he went back to his mission, and resumed his heavy burden, and let others gather the harvest, and "the clusters of purple grapes." there he was found at his post of duty, and met death on that fatal november the th, . when a generous people have made the endowment complete, and built the grand memorial hall, they should build a monument at the "great grave" at waiilatpui. americans are patriotic. they build monuments to their men of science, to their statesmen and to their soldiers. it is right to do so. they are grand object lessons, educating the young in patriotism and virtue and right living. the monument at no grave in all the land will more surely teach all these, than will that at the neglected grave at waiilatpui. build the monument and tell your children's children to go and stand uncovered in its shadow, and receive its lessons and breathe in its inspirations of patriotism. chapter xiv. oregon then, and oregon, washington and idaho now. the beginning of a people, a state or a nation is always an interesting study, and when the beginning has resulted in a grand success, the interest increases. it is seldom that in the lifetime of the multitudes of living actors, so great a transformation can be seen as that to-day illustrated in the pacific states. fifty years ago, the immigrant, after his long journey over arid plains, after swimming rivers and climbing three ranges of mountains, stood upon the last slope, and beheld primeval beauty spread out before him. the millions of acres of green meadows had never been disturbed by a furrow, and in the great forest the sound of the woodman's ax had never been heard. coming by way of the great river, as it meets the incoming waves of the pacific, the scene is still more one of grandeur. astoria, at that time, had a few straggling huts, and portland was a village, with its streets so full of stumps as to require a good driver to get through with safety, and was referred to as a town twelve miles below oregon city. to the writer nothing has left such an impression of wilderness and solitude as a journey up the willamette, forty-five years ago, in a birch-bark canoe, paddled by two indian guides. the wild ducks were scarcely disturbed, and dropped to the water a hundred yards away, and the three-pronged buck, browsing among the lily pads, stopped to look at the unusual invasion of his domain, and went on feeding. the population of oregon in that year, , as shown by census, was , , and that included all of oregon, washington, and idaho, with a part of wyoming and montana. after years of importunity, congress had given oregon a territorial government in . prior to that--from to --it was an independent american government, for the people and by the people. notwithstanding the neglect of oregon by the general government, and its entire failure to foster or protect, the old pioneers were true and loyal american citizens, and for six years took such care of themselves as they were able, and performed the task so well as to merit the best words of commendation. [illustration: rev. stephen b. l. penrose, president of whitman college.] the commerce of the country, aside from its furs, was scarcely worth mentioning. the author, in , bought what few salted salmon there were in the market, and shipped them to san francisco, but wise and prudent advisers regarded it as a risky venture. he would have been considered a wild visionary, indeed, had he even hinted of the shipments of fish now annually made to all parts of the civilized world. it was then known that the rivers were filled with fish. in the spring of the year, the smaller streams, leading away from the columbia, were literally blocked with almost solid masses of fish on their way to their spawning grounds. the bears along the columbia, as well as the indians, had an unlimited supply of the finest fish in the world, with scarcely an effort to take them. an indian on the willamette, at the foot of the falls, could fill his boat in an hour with salmon weighing from twenty to forty pounds. in the spring of the year, when the salmon are running up the willamette, they begin to jump from the water a quarter of a mile before reaching the falls. one could sit in a boat and see hundreds of the great fish in the air constantly. multitudes of them maimed and killed themselves jumping against the rocks at the falls. the indian did not wait for "a rise" or "a bite." he had a hook with an eye socket, and a pole ten feet or more long. the hook he fastened to a deer thong, about two feet long, attached to the lower end of the pole. when ready for fishing the pole was inserted into the socket of the hook, and he felt for his fish, and by a sudden jerk caught it in the belly. the hook was pulled from the pole, and the fish had a play of the two feet of deer thong. but the indian never stops to experiment; he hauled in his prize. the great forests and prairies were a very paradise for the hunters of large game. up to the date of - , of dr. whitman's ride, but a single hundred americans had settled in oregon, and they seemed to be almost accidental guests. the immigration in swelled the list, and the caravan of started the tide, so that in , as we have seen, the first census showed an american population of , . in , in contrast, the population of washington was , ; oregon, , ; idaho, , , and five counties in southwestern montana and one in wyoming, originally oregon territory, had a population of , , making a total of , . considering the difficulties of reaching these distant states for many years, this change, in less than half a century, is a wonderful transformation. the indians had held undisputed possession of the land for generations, and yet, as careful a census as could be made, placed their number at below , . in the indian commissioner marks the number at , . the great changes are seen in the fact that in there were but thirteen settlements by white men in oregon, viz.: that at waiilatpui, at lapwai, at the dalles and near salem, and the hudson bay forts at walla walla, colville, fort hall, boise, vancouver, nisqually, umpqua, okanogan and the settlement at astoria. the old missionaries felt thankful when letters reached them within two years after they were written. mrs. whitman's first letter from home was two years and six months reaching the mission. the most sure and safe route was by way of new york or montreal to london, around the horn to the sandwich islands, from which place a vessel sailed every year for columbia. the wildest visionaries at that time had not dreamed of being bound to the east by bands of steel, as senator mcduffie said: "the wealth of the indies would be insufficient to connect by steam the columbia river to the states of the east." uncle sam seems to have been taking a very sound and peaceful nap. he did not own california, and was even desirous of trading oregon for the cod fisheries of newfoundland. the debt of gratitude the americans owe to the men and women who endured the privations of that early day, and educated the nation into the knowledge of its future glory and greatness, has not been fully appreciated. the settlers of no other states of the frontier encountered such severe tests of courage and loyalty. the middle states of the great west, while they had their hardships and trials, were always within reach of the strong arm of the government, and felt its fostering care, and had many comforts which were wholly beyond the reach of the oregon pioneers. their window glass for years and years was dressed deer skin; their parlor chairs were square blocks of wood; their center tables were made by driving down four sticks and sawing boards by hand for top, the nearest saw mill being four hundred miles off. a ten-penny nail was prized as a jewel, and until dr. whitman built his mill, a barrel of flour cost him twenty-four dollars, and in those days that amount of money was equal to a hundred in our times of to-day. the plows were all wood, and deer thongs took the place of iron in binding the parts together. it was ten years after they began to raise wheat before they had any other implement than the sickle, and for threshing, the wooden flail. it was in the year the first printing press reached oregon. it may be marked as among the pioneer civilizers of this now great and prosperous christian land. that press has a notable history and is to-day preserved at the state capital of oregon as a relic of by-gone days in printing. long before the civilization of oregon had begun in , the congregational missionaries to the sandwich islands had imported this press around the horn from new england, and from that time up to it had served an excellent purpose in furnishing christian literature to the kanakas. but the sandwich islanders had grown beyond it; and being presented with a finer outfit, the first native church at honolulu made a present of the press, ink and paper to the missions of waiilatpui, lapwai and walker's plains. the whole was valued at $ at that time. the press was located at lapwai, and used to print portions of scripture and hymn books in the nez perces language, which books were used in all the missions of the american board. visitors to these tribes of indians twenty-five years after the missions had been broken up, and the indians had been dispersed, found copies of those books still in use and prized as great treasures. another interesting event was the building of the first steamer, the lot whitcomb, in the columbia river waters. this steamer was built of oregon fir and spruce, and was launched december th, , at milwaukee, then a rival of portland. it was a staunch, well-equipped vessel, one hundred and sixty feet in length; beam, twenty-four feet; depth of hold, six feet ten inches; breadth over all, forty-two feet seven inches; diameter of wheel, nineteen feet; length of bucket, seven feet; dip one foot eight inches, and draft three feet two inches. it was a staunch and elegantly-equipped little vessel; did good service in the early days, making three round trips each week, from milwaukee to astoria, touching at portland and vancouver, then the only stopping places. the whitcomb was finally sent to california, made over, named annie abernethy, and was used upon the sacramento river as a pleasure and passenger boat. these two beginnings, of the printer's art and the steamer, are all the more interesting when compared with the richness and show in the same fields to-day. the palatial ocean traveling steamers and the power presses and papers, scarcely second to any in editorial and news-gathering ability, best tell the wonderful advance from comparatively nothing at that time. the taxable property of oregon in was $ , , ; in washington it was $ , , ; in idaho, $ , , . the manufactories of oregon in turned out products to the value of $ , , , and washington, on fisheries alone, yielded a product valued at $ , . there has been a great falling off, both in oregon and washington, in this source of wealth, and the eager desire to make money will cause the annihilation of this great traffic, unless there is better legal protection. washington, in , reported saw mills and shingle mills and sash and door mills, and a capital invested in the lumber trade of $ , , . a wonderful change since dr. whitman sawed his boards by hand as late as . the acres of forest yet undisturbed in washington are put down at , , . during president harrison's term a wooded tract in the cascade mountains, thirty-five by forty miles, including mount rainier, was withdrawn from entry, and it is expected that congress will reserve it for a national park. the statistics relating to wheat, wool and fruits of all kinds fully justify the claim made by dr. whitman to president tyler and secretary webster--that "the united states had better by far give all new england for the cod fisheries of newfoundland than to sacrifice oregon." reading the statistics of wealth of the states comprising the original territory of oregon, their fisheries, their farm products, their lumber, their mines, yet scarcely begun to be developed, one wonders at the blindness and ignorance of our statesmen fifty or more years ago, who came so near losing the whole great territory. if secretary daniel webster could have stepped into the buildings of washington, oregon and idaho that contained the wonderful exhibit at the world's fair, he would doubtless have lifted his thoughts with profound gratitude that dr. whitman made his winter ride and saved him from making the blunder of all the century. if old senator mcduffie who averred that "the wealth of the indies could not pay for connecting by steam the columbia river with the states," could now take his place in a palace car of some one of the four great transcontinental lines, and be whirled over "the inaccessible mountains, and the intervening desert wastes," he, too, might be willing to give more than "a pinch of snuff" for our pacific possessions. the original boundaries of oregon contained over , square miles, which included all the country above latitude degrees and west of the rocky mountains. its climate is mild and delightful, and in great variety, owing to the natural divisions of great ranges of mountains, and the warm ocean currents which impinge upon its shores, with a rapid current from the hot seas of asia. this causes about seventy per cent of the winds to blow from the southwest, bringing the warmth of the tropics to a land many hundreds of miles north of new york and boston. it is felt even at sitka, nearly , miles further north than boston, where ice cannot be gathered for summer use, and whose harbor has never yet been obstructed by ice. [illustration: dr. daniel k. pearsons.] the typical features of the climate of western oregon are the rains of winter and a protracted rainless season in summer. in other words, there are two distinct seasons in oregon--wet and dry. snows in winter and rains in summer are exceptional. in eastern oregon the climate more nearly approaches conditions in eastern states. there are not the same extremes, but there are the same features of winter snow, and, in places, of summer heat. southern oregon is more like eastern than western oregon. in eastern oregon the temperature is lower in winter and higher in summer than in western. the annual rainfall varies from seven to twenty inches. the springs in oregon are delightful; the summers very pleasant. they are practically rainless, and almost always without great extremes of heat. fall rains usually begin in october. it is a noteworthy feature of oregon summers, that nights are always cool and refreshing. the common valley soil of the state is a rich loam, with a subsoil of clay. along the streams it is alluvial. the "beaverdam lands" of this class are wonderfully fertile. this soil is made through the work of the beavers who dammed up streams and created lakes. when the water was drained away, the detritus covered the ground. the soil of the uplands is less fertile than that of the bottoms and valleys, and is a red, brown and black loam. it produces an excellent quality of natural grass, and under careful cultivation, produces good crops of grain, fruits and vegetables. east of the cascade mountains the soil is a dark loam of great depth, composed of alluvial deposits and decomposed lava, overlying a clay subsoil. the constituents of this soil adapt the land peculiarly to the production of wheat. all the mineral salts which are necessary to the perfect development of this cereal are abundant, reproducing themselves constantly as the gradual processes of decomposition in this soil of volcanic origin proceeds. the clods are easily broken by the plow, and the ground quickly crumbles on exposure to the atmosphere. in northwestern oregon, adjacent to the columbia river, although the dry season continues for months, this light porous land retains and absorbs enough moisture from the atmosphere, after the particles have been partly disintegrated, to insure perfect development and full harvests. in southeastern oregon, especially in the vast areas of fertile lands in malheur and snake river valleys, the soils are much like those of the northeastern oregon region, but there is less moisture. except in a very small portion of this region, irrigation is necessary to successful agriculture. the water supply is abundant and easily applied. we have made no attempt to write a complete history of this great section or its wealth, but only to outline such facts as will make more impressive the value to the whole people of the distinguished services of the pioneers who saved this garden spot of the world to the people of the united states. "the flag of beauty and glory" waves over no fairer land, or over no more intelligent, prosperous and happy people. all this too has been reached within the memory of multitudes of living actors; in fact it can be said the glow of youth is yet upon the brow of the young states. the lover of romance in reality will scarcely repress a sigh of regret, that with oregon and washington, the western limit of pioneering has been reached, after the strides of six thousand years. the circuit of the globe has been completed and the curtain dropped upon the farther shores of oregon and washington, with a history as profoundly interesting and dramatic as that written on any section of the world. "the stars and stripes" now wave from ocean to ocean, and from the great lakes to the gulf. it is a nation of grand possibilities, whose history would have been marred for all time to come, had any foreign power, however good or great, held possession of the pacific states. with china open to the world's commerce; with the young giant japan inciting all the far east to a new life and energy, the pacific states of the republic stand in the very gateway of the world's footsteps, and commerce and wealth. only when measured in and by the light of such facts, can we fully estimate the value to the whole people of the nation of the midwinter ride of our hero, and to the brave pioneers of oregon. chapter xv. life on the great plains in pioneer days. nothing better shows the rapid advance of civilization in this country, than the fact that multitudes of the actors of those eventful years of pioneer life in oregon and california yet live to see and enjoy the wonderful transformation. in fact, the pioneer, most of all others, can, in its greatest fullness, take in and grasp the luxuries of modern life. taking his section in a palace car in luxurious ease, he travels in six days over the same road which he wearily traveled, forty-five and fifty years ago, in from one hundred and fifty to one hundred and ninety days. the fact is not without interest to him that for more than a thousand miles of the way on the great central routes, he can throw a stone from the car window into his old camping grounds. the old plainsmen were not bad surveyors. they may not have been advanced in trigonometry or logarithms, but they had keen eyes and ripe practical judgment, which enabled them to master the situation. the trails marked and traveled by the old missionaries, nine times in every ten, proved the best. many a time did i, and others, by taking what seemed to be inviting "cutoffs," find out to our sorrow that the old trailers of ten years before us had been wiser. i make this a chapter of personal experience, not for any personal gratification, but because of the desire to make it real and true in every particular, and because the data and incidents of travel of the old missionaries are meager and incomplete. the experiences in , and , were much the same, save and except that in the way was more plainly marked than in , which then was nothing more than an indian trail, and even that often misleading. besides that, the pioneer corps had made passable many danger points, and had even left ferries over the most dangerous rivers. from to were ten years of great activity upon the frontier. the starting points for the journey across the plains were many and scattered, from where kansas city now stands to fort leavenworth. the time of which i write was . our little company of seven chosen friends, all young and inexperienced in any form of wild life, resolved upon the journey, and began preparations in and were ready in march, , to take a steamer at cincinnati for fort leavenworth. we had consulted every authority within reach as to our outfit, both for our safety and comfort, and few voyagers ever started upon the long journey who had nearer the essential things, and so few that proved useless. in one thing we violated the recommendations of all experienced plainsmen, and that was in the purchase of stock. we were advised to buy only mustangs and mexican mules, but chose to buy in ohio the largest and finest mules we could find. our wagons were selected with great care as to every piece of timber and steel in their make-up, and every leather and buckle in the harness was scrutinized. instead of a trunk, each carried clothes and valuables in a two-bushel rubber bag, which could be made water-tight or air-tight, if required. extra shoes were fitted to the feet of each mule and riding horse and one of the number proved to be an expert shoer. the supply of provisions was made a careful study, and we did not have the uncomfortable experience of dr. and mrs. whitman, and run out of flour before the journey was half over. there is nothing that develops the manhood of a man, or the lack of it, more quickly than life on the plains. there is many a man surrounded by the sustaining influence of the home and of refined society, who seems very much of a man; and yet when these influences are removed, he wilts and dwarfs. i have seen men who had been religious leaders and exemplary in their lives, come from under all such restraints, and, within two months, "swear like troopers." our little company was fortunate in being made up of a manly set of young men, who resolved to stand by each other and each do his part. we soon joined the mt. sterling mining company, led by major fellows and dr. c. p. schlater, from mt. sterling, ills. they were an excellent set of men and our company was then large enough for protection from any danger in the indian country, and we kept together without a jar of any kind. in the year , the spring upon the frontier was backward. the grass, a necessity for the campaigner upon the plains, was too slow for us, so we bought an old government wagon, in addition to our regular wagons, filled it with corn, and upon may st, struck out through kansas. it was then unsettled by white people. on the th day of may, we woke up to find the earth enveloped in five inches of snow, and matters looked discouraging, but the sun soon shone out and the snow disappeared and we began to enter into the spirit and enjoyment of the wild life before us. [illustration: the log school house on the willamette.] the indians were plentiful and visited us frequently, but they were all friendly that year with the whites throughout the border. a war party of the cheyenne indians visited us on their way to fight their enemy, the pawnees. they were, physically, the finest body of men i ever saw. we treated them hospitably and they would have given up their fight and gone with us on a grand buffalo hunt, had we consented. the chief would hardly take no for an answer. one of the great comforts of the plains traveling in those days, was order and system. each man knew his duty each day and each night. one day a man would drive; another he would cook; another he would ride on horseback. when we reached the more dangerous indian country, our camp was arranged for defense in case of an attack, but we always left our mules picketed out to grass all night, and never left them without a guard. about the most trying labor of that journey was picket duty over the mules at night, especially when the grass was a long distance from the camp, as it sometimes was. after a long day's travel it was a lonesome, tiresome task to keep up all night, or even half of it. the animals were tethered with a rope eighteen feet long buckled to the fore leg, and the other end attached to an iron pin twelve to eighteen inches long, securely driven into the ground. as the animals fed they were moved so as to keep them upon the best pasture. in spite of the best care they would occasionally cross and the mischief would be to pay, unless promptly relieved. our greatest fear was from the danger of a stampede, either from indians or from wild animals. the indian regards it as a great accomplishment to steal a horse from a white man. one day a well-dressed and very polite indian came into camp where we were laying by for a rest. he could talk broken english and mapped out the country in the sand over the route we were to travel--told us all about good water and plenty of grass. he informed us that for some days we would go through the good indian's country, but then we came to the mountains; and then he began to paw the air with his arms and snap an imaginary whip and shout, "gee buck--wo haw, damn ye!" then says our good indian, "look out for hoss thieves." then he got down in the grass and showed us how the indian would wiggle along in the grass until he found the picket pin and lead his horse out so slowly that the guard would not notice the change, until he was outside the line, when he would mount and ride away. that very night two of the best horses of the mt. sterling mining company were stolen in just that way, and to make the act more grievous, they were picketed so near to the tents as to seem to the guards to be perfectly safe. we may have misjudged our "good indian" who came into camp, but we have always believed that he was there to see whether there were any horses worth stealing, and then did the stealing himself. we can bear testimony also, that he was a good geographer. his map made in the sand and transferred to paper was perfect, and when we came to the mountains, his "gee buck, wo haw, damn ye!" was heard all up and down that mountain. the indian had evidently been there and knew what he was saying. they gave us but little trouble except to watch our live stock, as the indian never takes equal chances. he wants always three chances to one, in his favor. to show you are afraid, is to lose the contest with an indian. i have many times, by showing a brave front, saved my scalp. upon one occasion when i had several loose mules leading, i allowed myself unthinkingly to lag for two miles behind the company through a dangerous district. i was hurrying to amend the wrong by a fast trot, when upon a turn in the road a vicious-looking indian, with his bow half bent and an arrow on the string, stepped from behind a sage bush to the middle of the road and signaled me to stop when twenty feet away. i was unarmed and made up my mind at once to show no fear. upon coming within six or eight feet of him, i drove the spurs into my horse and gave such a yell that the indian had all he could do to dodge my horse's feet. he was evidently astonished and thought, from the boldness of the move, that i had others near by. my horse and mules went on a dead run and i expected, as i leaned forward, every moment to feel his arrow. i glanced back when fifty yards away and he was anxiously looking back to see who else was coming and i was out of his reach before he had made up his mind. i was never worse frightened. upon another occasion i bluffed an indian just as effectively. with two companions i went to a sioux village to buy a pair of moccasins. they were at peace and we felt no danger. most of the men were absent from the village, leaving only a small guard. i got separated from my companions, but found an indian making moccasins, and i stood in the door and pointed to a new pair about the size i wanted, that hung on the ridge pole, and showed him a pair of handsome suspenders that i would give him for them. he assented by a nod and a grunt, came to the door, took the suspenders and hung them up, deliberately sat down on the floor and took off a dirty old pair he was wearing and threw them to me. i immediately threw them back, and stepping into the tepee, caught hold of the moccasins i had bought, but by a quick motion he snatched them from me. i then caught hold of the suspenders and bounded out of the door. when fifty feet away i looked back and he had just emerged from his tepee and began loading his rifle. i had emptied both barrels of my shotgun at a plover just before reaching the village and my gun was fortunately unloaded. it gave us equal chances: i stopped still, threw my gun from the strap and began loading. in those days i was something of an expert and before the indian withdrew his ramrod, i was putting caps on both barrels and he bounded inside his wigwam, and i lost no time in putting a tepee between us, and finding my friends, when we hastily took leave. our company took great comfort and pride in our big american mules, trained in civilized ohio. a pair of the largest, the wheelers in the six-mule team, were as good as setter dogs at night. they neither liked indians, wolves nor grizzlies; and their scent was so keen they could smell their enemies two hundred yards away, unless the wind was too strong. when on guard, and in a lonesome, dangerous place, we generally kept close to our long-eared friends, and when they stopped eating and raised their heads and pointed those ponderous ears in any direction, we would drop in the grass and hold ourselves ready for any emergency. they would never resume their feeding until assured that the danger had passed. and then what faithful fellows to pull! at a word they would plant their feet on a mountain side and never allow the wagon to give back a single foot, no matter how precipitous; and again at the word, they would pull with the precision of a machine. the off-leader, "manda," was the handsomest mule ever harnessed. as everybody remarked, "she was as beautiful as a picture." she would pull and stand and hold the wagon as obedient to command as an animal could be, but she was by nature wild and vicious. she was the worst kicker i ever saw. she allowed herself to be shod, seeming to understand that this was a necessity. but no man ever succeeded in riding her. she beat the trick mules in any circus in jumping and kicking. one night we had a stampede, and one of the flying picket pins struck the mule between the bones of the hind leg, cutting a deep gash, four inches or more long; the swelling of the limb causing the wound to gape open fully two inches. she did not attempt to bear her weight upon the limb, barely touching it to the ground. the flies were very bad, and knowing the animal, and while prizing her so highly, we were all convinced that we must leave her. the train pulled out. it was my duty that morning to bring on the loose stock, and see that nothing of value was overlooked in camp. i was ready to leave, when i went up to the mule that had come with us all the way from home, nearly three thousand miles, and had been a faithful servant, and began petting her, expressing my pity and sorrow that we had to leave her here for the indians and the wolves. as i rubbed her head and talked to her, the poor dumb brute seemed to understand every word said. never before in all the long journey had the famous six-mule team gone without manda prancing as off leader. she rubbed me with her nose and laid it upon my shoulder, and seemed to beg as eloquently as a dumb beast can, "don't leave me behind." with it all, there was a kindly look in her eye, i never before had seen. i stood stroking her head for some time, then i patted her neck and walked a little back, but constantly on guard. it was then the animal turned her head and looked at me, and at the same time held up the wounded leg. my friend moore, who had staid back to assist, was a little distance off, and i called him. as he came up, i said to him: "this mule has had a change of heart." he put a bridle upon her so that he could hold up her head, and rubbing her side, i finally ventured to take hold of the wounded leg. i rubbed it and fondled it without her showing any symptom of resentment. i got out instruments, sewed the wound up, and sewed bandages tight about the leg, made a capital dressing and we started, leading manda. she soon began to bear weight upon the wounded limb, and had no difficulty in keeping up with the train. when the bandages would get misplaced, one could get down in the road with no one to assist, and adjust them. we took manda all the way, and no handsomer animal ever journeyed across the plains. she was never known to kick afterward. people call it "instinct in animals," but the more men know and study dumb life, the more they are impressed with their reasoning intelligence. dr. whitman's mule, finding camp in the blinding snow storm on the mountains, when the shrewd guide was hopelessly lost; my old horse leading me and my friend in safety through the mississippi river back water in the great forest of arkansas, as well as this, which i have told without an embellishment, all teach impressively the duty of kindness that we owe to our dumb friends. in mrs. whitman's diary we frequently find allusion to her faithful pony, and her sympathy with him when the grass is scarce and the work hard, is but an evidence of true nobility in the woman. in a long journey like the one made from ohio to the pacific coast, it is wonderful what an affection grows up between man and his dumb helpers. and there is no mistaking the fact that animals appreciate and reciprocate such kindness. even our dog was no exception. as i have started in to introduce my dumb associates, it would be a mistake, especially for my boy readers, to omit rover. he was a young dog when we started, but he was a dog of thorough education and large experience before he reached the end of his journey. he was no dog with a long pedigree of illustrious ancestors, but was a mixed st. bernard and newfoundland, and grew up large, stately and dignified. he was petted, but never spoiled. when he was tired and wanted to ride, he knew how to tell the fact and was never told that he was nothing but a dog. he was no shirk as a walker, but the hot saleratus dust and sand wore out his feet. we took the fresh skin of an antelope and made boots for him, but when no one was looking at him he would gnaw them off. when the company separated after reaching the coast, rover, by unanimous consent, went with his favorite master, j. s. niswander, now a gray-haired, honored citizen of gilroy, cal. a few years ago i visited niswander and dr. j. doan, who, with myself, are the only living survivors of our company, and he gave me the history of rover after i left for oregon. niswander was a famous grizzly bear hunter, and with rover as a companion, he made journeys prospecting for gold, and hunting, long distances from civilization. when night came the pack mule was picketed near by and a big fire built, with plenty of wood to keep it replenished during the night. rover laid himself against his master's feet, and in case of danger he would always waken him with a low growl close to his ear, and when this was done, he would lope off in the dark and find out what it was, while niswander held his gun and revolver ready for use. if the dog came back and lay down he knew at once it was a false alarm and dropped to sleep in perfect security. at one time he brought among his provisions a small firkin of butter, a great luxury at that time. he took the firkin and set it in the shade of a great red-wood, tumbled off the rest of his goods, picketed his mule, and went off prospecting for gold, telling rover to take care of the things until he returned. he was gone all day and returned late in the evening, and looking around could not see his firkin of butter. he told me he turned to the old dog and said: "rover, i never knew you to do such a trick before and i am ashamed of you." the old fellow only hung his head upon being scolded. but soon after mr. n. noticed a suspicious pile of leaves about the roots of the tree, and when he had turned them aside he found his firkin of butter untouched. the high wind which had arisen had blown the paper cover from the butter and the dog knew it ought to be covered, and with his feet and nose had gathered the leaves for more than a rod around and covered it up. the indians finally poisoned the old dog for the purpose of robbing his master. said he: "when rover died i shed more tears than i had shed for years." while reading, as i have, mrs. whitman's daily diary of her journey in , i am most astonished at the lack of all complaints and murmurings. i know so well the perils and discomforts she met on the way and see her every day, cheerful and smiling and happy, and filled with thankfulness for blessings received, that she seems for the very absence of any repining, to be a woman of the most exalted character. i have traveled for days and weeks through saleratus dust that made lips, face and eyes tormentingly sore, while the throat and air tubes seemed to be raw. she barely mentions them. i have camped many a time, as she doubtless did, where the water was poisonous with alkali, and unfit for man or beast. i have been stung by buffalo flies until the sting of a jersey mosquito would be a positive luxury. she barely mentions the pests. she does once mildly say: "the mosquitoes were so thick that we could hardly breathe," and that "the fleas covered all our garments" and made life a burden until she could get clear of them. then there were snakes. as far as i know she never once complained of snakes. this makes it all the more necessary in giving a true picture of pioneering upon the plains, to give a real experience. there is nothing more hateful than a snake. we were introduced to the prairie rattler very early in the journey and some had sport over it. we all wore high, rattlesnake boots; they were heavy and hard on the feet that had been accustomed to softer covering. one of our gallant boys had received a present of a pair of beautiful embroidered slippers from a loved friend, and after supper he threw off those high snake boots and put on his slippers. just then he was reminded that it was his duty that night to assist in picketing the mules in fresh pasture. he got hold of two lariats and started off singing "the girl i left behind me." about one hundred and fifty yards off he heard that ominous rattle near by and he dropped those lariats and came into camp at a speed that elicited cheers from the entire crowd. early in the journey an old indian told me how to keep the snakes from our beds, and that was to get a lariat made from the hair of a buffalo's neck and lay it entirely around the bed. i got the lariat and seldom went to sleep without being inside of its coil. it is a fact that a snake will not willingly crawl over such a rope. the sharp prickly bristles are either uncomfortable to them, or they expect there is danger. one night of horrors never to be forgotten was when i did not have my indian lariat. who of my readers ever had a rattlesnake attempt to make a nest in his hair? the story may hardly be worth telling, but i will relate it just as it occurred. we had camped on the st. mary's river and had gone four miles off the road to find good grazing for our animals. supper was over, our bugler had sounded his last note, and we were preparing for bed when a man came in from a camp a mile off and reported that they had found a man on a small island, who was very sick and they wanted a doctor. dr. schlater, of the mt. sterling mining company, at once got ready and went with him. dr. schlater was one of the grand specimens of manhood. he worked with the sick man all night and at daylight came down and asked me to go up with him. while we were bathing him the company of michigan packers, who had found the stranger, moved off, and left us alone with the sick man, who was delirious and could give no account of himself. we found from papers in his pockets that his name was west williams of bloomington, iowa, and he carried a card from the i. o. o. f. of that place. we made him as comfortable as possible and went back to our camp and reported his condition. we found the company all ready to move out, only waiting for us. the man was too sick to travel and it would not do to let him remain there alone, and it was decided that dr. s. and i should remain with him and try and find his friends or hire some person to take care of him, and then, by forced marches, we could follow on and catch the company. we raised a purse of one hundred dollars and with such medicines as we needed and other supplies, also kept back a light spring wagon, and brought the sick man to our camp. i suggested to the doctor that he ride over to the road and put up some written notices, giving the man's name, etc. he wrote out several and posted them on the trees where they would attract attention from passers. while he was doing this, a man with an ox-team came along and proved to be an old friend of the sick man right from the same locality. his name was van s. israel. he at once came with the doctor and took charge of williams, greatly to our relief. while the doctor was upon the road he was called to prescribe for another sick man by the name of mahan, from missouri. learning where we were located, the mahans moved down to our camp. the sick man was accompanied by his brother, and they had a splendid outfit. we concluded to give the entire day to the sick men and ride across the small desert just ahead during the night. a tent was erected for mahan, and he walked in and laid down. an hour or so later i went to the tent door and looking in saw the man lying dead. i spoke to his brother, who went into the tent convulsed with grief. i had scarcely reached my tent before i heard a piercing scream and rushed back, and upon opening the tent flap was horrified to behold the largest rattlesnake i had ever seen, coiled on the opposite side of the dead body and the living brother crowding as far away as possible on the other side to be out of his reach. as soon as i appeared the snake uncoiled and slipped under the edge of the tent. i caught up a green cottonwood stick and ran around and he at once coiled for a fight. i let him strike the stick. after striking each time he would try to retreat, but a gentle tap with the stick would arouse his anger and he would coil and strike again. at first a full drop of the yellow fluid appeared upon the stick. this gradually diminished, and with it the courage of the reptile, which seemed to lose all fighting propensity. i then killed him. just before sunset we were ready to leave our sad associates, and we rode down to the river to give our mules a drink. the st. mary's is a deep stream running through a level stretch with no banks. the mules had often been caved into the deep water and learned to get down on their knees to drink. for fear of an accident i got off and allowed my mule to kneel and drink. as he got upon his feet i swung into the saddle and started on. i had scarcely got firmly seated when, right under the mule, a rattler sang out. my double-barrel gun was hanging from my shoulder, muzzle down. as quick as a flash i slipped my arm through the strap, cocked the gun at the same time, and the mule shying, brought his snakeship in range, and just as he was in the act of striking, i shot him dead. the only good thing about the rattler is that he always gives the alarm before striking. [illustration: a. j. anderson, ph.d., first president of whitman college.] [illustration: rev. james f. eaton, d.d., second president of whitman college.] it was about three o'clock in the morning when we got through the desert and reached a cluster of trees, and resolved to stop and take a little sleep, and give our mules the feed of grass we had tied behind our saddles. we found a fallen tree and tied our animals to the boughs and fed them. a small company of packers were there asleep with their heads toward the fallen tree. we passed them to near the butt of the tree, threw aside some rotten chunks, spread a blanket, and each rolled up in another, lay down to rest. my snake-lariat was with the wagon, but i was too tired to think much of it. the doctor being up all the night before, was asleep in two minutes. i was dozing off, with rattlesnakes and all the horrors of the past day running through my mind, when i was suddenly awakened by something pulling and working in my long, bushy hair. barbers were not plentiful on the plains, and, besides, the plainsmen wear long hair as a protection. i suppose it was only a few minutes of suspense, and yet it seemed an hour, before i became wide awake, and reached at once the conclusion that i had poked my head near the log where his snakeship was sleeping, and the evening being cool, he was trying to secure warmer quarters. i knew it would not do to move my head. i quietly slipped my right arm from the blanket, and slowly moved my hand within six inches of my head. i felt the raking of a harder material, which seemed like a fang scraping the scalp. this made me almost frantic. suddenly i grasped the offender by the head, jerking hair and all, and, jumping to my feet, yelled, so that every packer bounced to his feet, and seized his gun, thinking we were attacked by indians. this is a round-about way to tell a snake story, but all the facts had to be recited to reveal the real conditions. it was forty-five years ago, and the sensations of the time are vivid to this day; and it doesn't even matter that the offender was not a rattler, but only an honest, little, cold-footed tree-toad, trying to get warmed up. but he frightened me as badly as the biggest rattler on the st. mary's could, and i helped him to make a hop that beat the record of mark twain's jumping-frog in his best days. but life on the plains was not a continued succession of discomforts. the dyspeptic could well afford to make such a journey to gain the appetite and the good digestion. the absence of annoying insect life during the night, and the pure, invigorating air, makes sleep refreshing and health-giving. for a month at a time we have lain down to sleep, looking up at the stars, without the fear of catching cold, or feeling a drop of dew. there are long dreary reaches of plains to pass that are wearisome to the eye and the body, but the mountain scenery is nowhere more picturesquely beautiful. at that time the sportsman could have a surfeit in all kinds of game, by branching off from the lines of travel and taking the chances of losing his scalp. herds of antelope were seen every day feeding in the valleys, while farther away there were buffalo by the hundred thousand. the great butchery of these noble animals had then but fairly begun. to-day, there still live but three small herds. our company did not call it sport to kill buffalo for amusement. it was not sport, but butchery. a man could ride up by the side of his victim and kill him with a pistol. it was among our rules to allow no team animal to be used in the chase. but i forgot myself once and violated the rule. we were resting that day in camp. in the distance i saw two hunters after a huge buffalo bull, coming toward our camp. i saw by the direction that one could ride around the spur of a high hill about a mile distant and intercept him. we had as a saddle horse of one team an old clay-bank, which was one of the most solemn horses i have ever seen. his beauty was in his great strength and his long mane and tail. but he carried his head on a straight level with his back and never was known to put on any airs. he stood picketed handy, and seizing a bridle and my gun i mounted without a saddle and urged the old horse into a lope. as i turned the spur of the hill, the bull came meeting me fifty yards away. he was a monster; his tongue protruded, and he was frothing at the mouth from his long run. he showed no signs of turning from his road because of my appearance. just then, when not more than thirty yards away, my old horse saw him and turned so quickly as to nearly unseat me. he threw up his head until that great mane of his enveloped me; and he broke for the camp at a gait no one ever dreamed he possessed. i did no shooting, but i did the fastest riding i ever indulged in before or since. it is a fact, that a mad buffalo, plunging toward you is only pleasant when you can get out of his way. the slaughter and annihilation of the buffalo is the most atrocious act ever classed under the head of sport. a few years ago, while traveling over the great northern railway, i saw at different stations ricks of bones from a quarter to a third of a mile long, piled up as high as the tops of the cars, awaiting shipment. i asked one of the experienced and reliable railway officials of the traffic, and he informed me that "not less than , car loads of buffalo bones had been shipped over the great northern railroad to the bone factories; and not one in a thousand of the remains had ever been touched." the weight of a full-sized buffalo's bones is about sixty pounds. the traffic is still enormous along these northern lines. if the indian had any sentiment it would likely be called out as he wanders over the plains and gathers up the dry bones of these well-nigh extinct wild herds, that fed and clothed his tribe through so many generations. i have seen beautiful horses, but never saw any half so handsome as the wild horses upon the plains. the tame horse, however well groomed, is despoiled of his grandeur. he compares with his wild brother as the plebeian compares with royalty. i saw a beautiful race between two greasers who were chasing a herd of wild horses. they were running parallel with the road i was traveling, and i spurred up and ran by their side some four hundred yards distant, and had a chance to study them for many miles. i afterward saw a handsome stallion that had just been caught. he was tied and in a corral, but if one approached he would jump at him and strike and kick as savagely as possible. his back showed saddle marks, which proved that he had not always been the wild savage he had then become. the mountains and hills where the wild horses were then most numerous were covered with wild oats, which gave the country the appearance of large cultivation. among the interesting facts which the traveler on the great plains learns, and often to his discomfort, is the deception as to distance. he sees something of interest and resolves "it is but two miles away," but the chances are that it will prove to be eight or ten miles. the country is made up of great waves. looking off you see the top of a wave, and when you get there a valley that you did not see, stretches away for miles. we always tried to treat our indian guests courteously, but they were often voted a nuisance. while cooking our supper they would often form a circle, twenty or thirty of them sitting on the ground, and they looked so longingly at the bread and ham and coffee, that it almost took one's appetite away. we could only afford to give the squaws what was left. to fill up such a crowd would have soon ended our stock of supplies. one of the things that made an indian grunt, and even laugh, was to see our cook baking pancakes in a long-handled frying pan. to turn the cake over he tossed it in the air and caught it as it came down. a cook on the plains that could not do that was not up in his business. except upon the mountains and rocky canyons, the roads were as good as a turnpike; but some of the climbs and descents were fearful, while an occasional canyon, miles long, looked wholly impassable without breaking the legs of half the animals and smashing the wagons. the old plainsmen had a way of setting tires upon a loose wheel that was novel. our tires became very loose from the long dry reaches. we took off the tire, tacked a slip of fresh hide entirely around the rim, heated the tire, dropped it on the wheel and quickly chucked it into the water and had wheels as good as new. our company was three nights and two days and nearly a half in crossing the widest desert. it was a beautiful firm road until we struck deep sand, which extended out for eleven miles from carson river into the desert. before starting we emptied our rubber clothes sacks, filled them with water, hauled hay, which we had cured, to feed our mules, and made the trip as pleasantly as if upon green sod. the lack of water on this wide desert had left many thousand bones of dead animals bleaching upon its wastes. many wells had been dug in various places and we tested the water in them and found it intensely salt. the entire space is evidently the bed of a salt sea. in the long reaches where no trees of any kind grow, the entire dependence of the early pioneer for fire was upon buffalo chips, the animal charcoal of the plains. it makes a good fire and is in no way offensive. and if no iron horse had invaded the plains, buffalo chips would be selling all along the route to-day at forty dollars per ton. one of the pleasant historical events in which our company naturally takes a pride is, that one night we camped upon a little mountain stream near where the city of denver now stands; the whole land as wild as nature made it. many years afterward one of the little band, frank denver, was elected lieutenant-governor of colorado, and gen. j. w. denver was among the most prominent politicians of the coast, and the city of denver was named in honor of them. i have thus, as concisely as i could, sketched life as it was in a wagon journey across the plains forty-five and fifty years ago. it was a memorable experience, and none who took it will fail to have of it a vivid remembrance as long as life lasts. if its annoyances were many, its novelties and pleasing remembrances were so numerous as to make it the notable journey of even the most adventurous life. appendix. narrative of the winter trip across the rocky mountains of dr. marcus whitman and hon. a. lawrence lovejoy, in , furnished by request, from mr. lovejoy, the survivor. oregon city, feb. , . dr. atkinson--dear sir: in compliance with your request, i will endeavor to give you some idea of the journey of the late dr. marcus whitman from oregon to washington, in the winter of and ' . true, i was the doctor's traveling companion in that arduous and trying journey, but it would take volumes to describe the many thrilling scenes and dangerous hair-breadth escapes we passed through, traveling, as we did, almost the entire route through a hostile indian country, and enduring much suffering from the intense cold and snow we had to encounter in passing over the rocky mountains in midwinter. i crossed the plains in company with dr. white and others, and arrived at waiilatpui the last of september, . my party camped some two miles below dr. whitman's place. the day after our arrival dr. whitman called at our camp and asked me to accompany him to his house, as he wished me to draw up a memorial to congress to prohibit the sale of ardent spirits in this country. the doctor was alive to the interests of this coast, and manifested a very warm desire to have it properly represented at washington; and after numerous conversations with the doctor touching the future prosperity of oregon, he asked me one day in a very anxious manner, if i thought it would be possible for him to cross the mountains at that time of the year. i told him i thought he could. he next asked: "will you accompany me?" after a little reflection, i told him i would. his arrangements were rapidly made. through the kindness of mr. mckinly, then stationed at fort walla walla, mrs. whitman was provided with suitable escorts to the willamette valley, where she was to remain with her missionary friends until the doctor's return. we left waiilatpui, october , , traveled rapidly, reached fort hall in eleven days, remained two days to recruit and make a few purchases. the doctor engaged a guide and we left for fort uintah. we changed from a direct route to one more southern, through the spanish country via salt lake, taos and santa fe. on our way from fort hall to fort uintah, we had terribly severe weather. the snows retarded our progress and blinded the trail so we lost much time. after arriving at fort uintah and making some purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started for fort uncompahgra, situated on the waters of grand river, in the spanish country. here our stay was very short. we took a new guide and started for taos. after being out some four or five days we encountered a terrible snow storm, which forced us to seek shelter in a deep ravine, where we remained snowed in for four days, at which time the storm had somewhat abated, and we attempted to make our way out upon the high lands, but the snow was so deep and the winds so piercing and cold we were compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather. our next effort to reach the high lands was more successful; but after spending several days wandering around in the snow without making much headway, our guide told us that the deep snow had so changed the face of the country that he was completely lost and could take us no farther. this was a terrible blow to the doctor, but he was determined not to give it up without another effort. we at once agreed that the doctor should take the guide and return to fort uncompahgra and get a new guide, and i remain in camp with the animals until he could return; which he did in seven days with our new guide, and we were now on our route again. nothing of much importance occurred but hard and slow traveling through deep snow until we reached grand river, which was frozen on either side about one-third across. although so intensely cold, the current was so very rapid, about one-third of the river in the center was not frozen. our guide thought it would be dangerous to attempt to cross the river in its present condition, but the doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. he mounted his horse and the guide and myself shoved the doctor and his horse off the ice into the foaming stream. away he went completely under water, horse and all, but directly came up, and after buffeting the rapid, foaming current he reached the ice on the opposite shore a long way down the stream. he leaped from his horse upon the ice and soon had his noble animal by his side. the guide and myself forced in the pack animals and followed the doctor's example, and were soon on the opposite shore drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire. we reached taos in about thirty days, suffering greatly from cold and scarcity of provisions. we were compelled to use mule meat, dogs and such other animals as came in our reach. we remained at taos a few days only, and started for bent's and savery's fort, on the headwaters of the arkansas river. when we had been out some fifteen or twenty days, we met george bent, a brother of gov. bent, on his way to taos. he told us that a party of mountain men would leave bent's fort in a few days for st. louis, but said we would not reach the fort with our pack animals in time to join the party. the doctor being very anxious to join the party so he could push on as rapidly as possible to washington, concluded to leave myself and guide with the animals, and he himself, taking the best animal, with some bedding and a small allowance of provision, started alone, hoping by rapid travel to reach the fort in time to join the st. louis party, but to do so he would have to travel on the sabbath, something we had not done before. myself and guide traveled on slowly and reached the fort in four days, but imagine our astonishment, when on making inquiry about the doctor, we were told that he had not arrived nor had he been heard of. i learned that the party for st. louis was camped at the big cottonwood, forty miles from the fort, and at my request, mr. savery sent an express telling the party not to proceed any further until we learned something of dr. whitman's whereabouts, as he wished to accompany them to st. louis. being furnished by the gentlemen of the fort with a suitable guide, i started in search of the doctor, and traveled up the river about one hundred miles. i learned from the indians that a man had been there, who was lost, and was trying to find bent's fort. they said they had directed him to go down the river, and how to find the fort. i knew from their description it was the doctor. i returned to the fort as rapidly as possible, but the doctor had not arrived. we had all become very anxious about him. late in the afternoon he came in very much fatigued and desponding; said that he knew that god had bewildered him to punish him for traveling on the sabbath. during the whole trip he was very regular in his morning and evening devotions, and that was the only time i ever knew him to travel on the sabbath. the doctor remained all night at the fort, starting early on the following morning to join the st. louis party. here we parted. the doctor proceeded to washington. i remained at bent's fort until spring, and joined the doctor the following july, near fort laramie, on his way to oregon, in company with a train of emigrants. he often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at washington, and by the board for foreign missions at boston. he had several interviews with president tyler, secretary webster, and a good many members of congress--congress being in session at that time. he urged the immediate termination of the treaty with great britain relative to this country, and begged them to extend the laws of the united states over oregon, and asked for liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast. he was very cordially and kindly received by the president and members of congress, and, without doubt, the doctor's interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of oregon and to this coast. but his reception at the board for foreign missions was not so cordial. the board was inclined to censure him for leaving his post. the doctor came to the frontier settlement, urging the citizens to emigrate to the pacific. he left independence, mo., in the month of may, , with an emigrant train of about one thousand souls for oregon. with his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them great assistance in fording the many dangerous and rapid streams they had to cross, and in finding a wagon road through many of the narrow rugged passes of the mountains. he arrived at waiilatpui about one year from the time he left, to find his home sadly dilapidated, his flouring mill burned. the indians were very hostile to the doctor for leaving them, and without doubt, owing to his absence, the seeds of assassination were sown by those haughty cayuse indians which resulted in his and mrs. whitman's death, with many others, although it did not take place until four years later. i remain with great respect, a. lawrence lovejoy. [illustration: hee-oh-ks-te-kin.--the rabbit's skin leggins. (drawn by george catlin.) the only one of five nez perces chiefs (some say there were only four) who visited st. louis in , that lived to return to his people to tell the story.] [illustration: hco-a-hco-a-hcotes-min.--no horns on his head. this one died on his return journey near the mouth of yellowstone river. this is what catlin says himself: "these two men when i painted them, were in beautiful sioux dresses, which had been presented to them in a talk with the sioux, who treated them very kindly, while passing through the sioux country. these two men were part of a delegation that came across the rocky mountains to st. louis, a few years since, to inquire for the truth of a representation which they said some white man had made among them, "that our religion was better than theirs, and that they would be all lost if they did not embrace it." two old and venerable men of this party died in st. louis, and i traveled two thousand miles, companions with these two fellows, toward their own country, and became much pleased with their manners and dispositions. when i first heard the report of the object of this extraordinary mission across the mountains, i could scarcely believe it; but, on conversing with gen. clark, on a future occasion, i was fully convinced of the fact." see catlin's eight years, and smithsonian report for , nd part.] dr. whitman's letter. to the hon. james m. porter, secretary of war, with a bill to be laid before congress, for organization of oregon. * * * * * the rev. myron eells obtained from the original files of the office of the secretary of war two valuable papers. they bear this endorsement: "marcus whitman inclosing synopsis of a bill, with his views in reference to importance of the oregon territory, war. --rec. june , . to the hon. james m. porter, secretary of war: sir--in compliance with the request you did me the honor to make last winter, while in washington, i herewith transmit to you the synopsis of a bill which, if it could be adopted, would, according to my experience and observation, prove highly conducive to the best interests of the united states, generally, to oregon, where i have resided for more than seven years as a missionary, and to the indian tribes that inhabit the immediate country. the government will now doubtless for the first time be apprised through you, or by means of this communication, of the immense immigration of families to oregon which has taken place this year. i have, since our interview, been instrumental in piloting across the route described in the accompanying bill, and which is the only eligible wagon road, no less than three hundred families, consisting of one thousand persons of both sexes, with their wagons, amounting to one hundred and twenty, six hundred and ninety-four oxen, and seven hundred and seventy-three loose cattle. the emigrants are from different states, but principally from missouri, arkansas, illinois and new york. the majority of them are farmers, lured by the prospect of bounty in lands, by the reported fertility of the soil, and by the desire to be first among those who are planting our institutions on the pacific coast. among them are artisans of every trade, comprising, with farmers, the very best material for a new colony. as pioneers, these people have undergone incredible hardships, and having now safely passed the blue mountain range with their wagons and effects, have established a durable road from missouri to oregon, which will serve to mark permanently the route for larger numbers, each succeeding year, while they have practically demonstrated that wagons drawn by horses or oxen can cross the rocky mountains to the columbia river, contrary to all the sinister assertions of all those who pretended it to be impossible. in their slow progress, these persons have encountered, as in all former instances, and as all succeeding emigrants must, if this or some similar bill be not passed by congress, the continual fear of indian aggression, the actual loss through them of horses, cattle and other property, and the great labor of transporting an adequate amount of provisions for so long a journey. the bill herewith proposed would, in a great measure, lessen these inconveniences by the establishment of posts, which, while having the possessed power to keep the indians in check, thus doing away with the necessity of military vigilance on the part of the traveler by day and night, would be able to furnish them in transit with fresh supplies of provisions, diminishing the original burdens of the emigrants, and finding thus a ready and profitable market for their produce--a market that would, in my opinion, more than suffice to defray all the current expenses of such post. the present party is supposed to have expended no less than $ , at laramie's and bridger's forts, and as much more at fort hall and fort boise, two of the hudson bay company's stations. these are at present the only stopping places in a journey of , miles, and the only place where additional supplies can be obtained, even at the enormous rate of charge, called mountain prices, i. e., $ the hundred for flour, and $ the hundred for coffee; the same for sugar, powder, etc. many cases of sickness and some deaths took place among those who accomplished the journey this season, owing, in a great measure, to the uninterrupted use of meat, salt and fresh, with flour, which constitute the chief articles of food they are able to convey on their wagons, and this could be obviated by the vegetable productions which the posts in contemplation could very profitably afford them. those who rely on hunting as an auxiliary support, are at present unable to have their arms repaired when out of order; horses and oxen become tender-footed and require to be shod on this long journey, sometimes repeatedly, and the wagons repaired in a variety of ways. i mention these as valuable incidents to the proposed measure, as it will also be found to tend in many other incidental ways to benefit the migratory population of the united states choosing to take this direction, and on these accounts, as well as for the immediate use of the posts themselves, they ought to be provided with the necessary shops and mechanics, which would at the same time exhibit the several branches of civilized art to the indians. the outlay in the first instance would be but trifling. forts like those of the hudson bay company's surrounded by walls enclosing all the buildings, and constructed almost entirely of adobe, or sun-dried bricks, with stone foundations only, can be easily and cheaply erected. there are very eligible places for as many of these as the government will find necessary, at suitable distances, not further than one or two hundred miles apart, at the main crossing of the principal streams that now form impediments to the journey, and consequently well supplied with water, having alluvial bottom lands of a rich quality, and generally well wooded. if i might be allowed to suggest, the best sites for said posts, my personal knowledge and observation enable me to recommend first, the main crossing of the kansas river, where a ferry would be very convenient to the traveler, and profitable to the station having it in charge; next, and about eighty miles distant, the crossing of the blue river, where in times of unusual freshet, a ferry would be in like manner useful; next and distant from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles from the last mentioned, the little blue, or republican fork of the kansas; next, and from sixty to one hundred miles distant from the last mentioned, the point of intersection of the platte river; next, and from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles distant from the last mentioned, crossing of the south fork of the platte river; next, and about one hundred and eighty or two hundred miles distant from the last mentioned, horseshoe creek, which is about forty miles west of laramie's fork in the black hills. here is a fine creek for mills and irrigation, good land for cultivation, fine pasturage, timber and stone for building. other locations may be had along the platte and sweetwater, on the green river, or black's forks of the bear river, near the great soda springs, near fort hall, and at suitable places down to the columbia. these localities are all of the best description, so situated as to hold a ready intercourse with the indians in their passage to and from the ordinary buffalo hunting grounds, and in themselves so well situated in all other respects as to be desirable to private enterprise if the usual advantage of trade existed. any of the farms above indicated would be deemed extremely valuable in the states. the government cannot long overlook the importance of superintending the savages that endanger this line of travel, and that are not yet in treaty with it. some of these are already well known to be led by desperate white men and mongrels, who form bandits in the most difficult passes, and are at all times ready to cut off some lagging emigrant in the rear of the party, or some adventurous one who may proceed a few miles in advance, or at night to make a descent upon the sleeping camp and carry away or kill horses and cattle. this is the case even now in the commencement of our western immigration, and when it comes to be more generally known that large quantities of valuable property and considerable sums of money are yearly carried over this desolate region, it is feared that an organized banditti will be instituted. the posts in contemplation would effectually counteract this. for the purpose they need not, or ought not, to be military establishments. the trading posts in this country have never been of such a character, and yet with very few men in them, have for years kept the surrounding indians in the most pacific disposition, so that the traveler feels secure from molestation upon approaching fort laramie, bridger's fort, fort hall, etc., etc. the same can be obtained without any considerable expenditure by the government, while by investing the officers in charge with competent authority, all evil-disposed white men, refugees from justice, or discharged vagabonds from trading posts might be easily removed from among the indians and sent to the appropriate states for trial. the hudson bay company's system of rewards among the savages would soon enable the posts to root out these desperadoes. a direct and friendly intercourse with all the tribes, even to the pacific, might be thus maintained; the government would become more intimately acquainted with them, and they with the government, and instead of sending to the state courts a manifestly guilty indian to be arraigned before a distant tribunal and acquitted for the want of testimony, by the technicalities of lawyers and of the law unknown to them, and sent back into the wilderness loaded with presents as an inducement to further crime, the post should be enabled to execute summary justice, as if the criminal had been already condemned by his tribe, because the tribe will be sure to deliver up none but the party whom they know to be guilty. they will in that way receive the trial of their peers, and secure within themselves to all intents and purposes, if not technically the trial by jury, yet the spirit of that trial. there are many powers which ought to reside in some person on this extended route for the convenience and even necessity of the public. in this the emigrant and the people of oregon are no more interested than the resident inhabitants of the states. at present no person is authorized to administer an oath, or legally attest a fact, from the western line of missouri to the pacific. the immigrant cannot dispose of his property at home, although an opportunity ever so advantageous to him should occur after he passes the western border of missouri. no one can here make a legal demand and protest of a promissory note or bill of exchange. no one can secure the valuable testimony of a mountaineer, or an immigrating witness after he has entered this, at present, lawless country. causes do exist and will continually arise, in which the private rights of citizens are, and will be, seriously prejudiced by such an utter absence of legal authority. a contraband trade from mexico, the introduction from that country of liquors to be sold among the indians west of the kansas river, is already carried on with the mountain trappers, and very soon the teas, silks, nankeens, spices, camphor and opium of the east indies will find their way, duty free, through oregon, across the mountains and into the states, unless custom house officers along this line find an interest in intercepting them. your familiarity with the government policy, duties and interest renders it unnecessary for me to more than hint at the several objects intended by the enclosed bill, and any enlargement upon the topics here suggested as inducements to its adoption would be quite superfluous, if not impertinent. the very existence of such a system as the one above recommended suggests the utility of postoffices and mail arrangements, which it is the wish of all who now live in oregon to have granted them; and i need only add that contracts for this purpose will be readily taken at reasonable rates for transporting the mail across from missouri to the mouth of the columbia in forty days, with fresh horses at each of the contemplated posts. the ruling policy proposed regards the indians as the police of the country, who are to be relied upon to keep the peace, not only for themselves, but to repel lawless white men and prevent banditti, under the solitary guidance of the superintendents of the several posts, aided by a well directed system to induce the punishment of crime. it will only be after the failure of these means to procure the delivery or punishment of violent, lawless and savage acts of aggression, that a band or tribe should be regarded as conspirators against the peace, or punished accordingly by force of arms. hoping that these suggestions may meet your approbation, and conduce to the future interest of our growing country, i have the honor to be, honorable sir, your obedient servant, marcus whitman. copy of proposed bill prepared by dr. marcus whitman in and sent to the secretary of war. a bill to promote safe intercourse with the territory of oregon, to suppress violent acts of aggression on the part of certain indian tribes west of the indian territory, neocho, better protect the revenue, for the transportation of the mail and for other purposes. synopsis of the act. section .--to be enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america, in congress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act, there shall be established at suitable distances, and in convenient and proper places, to be selected by the president, a chain of agricultural posts or farming stations, extending at intervals from the present most usual crossing, of the kansas river, west of the western boundary of the state of missouri, thence ascending the platte river on the southern border, thence through the valley of the sweetwater river to fort hall, and thence to settlements of the willamette in the territory of oregon. which said posts will have for their object to set examples of civilized industry to the several indian tribes, to keep them in proper subjection to the laws of the united states, to suppress violent and lawless acts along the said line of the frontier, to facilitate the passage of troops and munitions of war into and out of the said territory of oregon, and the transportation of the mail as hereinafter provided. section .--and be it further enacted, that there shall reside at each of said posts, one superintendent having charge thereof, with full power to carry into effect the provisions of this act, subject always to such instructions as the president may impose; one deputy superintendent to act in like manner in case of death, removal or absence of the superintendent, and such artificers and laborers, not exceeding twenty in number, as the said superintendent may deem necessary for the conduct and safety of said posts, all of whom shall be subject to appointment and liable to removal. section .--and be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of the president to cause to be erected, at each of the said posts, buildings suitable for the purpose herein contemplated, to-wit, one main dwelling house, one storehouse, one blacksmith's and one gunsmith's shop, one carpenter shop, with such and so many other buildings, for storing the products and supplies of said posts as he from time to time may deem expedient. to supply the same with all necessary mechanical and agricultural implements, to perform the labor incident thereto, and with all other articles he may judge requisite and proper for the safety, comfort and defense thereof. to cause said posts in his discretion to be visited by detachments of troops stationed on the western frontier, to suppress through said posts the sale of munitions of war to the indian tribes in case of hostilities, and annually to lay before congress, at its general session, full returns, verified by the oaths of the several superintendents, of the several acts by them performed and of the condition of said posts, with the income and expenditures growing out of the same respectively. section .--and be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall be appointed by the president by and with the advice and consent of the senate for the term of four years, with a salary of two hundred dollars payable out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise appropriated; that they shall respectively take an oath before the district judge of the united states for the western district of missouri, faithfully to discharge the duties imposed on them in and by the provisions of this act, and give a bond to the president of the united states and to his successors in office and assigns, and with sufficient security to be approved by the said judge in at least the penalty of twenty-five thousand dollars, to indemnify the president or his successors or assigns for any unlawful acts by them performed, or injuries committed by virtue of their offices, which said bonds may at any time be assigned for prosecution against the said respective superintendents and their sureties upon application to the said judge at the instance of the united states district attorney or of any private party aggrieved. section .--and be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of said superintendents to cause the soil adjacent to said posts, in extent not exceeding acres, to be cultivated in a farmer-like manner and to produce such articles of culture as in their judgment shall be deemed the most profitable and available for the maintenance of said posts, for the supply of troops and other government agents which may from time to time resort thereto, and to render the products aforesaid adequate to defraying all the expenses of labor in and about said posts, and the salary of the said deputy superintendent, without resort to the treasury of the united states, remitting to the secretary of the treasury yearly a sworn statement of the same, with the surplus moneys, if any there shall be. section .--and be it further enacted, that the said several superintendents of posts shall, ex-officia, be superintendents of indian affairs west of the indian territory, neocho, subordinate to and under the full control of the commissioner-general of indian affairs at washington. that they shall by virtue of their offices, be conservators of the peace, with full powers to the extent hereinafter prescribed, in all cases of crimes and misdemeanors, whether committed by citizens of the united states or by indians within the frontier line aforesaid. that they shall have power to administer oaths, to be valid in the several courts of the united states, to perpetuate testimony to be used in said courts, to take acknowledgments of deeds and other specialties in writing, to take probate of wills and the testaments executed upon the said frontier, of which the testators shall have died in transit between the state of missouri and the territory of oregon, and to do and certify all notarial acts, and to perform the ceremony of marriage, with as legal effect as if the said several acts above enumerated had been performed by the magistrates of any of the states having power to perform the service. that they shall have power to arrest and remove from the line aforesaid all disorderly white persons, and all persons exciting the indians to hostilities, and to surrender up all fugitives from justice upon the requisition of the governor of any of the states; that they shall have power to demand of the several tribes within the said frontier line, the surrender of any indian or indians committing acts in contradiction of the laws of the united states, and in case of such surrender, to inflict punishment thereon according to the tenor and effect of said laws, without further trial, presuming such offending indian or indians to have received the trial and condemnation of the tribe to which he or they may belong; to intercept and seize all articles of contraband trade, whether introduced into their jurisdiction in violation of the acts imposing duties on imports, or of the acts to regulate trade and intercourse with the several indian tribes, to transmit the same to the marshal of the western district of missouri, together with the proofs necessary for the confiscation thereof, and in every such case the superintendent shall be entitled to receive one-half the sale value of the said confiscated articles, and the other half be disposed of as in like cases arising under the existing revenue laws. section .--and be it further enacted, that the several superintendents shall have and keep at their several posts, seals of office for the legal authentication of their public acts herein enumerated, and that the said seals shall have as a device the spread-eagle, with the words, "u. s. superintendency of the frontier," engraved thereon. section .--and be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall be entitled, in addition to the salary hereinbefore granted, the following perquisites and fees of office, to-wit: for the acknowledgment of all deeds and specialties, the sum of one dollar; for the administration of all oaths, twenty-five cents; for the authentication of all copies of written instruments, one dollar; for the perpetuation of all testimony to be used in the united states courts, by the folio, fifty cents; for the probate of all wills and testaments, by the folio, fifty cents; for all other writing done, by the folio, fifty cents; for solemnizing marriages, two dollars, including the certificate to be given to the parties; for the surrender of fugitives from justice, in addition to the necessary costs and expenses of arrest and detention, which shall be verified to the demanding governor by the affidavit of the superintendent, ten dollars. section .--and be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall, by virtue of their offices, be postmasters at the several stations for which they were appointed, and as such, shall be required to facilitate the transportation of mail to and from the territory of oregon and the nearest postoffice within the state of missouri, subject to all the regulations of the postoffice department, and with all the immunities and privileges of the postmasters in the several states, except that no additional compensation shall be allowed for such services; and it is hereby made the duty of the postmaster general to cause proposals to be issued for the transportation of the mail along the line of said posts to and from said territory within six months after the passage of this act. section .--and be it further enacted, that the sum of ---- thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of carrying into effect the several provisions of this act. dr. whitman's suggestions to the secretary of war, and to the commissioners on indian affairs and oregon, in the u. s. senate and house of representatives, dated october , . perhaps the last work or writing of a public character done by dr. whitman, bears the date of waiilatpui, october th, . it was only one month before the massacre, and addressed as follows: to the honorable the secretary of war, to the committees on indian affairs and oregon, in the senate and house of representatives of the united states, the following suggestions are respectfully submitted: st. that all stations of the united states for troops be kept upon the borders of some state or territory, when designed for the protection and regulation of indian territory. nd. that a line of posts be established along the traveled route to oregon, at a distance, so far as practicable, of not more than miles. that these posts be located so as to afford the best opportunity for agriculture and grazing, to facilitate the production of provisions, and the care of horses and cattle, for the use and support of said posts, and to furnish supplies to all passers through indian territory, especially to mail-carriers and troops. these posts should be placed wherever a bridge or ferry would be required to facilitate the transport of the mail, and travel of troops or immigrants through the country. in all fertile places, these posts would support themselves, and give facilities for the several objects just named in transit. the other posts, situated where the soil would not admit of cultivation, would still be useful, as they would afford the means of taking care of horses, and other facilities of transporting the mails. these posts could be supplied with provisions from others in the vicinity. a few large posts in the more fertile regions could supply those more in the mountains. on the other hand, military posts can only be well supplied when near the settlements. in this way all transports for the supply of interior military posts would be superseded. the number of men at these posts might vary from five to twenty-five. in the interior the buildings may be built with adobes, that is, large, unburnt bricks; and in form and size should much resemble the common indian trading posts, with outer walls and bastions. they would thus afford the same protection in any part of the territory as the common trading posts. if provided with a small amount of goods, such goods could be bartered with the indians for necessary supplies, as well as, on proper occasions, given to chiefs as a reward for punishing those who disturb or offend against the peace of the territory. by these means the indians would become the protectors of those stations. at the same time by being under one general superintendent, subject to the inspection of the government, the indians may be concentrated under one general influence. by such a superintendence the indians would be prevented from fleeing from one place to another to secrete themselves from justice. by this simple arrangement all the need of troops in the interior would be obviated, unless in some instance when the indians fail to co-operate with the superintendent of the post or posts, for the promotion of peace. when troops shall be called for, to visit the interior, the farming posts will be able to furnish them with supplies in passing so as to make their movements speedy and efficient. a code of laws for the indian territory might constitute as civil magistrates the first, or second, in command of these posts. the same arrangement would be equally well adapted for the respective routes to california and new mexico. many reasons may be urged for the establishment of these posts, among which are the following: st. by means of such posts, all acts of the indians would be under a full and complete inspection. all cases of murder, theft, or other outrage would be brought to light and the proper punishment inflicted. nd. in most cases this may be done by giving the chiefs a small fee that they may either punish the offenders themselves, or deliver them up to the commander of the post. in such cases it should be held that their peers have adjudged them guilty before punishment is inflicted. rd. by means of these posts it will become safe and easy for the smallest number to pass and repass from oregon to the states; and with a civil magistrate at each station, all idle wandering white men without passports can be sent out of the territory. th. in this way all banditti for robbing the mails or travelers would be prevented, as well as all vagabonds removed from among the indians. th. immigrants now lose horses and other stock by the indians, commencing from the border of the states to the willamette. it is much to the praise of our countrymen that they bear so long with the indians when our government has done so little to enable them to pass in safety. for one man to lose five or six horses is not a rare occurrence, which loss is felt heavily, when most of the family are compelled to walk, to favor a reduced and failing team. th. the indians along the line take courage from the forbearance of the immigrants. the timid indians on the columbia have this year in open day attacked several parties of wagons, numbering from two to seven, and robbed them, being armed with guns, bows and arrows, knives and axes. mr. glenday from st. charles, mo., the bearer of this communication to the states, with mr. bear, his companion, rescued seven wagons from being plundered, and the people from gross insults, rescuing one woman, when the indians were in the act of taking all the clothes from her person. the men were mostly stripped of their shirts and pantaloons at the time. th. the occasional supplies to passing immigrants, as well as the aid which may be afforded to the sick and needy, are not the least of the important results to follow from these establishments. a profitable exchange to the posts and immigrants, as also to others journeying through the country, can be made by exchanging worn-out horses and cattle for fresh ones. th. it scarcely need be mentioned what advantage the government will derive by a similar exchange for the transport of the mail, as also for the use of troops passing through. th. to suppress the use of ardent spirits among the indians it will be requisite to regard the giving or furnishing of it in any manner as a breach of the laws and peace of the territory. all superintendents of posts, traders, and responsible persons, should be charged on oath, that they will not sell, give or furnish in any manner, ardent spirits to the indians. th. traders should be regarded by reason of the license they have to trade in the territory, as receiving a privilege, and therefore should be required to give and maintain good credentials of character. for this reason they may be required to send in the testimony of all their clerks and assistants of all ranks, to show under the solemnity of an oath, that the laws in this respect have not been violated or evaded. if at any time it became apparent to the superintendent of any post that the laws have been violated, he might be required to make full inquiry of all in any way connected with or assisting in the trade, to ascertain whether the laws were broken or their breach connived at. this will avail for the regular licensed trader. th. for illicit traders and smugglers it will suffice to instruct commanders of posts to offer a reward to the indians for the safe delivery of any and all such persons as bring liquors among them, together with the liquors thus brought. it is only on the borders of the respective states and territories that any interruption will be found in the operation of these principles. th. here also a modification of the same principle enacted by the several states and territories might produce equally happy results. th. the mail may, with a change of horses every fifty miles, be carried at the rate of one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles in twenty-four hours. th. the leading reason in favor of adopting the aforesaid regulations would be, that by this means the indians would become our faithful allies. in fact, they will be the best possible police for such a territory. this police can safely be relied upon when under a good supervision. troops will only be required to correct their faults in cases of extreme misconduct. th. in closing, i would remark that i have conversed with many of the principal fur-traders of the american and hudson bay companies, all of whom agree that the several regulations suggested in this communication will accomplish the object proposed, were suitable men appointed for its management and execution. respectfully yours, marcus whitman. waiilatpui, oct. th, . ( st-hand-history.org) [illustration: astoria in .] a history of oregon, - , drawn from personal observation and authentic information. by w. h. gray, of astoria. published by the author for subscribers. portland, oregon: harris & holman. san francisco: h. h. bancroft & co. new york: the american news company. . corrections: first letter. th page, nd line from bottom, after the word horror, read _at_. th page, nd line from bottom, " quote. th page, end of paragraph, ". rd page, in place of , page . th page, after zealous priest of, read _the_. th page, th line, for missionaries, read _missions_. second letter. th page, first word, for abrogate, read _arrogate_. th page, in this letter, read in _his_ letter. rd page, for unmbers, read _numbers_. th page, st paragraph, for dispersing, read _dispensing_. th page, nd paragraph, for barely, read _basely_ betrayed. nd page, for mith, read _with_ many thanks. entered according to act of congress, in the year , by w. h. gray, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the district of oregon. introductory. the reader will observe that when we commenced furnishing the historical articles for the _marine gazette_, we did not know that they would be of sufficient interest to justify arranging them in book form; but few articles had been given, however, before there was a call for back numbers of the paper, which were not on hand. it was then decided to continue the articles, giving an opportunity to correct errors in statement of historical facts, and collect such as were printed, with all just criticisms, review the whole, and complete the manuscript for publication. as will be seen, we have endeavored to narrate events in plain language, and as nearly in the order of occurrence as possible. we make no claim to literary merit or attractive style; the facts we have collected, the proofs we are able to give of the policy and practices of one of the most gigantic frauds ever continued for a series of years by one professedly civilized and christian nation upon another, in chartering and continuing to license a monster monopoly; and the manner in which they have sought for a series of years to prevent american trade and settlement of the western portion of our country, is contained in the following pages. we can only give the principal events, which in the future may be better arranged in an interesting and authentic history, which we must leave for others to write. the reader will find in the following pages:-- i. the american history of the hudson's bay and puget sound agricultural companies. ii. the causes of failure of the protestant missions, the causes of indian wars, and the causes that must tend to the utter destruction of the indian race on the american continent. iii. the adverse influences that the early settlers had to contend with in coming to and settling in the country, fully explained. iv. a concise history of the early settlement of the country, a short sketch of many of the public men in it, their public character and proceedings, and the organization of the provisional government. v. the mining and agricultural interests of the country. there are two grounds upon which every fact is based:-- . personal knowledge, observation, and participation in what is stated for one-third of a century. . the written and printed statements of others, so compared that conclusions are intended to be without a possibility of truthful contradiction; thus making this a standard history of the country for the time included within the period from its discovery by captain robert gray to . contents. chapter i. first discovery of the river.--natives friendly.--british ship.--brig _jennet_.--snow _sea otter_.--the _globe_.-- _alert._--_guatimozin._--_atahualpa._--lewis and clarke.-- vancouver.--hamilton.--derby.--_pearl._--_albatross._--first house built in .--astor's settlement.--the _tonquin._-- astor's company betrayed to the northwest company. page chapter ii. the country restored.--the order.--description of astoria.-- different parties.--northwest fur company.--astor's plan.--conflict of the two british fur companies.--the treaties.--the selkirk settlement.--its object.--the company asserts chartered rights as soon as united. page chapter iii. english hudson's bay effort to secure oregon.--british claim to oregon.--dr. mclaughlin's relation to the company.-- treatment of red river settlers.--a mistake.--sir edward belcher.--duplicity of the hudson's bay company.--a noble man.--an englishman's opinion of the hudson's bay company.--sir james douglas's testimony.--j. ross browne.--duty of an historian.--cause and effect. page chapter iv. care of great britain for her fur companies.--columbia fur company.--astor's second fur company.--major pilcher's fur company.--loss of the ship _isabel_.--captain bonneville's expedition.--cause of his failure.--captain wyeth's, .--indians ask for missionaries in .--methodist mission.--fort hall established.--fort boise. page chapter v. extent and power of hudson's bay company.--number of forts.--location.--policy.--murder of mr. black.--mckay.-- manner of dealing with indians.--commander of fort kills an indian.--necessity of such a course.--hudson's bay company not responsible for what their servants do. page chapter vi. murder of john mclaughlin, jr.--investigation by sir george simpson and sir james douglas. page chapter vii. treatment of indians.--influence of hudson's bay company.--rev. mr. barnley's statement.--first three years.--after that.--treatment of jesuits.--of protestants.-- of indians.--not a spade to commence their new mode of life.--mr. barnley's statement.--disappointed.--his mistake.--hudson's bay company disposed to crush their own missionaries. page chapter viii. petition of red river settlers.--their requests, from to .--names.--governor christie's reply.--company's reply.--extract from minutes.--resolutions, from to .--enforcing rules.--land deed.--its condition.--remarks. page chapter ix. puget sound agricultural company.--its original stock.--a correspondence.--no law to punish fraud.--a supposed trial of the case.--article four of the treaty.--the witnesses.--who is to receive the puget sound money.--dr. tolmie, agent of the company.--the country hunted up.--difficult to trace a fictitious object.--statement of their claim.--result of the investigation. page chapter x. case of the hudson's bay company v. the united states.-- examination of mr. mctavish.--number of witnesses.--their ignorance.--amount claimed.--original stock.--value of land in oregon.--estimate of hudson's bay company's property.--remarks of author. page chapter xi. quotation from mr. swan.--his mistake.--general gibbs' mistake.--kamaiyahkan.--indian agent killed.--j. j. stevens misjudged. page chapter xii. review of mr. greenhow's work in connection with the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company.--schools and missionaries.--reasons for giving extracts from mr. greenhow's work.--present necessity for more knowledge about the company. page chapter xiii. occupants of the country.--danger to outsiders.--description of missionaries. page chapter xiv. missionary outfit.--on the way.--no roads.--an english nobleman.--a wagon taken along.--health of mrs. spalding.--meeting mountain men and indians.--a feast to the indians. page chapter xv. arrival at american rendezvous.--an indian procession.-- indian curiosity to see white women.--captain n. wyeth.-- mccleod and t. mckay.--description of mountain men.--their opinion of the missionaries. page chapter xvi. missionaries travel in company with hudson's bay company party.--the lawyer's kindness.--arrival at fort hall.--description of the country.--the salmon indians.--the hudson's bay company's tariff. page chapter xvii. an explanation.--instructions of company.--their tyranny.--continuation of journey.--fording rivers.--arrival at boise.--dr. whitman compelled to leave his wagon. page chapter xviii. arrival at fort wallawalla.--reception.--the fort in .-- voyage down the columbia river.--portage at celilo.--at dalles.--a storm.--the flatheads.--portage at the cascades. page chapter xix. fort vancouver in .--an extra table.--conditions on which cattle were supplied to settlers.--official papers.--three organizations. page chapter xx. settlers in .--wallamet cattle company.--what good have the missionaries done?--rev. j. lee and party.--the hudson's bay company recommend the wallamet--rev. s. parker arrives at vancouver. page chapter xxi. arrival of rev. mr. beaver and wife.--his opinion of the company.--a double-wedding.--mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman at vancouver.--men explore the country and locate stations.--their opinion of the country.--indian labor.--a winter trip down snake river. page chapter xxii. the french and american settlers.--hudson's bay company's traveling traders.--the flatheads.--their manner of traveling.--marriage.--their honesty.--indian fight and scalp dance.--fight with the sioux.--at council bluffs. page chapter xxiii. re-enforcement to the methodist mission.--re-enforcement to the mission of the american board. page chapter xxiv. arrival of jesuit missionaries.--toupin's statement about rev. a. b. smith.--death of mrs. jason lee.--first express.--jesuits at work.--the first printing-press.--the catholic tree. page chapter xxv. independent missionaries arrive.--their troubles.--conversion of indians at the dalles.--their motives.--emigrants of .--blubber-mouth smith.--re-enforcement of the methodist mission in .--father de smet.--rev. harvey clark and associates.--ewing young.--names of missionaries and settlers. page chapter xxvi. .--petition to congress of united states.--british subjects amenable to the laws of canada.--mr. douglas as justice of the peace.--mr. leslie as judge. page chapter xxvii. death of ewing young.--first public attempt to organize a provisional government.--origin of the provisional government.--first oregon schooner. page chapter xxviii. lee and hines explore the umpqua river.--mr. hines tells a story.--massacre and plunder of smith's party by the indians.--sympathy of the hudson's bay company.--extract from the san francisco _bulletin_. page chapter xxix. missionaries leaving.--hudson's bay company's gold exchange.--population in .--whitman and lovejoy start for the states.--the red river emigration.--american merchants.-- settlers not dependent on the hudson's bay company.--milling company.--the oregon institute.--dr. elijah white.-- proceedings at a public meeting.--correspondence with the war department. page chapter xxx. dispatch of dr. white to the commissioner of indian affairs.--he praises the hudson's bay company.--his account of the indians.--indian outrages.--dr. white's expedition to the nez percés.--indian council.--speeches.--electing a chief.--laws of the nez percés.--visit to the cayuses.-- doings of the missionaries.--drowning of mr. rogers and family.--george geere.--volcanoes.--petition against governor mclaughlin. page chapter xxxi. letter of h. h. spalding to dr. white.--account of his mission among the nez percés.--schools.--cultivation.-- industrial arts.--moral character.--arable land.--letter of commissioner of indian affairs to the secretary of war. page chapter xxxii. dr. e. white's letter to the secretary of war.--excitement among the indians.--visit to nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--destitution and degradation of the coast indians.--dr. white eulogizes governor mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company.--schools and missions.--mr. jess applegate.--dr. white's second letter.--letters of peter h. hatch and w. h. wilson.--seizure of a distillery.--search for liquor.--letter of james d. saules.--fight with indians.-- death of cockstock.--description and character of him.--the molallos and klamaths.--agreement with the dalles indians.-- presents to cockstock's widow.--dr. white's third letter.-- letter of rev. g. hines to dr. white.--letter of w. medill. page chapter xxxiii. first council to organize a provisional government.--library founded.--origin of the wolf association.--the methodist mission influence.--dr. white exhibits his credentials.--first "wolf meeting."--proceedings of the second "wolf meeting."-- officers.--resolutions.--bounties to be paid.--resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.--names of the members of the committee. page chapter xxxiv. first meeting of the committee of twelve.--all invited to participate.--the rev. j. lee and mr. abernethy ridicule the organization.--mr. lee tells a story.--letter from governor abernethy.--the main question at issue.--drowning of cornelius rogers and party.--conduct of dr. white.--methodist mission.--catholic boasts of conversions. page chapter xxxv. meetings to oppose organization.--address of the french-canadians.--criticisms on it by the author.--the jesuits.--jesuit oath.--article from cincinnati _beacon_. page chapter xxxvi. the meeting at champoeg.--tactics of the jesuit party.-- counter-tactics of the americans.--a division and its result.--public record.--opposition to clergymen as legislators.--mr. hines as an historian.--his errors.-- importance of mr. hines' history.--difficulty among the indians.--cause of the difficulty. page chapter xxxvii. whitman's visit to washington.--a priest's boast.--a taunt, and whitman's reply.--arrival in washington.--interview with secretary webster.--with president tyler.--his return.-- successful passage of the rocky mountains with two hundred wagons.--his mill burned during his absence. page chapter xxxviii. petition of the citizens of oregon in .--complaints against the hudson's bay company.--the milling company.-- kicking the half-bushel.--land claims of dr. mclaughlin.-- names of the signers.--reasons for not signing.--notice, deed, and bond of john mclaughlin.--claim of alvin f. waller. page chapter xxxix. extracts from mr. hines' history.--attempt to capture an indian horse-thief.--dr. mclaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition.--excitement in the settlement.--interview with dr. mclaughlin at vancouver. page chapter xl. a combination of facts.--settlers alive to their danger.--mr. hines' disparagement of the methodist mission.--indians want pay for being whipped.--indian honesty.--mr. hines' opinion of the indians' religion.--mr. geiger's advice.--dr. mclaughlin's answer to yellow serpent.--baptiste doreo.--four conflicting influences. page chapter xli. governor simpson and dr. whitman in washington.--interviews with daniel webster and president tyler.--his cold reception in boston by the american board.--conducts a large emigration safely across the rocky mountains into oregon.--the "memorial half-century volume."--the oregon mission ignored by the american board.--dr. mclaughlin.--his connection with the hudson's bay company.--catholic cayuses' manner of praying.--rev. c. eells.--letter from a. l. lovejoy.-- description of whitman's and lovejoy's winter journey from oregon to bent's fort on the arkansas river. page chapter xlii. assembly of the nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--mock fight.--council with the indians.--speeches by yellow serpent, tilokaikt, the prince, and illutin.--the secret of the whole difficulty.--john, the kanaka.--a cow for a horse.--killing of a medicine woman. page chapter xliii. the legislative committee of nine.--hon. robert moore, chairman.--description of the members.--minutes of their proceedings.--dr. r. newell, his character.--two specimens of his speeches.--the dark clouds. page chapter xliv. fourth of july, .--oration by mr. hines.--meeting of july .--debate on the land law.--how the jesuits and the hudson's bay company secured their land claims.--speech of the rev. g. hines against the proposed executive committee.--the committee supported by o'neil, shortess, and lee.--w. h. gray closes the debate.--the report of the committee adopted.--committee appointed to report to congress, another to make a digest of territorial laws, and a third to prepare and administer an oath of office. page chapter xlv. organic laws.--resolutions.--districts.--militia law.--land claims.--certificate. page chapter xlvi. description of the state house.--conduct of the french settlers.--arrival of dr. whitman's party of immigrants.-- prosperity of the settlers.--change in the policy of the hudson's bay company.--their exorbitant claims. page chapter xlvii. actions speak louder than words.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to discourage immigration.--account of the two jesuits, f. n. blanchet and p. j. de smet.--protestant missionaries discouraged.--important position of the rev. g. hines.--recall of the rev. jason lee.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to prevent emigration to the territory.--statement of general palmer.--indian combinations.--the donner party.--extent of oregon at this time. page chapter xlviii. .--the settlements alarmed.--indian attack.--death of g. w. la breton.--meeting at mr. la chapelle's.--volunteer company formed.--the _modeste_ in the columbia river.--the legislative assembly.--names of the members.--peter h. burnett.--mr. david hill.--oregon social standard.--m. m. mccarver.--"old brass gun."--a. l. lovejoy.--daniel waldo.--thomas d. keizer.--black act.--prohibitory liquor law. page chapter xlix. message of the executive committee.--observations on the message.--generosity of the hudson's bay company.--the methodist mission.--the oregon printing-press association.--george abernethy, esq. page chapter l. dr. white's report.--seizure and destruction of a distillery.--homicide of joel turnham.--state of the territory.--trials of dr. white.--the liquor law.--revenue act.--case of the negro saul.--the indians kill an ox.--other indian difficulties.--indian expedition to california.--death of the indian elijah.--state of the territory.--claim of the hudson's bay company on the north bank of the columbia.-- letter of peter h. burnett.--the nez percés and cayuses.--extract from the report of the united states senate. page chapter li. .--public meetings to elect delegates to convention.-- candidates for governor.--members elected to the legislative committee.--oath of office.--mr. applegate's announcement.-- dr. mclaughlin's amphibiousness.--description of the members of the legislative committee.--business of the session.-- ermatinger's election contested.--mr. garrison's resolutions.--anti-slavery resolution.--organic law revised.--improvements and condition of the country. page chapter lii. .--second session of the legislative committee.--mr. mccarver removed from the office of speaker.--mr. applegate's resolutions.--protest of gray, foisy, and straight.--a legislative incident.--law against dueling.--dr. white addresses the legislature.--resolutions.--dr. white denies the right of the settlers to organize a provisional government.--mccarver signs documents without authority.-- resolutions by the house on the subject.--impertinent letter from dr. white to the house.--white cornered by president polk.--incidents in white's temperance movements.--proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of debts.--the currency act.--adjournment of the legislature in august.--meets again in december.--proposal to locate the capital. page chapter liii. the liquor law.--amended act of .--message of the governor on the same.--repeal of the prohibitory and passage of the license law.--letter of james douglas.--reply of mr. samuel parker.--dr. tolmie's resolution on the judiciary.-- the governor's veto of the license law.--immigration for oregon and california in .--arrival of the brig _henry_.--the oregon printing association.--the _spectator_, the first newspaper in oregon.--w. g. t. vault, first editor.--h. a. g. lee, second editor.--g. l. curry, third editor.--judge wait, fourth editor. page chapter liv. the whitman massacre.--narratives of, by j. b. a. brouillet and j. ross browne.--extract from the new york _evangelist_.--statements of father brouillet criticised.-- testimony of john kimzey.--dr. whitman at umatilla.--returns home. page chapter lv. occupations of the victims immediately before the massacre.--description of the mission buildings.--the doctor called into the kitchen to be murdered.--joe lewis, the leader in the massacre.--the scene outside.--the doctor's house plundered.--mrs. whitman shot.--brutalities to the dead and dying.--escape of some and murder of others.--safety of the french papists and the servants of the hudson's bay company.--fate of joe lewis. page chapter lvi. comments on vicar-general brouillet's arguments against the whitman massacre being the act of catholics.--joe stanfield: brouillet's story in his favor.--murders on the second day.--deposition of daniel young.--more murders. page chapter lvii. how the country was saved to the united states.--article from the new york _evening post_.--ingratitude of the american board.--deposition of elam young.--young girls taken for indian wives.--statement of miss lorinda bewley.--sager, bewley, and sales killed. page chapter lviii. vicar-general brouillet's statement.--statement of istacus.--the priest finds the poison.--statement of william geiger, jr.--conduct of mr. mcbean.--influence of the jesuit missions. page chapter lix. continuation of miss bewley's evidence.--the priests refuse her protection.--forcibly taken from the bishop's house by five crows.--brouillet advises her to remain with her indian violator.--indecent question by a priest.--mr. brouillet attempts to get a statement from her.--two questions.--note from mrs. bewley.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy.--comments on the jesuits' proceedings.--grand council at the bishop's.--policy in forcing miss bewley to five crows' lodge.--speeches by camaspelo and tilokaikt.-- killing of elijah and the nez percé chief commented on.--the true story told.--dr. white's report.--the grand council again.--review of brouillet's narrative.--who were the real authors of the massacre. page chapter lx. the hudson's bay company's and the priests' part in the massacre.--mcbean's messenger.--plot divulged to hinman, ogden, and douglas.--douglas's remark to hinman.--mcbean's letter.--his perversion of facts.--comments.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--his sandwich islands letter.--its falsehood and absurdity.--mr. hinman's letter to governor abernethy.--the dates.--assertion of robert newell.--hudson's bay company _v._ united states. page chapter lxi. preliminary events of the cayuse war.--message of governor abernethy.--journal of the house.--resolutions.--assembling of the people at the call of the governor.--enlisting of men.--names of the volunteers.--names of the officers.--their flag.--their departure.--letter to sir james douglas.--his reply.--commissioners return.--address to the citizens.-- public meeting.--report of commissioners to the legislature.--messenger sent to washington.--memorial to congress.--champoeg county tax.--strength of the settlement called for.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy. page chapter lxii. the cayuse war.--letter of captain lee.--indians friendly with the hudson's bay company.--conduct of mr. ogden.--his letters to mr. walker and mr. spalding.--note of rev. g. h. atkinson.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--a rumor.--the governor's reply.--another letter from sir james.--mr. ogden.--extraordinary presents to the indians of arms and ammunition.--colonel gilliam's campaign.--indian fight.--property captured.--the des chutes indians make peace.--captain mckay's company of british subjects join the army.--a nuisance.--"veritas."--nicholas finlay gives the signal for battle.--running fight.--captain mckay's company.--council held by the peace commissioners with the indians.--governor abernethy's address.--speeches of the indians camaspelo, joseph, jacob, old james, red wolf, timothy, richard, and kentuck.--letters of joel palmer, r. newell, james douglas, and william mcbean.--who is responsible for the cayuse war? page chapter lxiii. letter to general lovejoy.--call for men and ammunition.-- yankama chief.--his speech.--small supply of ammunition.-- letter of joseph cadwallader.--claim and a girl.--combined indian tribes.--ladies of oregon.--public meeting.--a noble address.--vote of thanks.--address of the young ladies.-- death of colonel gilliam.--his campaign.--colonel waters' letter.--doubtful position of indians.--number at fort wallawalla.--results of the war.--jesuit letters.--fathers hoikin and de smet.--the choctaws.--indian confederacy.--last hope of the indian.--jesuit policy.--the irish in the war of the rebellion.--father hecker.--boasts of the jesuits.-- letter of lieutenant rogers.--priests supply the indians with arms and ammunition.--ammunition seized.--oregon _argus_.-- discovery of gold.--no help for the indian.--withdrawal of the hudson's bay company to vancouver.--the smooth-tongued jesuits yet remain. page chapter lxiv. missions among the western indians.--the coeur d'alêne mission.--protestant and catholic missions compared.--what the american protestant missionaries have done for the country and the indians.--extent of their influence, progress, and improvements.--patriotism of dr. whitman. page chapter lxv. description of the face of the country.--agricultural and mining productions.--timber.--the wallamet.--columbia.-- dalles.--upper columbia.--mountains.--rivers.--mineral wealth.--climate.--the northern pacific railroad.-- conclusion. page history of oregon. chapter i. first discovery of the river.--natives friendly.--british ship.--brig _jennet_.--snow _sea otter_.--the _globe_.-- _alert._--_guatimozin._--_atahualpa._--lewis and clarke. --vancouver.--hamilton.--derby.--_pearl._--_albatross._--first house built in .--astor's settlement.--the _tonquin_.--astor's company betrayed to the northwest company. in all countries it is difficult to trace the history of their early discovery and settlement. that of oregon is no exception. the spanish claim, and it is generally conceded, that they were the discoverers of the coast, and gave names to the principal capes and to fuca's straits. no evidence can be found in national archives, or among the native tribes of the country, that gives the discovery of the columbia river to any civilized people but to the bostons (americans); so that, so far as civil history or national testimony is concerned, we are without any, except the conjectures of men as ignorant as ourselves. hence we are left to the alternative of searching the old logs of vessels and such old books as have been written, and, in connection with the legends and statements of the aborigines of the country, form an opinion as to its discovery, and from such dates and conclusions commence its civil history. that of oregon begins eight years previous to the commencement of the present century. a ship, owned by messrs. barrell, bulfinch & co., of boston, and commanded by captain robert gray, discovered and entered the mouth of the third great river upon the american continent. it then had no name known to the civilized world. this unselfish american, instead of following the example of many contemporary british navigators by giving his own name to the majestic river he had discovered, gave it that of his noble ship, _columbia_. on the th of may, , he discovered and ran in abreast of cape hancock, and anchored, and on the th ran ten miles up this river on the north side, which is now known as a little above chinook point, and at p.m. they came to anchor. on the th they weighed anchor and ran, according to the ship's log, fifteen miles, which would bring them up abreast of tongue point, where their ship grounded upon a sand bar for a short time, but they backed her off into three fathoms of water and anchored. by sounding they discovered that there was not sufficient water to pass up the river in their present channel. having filled all their water-casks, repaired, painted, and calked the ship, and allowed the vast numbers of indians that thronged around them in the most peaceable and friendly manner, to visit and traffic with them, on the th of may, , they went to sea again. on the th of october of this year, the _chatham_, commanded by captain broughton, of the british navy, entered the river. he grounded his ship on what is now called the sulphur spit, and found in the bay the brig _jennet_, captain baker, from bristol, rhode island. captain broughton explored the river in his small boat as high up as the present site of vancouver, and left the river with his ship on the th of november. in , five years later, the snow _sea otter_, captain hill, from boston, visited the river. in , the ship _hazard_, swift, master, owned by perkins, lamb & co., boston, visited the river. this same ship visited the river again in . in , this same boston company sent the ship _globe_, magee, master, to the river. during the year , a brisk, and something like a permanent american trade appears to have been in contemplation by this boston company. they sent the ship _caroline_, derby, master, from boston, and the ship _manchester_, brice, master, from philadelphia. in , lamb & company sent the ship _alert_, ebbets, master; also the ship _vancouver_, brown, master. this year, the ship _juno_, kendricks, master, from bristol, rhode island, owned by de wolf, entered the columbia river for trade. in the year , theodore lyman sent the ship _guatimozin_, bumsted, master, from boston. the perkins company sent the ship _hazard_, swift, master, to the river the same year. in , lyman & company sent the ship _atahualpa_, o. potter, master, from boston. lamb & company sent the ship _caroline_, sturges, master, from the same place. on the th of november, , lewis and clarke, with their party, having crossed the rocky mountains under the direction of president jefferson, of the united states, arrived at cape hancock; remaining but a few days, they crossed the columbia river and encamped near the mouth of a small river still bearing the name of these two explorers. they left their encampment in march, , and returned across the continent and reported the result of their expedition to the government. this expedition consisted of one hundred and eighty soldiers or enlisted men. on arriving at the mandan village, on the missouri river, in , they encountered the influence of the northwest british fur company, who, on learning their object, at once made arrangements to follow and get possession of the country at the mouth of the columbia river. in , soon after lewis and clarke left their encampment on their return to the united states, the ship _vancouver_, brown, master, entered the river, having been sent out by thomas lyman, of boston, in expectation of meeting lewis and clarke's party at the mouth of the river. the lamb company sent the ship _pearl_ the same year, under the command of captain ebbets. lyman, in addition to the _vancouver_, sent the brig _lydia_, hill, master, to the river, making three american ships from boston in the year . in , the ship _hamilton_ arrived in the river, sent by thomas lyman, of boston, l. peters, master. the perkins company sent the _hazard_, smith, master. in , the ship _derby_, swift, master, sent by the perkins company. lyman sent the ship _guatimozin_, glanville, master; both made successful trips in and out of the river. in , the perkins company sent the ships _pearl_ and _vancouver_ into the river, the former commanded by smith, the latter by whittimore. in , the ship _albatross_, from boston, t. winship, master, entered the river and sailed as high up as oak point, where the captain erected a house, cleared a piece of land for cultivation, and planted a garden. this year, john jacob astor, of new york, organized the pacific fur company, in connection with wilson price hunt, of new jersey. these two gentlemen admitted as partners in the fur trade, messrs. mckay, mcdougal, and david and robert stewart. these four last-mentioned partners, with eleven clerks and thirteen canadian voyageurs, and a complete outfit for a fort, with cannon and small-arms, stores, shops, and houses, with five mechanics, were all embarked on the ship _tonquin_, captain jonathan thorn, master, in september, , and sailed for the columbia river, where they arrived, march , . the present site of the town of astoria was selected as the principal depot for this american fur company, and called by them, in honor of the originator of the company, astoria. this establishment was soon in full operation. the timber and thick undergrowth within musket range of the establishment were cleared away, and a kitchen-garden planted outside the stockade. in the highly-interesting narrative of gabriel franchere, we read that, "in the month of may, , on a rich piece of land in front of our establishment [at astoria], we put into the ground twelve potatoes, so shriveled up during the passage from new york that we despaired of raising any from the few sprouts that still showed signs of life. nevertheless, we raised one hundred and nineteen potatoes the first season. and, after sparing a few plants to our inland traders, we planted fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the second year; about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome crop of fifty bushels in the year ." they were cultivated at astoria, by the old northwest and hudson's bay companies, in their little fort gardens. a few indian chiefs were presented with the seed, but no general distribution was made among them, as they were considered as the bostons' root, and no better than those of the indians, abounding in the country, which required less labor to cultivate. up to the time of the arrival of the american missionaries, there never was an extra supply of potatoes in the country. in other words, the potato was a luxury enjoyed by none except the highest grades of the fur company's servants and distinguished visitors; its cultivation was not generally encouraged by the company. in october, , after dispatching the _tonquin_, mr. astor fitted out the ship _beaver_, twenty guns, captain sowles, master, with mr. clark, six clerks, and a number of other persons, to join the establishment at astoria. the ship touched at the sandwich islands; mr. clark engaged twenty-six kanakas as laborers for the establishments on the columbia river, where the ship arrived, may , . on the th of july, , mr. david thompson, under the direction of the northwest canadian british company, arrived at astoria. i use the word canadian, as applied to the northwest fur company, that was established by the charter of louis xiii. of france, , in what was then called acadia, or new france, forty years before charles of england gave his charter to the hudson's bay company. this northwest fur company, in the transfer of the sovereignty of acadia, or new france, to england, in , at the treaty of utrecht, was acknowledged as having a legal existence, by both nations, and was allowed to transfer its allegiance and continue its trade under the protection of the british sovereign, as it had done under that of france. as soon as the government and people of the united states entered upon active measures to explore and occupy the country west of the rocky mountains, this canadian northwest fur company dispatched mr. thompson to explore the columbia river, and make an establishment at its mouth; but, on account of delays and mistaking the course of the various rivers through which the party traveled, mr. thompson did not arrive at mr. astor's american establishment till in july, ; his object was to forestall mr. astor in the settlement of the country. he was received, kindly treated, and furnished with such goods and supplies as he and his party required, by mr. mcdougal, who was then in charge of fort astor, and, in company with david stewart, returned as high up the columbia as the spokan,--mr. greenhow says okanagon,--and established a trading-post, while mr. thompson went among the kootenai and flathead tribes, and established a trading-hut. it is due to those parties to state that as late as , a square, solid, hewed log bastion, erected by stewart's party, was still standing at spokan, while no vestige of the thompson huts could be found in the flathead country. at spokan, garden vegetables were produced about the fort, which the indians in that vicinity learned to appreciate, and continued to cultivate after the fort was abandoned in , having been occupied by the northwest and hudson's bay companies till that time. in the spring of , the chief agent of the pacific fur company, mr. hunt, with other partners, crooks, mckenzie, and mcclellen, with a party of sixty men, started across the continent. they were extremely annoyed by the opposition fur traders on their route, and also by hostile indians. such of the party as did not perish by famine and hostile indians, and british fur traders, arrived at astoria on the th of january, . on the th of may following the arrival of mr. hunt's party, the ship _beaver_ arrived with the third installment of traders, clerks, and kanaka laborers. in consequence of the loss of the ship _tonquin_, and all on board except the indian interpreter, in the cliquot bay, near the entrance of the straits of fuca, by the treachery of the indians in the vicinity, mr. hunt embarked in the _beaver_ for the russian establishment in august, , effected an arrangement of trade with them, and dispatched the ship to china. he continued in her till she reached the sandwich islands, where he remained until june, , when the ship _albatross_ arrived from canton, and brought the news of the war between the united states and great britain, and also that the ship _beaver_ was blockaded at canton by a british ship of war. mr. hunt at once chartered the _albatross_ and sailed for the columbia river, where he arrived on the th of august, . on his arrival at astoria he learned that it was the intention of his partners, all of whom claimed to be british subjects (mcdougal and mckenzie having formerly been in the employ of the northwest company), to sell to mctavish, of that company. hunt embarked in the _albatross_ for the sandwich islands, and from thence to the washington islands, where he learned from commodore porter, then at those islands, in the frigate _essex_, of the design of the british to seize all american property on the pacific coast. from thence he returned to the sandwich islands, and chartered the brig _pedler_, and arrived at astoria in february, , and learned that soon after his departure in the _albatross_, in august, , mctavish, with a party of the servants of the northwest company, had arrived at astoria, and, in connection with mcdougal, mckenzie, and clarke, on the part of the american pacific fur company, and mctavish and alexander stewart, on the part of the canadian northwest company, had completed the sale of astoria to that company, and secured for themselves important positions in the service of the latter company. as a matter of fact and general historical interest, the amount and value of property thus transferred is here given: eighteen thousand one hundred and seventy and one-fourth pounds of beaver, at two dollars per pound, selling in canton at that time at from five to six dollars per pound; nine hundred and seventy otter skins, at fifty cents each, selling at that time in canton for five and six dollars per skin. the expense of building mr. astor's establishment at astoria, including those at okanagon and spokan, with boats, _bateaux_, tools, cannon, munitions, goods, transportation and salaries of clerks and men, etc., etc., was near two hundred thousand dollars, for which he received in bills on montreal about forty thousand, including the appraised value of the furs at the fort, which was thirty-six thousand eight hundred and thirty-five dollars and fifty cents; this would leave less than three thousand one hundred and sixty-four dollars and fifty cents for the improvements, boats, munitions, cannon, etc., for which the hudson's bay company, in , claims of our government, for the old, rotten, and abandoned post at okanagon, nineteen thousand four hundred and sixty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents; the post at colville, still held in place of the one built by astor's company at spokan, eighty thousand three hundred dollars; the post at fort george (astoria), abandoned in , four thousand one hundred and thirty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents; in all, for the three establishments, one hundred and three thousand nine hundred and three dollars and thirty-four cents--quite a contrast between the valuation of american property when in possession of british fur traders, having been used for forty years by british subjects, and abandoned as of little or no use to their trade, and that of american property but lately brought into the country. it will be remembered that mr. astor's pacific fur company was commenced in ; that at the time it was betrayed into the possession of this canadian northwest fur company it had been in operation but two years, hence was new, and but just ready to commence a profitable trade in the country. the contract transferring this valuable property from american to british owners, was signed on the th day of october, , by duncan mcdougal, j. g. mctavish, and j. stewart, and witnessed by the principal clerks of the establishment. on the st of december following, the british sloop of war _raccoon_, captain black, arrived in the river, and proceeded to take formal possession of astoria, by lowering the american flag and hoisting that of great britain in its place, and changing the name of the fort to that of fort george. previous to the landing of the british soldiers, or king george's warriors, an interview took place (as related by ross cox) between the indian warriors, with concomly, their chief, at their head, and mcdougal and mctavish. on the arrival of the british war vessel in baker's bay, the indians, having learned that there was war between the king george people and bostons (americans), they said, as they had always found the bostons friendly and liberal toward them, they were their friends, and were ready to fight for them, to prevent the king george men from making them slaves. they proposed to conceal themselves behind the rocks and trees outside of the fort and to kill the king george soldiers with their arrows and spears, while the men of the fort fought the ship and small boats which they came in, with their big guns and rifles. mcdougal assured them that the king george warriors would not hurt them, and advised them to be friendly with them, as they would do the people of the fort no harm. concomly and his warriors were only convinced that the bostons would not be made slaves by the king george warriors when they saw the sloop leave the river without taking any of them away as prisoners or slaves. the treachery of the canadian part of astor's company, which was not known to mr. astor, but provided for by the northwest canadian company before the party left montreal, and consummated by mcdougal and his associates, in the absence of the american partners from the post, is proved by journals, letters, and facts still extant. chapter ii. the country restored.--the order.--description of astoria.--different parties.--northwest fur company.--astor's plan.--conflict of the two british fur companies.--the treaties.--the selkirk settlement.--its object.--the company asserts chartered rights as soon as united. as stated in our first chapter, the english government, by its canadian northwest fur company, and the arrival of the british sloop of war, _raccoon_, during the war of - , took possession of oregon, and held it as british territory till it was formally restored to the united states on the th of october, , in these words:-- we, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first article of the treaty of ghent, restore to the government of the united states, through its agent, j. p. provost, esq., the settlement of fort george, on the columbia river. given under our hands in triplicate, at fort george (columbia river), this th day of october, . f. hickey, captain h. m. ship _blossom_. j. keith, of the n. w. co. the order from the prince regent of england to the northwest company to deliver up the country to the american government, was issued on january , , and complied with as above. on the th of april, , the canadian northwest fur company's ship, _isaac todd_, reached astoria, called fort george. according to the description sent to washington by mr. provost, it consisted of a stockade made of fir-logs, twenty feet high above the ground, inclosing a parallelogram of one hundred and fifty by two hundred and fifty feet, extending in its greatest length from northwest to southeast, and defended by bastions, or towers, at two opposite angles. within this inclosure were all the buildings of the establishment, such as dwelling-houses, magazines, storehouses, mechanics' shops, etc. the artillery were two heavy -pounders, six -pounders, four -pounders, two -pound coehorns, and seven swivels, all mounted. the number of persons attached to the place besides the few native women and children, was sixty-five; of whom twenty-three were white, twenty-six kanakas, and the remainder of mixed blood from canada. of the party that crossed the rocky mountains with mr. hunt in - , six remained in the country, and but five returned to the united states; the remaining forty-five that started with him in his first expedition were mostly destroyed by the influence of the two british fur companies acting upon the indians for that object. these men, as independent trappers and petty traders among the indians, were considered by those companies as intruders and trespassers upon their french and british chartered rights; hence none were allowed to remain in the country but such as were under their control, or subject to their rule. from the time the northwest fur company took possession of the country, with few exceptions, we have no authentic account of the number of vessels of any nation that visited the river, but we have reason to believe that they would average two each year; and, from known facts, we conclude that as soon as the post at astoria was betrayed into the possession of the canadian northwest fur company by mcdougal and associates, and the british government had taken formal possession of the country, this northwest company, with mcdougal and others equally prominent, commenced to instill into the minds of the indians a strong hatred of american traders by sea or land, and to change as much, and as fast as possible, the friendly feeling of the former toward the latter, so as to continue to hold the permanent and absolute sovereignty of the country, and make the indians subservient to their commercial interests. mr. astor says: "the plan by me adopted was such as must materially have affected the interests of the northwest and hudson's bay companies, and it was easy to be foreseen that they would employ every means to counteract my operations, and which, as my impression, i stated to the executive of your department as early as february, ." this hatred of americans had been so assiduously impressed upon the minds of the indians, that one of their own vessels arriving in the river, being cast away on sand island, all on board were murdered by the indians, who mistook them for americans. the company sent a vessel from vancouver (to which place they had removed their stores and principal depot) to punish the indians, who had secured most of the wrecked property. the vessel came down and sent shell and grapeshot into the indian village, destroying men, women, and children, landed their men and took such of their goods as they could find, having gained satisfactory evidence of the murder of the crew of the ship. this view of the policy and practice of this northwest and hudson's bay company, is further sustained by the inquiries which mr. keith felt it incumbent on him to make of mr. provost, on the restoration of astoria to the americans by the british authorities. mr. keith was anxious to learn the extent of the rights of his company to remain and trade in the country. it would seem, from the whole history of these companies, that they felt their rights in the country to be but temporary, that they were trespassers upon american interests, and shaped all their arrangements accordingly. it is an admitted historical fact that, while the northwest fur company of montreal was extending its trade across the rocky mountains and supplanting the american pacific fur company of mr. astor, the hudson's bay company, with the assistance of lord selkirk's red river settlement, was cutting off their communication with these western establishments, and that, in consequence of this red river interference with their trade, a deadly feud sprang up between the rival companies, in which both parties enlisted all the men and indians over whom they had any influence, and frequently met in drunken and deadly strife, till they had quite destroyed all profits in their trade, and rendered the indians hostile alike to friend and foe of the white race. so that, in , the british parliament was compelled to notice their proceedings, and, on the d of july, , in an act bearing date as above, says of them:-- "whereas, the competition in the fur trade between the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, and certain associations of persons trading under the name of the northwest company of montreal, has been found, for some years past, to be productive of great inconvenience and loss, not only to the said company and association, but to the said trade in general, and also of _great injury to the native indians_, and of other persons subjects of _his majesty_; and whereas, the _animosities_ and _feuds_ arising from such competition have also, for some years past, kept the interior of america, to the northward and westward of the provinces of upper and lower canada, and of the _territories of the united states of america_, in a state of _continual disturbance_; and whereas, many breaches of the peace and violence extending to the _loss of lives_ and considerable destruction of property have continually occurred therein," etc. (see greenhow's history of oregon, p. .) the broad policy of british fur traders is here stated in plain language by their own government in a manner not to be mistaken. their influence upon the indians was injurious. their policy toward each other was war and destruction to all opponents. the life and property of an opposing trader must not come in competition with the profits of their trade with indians in any country. how absurd it is for our government to spend millions of dollars to form treaties with indians who are constantly visited by these foreign indian traders and teachers, emissaries of a foreign power, who never breathed an honest breath or spoke a truthful word! feeble and insignificant as they were, from to the whole indian country of north america fell under their blighting and withering influence. divided as they were, they were able to crush all honest competition, and _combine_ in deadly combat against their own countrymen for the supremacy of the indian trade. have they lost their power and influence by uniting the elements of opposition in one vast fur monopoly? nay, verily, as we shall see. to gain a correct understanding of the foreign policy relative to the western portion of our country, it will be necessary to refer to the early history of the two fur companies, and trace their connection with france and england, which, notwithstanding the english government had given up the country to france in in the treaty of ryswick, and no reservation was made on account of the hudson's bay company--as they did oregon to the united states in the treaty of ghent, in , and made no reservation on account of the northwest fur company--still the hudson's bay company held on to a single post, called albany, on the southwest part of james bay, for twenty-six years, as the northwest and hudson's bay fur companies did to astoria and oregon for forty-nine years. in the wording of the treaty of utrecht, in , in which the country was given back to england by france, there is one proviso that is not to be overlooked, viz.: "it is, however, provided, that it may be entirely free for the company of quebec, and all others the subjects of the most christian king whatsoever, to go, by land or by sea, whithersoever they please, out of the lands of the said bay, together with all their goods, merchandise, arms, and effects, of what nature or condition soever, except such things as are above reserved in this article," etc., the exceptions referring to forts, cannon, and permanent war materials. this french stipulation in the treaty of utrecht, in , is repeated by the english diplomatist upon the americans, in the third article of the treaty of june , , forming the basis of the claim urged against our government in the treaty of . in the treaty stipulations between france and england in , the commercial rights of the french company of quebec were secured to them. from that time forward, the aggressive and oppressive policy of the british hudson's bay company was brought into collision, not only with the french northwest fur company, but with the united states and all american fur companies and missionary and commercial enterprises coming within their fur-trade influence. it will be remembered that the hudson's bay company, who claim their existence and privileges from the charter of charles ii., as early as , had, in forty-four years' time, only established (as mr. fitzgerald says) "four or five insignificant forts on the shores of hudson's bay to carry on a trade in furs with those indians who resorted thither;" while the french, for many years previous, had carried on an active trade with the indians, and had explored the country and extended their posts up to the shores of the saskatchewan, and over the rocky mountains, on to the waters of the columbia. the french carried on the traffic by way of the st. lawrence and the lakes to fort william, on lake superior, and through the lake of the woods into lake winnipeg, or further south along the plains, crossing the course of the red river; this being the direct and only line of posts kept up by the french northwest company, by which their food, goods, and furs were transported. the hudson's bay company carried theirs by way of hudson's straits, around the coast of labrador. in order to destroy and cut off as much as possible the trade of this northwest company, lord selkirk, in - , became a shareholder, and was allowed to claim, through the directors of the company, sixteen thousand square miles of territory in the red river country, for the professed purpose of colonization. this colony was planted directly in the line of the fur traffic of the northwest company, against which the hudson's bay company had encouraged and carried on the most bitter hostility, enlisting both men and indians in a deadly feud between the two rival companies. our english writer remarks on page : "to those who had read the mutual recriminations that had been bandied between these two bodies, it was a strange sight to see the names of messrs. mcgillivray and edward ellice associated with that of the hudson's bay company,--to see men going hand-in-hand who had openly accused one another of the foulest crimes, _of wholesale robbery, of allowing their servants to instigate the indian tribes to_ murder _the servants of their rivals_,--this was a strange sight. and to see gentlemen who had publicly denied the validity of the company's charter, who had taken the opinion of the leading counsel of the day against it, who had tried every means, lawful and unlawful, to overthrow it, to see these same men range themselves under its protection, and, asserting all that they had before denied, proclaim its validity as soon as they were admitted to share its advantages; who, without its pale, asserted the rights of british subjects against its monopoly, and, within its pale, asserted its monopoly against the rights of british subjects,--this, too, was a strange sight. yet to all this did the hudson's bay company submit, rather than subject their charter and their claims to the investigation of a court of law." the hudson's bay company, one hundred and fifty years from the date of its charter, asserted its right to the country, and, by virtue of the privileges conferred in that charter, seized the supplies and goods of the northwest french canadian company, and confiscated them to its own use. this resulted in a deadly war between the two companies, and was carried on, neither party applying to the courts of the mother country for a settlement of their difficulties; in fact, as has been shown by reference to the charter of the hudson's bay company, they had no legal rights, because none were in existence at the date of their charter; but, from the maneuvering of the company and the plausible efforts of lord selkirk to colonize, civilize, and settle the red river country, they entered into his schemes, in order to crush the rival company and secure the whole country to themselves. it is unnecessary to detail any accounts of the horrid murders and infamous transactions that were put on foot and perpetrated by these two companies. after a furious contention, carried on for several years, "they bribed rivals whom they could not defeat, and the two companies united and agreed to carry on the fur trade together, to the exclusion of all others." the selkirk settlement was soon made to feel the withering influence of the company that had located it in the country for a specific purpose, _neither, however, was there any compromise_ till its inhabitants had been driven from their homes, its governor (semple) and seventeen of his followers killed. then a compromise was effected between the rival companies, and they were united by an act of parliament, under the title of honorable hudson's bay company, in ,--a license given to messrs. william and simon mcgillivray, of the northwest company, and edward ellice, of the hudson's bay company. these corporate members and their associates "were to share the profits arising from the fur trade, not only from the indian territories, but also from the hudson's bay company's proper territories of rupert's land." the privileges of this company were limited to seven years. this carried them forward to , in which year their license (called a charter) was renewed for ten years. our indian missionary and american history commences in , six years before this combined northwest and hudson's bay company's license of exclusive privileges to trade in british indian territory, and, jointly, in the oregon territory, would expire. our english historian and sir edward belcher are both mistaken when they attribute to the company the asking for, or in any way encouraging, the american missionaries to come to the country. this was an event wholly unknown to them, and brought about by the indians themselves, by sending a delegation of four of their number to st. louis, in , to ask of the american people a religious teacher. lee, parker, and whitman heard the request, and volunteered to make the effort to establish missions among them. these missionaries all came across the rocky mountains unasked and uninvited by any one in the service of that company. chapter iii. english hudson's bay effort to secure oregon.--british claim to oregon.--dr. mclaughlin's relation to the company.--treatment of red river settlers.--a mistake.--sir edward belcher.--duplicity of the hudson's bay company.--a noble man.--an englishman's opinion of the hudson's bay company.--sir james douglas's testimony.--j. ross browne.--duty of an historian.--cause and effect. since commencing this work we have, by the kindness of friends who have taken a deep interest in all that relates to this country, been furnished with many valuable and important statements, documents, pamphlets, papers, and books, all relating to its early history. of the whole catalogue, the most valuable information is contained in a work entitled "an examination of the charter and proceedings of the hudson's bay company, with reference to the grant of vancouver's island. by james edward fitzgerald. london." published in . the author of this book, though not having the personal knowledge of the company, the indians, and the country about which he writes requisite to a complete history, has shown a correctness of statistical facts, a comprehensive knowledge of his subject, an enlarged view of the british colonial system, and a correct idea of the debasing practices and utterly false positions of the hudson's bay company not found in any other writer. up to the time that this book of pages fell into my hands, i did not know that any writer entertained similar views with myself in relation to this monstrous imposition upon the british and american people. mr. fitzgerald has fortified his statements by his knowledge of the english people, their laws and usages, and the casual outcroppings of a system of unparalleled selfishness and despotism, carried on under the guise of a christian commercial company, whose professed object was to extend commerce, and civilize and christianize the savage tribes of north america, yet who have invariably held up their christian chartered privileges for the sole purpose of carrying on the most degrading and inhuman practices with not only the savages, but with all civilized and christian men who have attempted to expose or even investigate their conduct. as we proceed with our history, we feel confident that we shall be able to enlighten our readers on many dark subjects and transactions, and to fully prove every statement we have made, or may yet make. mr. fitzgerald has given us clearly and truthfully the english side of our history as connected with this hudson's bay company. the american part of it the writer is gathering up, and, in giving it to the public, will discard every statement that does not bear the impress of truth. the reader will notice that our subject is extensive, that england and america, commerce and christianity, civilization and savagism, are all involved and interested in it, and that oregon, california, and british and russian america have all participated in it during the past and present century; that we are tracing cause and effect and bringing to light influences that, while producing their legitimate results, were strange and unaccountable, because always kept under the selfish and unscrupulous policy of this english corporation of fur traders. by referring to the charter of the hudson's bay company, we find that it was given by charles ii., in , granting to the "governor and company and their successors the exclusive right to trade, fish, and hunt in the waters, bays, rivers, lakes, and creeks entering into hudson's straits, together with all the lands and territories not already occupied or granted to any of the king's subjects, or possessed by the subjects of any other christian prince or state." forty years previous to the giving of this charter by charles ii., of england, louis xiii., of france, gave a charter to a french company, who occupied the country called acadia, or new france. in , charles i., of england, resigned to louis xiii., of france, the sovereignty of the country then called acadia, or new france. forty years after louis xiii., of france, had given his charter, and thirty-eight years after charles i., of england, had given up his right to the country, charles ii., of england, imitating the example of him who wished to give the world and all its glory to obtain the worship of the saviour of mankind, gave to the hudson's bay company what he had not the shadow of a title to, as in the treaty of ryswick, in , twenty-seven years after this charter of the hudson's bay company had been given, the whole country was confirmed to france, and no reservation made on account of the hudson's bay company. mr. fitzgerald, on his th page, says: "it has often been asserted, and is to a great extent believed, because there is very little general information on this subject, that the _claim which great britain made to the oregon territory was dependent upon, or, at any rate, strengthened by, the settlement of the hudson's bay company on the columbia river_. "those who hold such an opinion will be surprised to learn that there are many, and they well acquainted with the country itself, who assert that the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company in the oregon territory formed the chief part of the title which the united states had to the country, which was gratuitously given to her by the settlement of the boundary. what the united states owe to the company for its policy on the west side of the rocky mountains is a question to which the english public will some day demand a satisfactory answer. "dr. mclaughlin was formerly an agent in the northwest fur company of montreal; he was one of the most enterprising and active in conducting the war between that association and the hudson's bay company. in the year , when the rival companies united, dr. mclaughlin became a factor of the hudson's bay company. but his allegiance does not appear to have been disposed of along with his interests, and his sympathy with any thing other than british, seems to have done justice to his birth and education, which were those of a french canadian. this gentleman was appointed governor of all the country west of the rocky mountains, and is accused, by those who have been in that country, of having uniformly encouraged the emigration of settlers from the united states, and of having discouraged that of british subjects. _while the company in this country (england) were asserting that their settlements on the columbia river were giving validity to the claim of great britain to the oregon territory_, it appears that their chief officer on the spot was doing all in his power to facilitate the operations of those whose whole object it was to annihilate that claim altogether." mr. fitzgerald has given us in the above statement an important fact, and one that reveals to an american the deep-laid schemes of the english government, which, by the influence of the hudson's bay company, sought to secure the oregon territory to itself. he also explains the conduct of dr. mclaughlin in his treatment of emigrants, as well as the relation he sustained to that company. while, as americans, we can admire and applaud the conduct of a noble and generous "_canadian-born_" _citizen_, we at the same time can see the low, debasing, and mean spirit of the englishman, as manifested in the attempt to deprive the american republic of its rightful domain. we shall have occasion to refer to the bringing into oregon of the red river settlers, and as the result of that move, the unparalleled effort of dr. whitman to defeat the british designs upon the country. mr. fitzgerald explains that matter so well, that we could not do justice to the truth of history not to quote him. he says, on the th page of his work: "there is one story told, about which it is right that the truth should be ascertained. it is said that a number of half-breeds from the red river settlement were, in the year of - , induced by the company's officers to undertake a journey entirely across the continent, with the object of becoming settlers on the columbia river. it appears that a number went, but on arriving in the country, so far from finding any of the promised encouragement, the treatment they received from dr. mclaughlin was such, that, after having been nearly starved under the paternal care of that gentleman, they all went over to the american settlement in the wallamet valley." this statement, while it affirms an important fact, gives a false impression as regards dr. mclaughlin. he, to our certain knowledge, extended to the red river settlers every facility within his power, and all of those emigrants to this day speak of his kindness in the highest terms. but not so of other leading or controlling members, who really represented the english part and policy of that company. those settlers complained of the domineering and tyrannical treatment of their english overseers, which was the cause of their leaving what they supposed would eventually be the english part of oregon territory. they also became sensible that the hudson's bay company in oregon was a different concern from the hudson's bay company in rupert's land; that, however small their privileges were there, they were less on puget sound; and being near an american settlement, they naturally sought its advantages and protection. mr. fitzgerald informs us that "these emigrants became citizens of the united states, and it is further said were the first to memorialize congress to extend the power of the united states over the oregon territory. for the truth of these statements we do not, of course vouch, but we do say they demand inquiry." this statement of mr. fitzgerald entitles him to be considered a candid and fair writer, and one who is seeking for truth in reference to the subject he is investigating. he has naturally imbibed the feelings of an englishman against dr. mclaughlin, under the strong effort made by the english hudson's bay company to suppress and supersede the french canadian influence in it. he says, on page : "dr. mclaughlin's policy was so manifestly american that it is openly canvassed in a book written by mr. dunn, one of the servants of the company, and written for the purpose of praising their system and policy." sir edward belcher also alludes to this policy. he says: "some few years since, the company determined on forming settlements on the rich lands situated on the wallamet and other rivers, and for providing for their retired servants, by allotting them farms, and further aiding them by supplies of cattle, etc. that on the wallamet was a field too inviting for missionary enthusiasm to overlook, but instead of selecting a british subject to afford them spiritual assistance, recourse was had to americans, a course pregnant with evil consequences, and particularly in the political squabble pending, as will be seen by the result. no sooner had the american and his allies fairly squatted (which they deem taking possession of the country), than they invited their brethren to join them, and called on the american government for laws and protection." the american reader will smile at sir edward's little fling at the _squatters_ in oregon. he asserts a great truth in the same sentence that he utters a positive falsehood. no member of the hudson's bay company, nor the whole company together, ever encouraged a single american missionary to come to the country. revs. lee and parker and dr. whitman came without their invitation or aid. they were entirely independent of the company, and were only suffered to remain, the company not daring to drive them from the country on their first arrival, as they all held the protection of the american government, as indian teachers, under the great seal of the secretary of war. this english fling at their own company is evidence of a jealousy existing which could not be satisfied short of the utter extermination of all american influence on this coast, and is further illustrated by this same sir edward belcher, in contrasting the treatment of captain wilkes and his party with that of his own. he says (vol. , p. ): "the attention of the chief to myself and those immediately about me, particularly in sending down fresh supplies, previous to my arrival, i feel fully grateful for; but i can not conceal my disappointment at the want of accommodation exhibited toward the crews of the vessels under my command in a _british possession_." we old oregonians are amused at sir edward's ignorance of the hudson's bay company's treatment of the _crews_ of vessels, and servants of the company. we all know his crew were allowed to associate freely with the native women in the country and to distribute their rations of rum, and any other supplies they might have, without any remonstrance from the company. sir edward continues: "we certainly were not distressed, nor was it imperatively necessary that fresh beef and vegetables should be supplied, or i should have made a formal demand. but as regarded those who might come after, and not improbably myself among the number, i inquired in direct terms what facilities her majesty's ship of war might expect, in the event of touching at this port for bullocks, flour, vegetables, etc. i certainly was extremely surprised at the reply that they were not in a condition to supply. as any observation here would be useless, and i well knew this point could be readily settled where authority could be referred to, i let the matter rest. but having been invited to inspect the farm and dairy, and been informed of the quantity of grain, and the means of furnishing flour, and notwithstanding the profusion of cattle and potatoes, no offer having been made for our crew, i regretted that i had been led into the acceptance of private supplies; although, at that time, the other officers of the establishment had told my officers that supplies would of course be sent down." mr. fitzgerald says "_the american policy of the hudson's bay company_ would seem, from the above facts, to be more than a matter of suspicion," while we americans are only disposed to regard them as a part of the _duplicity_ of that company in their effort _to deceive their own countrymen_ as to the value of the country over which they had ruled so long. they had been too successful in deceiving all american writers to allow their own countrymen to understand their secret policy. sir edward belcher and our english historian were equally misled in relation to the _american policy of the hudson's bay company_. it is true that dr. mclaughlin, though he was a french canadian subject, had not lost his american soul. the british iron had not driven the last noble sentiment of humanity from his heart, nor his connection with that polluted corporation of iniquity which pervades half the continent of north america; for when he found that this hudson's bay company was utterly lost to humanity, he tells them to their teeth: "_gentlemen, i will serve you no longer_." no true american historian will allow, without contradiction, that corrupt company to hand down to future infamy the name of a noble and generous servant, because their infamous policy was defeated by the establishment of the american missions in the country. dr. mclaughlin did all that he could, honorably, to comply with their "system of iniquity." our english author says, on page , in reference to the conduct of the company: "they are convictions which have strengthened and deepened at every step of the inquiry; convictions that the hudson's bay company has entailed misery and destruction upon thousands throughout the country which is withering under its curse; that it has cramped and crippled the energies and enterprise of england, which might have found occupation in the directions from which they are now excluded; that it has stopped the extension of civilization, and has _excluded the light of religious truth_; that it has alienated the hearts of all under its oppression, and made them hostile to their country; above all, that the whole and entire fabric is built upon utterly false and fictitious grounds; that it has not one shadow of reality in law or in justice; that there is not the smallest legal authority for any one of the rights which this corporation claims. it is this conviction which has urged me to submit the statements and arguments contained in the following pages to the consideration of the public; and to arraign before that tribunal, from which in these days there is no escape,--the judgment of public opinion,--_a corporation who, under the authority of a charter which is invalid in law_, hold a monopoly in commerce, and exercise _a despotism in government, and have so used that monopoly and wielded that power as to shut up the earth from the knowledge of man, and man from the knowledge of god_." with the statements and convictions of this english author before us, we will add a statement of sir james douglas, given in answer to interrogatory in the case of hudson's bay company's claim v. united states, to give the reader a better idea of the power and influence of that company in oregon, in . sir james says: "the honorable hudson's bay company had fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men. the company having a large, active, and experienced force of servants in their employ, and holding establishments judiciously situated in the most favorable portions for trade, forming, as it were, a net-work of posts aiding and supporting each other, _possessed an extraordinary influence with the natives_, and in practically enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade in the country west of the rocky mountains, north and south of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude. the profits of their trade," says this witness, "from to were at least seven thousand pounds sterling annually." the fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men of the company, with their eight hundred half-breeds, and the indians they could command by the judicious position of their respective posts, were deemed by them sufficient security for their trade, and a substantial reason why they should not give up the country without making another direct effort to drive the missionary and american settlements from it, notwithstanding all their pretension to join in the provisional government organized by the pioneer americans in . the reader is referred to the discussion on the liquor question between judge sir james douglas and mr. samuel parker, as found in the tenth and eleventh numbers, first volume, of the _spectator_, published june and , , and in another chapter of this work, and requested to keep all these facts before the mind, so as not to lose sight of the commanding influence, or, in other words, the commander, when we enter upon the preliminary and immediate causes of the whitman massacre, and the indian war that followed. we have before us the original depositions in reference to the facts stated, and also the attempt to excuse the principal actors in that horrible transaction, as given by brouillet in justification of the course pursued by the jesuit missionaries. we have also the superficial and bombastic report of j. ross browne, special agent of the treasury department, dated december , , containing a copy of this jesuit history of the murder of dr. whitman. in his remarks previous to giving brouillet's history, he says: "in view of the fact, however, that objections might be made to any testimony coming from the citizens of the territories, and believing also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practicable, _unprejudiced statements_, i did not permit myself to be governed by any representations unsupported by reliable historical data."----"the fact also is shown that, as far back as , the indians west of the rocky mountains protested against the taking away of their lands by the white race. that this was one of the alleged causes of the murder of dr. whitman and family." there are sixty-six pages in this report. twelve of them are mr. browne's, one page of official acknowledgment, and fifty-three from the parties implicated. the statements of mr. browne, of mr. fitzgerald, and the oath of mr. douglas, are sufficient to show the ignorance, stupidity, and falsehood incorporated in his report, were there no other historical facts to convict him of ignorance in allowing such representations to be made in an official document. in the proper place we will bring this report into our history, with both sides of the question. were we to express an opinion of mr. j. ross browne's report, with our personal knowledge of what he pretends to relate, we would say he ignored the people, the country, and the government whose agent he claimed to be, and was reporting for the special benefit of the roman religion and british government, as these are extensively quoted as historical data from which his report and conclusions are drawn. the reader will understand our main object to be to give a full history of all influences and prominent transactions and events that have occurred in oregon from to . to understand cause and effect, and the true history of the country, we have to examine the facts as connected with actions, and also to trace back the history of the actors, in order to see how far they may be made responsible for the result of their actions. oregon, from the time of its discovery, has been a field where all the influences of which we are writing have been living, active influences; and they are by no means inactive or dead at the present time. some of them are more active now than they were in . a full knowledge of the past will enable us to guard the present and the future. our english writer has gathered his facts and drawn his conclusions in london. we, upon this, our western coast, are witnesses of the cause and results of his conclusions, and any statement he makes we feel ourselves abundantly able to corroborate or correct. as we proceed with our history we shall have frequent occasion to quote mr. fitzgerald, as the best english evidence, in favor of our american statements or positions. since writing the above we have noticed a lengthy article in the edinburgh _westminster review_ for july, , giving a concise history of the hudson's bay company, under the heading, "the last great monopoly." in that article the author has shown extensive historical knowledge of the operations and influences of that monopoly in that portion of our continent over which they have held exclusive control. he regards them as a blight upon the country, and an "incubus" to be removed by national legislation. if our work had been published, we should conclude that he must have drawn many of his facts from our own observations. but this is not the case; hence the value to us of his corroboration of the facts we affirm from personal knowledge. chapter iv. care of great britain for her fur companies.--columbia fur company.--astor's second fur company.--major pilcher's fur company.--loss of the ship _isabel_.--captain bonneville's expedition.--cause of his failure.--captain wyeth's, .--indians ask for missionaries in .--methodist mission.--fort hall established.--fort boise. by reference to the act of the british parliament of june , , it will be seen that the affairs of the north american british fur companies were in a fair way to defeat all british interests in america. to suppress these feuds among their own people became a matter of national importance and policy. to accomplish so desirable an object, parliament, in the act above referred to, extended the civil and criminal jurisdiction of canada over all the territories of the hudson's bay company; in the thirteenth article of the act, and in the fourteenth, repealed all that was before taken away from that company, and confirmed absolutely all the rights supposed to have been given by the original charter, as follows:-- section . "and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act contained shall be taken or construed to affect any right or privilege, authority or jurisdiction, which the governor and company of adventurers trading to hudson's bay are by law entitled to claim and exercise under their charter; but that all such rights, privileges, authorities, and jurisdictions, shall remain in as full force, virtue, and effect, as if this act had never been made; any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding." this act, however just it may have been considered, certainly embodied a large amount of national prejudice against the people of french or canadian birth, in exempting the territory of the hudson's bay company from its influence. it had a twofold effect: the one, to check feuds among british subjects; the other, to unite them in one vast indian monopoly,--to license this united company to go forward with their indian political arrangements unmolested,--to punish and dispose of all intruders upon their supposed, or asserted rights, as they might deem for the interest of their trade, which, according to the charter of charles ii., bearing date may , , they were "at all times hereafter to be personable and capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdiction, franchises, and hereditaments of what kind, nature, or quality soever they be, to them and their successors." the whole trade, fisheries, navigation, minerals, etc., of the countries, are granted to the company exclusively; all other of the king's subjects being forbidden to _visit_, _hunt_, _frequent_, _trade_, _traffic_, or _adventure_ therein, under heavy penalties; and the company is moreover empowered to send _ships_, and to build _fortifications_ for the defense of its possessions, as well as to _make war or peace with all nations or peoples_ not christian, inhabiting those territories, _which are declared to be hence-forth reckoned_ and _reputed_ as one of _his majesty's_ plantations or colonies in america, called rupert's land. it will be remembered that as early as , a question arose between the united states and great britain, as to which was the rightful owner of the oregon country. the northwest fur company were the only subjects of great britain that had competed with the american fur companies in the discovery or trade of the country. to ignore that company altogether would weaken the british claim to oregon by right of prior discovery and occupancy. hence, by uniting the two companies under an ancient english charter, combining their united capital and numerical strength, discarding all doubtful subjects, and confirming the absolute power of their own british company, they could easily secure oregon as british territory. the wisdom and effect of this policy will be developed as we proceed. by the third article of the convention between the united states and great britain, signed october , , "it is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of america, westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." this convention secured at that time the northwest fur company's existence in the country, by the act uniting the two british fur companies three years later. in , the privileges here secured were transferred and confirmed to the hudson's bay company, who at once took the most active and efficient measures to guard against any future competition, by assessing and setting apart ten per cent. on their capital stock, which was counted at £ , , as a sinking fund for the special purpose of opposing all competition in the fur trade by land or water. the convention above referred to shows that great britain held a watchful eye over her fur traders in this distant country; and the act of her parliament in , that she was disposed, in a direct manner, to secure to her own people, as traders, the absolute sovereignty of the country. while great britain was protecting and strengthening her fur traders in north america, the american government was simply asserting its prior rights to the oregon country, founded upon its discovery and subsequent purchase in what is termed the louisiana purchase, from france; the treaties and conventions only serving to encourage and strengthen the british claim, while they used their influence, capital, and power against all american competition and settlement in the country. in , as was to be expected by the union of the two great british fur companies, under the license of the british parliament, and absolute charter of charles ii., many of the servants, and especially such as were found favorable to the american fur traders, or violently opposed to the hudson's bay company, were thrown out of employment. they naturally sought to continue their wild indian trade and habits, and formed a company under the name of the columbia fur company, extending their operations up the mississippi, missouri, and yellowstone rivers. in , they transferred their interests to astor's second north american fur company, of which john jacob astor was the head. this company appears to have been commenced or organized in connection with mr. w. h. ashley, in , and under his direction extended its trade to the south and west, along the platte river, and passed into the rocky mountains as far as green river, being the first to discover its sources, making a successful trading expedition that year. in , another expedition under mr. ashley explored the rocky mountains as far south as salt lake, and built a fort on the borders of a small lake, to which he gave his own name. in , mr. ashley transported a -pound cannon to his establishment near salt lake, through what has since been termed fremont's, or the south pass of the rocky mountains, in a wagon. this establishment had in its employ over one hundred men, and was remarkably successful and profitable to the partners. in , mr. ashley sold all his interest to the rocky mountain fur company, composed of smith, jackson, and subleth, who extended their trade into california, and as far north as the umpqua river, in oregon; where smith and his party were met by a professedly friendly party of indians, who murdered his men, seized his furs, and delivered them to a party of men sent by the hudson's bay company, under mr. john mcleod and thomas mckay, to receive the furs and pay the indians for their services--as learned by the writer from eye-witnesses. during this same year, , major pilcher, with forty-five men, crossed the rocky mountains, and, in - , traversed the western portion of them as far north as fort colville. this fort had been established, and farming operations commenced, in . this party of major pilcher were all cut off but two men, besides himself; his furs, as stated by himself to the writer, found their way into the forts of the hudson's bay company. in , the brig _owyhee_, captain demenses, and the schooner _cowrey_, captain thompson, entered and remained nearly a year in the columbia river, trading with the indians. they were owned in boston. in , the british ship _isabel_ was lost on sand island--the second known to have been wrecked on the bar, or in attempting to enter the river. the crew were all saved, and it was the opinion of the company at vancouver that, had the crew remained with the ship, no great loss would have been sustained. in , captain bonneville, of the united states army, on furlough, started, with over one hundred men, on an expedition into the rocky mountains. he crossed the mountains, and reached the wallawalla valley, on the columbia river; but, through the influence of the hudson's bay company, his men were nearly all induced to leave him, so that he was obliged to abandon his property, and his expedition was a total failure, except the little scientific knowledge of the country gained by it. to charge the failure of captain bonneville directly to the hudson's bay company would not be strictly true; but their great influence over the indians was sufficient to prevent them from furnishing his party with food or horses, while he was within reach of their forts. hence, many of his men became dissatisfied, and left him, till his party became too weak to effect their return to the states with their valuable furs and property. these eventually were lost, or fell into the hands of the indians, and through them, his furs reached the hudson's bay traders' establishments. this same year, , captain nathaniel wyeth, of massachusetts, started on an exploring expedition to the mouth of the columbia river, with a view of establishing a permanent trade in the oregon country. he traveled across the continent and gathered all the information requisite for the undertaking, and returned to boston in ; and in , having completed his arrangements, chartered the brig _may dacre_, and dispatched her with his own, and the goods of the methodist mission, for the columbia river. the same year, some flathead indians, from a tribe in the midst of the rocky mountains, went to st. louis, and, through mr. catlin, an american artist, made known their object, which was to know something more of the white man's god and religion. through the representations of these indians, the methodist episcopal society in the united states established their missions in oregon, and the american board sent their missionaries among the nez percés, which, as will be seen, was the commencement of the permanent settlement of the country. it appears from the facts, briefly stated, that there had been eleven different trading expeditions and companies, besides the northwest and hudson's bay companies, that had sought for wealth by making fur-trading establishments in oregon. all of them, including the northwest and hudson's bay companies, have retired from it, but the american missionaries are residents of the country, and their influence and labors are felt, notwithstanding other influences have partially supplanted and destroyed the good impressions first made upon the natives of the country by them. still civilization, education, and religion, with all the improvements of the age, are progressing, and the old pioneer missionaries and settlers that were contemporary with them, with a few exceptions, are foremost in every laudable effort to benefit the present and rising generation. in the month of march, , a japanese junk was wrecked near cape flattery, in the then territory of oregon, and all on board, except three men, were lost. those three were received by captain mcneal on board the british ship _lama_; taken to vancouver, and thence sent to england. rev. mr. parker gives this, and another similar wreck on the sandwich islands, as evidence of the origin of the natives of those countries. but we give it for another object. the three japanese were taken to england, and, during their stay, learned the english language, were sent back to macao, and became the assistant teachers of mr. gutzlaff, the english missionary at that place, and were the means of opening their _own_ country to missionary and commercial relations with other nations. captain wyeth, with revs. jason and daniel lee, cyrus shepard, and p. l. edwards, the first missionary party, together with doctor nutall, a naturalist, and j. k. townsend, an ornithologist, sent out by a literary society in philadelphia, all under the escort furnished by captain wyeth, crossed the mountains and reached the plain formed by the portneuf and snake rivers. at their junction captain wyeth stopped, and established fort hall, while the missionaries and scientific men of his party, in company with an englishman by the name of captain stewart, and a party of hudson's bay traders, under the direction of mr. mcleod and mckay, proceeded to fort nez percés (present name, wallula). thence they traveled in hudson's bay _bateaux_ to vancouver. captain wyeth established his post on the snake river, by erecting a stockade of logs, and quarters for his men, and then proceeded to the lower columbia to receive his goods, which arrived in the _may dacre_, captain lambert, from boston, about the time he reached fort william, on what is now known as sauvies island, a few miles below the mouth of the multnomah river, now called the wallamet. rev. mr. lee and party made their first location about sixty miles from the mouth of the wallamet, near what is now called wheatland, ten miles below salem. captain wyeth received his goods, and commenced his trading establishment, but found that, notwithstanding he was personally treated by the principal officers of the hudson's bay company with great courtesy, yet it was evident that every possible underhanded and degrading device was practiced, both with the indians and with his men, to destroy, as much as was possible, the value and profits of his trade. in the spring and summer of he supplied his fort hall establishment with goods. during the year , the hudson's bay company erected a temporary post about twelve miles up the boise river, designed to counteract and destroy as much as possible the american fur trade established by captain wyeth, who continued his efforts less than three years; and, having lost of the two hundred men who had been in his employ _one hundred and sixty_ (as stated to rev. samuel parker), and finding himself unable to compete with this powerful english company, he accepted dr. mclaughlin's offer for his establishments, and left the country in . in , the american board of commissioners for foreign missions sent rev. samuel parker and dr. marcus whitman to explore the oregon country, with a view of establishing missions among the indians west of the rocky mountains. these two missionaries reached the american rendezvous on green river, in company with the rocky mountain fur company's traders, under the direction of captains drips and fitzpatrick. from the american rendezvous mr. parker continued his explorations in company with, and under the protection of the nez percé indians, till he reached old fort wallawalla, now called wallula; thence he continued in canoes to vancouver, while dr. whitman returned to the united states to procure associates to establish the nez percé mission. chapter v. extent and power of hudson's bay company.--number of forts.--location.--policy.--murder of mr. black.--mckay.--manner of dealing with indians.--commander of fort kills an indian.--necessity of such a course.--hudson's bay company not responsible for what their servants do. having briefly traced the operations of the two foreign fur companies in oregon, a knowledge of the location of their several trading establishments will enable the reader to comprehend their power and influence in the country. fort umpqua was located in the extreme southwestern part of oregon, near the mouth of the river bearing that name. it was a temporary stockade built of logs, overlooking a small farm in its immediate vicinity, was generally occupied by a clerk and from four to eight frenchmen. fort george (astoria) already described. they had a farm and small establishment at the mouth of the cowlitz, and a more extensive farm some twenty-five miles up that river. fort vancouver,--a stockade, six miles above the mouth of the multnomah, or wallamet river. this fort was the general depot for the southwestern department, at which their goods for indian trade were landed, and their furs and peltries collected and shipped to foreign markets. there was also a trading-house at champoeg, some thirty-five miles up the wallamet river. on the left bank of the columbia river, near the ° of north latitude, stood fort nez percés, called wallawalla, now wallula,--a stockade, accidentally burned in , and rebuilt with adobes in - . on the left bank of the south branch of the columbia, or snake river, at the junction of the boise, was located fort boise, built formerly, in , with poles; later, with adobes. continuing up snake river to the junction of the portneuf, on its left bank we find fort hall, built by captain wyeth; a stockade in ; rebuilt by the hudson's bay company, with adobes, in . thence up the columbia, fort okanagon, at the mouth of okanagon river, formerly a stockade, latterly a house or hut; and up the spokan some twenty miles, was the old spokan fort, built by astor's company, a stockade with solid bastions. continuing up the columbia to kettle falls, and two miles above, on the left bank is fort colville, formerly a stockade, still occupied by the hudson's bay company. thence up the columbia to the mouth of the kootanie river, near the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, is the trading establishment called kootanie house. thence returning south, and ascending the flathead (clark's) and kootanie rivers, into what is now montana territory, is, or was, the hut called flathead house. still higher up on the columbia was a small establishment, called the boat encampment, or mountain house. entering the country by the straits of juan de fuca and puget sound, we find fort nasqualla, formerly a stockade. proceeding up frazer river to near the forty-ninth parallel, upon the left or south bank of the river is fort langley, an extensive stockade. thence up that river about ninety miles, half a mile below the mouth of the coquehalla, is fort hope, a stockade. on the right bank of the frazer, sixteen miles above, is fort yale, a trading-house. thence proceeding up the frazer, and on to the waters of thompson river, is fort kamloops; still further north and east, extending into new caledonia, are forts alexander, william, garey, and abercrombie. on the southeastern part of vancouver island is fort victoria, formerly a stockade. on the north side of the island is fort rupert, a stockade, still in good repair. on the mainland, near portland channel, is fort simpson. at the mouth of the stiken river, on dundas island, was formerly fort wrangle, a stockade. recently the establishment has been removed some sixty miles up the stiken river, and called fort stiken. this, as will be seen, gives the company twenty-three forts and five trading-stations. in addition to these they had trading-parties extending south to california, southeast to fort hall and into utah and arizona, east into the blackfoot country (montana) and the rocky mountains, and north into new caledonia and along the northwestern watershed of the rocky mountains. they also had two steamers, the _beaver_ and _otter_, to enter all the bays, harbors, rivers, and inlets along the western coast of our country, from mexico on the south, to russian america on the north, employing fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men, all bound, under the strictest articles of agreement, to subserve the interests of that company under all circumstances; being strictly forbidden to acquire any personal or real estate outside of their stipulated pay as servants of the company, and were subject to such punishment for deficiency of labor or neglect of duty as the officer in charge might see fit to impose, having no appeal to any source for redress, as the original charter of charles ii., confirmed by act of parliament in , clearly conferred on the company absolute control over the country they occupied, and all in it. as a matter of romance and adventure, many statements are made of conflicts with indians and with wild animals, all terminating favorably to the interests of the company, confirming and strengthening their absolute power over all their opponents; but as they do not properly belong to a work of this character, they will be omitted, except where they may be brought to illustrate a fact, or to prove the principles and policy of the company. as in the case of mr. black, a chief trader at fort kamloops, who had offended an indian, the indian disguised his resentment, entered the fort as a friend, and while mr. black was passing from the room in which the indian had been received, he was deliberately shot by him, and fell dead. the indian fled, and the fort was closed against the tribe. not a single article of trade or supplies was allowed to the tribe till the murderer was given up, and hung by the company's men, when the fort was opened and trade resumed. in another case, near the mouth of the columbia, a trader by the name of mckay was killed in a drunken row with the indians at a salmon fishery. a friendly indian gave information at head-quarters, when an expedition was fitted out and sent to the indian camp. the murderer, with a few other indians, was found in a canoe, but escaped to shore. they were fired at, and one woman was killed and others wounded. dr. mclaughlin, being in command of the party, informed the indians that if the murderer was not soon given up, he would punish the tribe. they soon placed the murderer in the hands of the party, who were satisfied of the guilt of the indian, and at once hung him, as an example of the punishment that would be inflicted upon murderers of white men belonging to the company. one other instance of daring and summary punishment is related as having been inflicted by mr. douglas, while in charge of a fort in the midst of a powerful tribe of indians. a principal chief had killed one of the company's men. mr. douglas, learning that he was in a lodge not far from the fort, boasting of his murderous exploit, armed himself, went to the lodge, identified the murdering chief, and shot him dead; then walked deliberately back to the fort. a compliance with licensed parliamentary stipulations would have required the arrest of the murderers in all these cases, and the testimony and criminals to be sent to canada for conviction and execution. these cases illustrate, whether just or otherwise, the absolute manner of dealing with indians by the company. the following chapter gives us the particulars of an aggravated case of brutal murder of the person in charge of one of their extreme northwestern forts by the men under his charge. chapter vi murder of john mclaughlin, jr.--investigation by sir george simpson and sir james douglas. very different was the course pursued by sir george simpson and mr. (now sir james) douglas in the case of conspiracy and murder of john mclaughlin, jr., at fort wrangle, near the southern boundary of russian america. in this case, sir george simpson went into a partial examination of the parties implicated, and reported that dr. john mclaughlin, jr., was killed by the men in self-defense. this report, from the known hostility of sir george to the father and son, was not satisfactory, and esquire douglas was dispatched to fort wrangle, and procured the following testimony, which, in justice to the murdered man and the now deceased father, we will quote as copied from the original documents by rev. g. hines. pierre kanaquassee, one of the men employed in the establishment at the time of the murder, and in whose testimony the gentlemen of the company place the utmost reliance, gives the following narrative, in answer to questions proposed by james douglas, esq., the magistrate that examined him:-- q. where were you on the night of the murder of the late mr. john mclaughlin? a. i was in my room, in the lower part of the main house, where i lived with george heron, in an apartment in the lower story, immediately under the kitchen. my door opened into the passage which led to the apartment of mr. john mclaughlin in the second story. q. what occurred on the night of the murder? a. i will tell you the whole story, to the best of my recollection. a few days preceding the murder, five indians from tako, with letters from dr. kennedy, arrived at the fort about midnight. the watchmen, hearing the knocking, called mr. john. when he got up, he mustered a few hands to defend the gates, in case of any treacherous attack from the indians, whom they did not, as yet, know. they were then admitted into the fort, delivered up their arms, according to custom, and were lodged in a small room in the lower story of the main house. a day or two after this, he beat, and put one of these indians, a native of nop, in irons, as peter was told, for having committed some theft in tako. about eight o'clock of the evening of the th of april, mr. john gave liquor to the indians, and made them drunk; after which he called the white men, viz., laperti, pripe, lulaire, heroux, bellinger, simon, fleury, mcpherson, smith, and antoine kawanope. during this time, peter was in his own, which was the adjoining room, lying awake in bed, and overheard all that passed. he heard mr. john say to mcpherson, "peter is not among us. where is he?" mcpherson replied, that he was in bed, and he was sent for him by mr. john. peter, in consequence, went into the room, and saw all the men seated in a ring, on the floor, around a number of bottles standing within the ring, and the indians lying dead drunk on another part of the floor, mr. john himself was standing outside of the ring, and mcpherson placed himself on the opposite side of the ring; neither of them appeared to be partaking of the festivities of the evening but were looking on, and forcing the people to drink. antoine kawanope was seated on his bed, apart from the other men, perfectly sober, as he told peter afterward. mr. john had ordered him not to drink, observing, "you are not to drink at this time, as i am going to die to-night, and you will help me in what i am going to do." on entering the room, mr. john told peter to sit down with the other people, and ordered his servant, fleury, to give him a good dram, which he did, in a tin pan. peter could not drink the whole, and was threatened by mr. john with violence if he did not finish it. he succeeded in emptying the pan, by allowing the liquor to run into the bosom of his shirt. mr. john, in doing this, did not appear to be angry, but in a half-playful mood. peter remained there about a quarter of an hour, during which time he was careful not to drink too much, as a few hours previously antoine had called at his room and said, "my uncle, take care of yourself to-night; the master is going to die." peter said, "who is going to kill him?" and antoine said, "the bluemen," meaning the kanakas, "are going to kill him." this, peter thought, was likely to be the case, as the men, some time before christmas preceding, had agreed among themselves to murder him, and had signed a paper, which mcpherson drew up, to that effect. every one of the men of the place agreed to the commission of this deed, smith and heron as well as the others. peter's name was signed by mcpherson, and he attested it by his cross. this paper was signed in urbaine's house, where the men severally repaired by stealth for the purpose, as mr. john kept so vigilant a watch upon them, that they were afraid he might suspect their intentions if they were there in a body. the same impression made him also remark, in a low tone of voice, to laperti, on his first entering the room, when he observed mr. john forcing the people to drink, "i really believe our master feels his end near, as he never used to act in this manner." as above mentioned, after peter had been about fifteen minutes in the room where the men were drinking, mr. john retired, followed by antoine. mr. john had not on that occasion drank any thing with the men, neither did he (peter) ever see him, at any time preceding, drink in their company. he, however, supposed that he must have taken something in his own room, as he appeared flushed and excited, but not sufficiently so as to render his gait in the least unsteady. mcpherson also did not taste any thing in the room. as soon as mr. john was gone, peter also left the room, and went to bed in his own room. peter was informed by antoine that mr. john, on leaving the room where the men were drinking, went up-stairs to his own apartment, and he heard him say to his wife, "i am going to die to-night." and he and his wife both began to cry. mr. john soon rallied, and observed, "very well; if i die, i must fall like a man." he then told antoine to load his rifles and pistols, and ordered him also to arm himself with his own gun. he and antoine then went out, and peter thinks he heard the report of more than fifteen shots. antoine afterward told peter that mr. john fired at laperti, but missed him, and afterward ordered antoine to fire at laperti. antoine refused to do so, until his own life was threatened by mr. john, when he fired in the direction, without aiming at laperti. he also told the kanakas to kill the canadians, and it was in part they who fired the shots that he (peter) had heard. peter then got up and placed himself behind his door, and saw mr. john come in and go up-stairs with antoine, when he took the opportunity of going out, armed with his gun and a stout bludgeon, and found the men standing here and there on the gallery watching an opportunity to shoot mr. john. laperti's position on the gallery was fronting the door of the main house, toward which he had his gun pointed; when peter saw him, he was on his knees, the small end of the gun resting on the top rail of the gallery, in readiness to fire. laperti exclaimed, on seeing peter, "i must kill him now, as he has fired two shots at me." peter objected to this, and proposed to take and tie him. nobody answered him. at that moment, smith came up to laperti and told him to hide himself or he would certainly be killed. laperti said, "where can i hide myself?" and smith said, "come with me and i will show you a place in the bastion where you can hide yourself," and they went off together in the direction of the bastion at the corner of urbaine's house. peter, after a few minutes' stay on the gallery, returned to his house, as he had previously agreed upon with george hebram, who was lying sick in bed, and who had entreated him not to leave him alone. at the door of the main house, he met mr. john coming out, followed by antoine, who was carrying a lamp. mr. john said to peter, "have you seen laperti?" peter answered, "no, i have not seen him;" and then mr. john said, "have you seen urbaine?" and peter again answered that he had not. the minute before this, as he (peter) was returning from the gallery, he had seen urbaine standing at the corner of the main house, next to urbaine's own dwelling, in company with simon. urbaine said, "i don't know what to do; i have no gun, and do not know where to hide myself." simon said, "i have a gun, if he comes i will shoot him, and will be safe." mr. john, after peter passed him, said to antoine, "make haste, and come with the lamp," and proceeded with a firm step to urbaine's house, as peter, who continued watching at the door, saw. after he saw them go to urbaine's house, he proceeded toward his own room, and he and antoine called out, "fire! fire!" the report of several shots, probably five, immediately followed, and he heard antoine exclaiming, "stop! stop! stop! he is dead now." antoine afterward related to peter, that on reaching urbaine's house, mr. john ordered him to go round by one corner, while he went round by the other, directing antoine to shoot any of the canadians he might meet. mr. john then proceeded in a stooping position, looking very intently before him, when a shot was fired from the corner of the house toward which he was going, which caused his death, the ball having entered at the upper part of the breast-bone, a little below the gullet, and come out a little below the shoulder, having broken the spine in its passage. peter was also told by one of the kanakas, that as soon as mr. john fell, urbaine sprung forward from the corner of the house within a few paces of the body, and put his foot savagely on his neck, as if to complete the act, should the ball have failed in causing death. the kanakas immediately asked urbaine who had killed the master. urbaine replied, "it is none of your business who has killed him!" peter, who during this time had removed to his house, seeing heron go out without his gun, went out round the body, and said, "my friend, we have now done what we long intended to do; let us now carry the body back to the house." urbaine, laperti, bellinger, and other white men who were present replied, "when we kill a dog, we let him lie where we kill him." and antoine told him they had previously given him the same reply to a similar proposition from him. peter then approached the body, and, with one hand under the neck, raised the head and trunk, when a deep expiration followed, which was the last sign of animation. he had previously perceived no signs of life, nor did he hear any one say that any appeared after the deceased fell. the white men being unwilling to assist him, he carried the body, with the aid of the kanakas, into the main house, where he had it stripped, washed clean, decently dressed, and laid out. in doing so he received no help from any but the kanakas. the wounds made by the balls were very large, both openings being circular, and severally three inches in diameter. the body bled profusely, there being a deep pool of blood found around it, which was washed away afterward by the kanakas. peter never heard that he spoke or moved after he fell. there was a perpendicular cut on the forehead, skin-deep, in a line with the nose, which peter thinks was caused by his falling on the barrel of his rifle, though urbaine said that he had received it from an indian with his dog. it was, as peter supposes, about eleven o'clock, p.m., when he had done washing and laying out the body; the watches had not then been changed, therefore he thinks it could not be midnight. the people continued coming and going during the night, to see the body, and peter proposed praying over the body, as is customary in canada; but they objected, saying they did not wish to pray for him. he did sit up with the body all night, having soon after gone, first to urbaine's and then to lulaire's house, who each gave him a dram, which he took, saying, "there is no need of drinking now; they might drink their fill now." he soon afterward went to bed. he inquired of martineau, who also lived in the same room, if he had fired at the deceased. he replied, that he had fired twice. he then asked him if it was he that had killed him, and he said, "i do not know if it was me or not." he (peter) put the same question to several of the other men whom he saw afterward; they all said that they had not shot him, and martineau afterward said that he had not directed his gun at him, but had fired in the air. the following morning he asked antoine kawanope if he knew who had killed the deceased. he replied, "i know who killed him, but i am not going to tell you, or any one else. when the governor comes, i will tell him." he asked antoine why he would not tell; he said he was afraid it might cause more quarrels, and lead to other murders. he then advised antoine not to conceal it from him, as he would tell no one. antoine then said, he thought it was urbaine who had done the deed. peter observed that urbaine had no gun. antoine replied, "i think it was urbaine, because as soon as the deceased fell, urbaine rushed out from his lurking-place at the corner of the house, where, i was informed by the people, he always kept his gun secreted, with the intention of shooting the deceased." peter says laperti, urbaine, and simon were all concealed in the corner whence the shot came, and he thinks it to be one of the three who fired it. urbaine always denied having committed the murder, and said, "i am going to the russian fort for trial, and will be either banished or hung. i will let the thing go to the end, and will then inform upon the murderers." simon always said that he was never in the corner from whence the shot was fired, and knew nothing about the matter; but peter thinks that he must have been there, as he saw him, as before related, at the corner of the main house, when he promised to protect urbaine; and from the situation of the fort, he must have passed that spot with urbaine, as there was no other passage from the place where they had been standing. laperti also said he never fired at all. when peter, as before related, went upon the gallery after the first firing had ceased, while mr. john and antoine had gone into the house, he saw all the men on the gallery, except pripe, lulaire, and mcpherson, and he asked each of them, respectively, if they were going to shoot the master that night, and they all answered (as well as himself), they would do so at the first chance, except pehou, a kanaka, who would not consent to the murder. smith was then without a gun. before the christmas preceding, peter put the question to smith, how he should like to see him kill mr. john? he replied, "i should like it very well; i would have no objection, because his conduct is so very bad that he can never expect to be protected by the company." peter manifree says that mr. john appeared to be aware of the plot formed by the men against his life; as he supposes, through the information of fleury, his servant, who was aware of every thing that passed among them. mr. john had often said to the men, "kill me, if you can. if you kill me, you will not kill a woman--you will kill a man." and he kept antoine as a sentinel to watch his room. one evening george heron proposed taking his life, and said if he could find a man to go with him, he would be the first to shoot him. peter refused to go, and heron watched a great part of the night in the passage leading to mr. john's room, holding his gun pointed toward its door, with the object of shooting mr. john if he appeared, as he usually did at night when going to visit the watchmen; but he did not go out that night, or peter thinks that he would have been shot by heron. the following morning peter asked antoine if he would defend mr. john were he attacked by the people. antoine said he would not, and would be the first man to seize or shoot him, should any attempt be made against his life or liberty. he put the same question to mcpherson; but mcpherson said, "no, do not kill him till the governor comes, by and by, and then we shall have redress." peter also says that all the unmarried men were in the habit of secretly going out of the fort at night, contrary to order, to visit the indian camp, and that one evening, when he wished to go out, he met george heron on the gallery, who showed him where a rope was slung to the picket, by which he might let himself down to the ground outside of the fort, saying, "this is the way i and others get out, and you may do the same without fear of detection." on the morning after the murder he went into urbaine's and lulaire's house and got a dram in each of them, out of two bottles of rum which he saw there. he said, "now mr. john is dead, i shall go out of the fort and spend the day with my wife." urbaine replied, "no: no one shall go out of the fort. we keep the keys, and we shall keep the gates shut." peter was angry at this, and said to antoine, "when mr. john was alive, he kept us prisoners, and would not allow us to run after women; and now that we have killed him, the canadians wish to keep us as close as he did. i see we must raise the devil again with these canadians, before we can get our liberty." peter also says that one principal cause of their dislike to john, and their plots against his life, was the strictness with which he prevented their sallying from the fort in quest of women; that he flogged martineau for having given his blanket to a woman with whom he maintained illicit commerce, and he also flogged lamb and kakepe for giving away their clothes in the same manner. this, peter says, exasperated the men. the day after the murder many of the men went up to mr. john's room to see the body, and mcpherson remarked to them, that when the master was living they were not in the habit of coming up there; but they did so now that he was dead. on hearing this, peter and urbaine went away and never returned. on their way to their own house, they met pripe and bellinger. urbaine told them what mcpherson had said, and in a threatening manner said, "mcpherson is getting as proud as the other, and will be telling tales about us. we will not murder him, but we will give him a sound thrashing." and peter says that he soon after went to smith and told him to put mcpherson on his guard, as the canadians intended to attack him. smith asked peter what he would do, now the master was dead, and peter said he would obey mcpherson's orders. smith replied, "that is good, peter. if we do not do so, we shall lose all our wages." all the canadians, and, he thinks, simon, continued drinking the whole of the day following the murder; the other men of the fort did not drink. he thinks it was the remains of the liquor they had been drinking the preceding night. peter also says that, for a month previous to the murder, urbaine, laperti, and simon, were in the habit of getting drunk every night on rum purchased from the indians. peter told them to take care of themselves, because mr. john would be angry if he knew it. mr. john took no notice of their conduct, because, as peter thinks, he knew of the plot against his life, and felt intimidated. he also says that laperti was excited against mr. john on account of a suspected intrigue which he carried on with his wife. the night following the murder, they all went to bed quietly. the next day all was also quiet, and all work suspended, except watching the indians, which they did very closely, as they were afraid they might be induced to attack the fort, on learning that the master was no more. they continued watching, turn about. the second day a coffin was made, and the corpse removed from the main house to the bath, when mcpherson gave the men a dram. the third day the corpse was buried and the men had another dram. he does not know whether the men asked for the dram, or whether mcpherson gave it of his own accord. the corpse was carried to the grave by laperti, pripe, lulaire, and some kanakas, but urbaine did not touch it; does not think it was through fear. peter often heard laperti say, "i wish the governor was here, to see what he would do." he also says there was no quarrel in the room where they were drinking on the night of the murder; but he thinks there might have been a quarrel after they left, as pripe was put in irons after that time. he also says that the canadians must have fixed on that night to murder him, and that fleury told him so, which accounts for his apparent dejection of mind, and of his having shed tears in presence of his wife and antoine, when he said, "i know that i am going to die this night." he also thinks this might have led to the outbreak, but of this he is not sure. it is a mere matter of opinion. mr. john was a little in liquor, but knew perfectly well what he was about. he never saw him so far gone with liquor as not to be able to walk actively about, except on one occasion, the preceding christmas eve, when he appeared to walk unsteady, but nevertheless could mount the gallery. they only knew he had tasted liquor from the excitement and changed appearance of his countenance. he does not know who first suggested the idea of murdering mr. john. since the above disclosures were made, a few other facts have come to light, which, however, do not materially affect the character of these atrocities. mr. john mclaughlin, jr., was doubtless intemperate, reckless, and tyrannical, and often unnecessarily cruel in the punishments inflicted upon his men; but he was surrounded by a set of desperadoes, who, for months before the arrival of the night, during the darkness of which the fatal shot ushered him into the presence of his judge, had been seeking an opportunity to rob him of life. some time before this event, he flogged peter for the crime of stealing fish. peter was exceedingly angry, and resolved upon the destruction of his master. at a time to suit his purpose, he went to the bastion, where were fire-arms, loaded to his hands, and rung the bell of alarm, with the intention of shooting mr. mclaughlin when he should make his appearance. a man by the name of perse came out to see what was the matter, instead of the intended victim, when peter fired, but missed him, the ball hitting a post near his head. for this offense, peter was again seized, put in irons, and subsequently severely flogged, and liberated. nearly all the men had been flogged from time to time, for various offenses, and all conspired against the life of their master. as might have been expected, when the case was examined by sir george simpson, the murderers attempted to cast all the odium upon mr. mclaughlin, doubtless for the purpose of exculpating themselves, in which attempt they but too well succeeded, in the estimation of sir george. whether the persons who procured his death would be pronounced, by an intelligent jury, guilty of willful murder, or whether, from the mitigating circumstances connected with these transactions, the verdict should assume a more modified form, is not for me to determine. but it can not be denied by any one, that the circumstances must be indeed extraordinary that will justify any man, or set of men, to cut short the probation of an immortal being, and usher him, with all his unrepented sins, into the presence of his god. this account illustrates english and hudson's bay company's dealings with indians, and their treatment of men and murderers, both among the indians and their own people. we are forced to acknowledge that we can not see the correctness of moral principle in mr. hine's conclusions. there was unquestionably a premeditated and willful murder committed by the men at that fort. we can understand the motives of sir george simpson and mr. douglas, in allowing those men to escape the penalty of their crime, from the amount of pecuniary interests involved, and the personal jealousy existing against dr. mclaughlin and his sons, in the company's service. we know of jealousies existing between mr. simpson and john mclaughlin, jr., on account of statements made in our presence at the breakfast-table, that were only settled temporarily, while at vancouver. these statements, and the placing of this young son of the doctor's at that post, we are satisfied had their influence in acquitting his murderers, if they did not in bringing about the murder, which to us appears plain in the testimony; and we so expressed our opinion, when the father requested us (while in his office) to examine a copy of those depositions. we have no hesitancy in saying, that we believe it to have been a malicious murder, and should have sent the perpetrators to the gallows. we have never been able to learn of the trial of any one implicated. chapter vii. treatment of indians.--influence of hudson's bay company.--rev. mr. barnley's statement.--first three years.--after that.--treatment of jesuits.--of protestants.--of indians.--not a spade to commence their new mode of life.--mr. barnley's statement.--disappointed.--his mistake.--hudson's bay company disposed to crush their own missionaries. rev. mr. beaver says of them: "about the middle of the summer of , and shortly before my arrival at fort vancouver, six indians were wantonly and gratuitously murdered by a party of trappers and sailors, who landed for the purpose from one of the company's vessels, on the coast somewhere between the mouth of the river columbia and the confines of california. having on a former occasion read the particulars of this horrid massacre, as i received them from an eye-witness, before a meeting of the aborigines society, i will not repeat them. to my certain knowledge, the circumstance was brought officially before the authorities of vancouver, by whom no notice was taken of it; and the same party of trappers, with the same leader, one of the most infamous murderers of a murderous fraternity, are annually sent to the same vicinity, to perform, if they please, other equally tragic scenes. god alone knows how many red men's lives have been sacrificed by them since the time of which i have been speaking. _he also knows that i speak the conviction of my mind, and may he forgive me if i speak unadvisedly when i state my firm belief that_ the life of an indian was never yet, by a trapper, put in competition with a beaver's skin." one other case we will give to illustrate the conduct and treatment of this company toward the indians under their "_mild and paternal care_," as given, not by a chaplain, or missionary, but by lieut. chappel, in his "voyage to hudson's bay in h. m. s. _rosamond_." he relates that on one occasion, an english boy having been missed from one of the establishments in hudson's bay, the company's servants, in order to recover the absent youth, made use of the following stratagem:-- "two esquimaux indians were seized and confined in separate apartments. a musket was discharged in a remote apartment, and the settlers, entering the room in which one of the esquimaux was confined, informed him by signs that his companion had been put to death for decoying away the boy; and they gave him to understand at the same time that he must prepare to undergo the same fate, unless he would faithfully pledge himself to restore the absentee. the esquimaux naturally promised every thing, and, on being set at liberty, made the best of his way into the woods, and, of course, was never afterward heard of. they kept the other a prisoner for some time. at length he tried to make his escape by boldly seizing the sentinel's fire-lock at night; but the piece going off accidentally, he was so terrified at the report, that they easily replaced him in confinement; yet either the loss of liberty, a supposition that his countryman had been murdered, or that he was himself reserved for some cruel death, deprived the poor wretch of reason. as he became exceedingly troublesome, the settlers held a conference as to the most eligible mode of getting rid of him; _and it being deemed good policy to deter the natives from similar offenses by making an example, they accordingly shot the poor maniac in cold blood_, without having given themselves the trouble to ascertain whether he was really guilty or innocent" (p. ). we have quoted these two examples, from two british subjects, to show the hudson's bay company's manner of treating the indians, who were under their absolute control from the mouth of the umpqua river, in the extreme southwestern part of oregon, to the extreme northern point on the coast of labrador, including a country larger in extent than the whole united states. this country had for two hundred and thirty years been in possession of these two powerful and equally unprincipled companies, who had kept it, as mr. fitzgerald says, "_so us to shut up the earth from the knowledge of man, and man from the knowledge of god_." but, we are asked, what has this to do with the history of oregon, and its early settlement? we answer, it was this influence, and this overgrown combination of iniquity and despotism--this monster monopoly, which england and america combined had failed to overcome,--that was at last, after a conflict of thirty years, forced to retire from the country, by the measures first inaugurated by lee, whitman, and the provisional government of oregon; and now this same monopoly seeks to rob the treasury of our nation, as it has for ages robbed the indians, and the country of its furs. they may succeed (as they have heretofore, in obtaining an extension of their licensed privileges with the english government), and obtain from the american government what they now, by falsehood, fraud, and perjury, claim to be their just rights. if they do, we shall be satisfied that we have faithfully and truly stated facts that have come to our knowledge while moving and living in the midst of their operations, and that we are not alone in our belief and knowledge of the events and influences of which we write. before closing this chapter we will quote one other witness (a british subject), the rev. mr. barnley, a missionary at moose factory, on the southwestern part of james bay, to show the full policy of that company toward british missionaries, and also to prove the assertion we make that the hudson's bay company, as such, is, in a measure, guilty of and responsible for the whitman and frazer river massacres, and for the indian wars and the murder of american citizens contiguous to their territory. the missionary above referred to says: "my residence in the hudson's bay territory commenced in june, , and continued, with the interruption of about eight months, until september, ." the whitman massacre was in november, . mr. barnley continues: "my letter of introduction, signed by the governor of the territory, and addressed 'to the gentlemen in charge of the honorable hudson's bay company's districts and posts in north america,' in one of its paragraphs ran thus: 'the governor and committee feel the most lively interest in the success of mr. barnley's mission, and i have to request you will show to that gentleman every personal kindness and attention in your power, and facilitate by every means the promotion of the very important and interesting service on which he is about to enter;' and, consequently, whatsoever else i might have to endure, i had no reason to anticipate any thing but cordial co-operation from the officers of the company. "_for the first three years_ i had no cause of complaint. the interpretation was, in many cases, necessarily inefficient, and would have been sometimes a total failure, but for the kindness of the wives of the gentlemen in charge, who officiated for me; but i had the best interpreters the various posts afforded, the _supply of rum_ to indians was restricted, and the company, i believe, fulfilled both the spirit and the letter of their agreement with us, as far as that fulfillment was then required of them, and their circumstances allowed. "in giving, however, this favorable testimony, so far as the first three years are concerned, i must say, that in my opinion we should have been informed, before commencing our labors, that the interpreters at some of the posts would be found so inefficient as to leave us dependent on the kindness of private individuals, and reduce us to the very unpleasant necessity of taking mothers from their family duties, that they might become the only available medium for the communication of divine truth. "but after the period to which i have referred, a very perceptible change, _i.e._, in , took place. [the company had decided to introduce the roman jesuits to aid them in expelling all protestant missionaries and civilization from the indian tribes.] there was no longer that hearty concurrence with my views, and co-operation, which had at first appeared so generally. the effect was as if the gentleman in charge of the southern department had discovered that he was expected to afford rather an external and professed assistance than a real and cordial one; and, under his influence, others, both of the gentlemen and servants, became cool and reluctant in those services of which i stood in need, until at length the letter as well us the spirit of the company's engagement with me failed." the reader will remember that while mr. barnley was receiving this treatment at the hudson's bay company's establishment at moose factory, james douglas and his associates were combining and training the indians in oregon for the purpose of relieving, or, to use the language of the jesuit de smet, "to rescue oregon from protestant and american influence." mr. barnley continues: "i was prohibited from entertaining to tea two persons, members of my congregation, who were about to sail for england, because i happened to occupy apartments in the officer's residence, and was told that it could not be made a rendezvous for the company's servants and their families." p. j. de smet, s. j., on the th page of his book, says: "_the canadian-french and half-breeds who inhabit the indian territory treat all the priests who visit them with great kindness and respect._" on page , he says of the hudson's bay company, just about this time: "in what manner can we testify our gratitude in regard to the two benefactors [douglas and ogden] who so generously charged themselves with the care of _transporting and delivering_ to us our cases, without consenting to accept the slightest recompense?--how noble the sentiments which prompted them gratuitously to burden themselves and their boats with the charitable gifts destined by the faithful to the destitute missionaries of the indians!" these last quotations are from letters of jesuit missionaries, who were brought to the indian country by this same hudson's bay company, and furnished transportation and every possible facility to carry on their missions among the indians all over the american indian country. these missionaries have made no attempt to improve the condition of the indians, but have impressed upon their ignorant minds a reverence for themselves and their superstitions. see bishop blanchet's reply to cayuse indians, november , , page of brouillet's "protestantism in oregon;" also pages - , executive doc. no. , j. ross browne, as given below:-- "the bishop replied that it was the pope who had sent him; that he had not sent him to take their land, but only for the purpose of saving their souls; that, however, having to live, and possessing no wealth, he had asked of them a piece of land that he could cultivate for his support; that in his country it was the faithful who maintained the priests, but that here he did not ask so much, _but only a piece of land_, and that the priests themselves would do the rest. he told them that he would not make presents to indians, that he would give them nothing for the land he asked; that, in case they worked for him, he would pay them for their work, and no more; that he would assist them neither in plowing their lands nor in building houses, nor would he feed or clothe their children," etc. at moose factory, mr. barnley says: "a plan which i had devised for educating and training to some acquaintance with _agriculture_ native children _was disallowed_, but permission was given me by the governor in council to collect seven or eight boys from various parts of the surrounding country, to be clothed, and at the company's expense. a proposal made for forming a small indian village near moose factory _was not acceded to_; and, instead, permission only given to attempt the location of one or two old men who were no longer fit for engaging in the chase, _it being very carefully and distinctly stated by sir george simpson that the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing their new mode of life_. when at length a young man was found likely to prove serviceable as an interpreter, every impediment was interposed to prevent his engaging in my service, although a distinct understanding existed that neither for food nor wages would he be chargeable to the company. and the pledge that i should be at liberty to train up several boys for future usefulness, though not withdrawn, was treated as if it had never existed at all; efforts being made to produce the impression on the mind of my general superintendent that i was, most unwarrantably, expecting the company to depart from their original compact, when i attempted to add but two of the stipulated number to my household.---- "at moose factory, where the resources were most ample, and where was the seat of authority in the southern department of rupert's land, the hostility of the company (and not merely their inability to aid me, whether with convenience or inconvenience to themselves) was most manifest. "the indians were compelled, in opposition to their convictions and desires, to labor on the lord's day. they were not permitted to purchase the food required on the sabbath, that they might rest on that day while voyaging, although there was no necessity for their proceeding, and their wages would have remained the same.---- "at length, _disappointed, persecuted, myself and wife broken in spirit_, and almost ruined in constitution by months of anxiety and suffering, a return to england became the only means of escaping a premature grave; and we are happy in fleeing from the _iron hand of oppression_, and bidding farewell to that which had proved to us a land of darkness and of sorrow. "from the above statements you will perceive that if true in some cases, it is not all, that the company have furnished the 'means of conveyance from place to place.' they have not done so, at all events, in the particular case mentioned, nor would they let me have the canoe, lying idle as it was, when they knew that i was prepared to meet 'the expense.' "and equally far from the truth is it, that the missionaries have been '_boarded, lodged, provided with interpreters and servants free of charge_.'" in this last statement, mr. barnley is mistaken, for, to our certain knowledge, and according to the voluntary statement of the roman jesuits, revs. bishop blanchet, demer, p. j. de smet, brouillet, and many other jesuit missionaries, they received from the hudson's bay company _board and lodging, and were provided with interpreters_, catechist, transportation, and even houses and church buildings. the only mistake of mr. barnley was, that he was either an episcopal or wesleyan missionary or chaplain, like mr. beaver, at fort vancouver, and he, like mr. beaver, was a little too conscientious as to his duties, and efforts to benefit the indians, to suit the policy of that company. the roman jesuitical religion was better adapted to their ideas of indian traffic and morals; hence, the honorable company chose to get rid of all others, as they had done with all opposing fur traders. what was a civilized indian worth to that company? not half as much as a common otter or beaver skin. as to the soul of an indian, he certainly could have no more than the gentlemen who managed the affairs of the honorable company. chapter viii. petition of red river settlers.--their requests, from to .--names.--governor christie's reply.--company's reply.--extract from minutes.--resolutions, from to .--enforcing rules.--land deed.--its condition.--remarks. before closing this subject we must explain our allusion to the red river settlement, and in so doing illustrate and prove beyond a doubt the settled and determined policy of that organization to crush out their own, as well as american settlements,--a most unnatural, though true position of that company. it will be seen, by the date of the document quoted below, that, four years previous, that company, in order to deceive the english government and people in relation to the settlement on the columbia river, and also to diminish the number of this red river colony, had, by direction of sir george simpson, sent a part of it to the columbia department. the remaining settlers of rupert's land (the selkirk settlement) began to assert their right to cultivate the soil (as per selkirk grant), as also the right to trade with the natives, and to participate in the profits of the wild animals in the country. the document they prepared is a curious, as well as important one, and too interesting to be omitted. it reads as follows:-- "red river settlement,} "august , .} "sir,--having at this moment a very strong belief that we, as natives of this country, and as half-breeds, have the right to hunt furs in the hudson's bay company's territories whenever we think proper, and again sell those furs to the highest bidder, likewise having a doubt that natives of this country can be prevented from trading and trafficking with one another, we would wish to have your opinion on the subject, lest we should commit ourselves by doing any thing in opposition either to the laws of england or the honorable company's privileges, and therefore lay before you, as governor of red river settlement, a few queries, which we beg you will answer in course. "_query_ . has a half-breed, a settler, the right to hunt furs in this country? " . has a native of this country, not an indian, a right to hunt furs? " . if a half-breed has the right to hunt furs, can he hire other half-breeds for the purpose of hunting furs? can a half-breed sell his furs to any person he pleases? " . is a half-breed obliged to sell his furs to the hudson's bay company at whatever price the company may think proper to give him? " . can a half-breed receive any furs, as a present, from an indian, a relative of his? " . can a half-breed hire any of his indian relatives to hunt furs for him? " . can a half-breed trade furs from another half-breed, in or out of the settlement? " . can a half-breed trade furs from an indian, in or out of the settlement? " . with regard to trading or hunting furs, have the half-breeds, or natives of european origin, any rights or privileges over europeans? " . a settler, having purchased lands from lord selkirk, or even from the hudson's bay company, without any conditions attached to them, or without having signed any bond, deed, or instrument whatever, whereby he might have willed away his right to trade furs, can he be prevented from trading furs in the settlement with settlers, or even out of the settlement? " . are the limits of the settlement defined by the municipal law, selkirk grant, or indian sale? " . if a person can not trade furs, either in or out of the settlement, can he purchase them for his own and family use, and in what quantity? " . having never seen any official statements, nor known, but by report, that the hudson's bay company has peculiar privileges over british subjects, natives, and half-breeds, resident in the settlement, we would wish to know what those privileges are, and the penalties attached to the infringement of the same. "we remain your humble servants, "james sinclair, alexis gaulat, baptist la roque, louis letende de batoche, thomas logan, william mcmillan, john dease, antoine morran, bat. wilkie, john anderson, john vincent, thomas mcdermot, william bird, adall trottier, peter garioch, charles hole, henry cook, joseph monkman, john spence, baptist farman. "alexander christie, esq., "governor of red river settlement." governor christie's reply to these inquiries was so mild and conciliatory that it will not add materially to our knowledge of the company to give it. but the eight rules adopted by the company in council let us into the secret soul of the _monstrosity_, and are here given, that americans may be informed as to its secret workings, and also to show what little regard an englishman has for any but an aristocratic or moneyed concern. * * * * * "_extracts from minutes of a meeting of the governor and council of rupert's land, held at the red river settlement, june , ._ "_resolved_, st, that, once in every year, any british subject, if an actual resident, and not a fur trafficker, may import, whether from london or from st. peter's, stores free of any duty now about to be imposed, on declaring truly that he has imported them at his own risk. " d. that, once in every year, any british subject, if qualified as before, may exempt from duty, as before, imports of the local value of ten pounds, on declaring truly that they are intended exclusively to be used by himself within red river settlement, and have been purchased with certain specified productions or manufactures of the aforesaid settlement, exported in the same season, or by the latest vessel, at his own risk. " d. that once in every year, any british subject, if qualified as before, who may have personally accompanied both his exports and imports, as defined in the preceding resolution, may exempt from duty, as before, imports of the local value of fifty pounds, on declaring truly that they are either to be consumed by himself, or to be sold by himself to actual consumers within the aforesaid settlement, and have been purchased with certain specified productions or manufactures of the settlement, carried away by himself in the same season, or by the latest vessel, at his own risk. " th. that all other imports from the united kingdom for the aforesaid settlement, shall, before delivery, pay at york factory a duty of twenty per cent. on their prime cost; provided, however, that the governor of the settlement be hereby authorized to exempt from the same all such importers as may from year to year be reasonably believed by him to have neither trafficked in furs themselves, since the th day of december, , nor enabled others to do so by illegally or improperly supplying them with trading articles of any description. " th. that all other imports from any part of the united states shall pay all duties payable under the provisions of and vict., cap. , the imperial statute for regulating the foreign trade of the british possessions in north america; provided, however, that the governor-in-chief, or, in his absence, the president of the council, may so modify the machinery of the said act of parliament, as to adapt the same to the circumstances of the country. " th. that, henceforward, no goods shall be delivered at york factory to any but persons duly licensed to freight the same; such licenses being given only in cases in which no fur trafficker may have any interest, direct or indirect. " th. that any intoxicating drink, if found in a fur trafficker's possession, beyond the limits of the aforesaid settlement, may be seized and destroyed by any person on the spot. "whereas the intervention of middle men is alike injurious to the honorable company and to the people; it is resolved, " th. that, henceforward, furs shall be purchased from none but the actual hunters of the same. "fort garry, july , ." _copy of license referred to in resolution ._ "on behalf of the hudson's bay company, i hereby license a. b. to trade, and also ratify his having traded in english goods within the limits of red river settlement. this ratification and this license to be null and void, from the beginning, in the event of his hereafter trafficking in furs, or generally of his usurping any whatever of all the privileges of the hudson's bay company." it was to save oregon from becoming a den of such oppressors and robbers of their own countrymen, that whitman risked his life in - , that the provisional government of the american settlers was formed in , that five hundred of them flew to arms in , and fought back the savage hordes that this same hudson's bay company had trained, under the teaching of their half-breeds and jesuit priests, to sweep them from the land. is this so? let us see what they did just across the rocky mountains with their own children, as stated by their own witnesses and countrymen. sir edward fitzgerald says of them, on page :-- "but the company do not appear to have trusted to paper deeds to enforce their authority. "they were not even content with inflicting fines under the form of a hostile tariff; but, as the half-breeds say, some of the fur traders were imprisoned, and all the goods and articles of those who were _suspected of an intention to traffic in furs_ were seized and confiscated. "but another, and even more serious attack, was made on the privileges of the settlers. "the company being, under their charter, nominal owners of the soil, dispose of it to the colonists in any manner they think best. a portion of the land in the colony is held from lord selkirk, who first founded the settlement. "now, however, the company drew up a new _land deed_, which all were compelled to sign who wished to hold any land in the settlement." this new land deed, above referred to, is too lengthy and verbose to be given entire; therefore we will only copy such parts as bind the settlers not to infringe upon the supposed chartered rights of the hudson's bay company. the first obligation of the person receiving this deed was to settle upon the land within forty days, and, within five years, cause one-tenth part of the land to be brought under cultivation. the second: "he, his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not, directly or indirectly, mediately or immediately, _violate_ or _evade_ any of the chartered or licensed privileges of the said governor and company, or any restrictions on trading or dealing with indians or others, which have been or may be imposed by the said governor and company, or by any other competent authority, _or in any way enable_ any person or persons to _violate or evade_, or to persevere in violating or evading the same; and, in short, _shall obey all such laws and regulations_ as within the said settlement now are, or hereafter may be in force"----here are enumerated a long list of political duties pertaining to the citizen. the deed in its third condition says: "and also that he [the said receiver of the deed], his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not nor will, without the license or consent of the said governor and company for that purpose first obtained, carry on or establish, in _any part_ of north america, any trade or traffic in, or relating to, any kind of skins, furs, peltry, or _dressed leather_, nor in any manner, directly or indirectly, aid or abet any person or persons in carrying on such trade or traffic."----here follows a long lingo, forbidding the settler to buy, make, or sell liquors in any shape on his lands, and requiring him, under pain of forfeiture of his title, _to prevent others from doing so_, and binding the settler, under all the supposed and unsupposed conditions of obligation, _not to supply_ or allow to be supplied any articles of trade to any unauthorized (by the company) person supposed to violate their trade, including companies "corporate or incorporate, prince, power, potentate, or state whatsoever, who shall infringe or violate, or who shall set about to infringe or violate the exclusive rights, powers, privileges and immunities of commerce, trade, or traffic, or all or any other of the exclusive rights, powers, privileges, and immunities of, or belonging, or in any wise appertaining to, or held, used or enjoyed by the said governor and company, and their successors, under their charter or charters, without the license or consent of the said governor and company and their successors, for the time being, first had and obtained. "and, lastly,"--here follows a particular statement asserting that for the violation of any one of the thousand and one conditions of that deed, the settler forfeits to the company his right to the land, which reverts back to the company. our country delights to honor the sailor and soldier who performs a good, great, or noble act to save its territory from becoming the abode of despotism, or its honor from the taunt of surrounding nations. in what light shall we regard the early american missionaries and pioneers of oregon? it is true they heard the call of the oppressed savage for christian light and civilization. they came in good faith, and labored faithfully, though, perhaps, mistaking many of the strict duties of the christian missionary; and some, being led astray by the wiles and cunning of an unscrupulous fur monopoly, failed to benefit the indians to the extent anticipated; yet they formed the nucleus around which the american pioneer with his family gathered, and from which he drew his encouragement and protection; and a part of these missionaries were the leaders and sustainers of those influences which ultimately secured this country to freedom and the great republic. the extracts from the deed above quoted show what oregon would have been, had the early american missionaries failed to answer the call of the indians, or had been driven from the country; or even had not whitman and his associates separated, the one to go to washington to ask for delay in the settlement of the boundary question, the others to the wallamet valley to aid and urge on the organization of the provisional government. chapter ix. puget sound agricultural company.--its original stock.--a correspondence.--no law to punish fraud.--a supposed trial of the case.--article four of the treaty.--the witnesses.--who is to receive the puget sound money.--dr. tolmie, agent of the company.--the country hunted up.--difficult to trace a fictitious object.--statement of their claim.--result of the investigation. the puget sound agricultural company, now claiming of our government the sum of $ , , , was first talked of and brought into existence at vancouver in the winter of , in consequence of, and in opposition to, the wallamet cattle company, which was got up and successfully carried through by the influence and perseverance of rev. jason lee, superintendent of the methodist mission. this nasqualla and puget sound company was an opposing influence to mr. lee and his mission settlement, and was also to form the nucleus for two other british settlements in oregon, to be under the exclusive control of the hudson's bay company. the original stock of the company was nominally £ , . the paid-up capital upon this amount was supposed to be ten per cent., which would give £ , , or $ , , at $ . per pound. from the most reliable information we can get, this amount was taken from a sinking fund, or a fund set apart for the purpose of opposing any opposition in the fur trade. about the time this puget sound company came into existence, the american fur companies had been driven from the country, and the fund was considered as idle or useless stock; and as the question of settlement of the country would in all probability soon come up, rev. mr. lee having taken the first step to the independence of his missionary settlement in the wallamet, this puget sound company was gotten up to control the agricultural and cattle or stock interests of the country. it was in existence in name some two years before its definite arrangements were fixed by the hudson's bay company, through the agency of dr. w. f. tolmie, who went to london for that purpose, and by whom they were concluded, "with the consent of the hudson's bay company, who stipulated that an officer connected with the fur-trade branch of the hudson's bay company should have supreme direction of the affairs of the puget sound company in this country. it was also stipulated that the puget sound company should be under bonds _not to permit any of its employés_ to be in any way concerned in the fur trade, in opposition to the hudson's bay company." it is easy to be seen by the above-stated condition, that the hudson's bay company were not willing to allow the least interference with their fur trade by any one over whom they had any control or influence; that their design and object was to control the trade of the whole country, and that they had no intention in any way to encourage any american settlement in it, as shown by the arrangements made as early as . there had been a correspondence with the managing directors of the company in london previous to dr. tolmie's visit. the directors had discouraged the proposed enlargement of their business, but it seems from the statement of dr. tolmie, and the arrangements he made, that they acceded to his plans, and constituted him their special agent. there was at the time a question as to a separate charter for that branch of their business. it was finally conceded that a separate charter would enable this agricultural and cattle company to become independent of the fur branch, and thus be the means of establishing an opposition by the use of the funds appropriated to prevent any thing of this kind, and decided that as the company had stipulated that they were to have the "_supreme direction_ of the puget sound agricultural company," no charter was necessary, and hence any arrangements to that effect were withdrawn. it was from a knowledge of the fact that that company had not even the parliamentary acknowledgment of its separate existence from the hudson's bay company, that all their land claims were at once taken; and upon that ground they have not dared to prosecute their claims, only under the wording of the treaty with the united states, which is the only shadow of a legal existence they have, and which, there is no question, would have been stricken from the treaty, except through the fur influence of the company to increase the plausibility of their claims against our government. if there was any law to punish a fraud attempted to be committed by a foreign company upon a friendly nation, this would be a plain case; as the hudson's bay company, they claim $ , , . ; as the puget sound company, $ , , . the original stock of the hudson's bay company was £ , , or $ , . in the dividends upon this capital invested were so enormous that the company voted to treble their stock, which was declared to be £ , , or $ , . in the capital was again declared trebled, and to be £ , , or $ , , while the only amount paid was £ , , or $ , . it was then proposed to add three times as much to its capital stock by subscription; each subscriber paying £ was to receive £ of stock, so that the nominal stock should amount to £ , , or $ , , --the real additional sum subscribed being £ , , and the amount of real stock added or paid but £ , . in , the hudson's bay company and northwest company, of montreal, were united. the hudson's bay company called £ on each share of its stock, thus raising it nominally to £ , , or $ , . the northwest company called theirs the same. the two companies combined held a nominal joint stock of £ , , or $ , , , while we have reason to suppose that the original stock of the two companies, admitting that the northwest french company had an equal amount of original capital invested, would give £ , , or $ , , as the capital upon which they have drawn from our country never less than ten per cent. per annum, even when counted at £ , , or $ , , ; and what, we would ask, has america received in return for this enormous drain of her wealth and substance? have the indians in any part of the vast country occupied by that company been civilized or bettered in their condition? have the settlements under their fostering care been successful and prosperous? have they done any thing to improve any portion of the country they have occupied, any further than such improvements were necessary to increase the profits of their fur trade? to every one of these questions we say, emphatically, no, not in a single instance. on the contrary, they have used their privileges solely to draw all the wealth they could from the country, and leave as little as was possible in return. the british author, from whose book we have drawn our figures of that company's stock, says of them: "to say, then, that the trade of this country (england) has been fostered and extended by the monopoly enjoyed by the company, is exactly contrary to the truth." we come now to learn all we can of a something that has assumed the name of puget sound agricultural company, and under that name, through the paternal influence of a bastard corporation, presumes to ask an immense sum of the american government, whose country they have used all their power and influence to secure to themselves, by acting falsely to their own. we do not claim to be learned in the law of nations, therefore we can only express such an opinion in this case as we would were the case argued before a learned court and we one of the jurors, giving our opinion as to the amount the parties were entitled to receive. we will suppose that the lawyers have made their pleas, which would, when printed, with the testimony on both sides, make a volume of the usual size of law books of one thousand pages. of course the fourth article of the treaty would be read to us by both the lawyers, and explained by the judge, who would doubtless say to the jury the first question to decide is, whether there is sufficient evidence to convince you that the company claiming this name have any legal existence outside the wording of the fourth article of this treaty. our answer would be: "your honor, there is not the least word in a single testimony presented before us to show that they ever had any existence, only as they assumed a name to designate the place a certain branch of the hudson's bay company's business, outside of its legitimate trade; that this being a branch legitimately belonging to a settlement of loyal citizens of the country, we find that this hudson's bay company, in assuming the _supreme direction_, as per testimony of dr. tolmie, superseded and usurped the prerogatives of the state; that the claim of this company, as set up in the wording of the treaty, is for the benefit of a company having no natural or legal right to assume _supreme direction_ of the soil or its productions. hence any improvement made, or stock destroyed, was at the risk of the individual owning, or making, or bringing such stock or improvements into the country, and subject exclusively to the laws of the country in which the trespass occurred. the claiming a name belonging to no legal body cannot be made legal by a deception practiced upon the persons making the treaty, as this would be equivalent to pledging the nation to the payment of money when no cause could be shown that money was justly due, as neither nation (except by a deception brought to bear upon commissioners forming the treaty by the mere assertion of an interested party) acknowledged the reported existence of such a corporation, thereby creating a corporate body by the wording of a treaty." this, to a common juror, we confess, would look like removing the necessity of a common national law, in relation to all claims of foreigners who might feel disposed to come over and trespass upon our national domain. a word in this treaty does not settle the matter, and the claim should not be paid. the article above referred to is commented upon by mr. day as follows:-- "that by article four of the treaty concluded between the united states of america and great britain, under date of the th day of june, , it was provided that the farms, lands, and other property, of every description, belonging to the puget sound agricultural company, on the north side of the columbia river [they should have included those in the french possession, and added another million to their claim; but we suppose they became liberal, and consented to take half of the country their servants had settled upon], should be confirmed to the said company; but that in case the situation of those farms and lands should be considered by the united states to be of public and political importance, and the united states government should signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole, or of any part thereof, the property so required should be transferred to the said government at a proper valuation, to be agreed upon between the parties. "that the government of the united states has not, at any time, signified to the company a desire that any of the said property should be transferred to the said government at a valuation as provided by the treaty, nor has any transfer thereof been made [this was a great misfortune. uncle sam had so much land of his own he did not want to buy out this bastard company right away after the treaty was made]; but the company have ever since continued to be the rightful owners of the said lands, farms, and other property, and entitled to the free and undisturbed possession and enjoyment thereof. [true; so with all bastards. they live and die, and never find a father to own them, except they come up with a big pile of money, which in your claim is a case of _clonas_ (don't know.)] "that, by a convention concluded between the two governments on the st day of july, , it was agreed that all questions between the united states authorities on the one hand, and the puget sound agricultural company on the other, with respect to the rights and claims of the latter, should be settled by the transfer of such rights and claims to the government of the united states for an adequate money consideration. "and the claimants aver that the rights and claims of the puget sound agricultural company, referred to and intended in and by the said convention, are their rights and claims in and upon the said lands, farms, and other property of every description which they so held and possessed within the said territory, and which, by reason of the said treaty of the th of june, , and according to the terms of the fourth article thereof, the united states became and were bound to confirm. and of the said farms and other property, they now submit to the honorable the commissioners a detailed statement and valuation, as follows." there have been twenty-seven witnesses examined to prove the claims above set forth, and not a single one of them testified or gave the least intimation that there ever was any such company as here set forth in existence, only as connected with and subject to the control and management of the hudson's bay company, the same as their farming operations at vancouver or colville, or any other of their posts. the claim is so manifestly fictitious and without foundation, that the learned attorney for the company bases his whole reliance upon the wording of the treaty, and in consequence of the wording of that treaty, "and according to the terms of the fourth article thereof, he says the united states _became_ and _were bound_ to confirm." so we suppose any other monstrous claim set up by a band of foreign fur traders having influence enough to start any speculation on a nominal capital in our country and failing to realize the profits anticipated, must apply for an acknowledgment of their speculation, be mentioned in a treaty, and be paid in proportion to the enormity of their demands. we are inclined to the opinion that so plain a case of fraud will be soon disposed of, and the overgrown monster that produced it sent howling after the indians they have so long and so successfully robbed, as per their own admission, of £ , , sterling. (see mr. m. martin's hudson's bay company's territory, etc., p. .) there is another question arising in this supposed puget sound concern. suppose, for a moment, the commissioners decide to pay the whole or any part of this demand, who will be the recipients of this money? we doubt whether the learned commissioners or the counsel of the supposed company could tell, unless it is to be his fee for prosecuting the case. doctor william fraser tolmie and mr. george b. roberts are the only two witnesses that appear to know much about the matter, and mr. roberts' information seems to be derived from the same source as our own, so that the writer, though not a member of the company, has about as good a knowledge of its object and organization as mr. roberts, who was connected with the hudson's bay company, and also an agent of this puget sound company. dr. tolmie says: "the puget sound company _acquired_, or purchased from the hudson's bay company, all its improvements at cowlitz and nasqualla, with its lands, live stock, and agricultural implements, all of which were transferred, in or , by the hudson's bay company to the puget sound company." as we understand this matter, it amounts to just this, and no more: the hudson's bay company had consented to enlarge their business by employing an outside capital or sinking fund they had at their disposal; they instructed dr. tolmie, their special agent for that purpose, to receive all the property at the two stations or farms named, to take possession of them, and instead of opening an account with their opposition sinking fund, they called it the puget sound agricultural company. this explains the ten per cent. paid stock into that company. now, if this venture is profitable, nothing is lost; if it is not, it does not interfere with the legitimate business of the fur company--hence the distinct claim under this name. "the puget sound company charged the hudson's bay company for all supplies furnished, and paid the hudson's bay company for all goods received from them." this was exactly in the line of the whole business done throughout the entire hudson's bay company, with all their forts, and other establishments. "were not the accounts of the puget sound company always forwarded to the hudson's bay company's depot?" "_they were_," says dr. tolmie; and so were all the accounts of all the posts on this coast sent to the depot at vancouver, and thence to head-quarters on the other side of the rocky mountains. we have shown, by reference to the capital stock of the hudson's bay company, that, in , it was counted at £ , . from this sum ten per cent., or £ , , was set apart as a sinking fund to oppose any fur company or traders on the west side of the mountains, and an equal sum for the same purpose on the east. this western amount, being placed under the direction of dr. tolmie and his successors, produced in seven years £ , sterling, equal to $ , . this transaction does not appear, from the testimony adduced in the case, to have interfered in the least with the fur trade carried on at these stations, and by the same officers or clerks of the hudson's bay company; hence, we are unable, from the whole catalogue of twenty-seven witnesses in the case, to find out who is to receive this nice little sum of $ , , or £ , --only £ , more than the mother had to trade upon when she produced this beautiful full-grown child, the puget sound agricultural company,--having had an abortion on the other side of the continent in the loss, without pay, of a large portion of the red river or selkirk country. uncle sam was ungenerous there. this is truly an acre of wonders, and this hudson's bay company and its productions are entitled to some consideration for their ingenuity, if not for their honesty. it will be interesting to look at our british cousins and see what is said about this "_itself_ and _its other self_." mr. fitzgerald says, page : "it is a matter of importance to know whether the hudson's bay company is about to submit itself and _its other self_--the puget sound association--to the same regulations which are to be imposed on other settlers of vancouver island and british columbia." on page , he further states: "the oregon territory was peopled, under the influence of the company, with subjects of the united states. (since writing the former chapter, i have heard this account given of the conduct of the hudson's bay company, in regard to the oregon boundary, which offers still stronger ground for inquiry. the country south of the th parallel, it seems, was hunted up--therefore the posts of the hudson's bay company were become of no value at all. by annexing all that country to the united states, and inserting in the treaty a clause that the united states should pay the company for all its posts if it turned them out, the company were able to obtain from the americans a large sum of money for what would have been worth nothing had the territory remained british.) that lost us the boundary of the columbia river. that is one specimen of the colonization of the hudson's bay company. the boundary westward from the lake of the woods, we have seen, gave to the united states land from which the company was engaged, at the very time, in driving out british subjects, on the plea that it belonged to the company; and now that the boundary has been settled only a few years, we learn that the settlers on our side are asking the united states to extend her government over that country." if this does not show a clear case of abortion on the part of that _honorable_ hudson's bay company east of the rocky mountains, tell us what does. but it is interesting to trace a little further the british ideas and pretensions to this pacific coast. our british author says, page :-- "make what lines you please in a map and call them boundaries, but it is mockery to do so as long as the inhabitants are alienated from your rule, as long as you have a company in power whose policy erases the lines which treaties have drawn. "forasmuch, then, as these things are so, it becomes this country [great britain] to record an emphatic protest against the recent policy of the colonial office in abandoning the magnificent country on the shores of the pacific ocean to the hudson's bay company. "the blindest can not long avoid seeing the immense importance of vancouver island to great britain. those who, two years ago [ ], first began to attract public attention to this question, are not the less amazed at the unexpected manner and rapidity with which their anticipations have been realized. "six months ago it was a question merely of colonizing vancouver island; now it is a question involving the interests of the whole of british north america, and of the empire of great britain in the pacific ocean." it is always more or less difficult to trace the course of a false or fictitious object. it becomes peculiarly so when two objects of the same character come up; the one, by long practice and experience, assuming a fair and honorable exterior, having talent, experience, and wealth; the other, an illegitimate production, being called into existence to cripple the energies of two powerful nations, and living under the supreme control of the body, having acquired its position through the ignorance of the nations it seeks to deceive. it is out of the question to separate two such objects or associations. the one is the child of the other, and is permitted to exist while the object to be accomplished remains an opponent to the parent association. the opposition to the fur monopoly having ceased west of the rocky mountains, a new element of national aggrandizement and empire comes within the range of this deceitful and grasping association. its child is immediately christened and set to work under its paternal eye. we have the full history of the progress made by this _mr. puget sound agricultural company_ in the testimony of the twenty-seven witnesses summoned to prove his separate existence from that of the _hudson's bay company_. we find, in tracing the existence of these two children of the british empire in north america, that they have established themselves in an island on the pacific coast called vancouver. in this island they are more thrifty and better protected than they were in the dominions of uncle samuel. notwithstanding they are comfortably located, and have secured the larger part of that island and the better portion of british columbia, there is occasionally a british subject that grumbles a little about them in the following undignified style:-- "if the company were to be destroyed to-morrow, would england be poorer? would there not rather be demanded from the hands of our own manufacturers ten times the quantity of goods which is sent abroad, under the present system, to purchase the skins?" my dear sir, this would make the indians comfortable and happy. "we boast [says this englishman] that we make no slaves, none at least that can taint our soil, or fret our sight; but we take the child of the forest, whom god gave us to civilize, and commit him, bound hand and foot, to the most iron of all despotisms--_a commercial monopoly_. "nor, turning from the results of our policy upon the native population, to its effect upon settlers and colonists, is there greater cause for congratulation. "the system which has made the native a slave is making the settler a rebel. "restrictions upon trade, jealousy of its own privileges, interference with the rights of property, exactions, and all the other freaks in which monopoly and despotism delight to indulge, have, it appears, driven the best settlers into american territory, and left the rest, as it were, packing up their trunks for the journey." this, so far as relates to the proceedings, policy, and influence of that company upon the settlement of vancouver island and british columbia, is verified by the facts now existing in those british colonies. their whole system is a perfect mildew and blight upon any country in which they are permitted to trade or to do business. we have little or no expectation that any thing we may write will affect in the least the decision of the commissioners, whose business it is to decide this puget sound company's case; but, as a faithful historian, we place on record the most prominent facts relating to it, for the purpose of showing the plans and schemes of an english company, who are a nuisance in the country, and a disgrace to the nation under whose charters they profess to act. up to the time we were permitted to examine the testimony they have produced in support of their monstrous claims, we were charitable enough to believe there were some men in its employ who could be relied upon for an honest and truthful statement of facts in relation to the property and improvements for which these claims are made; but we are not only disappointed, but forced to believe the truth is not in them,--at least in any whose testimony is before us in either case. our english author says:-- "it does not appear that the interposition of '_an irresponsible company_' can be attended with benefit to the colony.----a company whose direction is in london, and which is wholly _irresponsible_, either to the colonists or to the british parliament.----there is ample evidence in the foregoing pages that it would be absurd to give this company credit for _unproductive patriotism_.----considering the identity existing between this association [the puget sound association] and the hudson's bay company, in whose hands the whole management of the colonization of vancouver island is placed, there is a very strong reason to fear that the arrangements which have been made will, for some years at any rate, utterly ruin that country as a field for colonial enterprise. there is a strong inducement for the company to grant all the best part of the island to themselves, under the name of the puget sound association; and to trust to the settlements which may be formed by that association as being sufficient to satisfy the obligation to colonize which is imposed by the charter. "there is a strong inducement to discourage the immigration of independent settlers; first, because when all the colonists are in the position of their own servants, they will be able much more readily to prevent interference with the fur trade; and secondly, _because the presence of private capital in the island could only tend to diminish their own gains, derived from the export of agricultural produce._ "and, on the other hand, there will be every possible discouragement to emigrants of the better class to settle in a colony where a large part of the country will be peopled only by the lowest order of workmen, where they may have to compete with the capital of a wealthy company, and that company not only their rival in trade, but at the same time possessed of the supreme power, and of paramount political influence in the colony. "there is a reason, more important than all, why the hudson's bay company will never be able to form _a colony_. an agricultural settlement they may establish; a few forts, where scotchmen will grumble for a few years before they go over to the americans, but never a community that will deserve the name of a british colony. they do not possess public confidence. "but the hudson's bay company--the colonial office of this unfortunate new colony--_has positive interests_ antagonistic to those of an important settlement. "it is a body whose history, tendency, traditions, and prospects are _equally and utterly opposed_ to the existence, within its hunting-grounds, of an active, wealthy, independent, and flourishing colony," (we americans say settlements) "with all the destructive consequences of ruined monopoly and wide-spread civilization." need we stop to say the above is the best of british testimony in favor of the position we have assumed in relation to a company who will cramp and dwarf the energies of their own nation to increase the profits on the paltry capital they have invested. have the americans any right to believe they will pursue any more liberal course toward them than they have, and do pursue toward their countrymen? as this writer remarks, "civilization ruins their _monopoly_." the day those two noble and sainted women, mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman, came upon the plains of the columbia, they could do no less than allow england's banner to do them reverence, for god had sent and preserved them, as emblems of american civilization, religious light, and liberty upon this coast. one of them fell by the ruthless hand of the sectarian savages, pierced by hudson's bay balls from hudson's bay guns. the other was carried, in a hudson's bay boat, to the protecting care of the american settlement; and for what purpose? that the savage might remain in barbarism; that the monster monopoly might receive its profits from the starving body and soul of the indian; that civilization and christianity, and the star of empire might be stayed in their westward course. not yet satisfied with the blood of sixteen noble martyrs to civilization and christianity, quick as thought their missives are upon the ocean wave. wafted upon the wings of the wind, a foul slander is sent by the representatives of that monopoly all over the earth, to blast her (mrs. whitman's) christian and missionary character with that of her martyred husband. and why? because that husband had braved the perils of a winter journey to the capital of his country, to defeat their malicious designs, to shut up the country and forever close it to american civilization and religion. and now, with an audacity only equaled by the arch-enemy of god and man, they come to our government and demand five millions of gold for facilitating the settlement of a country they had not the courage or power to prevent. this, to a person ignorant of the peculiar arrangements of so monstrous a monopoly, will appear strange--that they should have an exclusive monopoly in trade in a country, and have not the courage or power to prevent its settlement, especially when such settlement interferes with its trade. so far as american territory was concerned, they were only permitted to have a joint occupancy in trade. the sovereignty or right of soil was not settled; hence, any open effort against any settler from any country was a trespass against the rights of such settler. they could only enforce their chartered privileges in british territory. the country, under these circumstances, afforded them a vast field in which to combine and arrange schemes calculated to perpetuate their own power and influence in it. the natives of the country were their trading capital and instruments, ready to execute their will upon all opponents. the protestant missionaries brought an influence and a power that at once overturned their licensed privileges in trade, because with the privilege of trade, they had agreed, in accepting their original charter, to civilize and christianize the natives of the country. this part of their compact the individual members of the company were fulfilling by each taking a native woman, and rearing as many half-civilised subjects as was convenient. this had the effect to destroy their courage in any investigation of their conduct. as to their power, as we have intimated above, it was derived from the capacity, courage, prejudices, and ignorance of the indians, which the american missionary, if let alone, would soon overcome by his more liberal dealings with them, and his constant effort to improve their condition, which, just in proportion as the indians learned the value of their own productions and labor, would diminish the profits in the fur trade. this increase of civilization and settlement, says chief-trader anderson, "had been foreseen on the part of the company, and to a certain extent provided for. the cession of oregon, under the treaty of , and the consequent negotiations for the transfer to the american government of all our rights and possessions in their territory, retarded all further proceedings." in this statement of mr. anderson, and the statement of mr. roberts, an old clerk of the company, and from our own observations, this "foreseeing" on the part of the company was an arrangement with the indians, and such as had been half civilized by the various individual efforts of the members and servants of the company, to so arrange matters that an exterminating war against the missionary settlements in the country should commence before the mexican difficulty with the united states was settled. this view of the question is sustained by the reply of sir james douglas to mr. ogden, by mr. ogden's course and treatment of the indians on his way up the columbia river, his letters to revs. e. walker and spalding, his special instructions to the indians, and payment of presents in war materials for their captives, and the course pursued by sir james douglas in refusing supplies to the provisional troops and settlers, and the enormous supplies of ammunition furnished to the priests for the indians during the war of - . we are decidedly of the same opinion respecting that company as their own british writer, who, in conclusion, after giving us a history of pages, detailing one unbroken course of oppression and cruelty to all under their iron despotism, says:-- "the question at issue is a serious one,--whether a valuable territory shall be given up to an _irresponsible corporation_, to be colonized or not, as it may suit their convenience; or whether that colonization shall be conducted in accordance with any principles which are recognized as sound and right?" we can easily see the connection in the principle of right in paying any portion of either of the monstrous claims of that company, which never has been responsible to any civilized national authority. "the foregoing exposure of the character and conduct of the company has been provoked. when doubts were expressed whether the company were qualified for fulfilling the tasks assigned to them by the colonial minister, and when they appealed to their character and history, it became right that their history should be examined, and their character exposed. "the investigation thus provoked has resulted in the discovery that their _authority is fictitious, and their claims invalid_. as their power is illegal, so the exercise of it has been mischievous; it has been mischievous to great britain, leaving her to accomplish, at a vast national expense, discoveries which the company undertook, and were paid to perform; and because our trade has been _contracted_ and crippled, without any advantage, political or otherwise, having been obtained in return; it has been mischievous to the native indians, cutting them off from all communication with the rest of the civilized world, depriving them of the fair value of their labor, keeping them in a condition of slavery, and leaving them in the same state of poverty, misery, and paganism in which it originally found them; it has been mischievous to the settlers and colonists under its influence, depriving them of their liberties as british subjects, frustrating, by exactions and arbitrary regulations, their efforts to advance, and, above all, undermining their loyalty and attachment to their mother country, and fostering, by bad government, a spirit of discontent with their own, and sympathy with foreign institutions." this writer says: "this is the company whose power is now [in ] to be strengthened and consolidated!--to whose dominion is to be added the most important post which great britain possesses in the pacific, and to whom the formation of a new colony is to be intrusted." and, we add, this is the power that has succeeded in forcing their infamous claims upon our government to the amount above stated, and by the oaths of men trained for a long series of years to rob the indian of the just value of his labor, to deceive and defraud their own nation as to the fulfillment of chartered stipulations and privileges. the facts developed by our history may not affect the decision of the commissioners in their case, but the future student of the history of the settlement of our pacific coast will be able to understand the influences its early settlers had to contend with, and the english colonist may learn the secret of their failure to build up a wealthy and prosperous colony in any part of their vast dominion on the north american continent. chapter x. case of the hudson's bay company _v._ the united states.--examination of mr. mctavish.--number of witnesses.--their ignorance.--amount claimed.--original stock.--value of land in oregon.--estimate of hudson's bay company's property.--remarks of author. i have carefully reviewed all the testimony in the above case, on both sides, up to may , . on april , the counsel on the part of the united states having already spent twenty-five days in cross-examining chief-factor mctavish, so as to get at the real expenditures of the hudson's bay company, and arrive at a just conclusion as to the amount due them,--mr. mctavish having frequently referred to accounts and statements which he averred could be found on the various books of the company,--gave notice to the counsel of the company in the following language:-- "the counsel for the united states require of mr. mctavish, who, as appears from his evidence, is a chief factor of the hudson's bay company, and its agent in the prosecution of this claim, to produce here for examination by the united states or their counsel, all accounts, account-books, and letter-books of said company, together with the regulations under which their books were kept, and the various forms of contracts with servants of the company, all of which books, rules, and forms contain evidence pertinent to the issue in this case, as appears from the cross-examination of mr. mctavish, and suspends the further cross-examination of this witness until he shall produce such books, accounts, rules, and forms." on the st of may mr. mctavish's examination was resumed. _int. ._--"will you please produce here for examination by the united states or their counsel, all accounts, account-books, and letter-books of the hudson's bay company which were kept at the various posts of that company south of the th parallel of north latitude during their occupation by the company, together with the regulations under which their books were kept, and the regular forms of contracts with the company's servants?" _ans._--"i can not say whether i will produce them or not." (the above question was objected to as incompetent, and as asking the witness, not as to what he knows of the subject, but as to what his future course of action will be, over which, as witness, he can have no control.) during the examination of mr. mctavish it was evident that he was the main prosecuting witness, and considerably interested in the results of the claim, or suit. it would doubtless be interesting to most of our readers to see a review of the testimony, or at least a summary of the evidence presented on both sides in this case. there are now printed about one thousand pages of documents and depositions. that relating particularly to the hudson's bay company comprises about two-thirds of the whole amount. the balance relates more particularly to the puget sound agricultural company's claim. this claim, the company have not been able, by any testimony yet presented, to separate from that of the hudson's bay company; so that there is no prospect of their receiving one dollar on that account. there have been examined on the part of the puget sound company, to prove its separate existence from the hudson's bay company, thirty witnesses; on the part of the united states, twenty-one. on the part of the hudson's bay company's claim as separate from the puget sound company, nineteen witnesses; on the part of the united states, thirty. on both sides not far from forty-five witnesses have been called upon the stand to testify in this important case. the company in london have been requested to furnish evidence of the separate organization or independent existence of the two companies; and with all this evidence produced, nothing definite or certain is shown, except that the concern was gotten up to deceive the english people and rob the american government, and to counteract and oppose the american settlement of this country. as a looker-on and an observer of events in this country, i must confess my astonishment at the ignorance, perverseness, and stupidity of men whom i have ever heretofore regarded as honorable and truthful. from the testimony before me of the twenty odd english witnesses, it really appears as though they felt that all they had to do was to ask their pay, and our government would give it to them; or, in other words, they, as englishmen and british subjects, are prepared to compel the payment of any sum they demand. there are many interesting developments brought out in this case relative to the early history of this country, which renders the depositions in the case, though voluminous and tedious in the main, yet interesting to the close and careful student of our history. if time and opportunity is given, i will review this whole testimony as a part of the history of this country, and, in so doing, will endeavor to correct an erroneous impression that will result from the testimony as now before us. the amount claimed in this case is four million nine hundred and ninety thousand thirty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents, or, nine hundred and eighty-five thousand three hundred and fifty pounds sterling, in gold coin. i now have before me, including the hudson's bay company's memorial, eleven hundred and twenty-six pages of printed documents and depositions relating to this case. i also have what may properly be termed british testimony, bearing directly upon this case, which is entitled to its full weight in a proper and just decision as to the amount of compensation this hudson's bay company is entitled to receive from our government. i do not propose to review all the one thousand four hundred and nineteen pages of statements and depositions in detail; that would be too tedious, though i might be able to make it interesting to the general reader, as it develops the whole history of that portion of our continent that has for one hundred and ninety-seven years been under the exclusive jurisdiction of a monopoly that effectually closed it to all outside influences up to the year a.d. . according to our british testimony, it was originally £ , . in , in consequence of the enormous profits upon this small capital, it was increased threefold, making it £ , . in it was declared to be £ , . in this year the stock was (as is termed) _watered_. the then proprietors each subscribed £ , and received £ of stock, calling the whole nominal stock £ , , while the actual subscription was but £ , , and only £ , was paid. the stock was ordered to reckon at £ , , while the actual total amount paid was but £ , . in , there was another "watering" of the stock, and a call of £ per share on the proprietors, which raised their capital to £ , . the northwest fur company joined the hudson's bay company in this year, and the joint stock was declared to be £ , . we are ready to admit, in fact, the testimony in the case goes to prove, that the french northwest company brought into the concern an equal amount of capital with that of the hudson's bay company. this would give the present hudson's bay company a real capital of £ , , a nominal capital of £ , . by reference to the memorial of the company, we find they claim, on the th of april, , of our government:-- for the right to trade, of which the settlement of the country and removal of indians to reservations has deprived them, £ , . for the right of the free navigation of the columbia river, £ , . for their forts, farms, posts, and establishments, with the buildings and improvements, £ , , making, in all, £ , , or $ , , . , or £ , more than the whole amount of nominal stock which they claim to have invested in their entire trade. we will not stop to speak of the morality of this claim; it is made in due form, and this with the claim as set forth in the same document, to wit: for lands, farms, forts, and improvements, £ , ; loss of live stock and other losses, £ , ; total, £ , --equal to $ , , , to be paid in gold. in british money these two sums amount to £ , , sterling, in american dollars to $ , , . ; or £ , sterling money more than their nominal stock, and £ , sterling more than all their real stock invested. it will be remembered that this demand is simply on account of the settlement of oregon by the americans. a part of the posts for which this demand is made are still in their undisputed possession, and a large portion of the claim is set up in consequence of the loss of the profits of the fur trade, of that portion of their business as conducted in territory that originally belonged to the united states, and was actually given up to them by the treaty of december , . the reader will bear in mind, that in the review or discussion of this hudson's bay company's claim on our government, we only refer to that part of their trade, and the rights or privileges they were permitted to enjoy, jointly with americans, in what is now absolutely american territory. over two-thirds of their capital has always been employed in territory that the american has not been permitted to enter, much less to trade and form a settlement of any kind. the witnesses on the part of the hudson's bay company have been forty-one in number. of this number fifteen are directly interested in the results of the award. fourteen were brought to the country by, and remained in the service of the company till they left the country; and were all british, though some of them have become naturalized american citizens. twelve are american citizens, and are supposed to have no particular interest in the results of the case; in fact, their statements are all of a general and very indefinite character. having come to the country since , they know but little or nothing about the hudson's bay company, its rights, policy, or interests there. not one of them appears, from the testimony given, to understand the justness of the company's claim, or the injustice there would be in allowing any part of it. their testimony appears to be given under the impression that because the treaty stipulated that the possessory rights of the company were acknowledged and to be respected, that therefore full payment must be paid the company for the right of trade, and the prospective profits in trade, and the increased value of assessable property for an indefinite period in the future. as, for example, a witness is asked:-- "what is the present value per acre of the company's claims at cowlitz and nasqualla, for farming and grazing purposes?" _ans._--"supposing both claims to belong to the same person or company, having a clear and undisputed title, and perfectly exempt from molestation in the transaction of business, i think the cowlitz claim worth to-day thirty dollars an acre, and the nasqualla claim five dollars an acre, for farming and grazing purposes." the fifteen interested witnesses all testify to about the same thing, asserting positively as to the real value of the company's supposed rights. one of the chief factors, in answer to the interrogatory, "state the value of the post at vancouver, as well in as since, until the year ; give the value of the lands and of the buildings separately; and state also what was the value of the post in relation to the other posts, and as a center of trade," said:-- "it being the general depot for the trade of the company west of the rocky mountains, in the establishment at vancouver, with its out-buildings, was in thorough order, having been lately rebuilt; taking into account this post" (a notorious fact that but two new buildings were about the establishment and in decent repair), "together with the various improvements at the mill, on the mill plain, on the lower plain, and at sauvies island, i should estimate its value then to the company at from five to six hundred thousand dollars." the value of the land used by the company, at fort vancouver, in , say containing a frontage of twenty-five miles on the columbia, by ten miles in depth, in all two hundred and fifty square miles, or about , acres, i should calculate as being worth then, on an average, from $ . to $ an acre (at $ . would give us $ , ); this, with the improvements, say $ , , gives us, at this witness's lowest estimate, $ , for the company's possessory rights. this witness goes into an argument stating surrounding and probable events, and concludes in these words: "i am clearly of opinion that had the company entire control to deal with it as their own, without any question as to their title, from the year and up to , when i left there, taking the fort as a center point, the land above and below it, to the extent of three square miles, or , acres, with frontage on the columbia river, could have been easily disposed of for $ per acre ($ , ). the remainder of the land claim of the company at vancouver is more or less valuable, according to its locality; thus, i consider the land on the lower plain, having frontage on the river for a distance of five miles, or , acres, as worth $ per acre ($ , ). below that, again, to the cathlapootl, a distance of probably ten miles, with a depth of two miles, or , acres, is worth $ an acre ($ , ). going above the fort plain, and so on to the commencement of the claim, two miles above the saw-mill on the columbia river, say a distance of six or seven miles and back three miles, or about , acres, should be worth from $ to $ per acre" ($ , , at $ , his lowest estimate). "the remainder of the claim is worth from $ . to $ per acre." it being , acres, at $ . per acre, $ , . this would make for the vancouver property, as claimed, and several witnesses have sworn the value to amount, as per summary of a chief factor's testimony-- for the fort, buildings, farm and mill improvements $ , " , acres of land about the fort at $ per acre , " , " below the fort, at $ " " , " , " on lower plain, at $ " " , " , " above the saw-mill, at $ " " , " , " balance of claim, at $ . " " , this gives us the sum of $ , , in gold coin, as the value of the possessory rights of the honorable the hudson's bay company to fort vancouver and its immediate surroundings. this chief factor's oath and estimate of the property is sustained by the estimates and oaths of three other chief factors, amounting to about the same sum. this one, after answering in writing, as appears in his cross-examination, twenty sworn questions affirming to the facts and truth of his knowledge of the claims and business of the company, etc., is cross-questioned (interrogatory ), by the counsel for the united states, as follows: "can you not answer the last interrogatory more definitely?" the th interrogatory was: "have you not as much knowledge of what the company claimed in this direction as any other?" the answer to the th interrogatory is: "referring to my answer to the last interrogatory, it will be at once seen that _i have no personal knowledge_ as to what land the company actually claimed on that line _or any other_, as regards the land in the neighborhood of fort vancouver. this answer embraces even the present time." there are several american witnesses introduced to prove this monstrous claim, and to show the reasonableness and justness of their demand. i will give a specimen of an answer given by one of them. after estimating the amount of land in a similar manner to the witness above referred to, calculating the land in four divisions, at $ , $ , and $ . per acre, and , acres amounting to $ , , without any estimate upon the buildings or improvements, the following question was put to him: "have you any knowledge of the market value of land in the vicinity of vancouver, at any time since ?" _ans._--"i only heard of one sale, which was near the military reserve; i think this was of acres, and i understand brought $ an acre. i heard of this within the last few months, but nothing was said, that i remember, about the time when the sale was made." from the intelligence and official position of this american witness, we are forced to the conclusion that the enriching effects of old hudson's bay rum must have made him feel both wealthy and peculiarly liberal in estimating the possessory rights of his hudson's bay company friends. there is one noticeable fact in relation to quite a number of the witnesses called, and that have testified in behalf of the company's claim. it is their ignorance--we may add, total ignorance--of the general business, profits, and policy of the company. this remark will apply to every witness whose deposition has been taken, including their bookkeepers and clerks in london, and their chief factors in oregon. dr. mclaughlin seems to have been the only man upon this coast that knew, or that could give an intelligent account of its policy or its proceedings. the whole hudson's bay company concern appears like a great barrel, bale, or box of goods, put up in london, and marked for a certain district, servants and clerks sent along with the bales, and boxes, and barrels of rum, to gather up all the furs and valuable skins they can find all over the vast country they occupy, then bale up these furs and skins and send them to london, where another set of clerks sell them and distribute the profits on the sale of the furs. as to the value of the soil, timber, minerals, or any improvements they have ever seen or made in the country, they are as ignorant as the savages of the country they have been trading with. _this ignorance is real or willful._ the oaths of the two witnesses to which i have referred show this fact beyond a doubt, they having been the longest in the service, and attained a high position, and should know the most of its business and policy. there is one other american witness that has given his testimony in the case of puget sound agricultural company _v._ united states. he came to this country in . in cross-interrogatory , he is asked: "in your opinion, did not the agents of this company afford great protection to the first settlers of this section of country by the exercise of their influence over the different indian tribes?" _ans._--"in my opinion, the officers of the company, being _educated gentlemen_, have always exerted whatever influence they might have had with the indians to protect the whites of all nations in the early settlement of the country." this opinion is expressed by a gentleman having no knowledge of the policy and proceedings of the company in relation to all american settlers previous to his arrival in the country. he concludes that because he, in his official transactions, having no occasion to ask or receive the company's protection, was treated kindly, all others must have been, as the company's officers were, in his opinion, "educated gentlemen." in answer to this last official american gentleman and his officious opinion, as expressed on oath in this case, i will quote a statement, under oath, of one of our old _bed-rock_ settlers, who came on to the west side of the rocky mountains in , twenty-four years previous to the last witness, who pretends to know so much. _int. ._--"what influence did the hudson's bay company exercise over the indians in the section where you operated, with reference to the american trappers and traders? state such facts as occur to you in this connection." _ans._--"the hudson's bay company exercised a great influence over the western indians; that is, the cayuses, nez percés, flatheads, and spokans, and others through these; they had no influence over the indians east of the rocky mountains at all, and away south they could do almost any thing with the indians. i know of one party that was robbed by order of one of the hudson's bay company men, the commander of fort wallawalla (wallula); the party was robbed, and the fur brought back to the fort and sold. i was not with the party; that was my understanding about the matter; and that was what the indians said, and what the whites said that were robbed." (a fact known to the writer.) _int. ._--"was it not generally understood among the american trappers that the hudson's bay company got a very large quantity of jedediah smith's furs, for which he and they failed to account to the company to which they belonged?" (objected to, because it is leading, immaterial, and hearsay.) _ans._--"it used to be said so among the trappers in the mountains," (and admitted by the company, as no correct account was ever rendered.) _int. ._--"if you remember, state the quantity which was thus reported." (objected to as before.) _ans._--"it was always reported as about forty packs." _int. ._--"give an estimate of the value of forty packs of beaver at that time." _ans._--"forty packs of beaver at that time, in the mountains, was worth about $ , . i do not know what they would be worth at vancouver." _int. ._--"state whether the dispute about this matter was the cause of the dissolution of the firm of smith, jackson & sublet, to which you refer in your cross-examination." (objected to as above.) _ans._--"i do not know; that was the report among mountain men." with these specimens of testimony on both sides, i will venture a general statement drawn from the whole facts developed. about the time, or perhaps one year before, the notice that the joint occupancy of the country west of the rocky mountains was given by the american government to that of the british, the hudson's bay company, as such, had made extensive preparations and arrangements to hold the country west of the rocky mountains. this arrangement embraced a full and complete organization of the indian tribes under the various traders and factors at the various forts in the country. the probability of a mexican war with the united states, and such influences as could be brought to bear upon commissioners, or the treaty-making power of the american government, would enable them to secure this object. in this they failed. the mexican war was successfully and honorably closed. the hudson's bay company's claims are respected, or at least mentioned as in existence, in the treaty of , that the th parallel should be the boundary _of the two national dominions_. on the strength of their supposed possessory right, they remain quietly in their old forts and french pig-pens, take a full inventory of their old indian salmon-houses, and watch the progress of american improvement upon this coast, till , when the american people are in the midst of a death struggle for its civil existence. they then for the third time "water" this monstrosity under the name of "'the international financial society, limited,' are prepared to receive subscriptions for the issue at par of capital stock in the hudson's bay company, incorporated by royal charter, ," fixing the nominal stock of the hudson's bay company at £ , , ; and taking from this amount £ , , , they offer it for sale under this new title in shares of £ each, claiming as belonging to them [_i.e._, the hudson's bay company] , , square miles, or upward of , , acres of land, and, after paying all expenses, an income of £ , in ten years, up to the st of may--over four per cent. on the £ , , . this vast humbug is held up for the english public to invest in,--a colonization scheme to enrich the favored shareholders of that old english aristocratic humbug chartered by charles ii. in . in the whole history of that company there has never been any investigation of its internal policy so thorough as in the present proceedings. in fact, this is the first time they have ventured to allow a legal investigation into their system of trade and their rights of property. they have grown to such enormous proportions, and controlled so vast a country, that the government and treasury of the united states has become, in their estimation, a mere appendage to facilitate their indian trade and financial speculations. from our recent purchases of russian territory, it becomes an important question to every american citizen, and especially our statesmen, to make himself familiar with so vast an influence under the british flag, and extending along so great an extent of our northern frontier. should they establish, by their own interested and ignorant testimony, their present claims, there will be no end to their unreasonable demands, for they have dotted the whole continent with their trading-posts. they claim all that is supposed to be of any value to savage and civilized man. the english nation without its hudson's bay company's old traps and hunting-parties would have no claim west of the rocky mountains, yet, for the sake of these, it has almost ventured a third war with our american people in sending from its shores, instead of land pirates, under the bars and stars, the red flag of the hudson's bay company. the two flags should be folded together and laid up in the british museum, as a lasting monument of british injustice. i apprehend, from a careful review of all this testimony of the forty-one witnesses who were on the part of the hudson's bay company, and the forty-two on the part of the united states, that the whole policy of the company has been thoroughly developed; yet, at the same time, without a long personal acquaintance with their manner of doing business, it would be difficult to comprehend the full import of the testimony given, though i apprehend the commissioners will have no very difficult task to understand the humbuggery of the whole claim, as developed by the testimony of the clerks in london and the investigation at head-quarters. as to the amount of award, i would not risk one dollar to obtain a share in all they get from our government. on the contrary, a claim should be made against them for damages and trespass upon the american citizens, as also the lives of such as they have caused to be murdered by their influence over the indians. the telegraph has informed us that the commissioners have awarded to the hudson's bay company, $ , , and to the puget sound concern, $ , . we have no change to make in our opinion of the commissioners previously expressed, as they must have known, from the testimony developed in the puget sound concern, that that part of the claim was a fictitious one, and instituted to distract the public and divide the pretensions to so large an amount in two parts. that the commissioners should allow it can only be understood upon the principle that the hudson's bay company were entitled to that amount as an item of costs in prosecuting their case. no man at all familiar with the history of this coast, and of the hudson's bay company, can conscientiously approve of that award. our forefathers, in , said "millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute," which we consider this award to be,--for the benefit of english duplicity and double-dealing, in the false representations they made at the making of the treaty, and the perjury of their witnesses. chapter xi. quotation from mr. swan.--his mistake.--general gibbs' mistake.--kamaiyahkan.--indian agent killed.--i. i. stevens misjudged. the gigantic fraud of slavery fell, in our own land, in the short space of four years; but that of this company--holding and destroying as many lives as the african slave trade--holds its own, and still lifts its head, under the patronage of a professed christian nation; and claims to be an honorable company, while it robs and starves its unnumbered benighted indians, and shuts up half of north america from civilization. at the same time it has obtained $ , for partially withdrawing its continued robberies of the american indians within the united states, after implanting in the savage mind an implacable hatred against the american people. while we have our own personal knowledge on this point, we will give a quotation from mr. swan's work, written in , page , showing his views of the subject, which are mostly correct; but, in speaking of the trade of the americans and of the hudson's bay company, he says: "the indians preferred to trade with the americans, for they kept one article in great demand, which the hudson's bay people did not sell, and that was whisky." in this mr. swan is entirely mistaken. the hudson's bay people always had liquor, and let the indians have all they could pay for, as proved by their own writer, mr. dunn. (see th chapter.) mr. s. continues: "reckless, worthless men, who are always to be found in new settlements, would give or sell whisky to the indians, and then, when drunk, abuse them. if the injury was of a serious nature, the indian was sure to have revenge; and should he kill a white man, would be certainly hanged, if caught; but, although the same law operated on the whites, i have never known an instance where a white man has been hanged for killing an indian." this has been my experience, mr. swan, for more than thirty years, with the hudson's bay company, or english. when a white man kills an indian, the tribe, or his friends, are satisfied with a present, instead of the life of the murderer. it has been invariably the practice with the hudson's bay company to pay, when any of their people kill an indian, and to kill the indian murderer; not so when an american is killed. says mr. swan: "the ill-feelings thus engendered against the americans, by this, and other causes, was continually _fanned and kept alive by these half-breeds and old servants of the company_, whose feelings were irritated by what they considered an unwarrantable assumption on the part of these settlers, in coming across the mountains to squat upon lands they considered theirs by right of prior occupancy. _the officers of the company_ also sympathized with their old servants in this respect, and a _deadly feeling of hatred had existed_ between these officers and the american emigrant, for their course in taking possession of the lands claimed by the puget sound agricultural company, and other places on the sound and the columbia river; and there is not a man among them who would not be glad to have had every american emigrant driven out of the country." it is unnecessary to add examples of this kind to prove to any reasonable mind the continued hostility of that company, and all under its influence, to the american government and people. can their friendship be bought by paying them the entire sum they claim? we think not. whatever sum is given will go to enrich the shareholders, who will rejoice over their success, as an indian would over the scalp of his enemy. the _implacable hatred will remain_, and nothing but extermination, or a complete absorption of the whole continent into the american republic, will close up the difficulty, and save a remnant of the indian tribes. this, to some, may not be desirable; but humanity and right should, and will, eventually, prevail over crime, or any foreign policy. the american people are taunted by the roman jesuits and english with having driven the indian from his lands, and having occupied it themselves; but how is it with the english? while the american has attempted to gather the indians into convenient communities, and spent millions of dollars to civilize and better their condition, the english nation, as such, has never given one dollar, but has chartered company after company of merchants, traders, and explorers, who have entered the indian country under their exclusive charters, or license to trade, and shut it up from all others. they have, in the profitable prosecution of their trade, so managed as to exterminate all surplus and useless indians, and reduce them to easy and profitable control. should one of their half-breed servants, or a white man, attempt to expose their system, or speak of their iniquitous policy, a great hue and cry is raised against him, both in england and america, and he must fall, either by a misinformed public or by savage hands, while they triumphantly refer to the ease with which they exercise absolute control over the indians in their jurisdiction, as a reason why they should be permitted to continue their exclusive occupation and government of the country. thus, for being forced partially to leave that portion of oregon south of the th parallel, they presumed to make a claim against our government three times larger than the whole capital stock of the two companies combined. this hue and cry, and the public sentiment they have continued to raise and control, has its double object. the one is to continue their exclusive possession of, and trade in the country, the other is to obtain all the money they can from the american government for the little part of it they have professedly given up. it will be remembered that in the investigation of their claims, and the depositions given, it was stated that forts okanagon, colville, kootanie, and flathead, were still in their possession in ; that wallawalla, fort hall, and boise were given up because they were prohibited by the government from trading ammunition and guns to the indians. this means simply that the last-named posts were too far from their own territory to enable them to trade in these prohibited articles, and escape detection by the american authorities. the northern posts, or those contiguous to the th parallel, are still occupied by them. from these posts they supply the indians, and send their emissaries into the american territory, and keep up the "_deadly hatred_," of which mr. swan speaks, and about which general gibbs, in his letter explaining the causes of the indian war, is so much mistaken. there is one fact stated by general gibbs, showing the continued combination of the roman priests with the hudson's bay company, which we will give in this connection. he says: "the yankamas have always been opposed to the intrusion of the americans." this is also a mistake of mr. gibbs, as we visited that tribe in the fall of , and found them friendly, and anxious to have an american missionary among them. at that time there had been no priest among them, and no combined effort of the company to get rid of the american missionary settlements. kamaiyahkan, the very chief mentioned by general gibbs as being at the head of the combination against the americans, accompanied us to dr. whitman's station, to urge the establishment of an american mission among his people. general gibbs says, that, "as early as , kamaiyahkan had projected a war of extermination. father pandosa, the priest at atahnam (yankama) mission, in the spring of that year, wrote to father mesplie, the one at the dalls, desiring him to inform major alvord, in command at that post, of the fact. major alvord reported it to general hitchcock, then in command on this coast, hitchcock _censured_ him as an _alarmist_, and pandosa was _censured_ by his superiors, who forthwith placed a priest of higher rank over him." the next year, indian agent bolon was killed, and the war commenced. how did general hitchcock learn that pandosa, a simple-hearted priest, and major alvord were alarmists? the fact of the censure, and placing a priest of higher rank over pandosa at the yankama station (the very place we selected in for an american station), is conclusive evidence on this point. "the war of extermination," that general gibbs, in his mistaken ideas of hudson's bay policy and indian character, attributes to the policy of governor i. i. stevens, was commenced in . at that time, it was supposed by james douglas, mr. ogden, and the ruling spirits of that company, that all they had to do was to withhold munitions of war from the americans, and the indians would do the balance for them. the indian wars that followed, and that are kept up and encouraged along our borders, and all over this coast, are the legitimate fruits of the "deadly hatred" implanted in the mind and soul of the indian by the hudson's bay company and their allies, the priests. there is an object in this: while they teach the indians to believe that the americans are robbing them of their lands and country, they at the same time pretend that they do not want it. like bishop blanchet with the cayuses, they "only want a small piece of land to raise a little provisions from," and they are continually bringing such goods as the indians want; and whenever they are ready to join their forces and send their war-parties into american territory, this company of _honorable english fur traders_ are always ready to supply them with arms and ammunition, and to purchase from them the goods or cattle (including scalps, in case of war between the two nations) they may capture on such expeditions. the more our government pays to that company, or their fictitious agent, the more means they will have to carry on their opposition to american commerce and enterprise on this coast. should they obtain but one-third of their outrageous claim, it is contemplated to invest it, with their original stock, in a new company, under the same name, honorable hudson's bay company, and to extend their operations so as to embrace not only the fur, but gold and grain trade, over this whole western coast. will it be for the interests of this country to encourage them? let their conduct and proceeding while they had the absolute control of it answer, and prove a timely warning to the country before such vampires are allowed to fasten themselves upon it. chapter xii. review of mr. greenhow's work in connection with the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company.--schools and missionaries.--reasons for giving extracts from mr. greenhow's work.--present necessity for more knowledge about the company. as stated by general gibbs, mr. greenhow has given us a complete history of the discovery of oregon. at the point where he leaves us the reader will observe our present history commences. we did not read mr. greenhow's very elaborate and interesting history till ours had been completed in manuscript. on reading it, we found abundant proof of statements we have made respecting the policy of the british government to hold, by the influence of her hudson's bay company, the entire country west of the rocky mountains that was not fully occupied by the russian and spanish governments. this fact alone makes our history the more important and interesting to the american reader. mr. greenhow, upon pages and of his work, closes the labors of the eleven different american fur companies with the name of captain nathaniel wyeth, and upon these two pages introduces the american missionaries, with the roman jesuits, though the latter did not arrive in the country till four years after the former. on his th page, after speaking of various transactions relative to california, the sandwich islands, and the proceedings in congress relative to the oregon country, he says: "in the mean time, the hudson's bay company had been doing all in its power to extend and confirm its position in the countries west of the rocky mountains, from which its governors felicitated themselves with the idea that they had expelled the americans entirely." page . "the object of the company was, therefore, to place a large number of british subjects in oregon within the shortest time, and, of course, to exclude from it as much as possible all people of the united states; so that when the period for terminating the convention with the latter power should arrive, great britain might be able to present the strongest title to the possession of the whole, on the ground of actual occupation by the hudson's bay company. to these ends the efforts of that company had been for some time directed. the immigration of british subjects was encouraged; the americans were by all means excluded; _and the indians were brought as much as possible into friendship with, and subject to, the company, while they were taught to regard the people of the united states as enemies!_" in a work entitled "four years in british columbia," by commander r. c. mayne, r. n., f. r. g. s., page , this british writer says: "i have also spoken of the intense hatred of them all for the boston men (americans). this hatred, although nursed chiefly by the cruelty with which they are treated by them, is also owing in a great measure to the system adopted by the americans of removing them away from their villages when their sites become settled by whites. the indians often express dread lest we should adopt the same course, and have lately petitioned governor douglas on the subject." commander mayne informs us, on his d page, that in the performance of his official duties among the indians, "recourse to very strong expressions was found necessary; and they were threatened with the undying wrath of mr. douglas, whose name always acts as a talisman with them." we shall have occasion to quote statements from members of the hudson's bay company, and from jesuit priests, further confirming the truth of mr. greenhow's statement as above quoted. it would be gratifying to us to be able, from our long personal experience and observations relative to the policy and conduct of the hudson's bay company, to fully confirm the very plausible, and, if true, honorable treatment of the aborigines of these countries; but truth, candor, observation, our own and other personal knowledge, compel us to believe and know that mr. greenhow is entirely mistaken when he says, on his th page, speaking of the hudson's bay company:-- "in the treatment of the aborigines of these countries, the hudson's bay company _admirably combined and reconciled humanity with policy_. in the first place, its agents were strictly prohibited from furnishing them with ardent spirits; and there is reason to believe that the prohibition has been carefully enforced. "sunday, march , ," says mr. dunn, one of their own servants, "indians remained in their huts, perhaps praying, or more likely singing over the _rum_ they had traded with us on saturday.----tuesday, april .--great many indians on board.----traded a number of skins. they seem to like _rum_ very much.----may .--they were all _drunk_; went on shore, made a fire about o'clock; being then all drunk began firing on one another.----june .--the indians are bringing their blankets--their skins are all gone; they seem very fond of _rum_.----july .--they traded a quantity of _rum_ from us." the kingston _chronicle_, a newspaper, on the th of september, , says: "the hudson's bay company have, in some instances _with their rum_, traded the goods given in presents to the indians by the canadian government, and afterward so traded the same with them at an advance of little short of a thousand per cent." question asked by the parliamentary committee: "are intoxicating liquors supplied in any part of the country--and where?" the five witnesses answered:-- st. "at every place where he was." d. "all but the mandan indians were desirous to obtain intoxicating liquor; _and the company supply them with it freely_." d. "at jack river i saw liquor given for furs." th. "at york factory and oxford house." th. the fifth witness had seen liquor given "at norway house only." the writer has seen liquor given and sold to the indians at every post of the company, from the mouth of the columbia to fort hall, including fort colville, and by the traveling traders of the company; so that whatever pretensions the company make to the contrary, the proof is conclusive, that they traffic in liquors, without any restraint or hinderance, all over the indian countries they occupy. that they charge this liquor traffic to renegade americans i am fully aware; at the same time i know they have supplied it to indians, when there were no americans in the country that had any to sell or give. in the narrative of the rev. mr. king, it is stated that "the agents of the hudson's bay company are not satisfied with putting so insignificant value upon the furs, that the more active hunters only can gain a support, which necessarily leads to the death of the more aged and infirm by starvation and cannibalism, but they encourage the intemperate use of ardent spirits." says mr. alexander simpson, one of the company's own chief traders: "that body has assumed much credit for the discontinuance of the sale of spirituous liquors at its trading establishments, but i apprehend that in this matter it has both claimed and received more praise than is its due. the issue of spirits has not been discontinued by it on principle, indeed it has not been discontinued at all when there is a possibility of diminution of trade through the indians having the power to resent this deprivation of their accustomed and much-loved annual jollification, by carrying their furs to another market." this means simply that mr. greenhow and all other admirers of the hudson's bay company's manner of treating indians have been humbugged by their professions of "_humanity and policy_." we are inclined to return mr. greenhow's compliment to the rev. samuel parker in his own language, as found on the st page of his work. he says: "mr. samuel parker, whose journal of his tour beyond the rocky mountains, though highly interesting and instructive, would have been much more so had he confined himself to the results of his own experience, and not wandered into the region of history, diplomacy, and cosmogony, in all of which he is evidently a stranger." so with mr. greenhow, when he attempts to reconcile the conduct of the hudson's bay company with "_humanity_," and admires their policy, and gives them credit for honorable treatment of "indians, missionaries, and settlers," he leaves his legitimate subject of history and diplomacy, and goes into the subject of the hudson's bay company's moral _policy_, to which he appears quite as much a "stranger" as mr. samuel parker does to those subjects in which mr. greenhow found him deficient. but, notwithstanding we are inclined to return mr. greenhow's compliment in his own language, his historical researches and facts are invaluable, as developing a deep scheme of a foreign national grasping disposition, to hold, by a low, mean, underhanded, and, as mr. greenhow says, "false and malicious course of misrepresentation, the country west of the rocky mountains." there are a few pages in mr. greenhow's history that,--as ours is now fully written, and we see no reason to change a statement we have made,--for the information of our readers, and to correct what we conceive to be an erroneous impression of his relative to our early settlements upon this coast, we will quote, and request our readers to observe our corrections in the history or narration of events we have given them. "schools for the instruction of their children, and hospitals for their sick, were established at all their principal trading-posts; each of which, moreover, afforded the means of employment and support to indians disposed to work in the intervals between the hunting seasons." says the rev. mr. barnley, a wesleyan missionary at moose factory, whose labors commenced in june, , and continued till september, : "a plan which i had devised for educating and turning to some acquaintance with agriculture, native children, was disallowed,----it being very distinctly stated by sir george simpson, that the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing their new mode of life." says mr. greenhow: "_missionaries of various sects were encouraged to undertake to convert these people to christianity, and to induce them to adopt the usages of civilized life_, so far as might be consistent with the nature of the labors in which they are engaged; care being at the same time taken to instill into their minds due respect for the company, and for the sovereign of great britain; and attempts were made, at great expense, though with little success, to collect them into villages, or tracts where the soil and climate are favorable to agriculture." mr. barnley says: "at moose factory, where the resources were most ample, and where was the seat of authority in the southern department of rupert's land, the _hostility_ of the company (and not merely their inability to aid me, whether with convenience or inconvenience to themselves) was most manifest." another of the english missionaries writes in this manner: "when at york factory last fall ( ), a young gentleman boasted that he had succeeded in starting the christian indians of rossville off with the boats on a sunday. thus every effort we make for their moral and spiritual improvement is frustrated, and those who were, and still are, desirous of becoming christians, are kept away; the pagan indians desiring to become christians, but being made drunk on their arrival at the fort, 'their good desires vanish.' the indians professing christianity had actually exchanged one keg of rum for tea and sugar, at one post, but the successive offers of liquor betrayed them into intoxication at another." the rev. mr. beaver, chaplain of the company at fort vancouver, in , writes thus to the aborigines protection society, london, tract , page :-- "for a time i reported to the governor and committee of the company in england, and to the governor and the council of the company abroad, the result of my observations, with a view to a gradual amelioration of the wretched degradation with which i was surrounded, by an immediate attempt at the introduction of civilization and christianity, among one or more of the aboriginal tribes; but my earnest representations were neither attended to nor acted upon; no means were placed at my disposal for carrying out the plan which i suggested." mr. greenhow says, page : "particular care was also extended to the education of the half-breed children, the offspring of the marriage or the concubinage of the traders with the indian women, who were retained and bred as much as possible among the white people, and were taken into the service of the company, whenever they were found capable. there being few white women in those countries, it is evident that these half-breeds must, in time, form a large, if not an important portion of the inhabitants; and there is nothing to prevent their being adopted and recognized as british subjects. "the conduct of the hudson's bay company, in these respects, is worthy of _commendation_; and may be contrasted most favorably with that pursued at the present day by civilized people toward the aborigines of all other new countries." it is a most singular fact, that while mr. greenhow was writing the above high commendation of the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company, in relation to their treatment of indians and missionaries under their absolute control, that that company were driving from their posts at moose factory and vancouver, their own wesleyan and episcopal missionaries, and doing all they could to prevent the settlement or civilization of the indians, or allowing any missionary intercourse with them, except by foreign roman jesuits, and were actually combining the indians in oregon to destroy and defeat civil and christian efforts among the indians and american settlements then being established in the country. page , mr. greenhow further says: "the course pursued by the hudson's bay company, with regard to american citizens in the territory west of the rocky mountains, was equally _unexceptionable_ and _politic_. the missionaries and immigrants from the united states, or from whatever country they might come, were received at the establishments of the company with the utmost kindness, and were aided in the prosecution of their respective objects, _so far and so long as those objects were not commercial_; but no sooner did any person, unconnected with the company, attempt to hunt, or trap, or trade with the indians, than all the force of the body was turned against him." the statement in the last part of the foregoing paragraph can be attested by more than one hundred american hunters and traders, who have felt the full force of that company's influence against them; as also by missionaries and settlers on first arriving in the country. but mr. greenhow says: "there is no evidence or reason to believe that violent measures were ever employed, either directly or indirectly, for this purpose; nor would such means have been needed while the company enjoyed advantages over all competitors, such as are afforded by its wealth, its organization, and the skill and knowledge of the country, and of the natives, possessed by its agents." this is simply an assertion of mr. greenhow, which our future pages will correct in the mind of any who have received it as truth. it is unnecessary to pursue mr. greenhow's history of the hudson's bay company respecting their treatment of american or english missionaries or american settlers; the statements we have quoted show fully his want of a correct knowledge of the practices of that company in dealing with savage and civilized men. we only claim for ourselves close observation and deeply interested participation in all that relates to oregon since , having been permitted to be present at the forming of its early civil settlement and political history. this work of mr. greenhow's appears to be peculiarly political as well as strongly national, and in the passages we have quoted, with many other similar ones, he seems to us to have written to catch the patronage of this foreign english corporation, which, according to his own showing, has been an incubus upon the english, and, so far as possible, the americans also. while he shows his utter ignorance of their internal policy and history, his researches in the history of the early discoveries on this western coast are ample and most useful as vindicating our american claim to the country. but as to its settlement and civilization, or its early moral or political history, as he says of mr. samuel parker, "in all of which he is evidently a stranger." our reasons for giving the extracts from mr. greenhow's work are-- st. that the reader may the better understand what follows as our own. d. to avoid a future collision or controversy respecting statements that may be quoted from him to contradict or controvert our own, respecting the policy and practices of the hudson's bay company, which, mr. greenhow says, page , "did no more than they were entitled to do. if the americans neglected or were unable to avail themselves of the benefits secured to both nations by the convention, the fault or the misfortune was their own, and they had no right to complain." if this is true, as against the american, what right has the hudson's bay company to complain and ask pay for what had been rendered worthless to them by the american settlement of the country? "the hospitable treatment extended to them [american citizens] by the agents of the hudson's bay company was doubtless approved by the directors of that body; and all who know messrs. mclaughlin and douglas, the principal managers of the affairs of that body on the columbia, unite in testifying that the humanity and generosity of those gentlemen have been always carried as far as their duties would permit. that their conduct does not, however, meet with universal approbation among the servants of the company in that quarter, sufficient evidence may be cited to prove." he quotes john dunn's book, chap. . mr. greenhow wrote his history with the light then existing, _i.e._, in . about that time dr. mclaughlin was called to an account by the directors of the hudson's bay company, in london. he explained to them his position, and the condition of the americans, who came to this country both naked and hungry, and that, as a man of common humanity, he could do no less than he did. the directors insisted upon the enforcement of their stringent rule, which was, to starve and drive every american from the country. he then told them: "_if such is your order, gentlemen, i will serve you no longer._" as to mr. douglas, we have no such noble sentiment to record in his behalf; he belonged to that english party called by mr. greenhow "_patriots_." he says: "there were two parties among the british in oregon, the _patriots_ and the _liberals_, who, while they agreed in holding all americans in utter detestation, as _knaves_ and _ruffians_, yet differed as to the propriety of the course pursued with regard to them by the company. the _patriots_ maintained, that kindness showed to the people of the united states was thrown away, and would be badly requited; that it was merely nurturing a race of men, who would soon rise from their weak and humble position, as grateful acknowledgers of favors, to the bold attitude of questioners of the authority of great britain, and her right, even to vancouver itself; that if any attempts were made for the conversion of the natives to christianity, and to the adoption of more humanized institutions (which they limited to british institutions), a solid and permanent foundation should be laid; and for that purpose, if missionaries were to be introduced, they should come within the direct control of the dominant power, that is, the british power, and should be the countrymen of those who actually occupied oregon, etc. the _liberals_, while admitting all that was said on the other side, of the character of the americans, nevertheless charitably opined that those people should not be excluded, as they possessed some claim, 'feeble, but yet existing,' to the country, and until 'these were quashed or confirmed, it would be unjust and impolite' to prevent them from all possession; _that these missionaries, though bad_, were better than none; and that good would grow out of evil in the end, for the americans, by their intercourse with the british, _would become more humanized, tolerant, and honest_." as most of the above sentiment relative to the two english parties in the country appears to be quoted by mr. greenhow from some author, it would be interesting to know who he is; still, the fact is all that is essential to know, and we have reason to believe and know that the sentiments expressed were entertained by the controlling authority of the company in london and in oregon; and that messrs. douglas and ogden, and the roman priests under their patronage, acted fully up to them as roman and british jesuits, there is no question; and under such circumstances, it is not surprising that the immigration from the united states in , ' , and ' , should increase that feeling of hostility and hatred of the american settlement and civilization in the country. we do not propose at present to speak of the action of the american congress relative to oregon, but, as will be seen, to connect and bring into our own history such allusions of mr. greenhow as serve to illustrate and prove the several propositions we have stated respecting the early history of its settlement, and also to prepare the reader to understand in a manner the combined influences that were ready to contest any claim or effort any american company or citizen might make for the future occupation of the country. it will be seen that no company of settlers or traders could have succeeded, having arrived in advance of the american missionaries. they were unquestionably the only nucleus around which a permanent settlement could have been formed, eleven different american fur companies having commenced and failed, as will be shown; and although mr. greenhow seems to regard and treat the american missionary effort with contempt, yet impartial history will place them in the foreground, and award to them an honorable place in counteracting foreign influences and saving the country to its rightful owners. it will be seen by the preliminary and following remarks and narrative of events, and by a careful study of all the histories and journals to which we have had occasion to refer, or from which we have quoted a statement, that the forming, civilizing, and political period in our oregon history is all a blank, except that the hudson's bay company were the patron saints, the noble and generous preservers of the "_knaves_" and "_ruffians_" that came to this country to rob them of their pious and humane labors to civilize their accomplished native "concubines." that, according to their ideas, the missionaries, such as came from the united states, "_though bad_," could become "_humanized_, _tolerant_," and even "_honest_," by associating with such noble, generous, tolerant, virtuous, and pure-minded traders as controlled the affairs of that company, under the faithfully-executed and stringent rules of the honorable directors in london. at the present time there is an additional important reason for a better understanding and a more thorough knowledge of the influences and operations of this british monopoly than formerly. notwithstanding they have been driven from oregon by its american settlement, they have retired to british columbia, and, like barnacles upon a ship's bottom, have fastened themselves all along the russian and american territories, to repeat just what they did in oregon; and, with the savage hordes with whom they have always freely mingled, they will repeat their depredations upon our american settlements, and defeat every effort to civilize or christianize the natives over whom they have any influence. six generations of natives have passed away under their system of trade and civilization. the french, english, and indians before our american revolution and independence could not harmonize. the french were driven from their american possessions and control over the indians, and peace followed. the indians, english, and americans can not harmonize; they never have, and they never will; hence, it becomes a question of vast moment, not only to the indian race, but to the american people, as to the propriety and expediency of allowing the english nation or british or foreign subjects to further exercise any influence among our american indians. mr. a. h. jackson estimates the expense of our indian wars, since to the present time, at one thousand millions of dollars and thirty-seven thousand lives of our citizens, not counting the lives of indians destroyed by our american wars with them. if the reader will carefully read and candidly judge of the historical facts presented in the following pages, we have no fears but they will join us in our conclusions, that the monroe doctrine is irrevocably and of necessity fixed in our american existence as a nation at peace with all, which we can not have so long as any foreign sectarian or political organizations are permitted to have a controlling influence over savage minds. a frenchman, an englishman, a mormon, a roman priest, any one, or all of them, fraternizing as they do with the indian, can work upon his prejudices and superstitions and involve our country in an indian war--which secures the indian trade to the british fur company. this is the great object sought to be accomplished in nearly all the wars our government has had with them. one other remarkable fact is noted in all our indian wars, the american or protestant missionaries have been invariably driven from among those tribes, while the roman jesuit missionaries have been protected and continued among the indians, aiding and counseling them in the continuance of those wars. it is no new thing that ignorance, superstition, and sectarian hate has produced such results upon the savage mind, and our oregon history shows that a shrewd british fur company can duly appreciate and make use of just such influences to promote and perpetuate their trade on the american continent. chapter xiii. occupants of the country.--danger to outsiders.--description of missionaries. in , this entire country, from the russian settlement on the north to the gulf of california on the south, the rocky mountains on the east to the pacific ocean on the west, was under the absolute and undisputed control of the honorable hudson's bay company; and the said company claimed and exercised exclusive civil, religious, political, and commercial jurisdiction over all this vast country, leaving a narrow strip of neutral territory between the united states and their assumed possessions, lying between the rocky mountains and the western borders of missouri. its inhabitants were gentlemen of the hudson's bay company,--their clerks, traders, and servants,--consisting mostly of canadian-french, half-breeds, and natives. occasionally, when a venturesome yankee ship or fur trader entered any of the ports of the aforesaid country for trade, exploration, or settlement, this honorable company asserted its licensed and exclusive right to drive said vessel, trader, explorer, or settler from it. should he be so bold as to venture to pass the trained bands of the wild savages of the mountains, or, even by accident, reach the sacred trading-ground of this company, he was helped to a passage out of it, or allowed to perish by the hand of any savage who saw fit to punish him for his temerity. while this exclusive jurisdiction was claimed and exercised by the company, four wild, untutored indians of the flathead tribe learned from an american trapper, who had strayed into their country, that there was a supreme being, worthy of worship, and that, by going to his country, they could learn all about him. four of these sons of the wilderness found their way to st. louis, missouri, in . mr. catlin, a celebrated naturalist and artist, i believe not a member of any religious sect, learned the object that had brought these red men from the mountains of oregon, and gave the fact to the religious public. this little incident, though small in itself, resulted in the organization, in , of the missionary board of the methodist episcopal church, the appointment of rev. jason lee and associates, to the establishment of the methodist mission in the wallamet valley in , the appointment of rev. samuel parker and dr. marcus whitman, by the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, to explore the country in , and the establishment of a mission by said board in . rev. jason lee, of stansted, canada east, a man of light hair, blue eyes, fair complexion, spare habit, above ordinary height, a little stoop-shouldered, with strong nerve and indomitable will, yet a meek, warm-hearted, and humble christian, gaining by his affable and easy manners the esteem of all who became acquainted with him, was the first to volunteer. rev. daniel lee, a nephew of jason, was the second;--the opposite of the former in every particular--of medium height. the general impression of outsiders was, that his moral qualities were not of the highest order, yet it is not known that any specific charges were ever brought against him. cyrus shepard, a lay member, was a devoted christian, and a faithful laborer for the advancement of the objects of the mission and the general welfare of all in the country. we have never learned that he had an enemy or a slanderer while he lived in it. on his first arrival he taught the hudson's bay company's school at vancouver, consisting of children belonging to persons in the employ of the company, till the mission buildings were ready, when he gathered a large school of indian and french half-breed children, and was quite successful in teaching the rudiments of an english education. rev. d. lee and mr. shepard were from new england. mr. p. l. edwards, of missouri, also a lay member, was of the company. but little is known of him; the inducements to become a permanent settler in the country do not appear in his case. rev. samuel parker, of ithaca, new york, a man of good education and refinement, and exceedingly set in his opinions and conclusions of men and things, came to explore the country, and report to the american board as to the feasibility of establishing missions among the indians, one of the missionaries of the american board, from the sandwich islands, having visited the coast in an american ship, several years previous, and made an unfavorable report on account of the fur-trade influence against american traders, giving the impression that american missionaries would not be tolerated in the country. mr. parker was inclined to self-applause, requiring his full share of ministerial approbation or respect, though not fully qualified to draw it cheerfully from an audience or his listeners; was rather fastidious. dr. marcus whitman, of rushville, new york, sent in company with mr. parker to explore the country. a man of easy, _don't-care_ habits, that could become all things to all men, and yet a sincere and earnest man, speaking his mind before he thought the second time, giving his views on all subjects without much consideration, correcting and changing them when good reasons were presented, yet, when fixed in the pursuit of an object, adhering to it with unflinching tenacity. a stranger would consider him fickle and stubborn, yet he was sincere and kind, and generous to a fault, devoting every energy of his mind and body to the welfare of the indians and objects of the mission; seldom manifesting fears of any danger that might surround him, at times he would become animated and earnest in his argument or conversation. in his profession he was a bold practitioner, and generally successful. he was above medium height; of spare habit; peculiar hair, a portion of each being white and a dark brown, so that it might be called iron-gray; deep blue eyes, and large mouth. the peculiarities of messrs. parker and whitman were such, that, when they had reached the rendezvous on green river, in the rocky mountains, they agreed to separate; not because dr. whitman was not willing and anxious to continue the exploring expedition, in company with mr. parker, but because mr. p. could not "put up" with the off-hand, careless, and, as he thought, slovenly manner in which dr. whitman was inclined to travel. dr. w. was a man that could accommodate himself to circumstances; such as dipping the water from the running stream with his hand, to drink; having but a hunter's knife (without a fork) to cut and eat his food; in short, could _rough it_ without qualms of stomach. rev. mr. parker had left a refined family circle, and his habits had become somewhat delicate from age and long usage in comfortable and agreeable society; hence his peculiar habits were not adapted to rocky mountain travel in those early days. still, the great object on which they were sent must not be lost sight of. their sense of moral obligation was such, that a reason must be given why dr. whitman returns to the states, and mr. parker proceeds alone on his perilous journey to this then unknown country. here again the wild indian comes in, by instinct, order, or providence (as the unbeliever may choose to call it), and offers to take charge of this delicate old gentleman, and carries him in triumph through the rocky mountains, and all through his country, and, in indian pomp and splendor, delivers this rev. "_black coat_" to p. c. pambrun, esq., chief clerk of the honorable hudson's bay company, at old fort wallawalla, supplying his every want on the journey, caring for his horses and baggage, not asking or receiving any thing, except such presents as mr. parker chose to give them on the way and at parting. dr. whitman, it will be remembered, was associated with mr. parker, under the direction of the american board. they had arrived at the rendezvous in the rocky mountains; most of the nez percés were at the american rendezvous. ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, a young nez percé indian (named by the american trappers, _lawyer_, on account of his shrewdness in argument, and his unflinching defense of american against british and foreign influences), having learned of their arrival, came to them and settled matters quite satisfactorily to both, by requesting mr. parker to go with them to their country, they having heard of rev. mr. lee and party going to settle near the _husus-hai-hai_ (white head), as the natives called dr. john mclaughlin, in the wallamet valley. they consented to let the doctor take two of their boys. to ites he gave the name of john; tuetakas he called richard. dr. whitman was to go to the states, report to the american board, and procure associates and the material to establish a mission in the nez percé country. the nez percés were to take charge of mr. parker, and carry him forward in his explorations, and meet dr. w., on his return next year, at the place of rendezvous in the mountains, to conduct him and his party to the place mr. parker might select for a mission establishment. rev. s. parker, in company with the indians, went on, and dr. whitman, with his two indian boys, with the american fur company, capts. fitzpatrick, bridger, and others, started on their way to the states, or "home from the rocky mountains." dr. whitman, by his off-hand, easy manner of accommodating himself to circumstances, and by his kind-heartedness and promptness to relieve all who needed his professional skill, had won the esteem of all with whom he traveled, so that the gentlemen of the american fur company cheerfully supplied his wants on his return trip to the states, where he arrived in due time, made his report to the american board, who decided to establish the mission, as per arrangement with parker and whitman, on separating in the rocky mountains. mrs. whitman, formerly miss narcissa prentiss, of prattsburg, steuben county, new york, was a lady of refined feelings and commanding appearance. she had very light hair, light, fresh complexion, and light blue eyes. her features were large, her form full and round. at the time she arrived in the country, in the prime of life, she was considered a fine, noble-looking woman, affable and free to converse with all she met. her conversation was animated and cheerful. firmness in her was natural, and to some, especially the indians, it was repulsive. she had been brought up in comparative comfort, and moved in the best of religious society in the place of her residence. she was a good singer, and one of her amusements, as well as that of her traveling companions, was to teach the doctor to sing, which she did with considerable success,--that is, he could sing the native songs without much difficulty. the american board appointed rev. h. h. spalding and wife to accompany dr. whitman and wife, to aid in establishing the nez percé mission. mr. spalding and wife had just completed their preparatory course of education in lane seminary, near cincinnati, ohio. the first impression of the stranger on seeing h. h. spalding is, that he has before him an unusual countenance. he begins to examine, and finds a man with sharp features, large, brown eyes, dark hair, high, projecting forehead, with many wrinkles, and a head nearly bald. he is of medium size, stoop-shouldered, with a voice that can assume a mild, sharp, or boisterous key, at the will of its owner; quite impulsive, and bitter in his denunciations of a real, or supposed enemy; inclined in the early part of his missionary labors to accumulate property for the especial benefit of his family, though the practice was disapproved of and forbidden by the regulations of the american board. in his professional character he was below mediocrity. as a writer or correspondent he was bold, and rather eloquent, giving overdrawn life-sketches of passing events. his moral influence was injured by strong symptoms of passion, when provoked or excited. in his labors for the indians, he was zealous and persevering, in his preaching or talking to them, plain and severe, and in his instructions wholly practical. for instance, to induce the natives to work and cultivate their lands, he had mrs. spalding paint a representation of adam and eve, as being driven from the garden of eden by an angel,--adam with a hoe on his shoulder, and eve with her spinning-wheel. he taught the natives that god commanded them to work, as well as pray. had he been allowed to continue his labors with the tribe, undisturbed by sectarian and anti-religious influences, he would have effected great good, and the tribe been now admitted as citizens of the united states. as a citizen and neighbor he was kind and obliging; to his family he was kind, yet severe in his religious observances. he was unquestionably a sincere, though not always humble, christian. the loss of his wife, and the exciting and savage massacre of his associates, produced their effect upon him. charity will find a substantial excuse for most of his faults, while virtue and truth, civilization and religion, will award him a place as a faithful, zealous, and comparatively successful missionary. mrs. spalding was the daughter of a plain, substantial farmer, by the name of hart, of oneida county, new york. she was above the medium height, slender in form, with coarse features, dart brown hair, blue eyes, rather dark complexion, coarse voice, of a serious turn of mind, and quick in understanding language. in fact she was remarkable in acquiring the nez percé language, so as to understand and converse with the natives quite easily by the time they reached their station at lapwai. she could paint indifferently in water-colors, and had been taught, while young, all the useful branches of domestic life; could spin, weave, and sew, etc.; could prepare an excellent meal at short notice; was generally sociable, but not forward in conversation with or in attentions to gentlemen. in this particular she was the opposite of mrs. whitman. with the native women mrs. spalding always appeared easy and cheerful, and had their unbounded confidence and respect. she was remarkable for her firmness and decision of character in whatever she or her husband undertook. she never appeared to be alarmed or excited at any difficulty, dispute, or alarms common to the indian life around her. she was considered by the indian men as a brave, fearless woman, and was respected and esteemed by all. though she was frequently left for days alone, her husband being absent on business, but a single attempted insult was ever offered her. understanding their language, her cool, quick perception of the design enabled her to give so complete and thorough a rebuff to the attempted insult, that, to hide his disgrace, the indian offering it fled from the tribe, not venturing to remain among them. in fact, a majority of the tribe were in favor of hanging the indian who offered the insult, but mrs. spalding requested that they would allow him to live, that he might repent of his evil designs and do better in future. in this short sketch of mrs. spalding the reader is carried through a series of years. we shall have occasion, as we progress in our sketches, to refer to these two ladies. they are not fictitious characters,--they lived; came over the rocky mountains in ; they are dead and buried, mrs. spalding near the callapooya, in the wallamet valley. mrs. whitman's remains, such portions of them as could be found, are buried not far from the place of her labors among the cayuses. the last time we passed the ground not even a common board marked the place. we noticed a hollow in the ground, said to be the place where the very rev. mr. brouillet, vicar-general of wallawalla, says "the bodies were all deposited in a common grave which had been dug the day previous by joseph stanfield, and, before leaving, i saw that they were covered with earth, but i have since learned that the graves, not having been soon enough inclosed, had been molested by the wolves, and that some of the corpses had been devoured by them." bear this statement in mind, reader, as we proceed. we will tell you just how much he knows of the why and wherefore such things occurred in those early times. a part of the facts are already in history. messrs. whitman and spalding, with their wives, and a reinforcement for the pawnee mission, made their way to liberty landing, on the missouri river. at that place they were joined by a young man by the name of w. h. gray, from utica, new york, who was solicited by the agents of the american board to join this expedition as its secular agent. chapter xiv. missionary outfit.--on the way.--no roads.--an english nobleman.--a wagon taken along.--health of mrs. spalding.--meeting mountain men and indians.--a feast to the indians. the mission party had brought with them a full supply of all the supposed _et cæteras_ for a life and residence two thousand miles from any possible chance to renew those supplies when exhausted, having the material for a blacksmith shop, a plow, and all sorts of seeds, clothing, etc., to last for two years. gray found his hands full in making calculations for the transportation of this large amount of baggage, or goods, as the trader would say. in a few days wagons, teams, pack-mules, horses, and cows, were all purchased in the county of liberty, missouri, the goods all overhauled, repacked, loaded into the two mission wagons, and an extra team hired to go as far as fort leavenworth. spalding and gray started with the train, three wagons, eight mules, twelve horses, and sixteen cows, two men, two indian boys, and the man with the extra team. dr. whitman, having the ladies in charge, was to come up the missouri river in the first boat, and await the arrival of the train having the greater portion of the goods with it. boats on the missouri river not being so numerous as at the present time, the doctor and party did not reach leavenworth till the train had arrived. they rearranged their goods, discharged the extra team, held a consultation, and concluded that the doctor and ladies would keep the boat to council bluffs, the point from which the american fur company's caravan was to start that year. learning that the company was to start in six days, the conclusion was that the cattle and goods had better proceed as fast as possible. the third day, in the morning, some forty miles from fort leavenworth, as we were about starting, a white boy, about sixteen years old, came into camp, having on an old torn straw hat, an old ragged fustian coat, scarcely half a shirt, with buckskin pants, badly worn, but one moccasin, a powder-horn with no powder in it, and an old rifle. he had light flaxen hair, light blue eyes, was thin and spare, yet appeared in good health and spirits. he said he had started for the rocky mountains; he was from some place in iowa; he had been without food for two days; he asked for some ammunition; thought he could kill some game to get along; the rain the night previous had wet him quite effectually; he was really cold, wet, nearly naked, and hungry. he was soon supplied from our stores with all he wanted, and advised to return to his friends in iowa. to this he objected, and said if we would allow him he would go with us to council bluffs, and then go with the fur company to the mountains. he agreed to assist all he could in getting along. he was furnished a horse, and made an excellent hand while he remained with the party, which he did till he reached fort hall, on snake river. there he joined a party that went with the bannock indians, and became a member of that tribe, and, as near as we can learn, married a native woman (some say three), and is using his influence to keep the tribe at war with the united states. of this we have no positive knowledge, though if such is the fact he may have been a deserter from fort leavenworth. his name was miles goodyear. within thirty miles of council bluffs a messenger overtook the missionary caravan, and stated that mrs. satterley, of the pawnee mission, was dead; that dr. whitman and ladies were left at fort leavenworth; that they were coming on as fast as possible, with extra teams, to overtake us. our party went into camp at once; the two wagons with horse teams started back to meet and bring up the balance of the party; wait two days at omaha; fix one of the wagon boxes for a ferry-boat; doctor and party arrive; cross all safe; get to camp late in the night. there was a slight jar in the feelings of some on account of haste, and slowness of movement, in others. however, as the fur company, with whom the mission party was to travel, was to start on a certain day, haste was absolutely necessary, and no time to be lost. useless baggage overhauled and thrown away, cows started, mules and wagons loaded; gray in charge of mules and cows, spalding driver for a two-horse light wagon, whitman the four-horse farm wagon. on goes the caravan; in two hours a message goes forward to gray that spalding has driven his wagon into a mud stream and broken his axletree; gray goes back; soon repairs axletree by a new one; on platte river; rains as it only can on that river, cold and almost sleet; nothing but a skin boat, that could carry but two trunks and one lady at a time; all day swimming by the side of the boat to get goods over; swim cattle, mules, and horses all over safe to north side. overhaul and lighten our baggage; rev. mr. dunbar for pilot, three men, and two indian boys, we hasten on to overtake fur company's caravan. second day, met one hundred pawnee warriors on their way to council bluff agency. mr. dunbar being the missionary of the pawnees, and understanding their language, we had no difficulty with them. traveling early and late, we came up to the fur company at the pawnee village, some two hours after their caravan had arrived and camped. at this point the missionary menagerie was first exhibited, not that they attempted to make any display, or posted any handbills, or charged any fee for exhibiting, but the strange appearance of two white ladies in a caravan consisting of rough american hunters, canadian packers with indian women, with all the paraphernalia of a wild mountain expedition, drew the attention of all. the mission party had with them some fine cows, good horses and mules, and were tolerably well fitted out for their expedition, except a superabundance of useless things, causing much perplexity and hard labor to transport over the rough plains in . it will be borne in mind that at that early time there was no road,--not even a trail or track, except that of the buffalo; and those made by them were invariably from the river, or watering-places, into the hills or bluffs. their trails being generally deep, from long use by the animal, made it quite severe and straining upon our teams, wagons, and the nineteen carts the fur company carried their goods in that year. the caravan altogether consisted of nineteen carts, with two mules to each, one in the shafts and one ahead, one light dearborn wagon, two mules and two wagons belonging to an english nobleman, his titles all on, sir william drummond, k. b., who had come to the united states to allow his fortune to recuperate during his absence. he had been spending his winters in new orleans with the southern bloods, and his bankers in england complained that his income was not sufficient to meet his large expenditures; he was advised to take a trip to the rocky mountains, which would occupy him during the summer and sickly season, during which time he could only spend what he had with him, and could have a fine hunting excursion. this english nobleman with his party consisted of himself and a young english blood. i did not learn whether he was of the first, second, third, or fourth grade in the scale of english nobility; be that as it may, sir william d., k. b., messed and slept in the same tent with this traveling companion of his, who, between them, had three servants, two dogs, and four extra fine horses, to run and hunt the buffalo. occasionally, they would give chase to that swiftest of mountain animals, the antelope, which, in most instances, would, especially where the grass was short, leave them in the distance, when sir william and his companion would come charging back to the train, swearing the antelope could outrun a streak of lightning, and offering to bet a thousand pounds that if he had one of his english 'orses he could catch 'em. the english nobleman, as a matter of course, was treated with great respect by all in the caravan; while in the presence of the ladies he assumed quite a dignified carriage, being a man (excuse me, your honor), a lord of the british realm, on a hunting excursion in north america, in the rocky mountains, in the year a.d. . he was about five feet nine inches high. his face had become thin from the free use of new orleans brandy, rendering his nose rather prominent, showing indications of internal heat in bright red spots, and inclining a little to the rum blossom, that would make its appearance from the sting of a mosquito or sand-fly, which to his lordship was quite annoying. though his lordship was somewhat advanced in years, and, according to his own account, had traveled extensively in the oriental countries, he did not show in his conversation extensive mental improvement; his general conversation and appearance was that of a man with strong prejudices, and equally strong appetites, which he had freely indulged, with only pecuniary restraint. his two wagons, one with two horses, the other with four mules, with drivers, and a servant for cook and waiter, constituted his train--as large as his means would permit on that trip. all of the carts and wagons were covered with canvas to protect the goods from storms. sir william traveled under the _alias_ of captain stewart. the order of march was as follows: cattle and loose animals in advance in the morning, coming up in rear at night; fur company and captain stewart's teams in advance; mission party in rear till we reached fort laramie. all went smoothly and in order. at the pawnee village the fur company was short of meat or bacon. arrangements were made to slaughter one of the mission cows, and replace it at laramie. two days from pawnee village the hunters brought into camp some bull buffalo meat; next day cow buffalo meat in abundance. not far from scott's bluff, passed some hunters on their way down platte river in boats; arrive at fort laramie, just above the mouth of that river; cross the platte in two dug-outs, lashed together with sticks and poles, so as to carry the goods and carts all over to the fort. at that establishment the company and captain stewart leave all their wagons and carts except one, deeming it impracticable to proceed further with them. on account of the ladies, dr. whitman insisted on taking one of the mission wagons along. the fur company concluded to try the experiment with him, and took one of their carts along. overhaul all the baggage, select out all, that, with the knowledge any one had of the future wants of the mission party, could be dispensed with; put the balance up in packages of one hundred pounds each; for the top packs, fifty pounds; for mules, two hundred and fifty pounds; for horses, in proportion to strength. about the first of june, , the caravan started from laramie. all the goods on pack animals, wagon and cart light, gray in charge of mission pack-train, with two men and one boy, two pack animals each; spalding of cows, loose animals, and ladies, with the two indian boys to assist in driving; dr. whitman in charge of the wagon train, consisting of the fur company's cart and mission wagon; but one man in the cart and one in the wagon. on we go; the first day from laramie had some difficulty in getting through a cotton-wood bottom on the river, on account of fallen timber in the trail. whitman came into the camp puffing and blowing, in good spirits, all right side up, with only one turn over with the wagon and two with the cart. the fur company being interested in exploring a wagon route to green river, next day gave the doctor two additional men to assist in exploring and locating the road, and getting the wagon and cart over difficult places. second day all right; train moves on; hunters in advance; cattle usually traveling slower than the train, were started in the morning in advance of the train, which usually passed them about one hour before reaching camp at night; at noon they usually all stop together. at the crossing of platte below red buttes, in the black hills, kill buffalo, took hides, made willow frames for boats, sewed the hides together to cover the frames, used tallow for pitch, dried the skin boats over a fire, the rain having poured down all the time we were getting ready to cross. however, as fortune always favors the brave, as the saying is, it did us this time, for in the morning, when our boats were ready, it cleared up, the sun came out bright and clear, so that we had a fine time getting all things over. next day on we moved, over the hills, through the valleys, around and among the salt pits to a willow grove to camp. with the company was a gentleman from st. louis, a major pilcher. he usually rode a fine white mule, and was dressed in the top of hunting or mountain style, such as a fine buckskin coat trimmed with red cloth and porcupine quills, fine red shirt, nice buckskin pants, and moccasins tinged and nicely trimmed; he was, in fact, very much of a gentleman in all his conversation and deportment. the major was also considerable of a gallant (as i believe most titled gentlemen are). he was proceeding around one of those clay salt pits, and explaining to the ladies their nature and danger, when suddenly mule, major and all dropped out of sight, except the mule's ears and the fringe on the major's coat. instantly several men were on hand with ropes, and assisted the major and mule out of the pit. _such a sight!_ you may imagine what you please, i will not attempt to describe it. however, no particular harm was done the major, only the thorough saturation of his fine suit of buckskin, and mule, with that indescribably adhesive mud. he took it all in good part, and joined in the jokes on the occasion. no other remarkable incident occurred till we arrived at rock independence. on the south end of that rock nearly all the prominent persons of the party placed their names, and date of being there. later wagon trains and travelers have complained, and justly, of sage brush and the difficulties of this route. whitman and his four men opened it as far as they could with a light wagon and a cart. to him must be given the credit of the first practical experiment, though ashtley, bonneville, and bridger had taken wagons into the rocky mountains and left them, and pronounced the experiment a failure, and a wagon road impracticable. whitman's perseverance demonstrated a great fact--the practicability of a wagon road over the rocky mountains. you that have rolled over those vast plains and slept in your concord coaches or pullman palace cars, have never once imagined the toil and labor of that old off-hand pioneer, as he mounted his horse in the morning and rode all day in the cold and heat of the mountains and plains, to prove that a wagon road was practicable to the waters of the columbia river. even fremont, seven years after, claims to be the discoverer of the passes through which whitman took his cart and wagon, and kept up with the pack-train from day to day. from rock independence the health of mrs. spalding seemed gradually to decline. she was placed in the wagon as much as would relieve her, and changed from wagon to saddle as she could bear, to the american rendezvous on green river. from rock independence information was sent forward into the mountains of the arrival of the caravan, and about the time and place they expected to reach the rendezvous. this information reached not only the american trapper and hunter in the mountains, but the snake, bannock, nez percé, and flathead tribes, and the traders of the hudson's bay company. two days before we arrived at our rendezvous, some two hours before we reached camp, the whole caravan was alarmed by the arrival of some ten indians and four or five white men, whose dress and appearance could scarcely be distinguished from that of the indians. as they came in sight over the hills, they all gave a yell, such as hunters and indians only can give; whiz, whiz, came their balls over our heads, and on they came, in less time than it will take you to read this account. the alarm was but for a moment; our guide had seen a white cloth on one of their guns, and said, "don't be alarmed, they are friends," and sure enough, in a moment here they were. it was difficult to tell which was the most crazy, the horse or the rider; such hopping, hooting, running, jumping, yelling, jumping sage brush, whirling around, for they could not stop to reload their guns, but all of us as they came on gave them a salute from ours, as they passed to the rear of our line and back again, hardly stopping to give the hand to any one. on to camp we went. at night, who should we find but old takkensuitas and ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats (lawyer), with a letter from mr. parker, which informed the party that he had arrived safely at wallawalla, and that the indians had been kind to him, and from what he had seen and could learn of them, they were well disposed toward all white men. mr. parker, as his journal of that trip and observations will show, was a man of intelligence, and a close observer of men and things. he soon learned, on arriving at wallawalla, that there was a bitter anti-american feeling in the country, and that, notwithstanding he had arrived in it uninvited, and without the aid of the _honorable_ hudson's bay company, he was in it, nevertheless, as the guest of the nez percé indians. they had found him in the rocky mountains; they brought him to wallawalla; they had received him, treated him kindly, and proved to him that they were not only friendly, but anxious to have the american influence and civilization come among them. rev. jason lee and party were in the country. abundance of unasked advice was given to him by hudson's bay company's men; his caution prevailed; he was to let dr. whitman, or the mission party that might be sent across the mountains, hear from him by the indians. feeling certain that any advice or information he might attempt to communicate to his missionary friends would in all probability be made use of to their detriment, and perhaps destroy the mission itself, he did not deem it prudent to write or to give any advice. should any party come on before he could reach them, his note was sufficient to inform them of the fact of his safe arrival and the friendly treatment he had received of the indians; further than this he did not feel safe to communicate--not for want of confidence in the indians, but from what he saw and learned of the feelings of the hudson's bay company. yet he felt that, notwithstanding they were showing him outwardly every attention, yet they evidently did not wish to see the american influence increase in any shape in the country. rev. mr. parker's letter, short and unsatisfactory as it was, caused considerable expression of unpleasant feeling on the part of those who considered they had a right to a more full and extended communication. but mr. parker was at vancouver, or somewhere else; they might and they might not meet him; he may and he may not have written more fully. at supper time old takkensuitas (rotten belly) and ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats were honored with a place at the missionary board. with your permission, ladies and gentlemen, i will give you the bill of fare on this memorable occasion. place--by the side of a muddy stream called sandy, about thirty miles south of wind river mountain. this mountain, you will remember, is about as near the highest point of the north american continent as can be. this fact is established, not from geographical or barometrical observations, but from the simple fact that water runs from it by way of the missouri, colorado, and columbia rivers into the eastern, southern, and western oceans, and but a short distance to the north of this mountain commences the waters of the saskatchewan river, running into hudson's bay and the northern ocean. there are doubtless many other mountains whose peaks ascend higher into the clouds, but none of them supply water to so vast an extent of country, and none of them are so decidedly on top of the continent as this one. of course our little party is in a high altitude, and in sight of this mountain, which may or may not have been ten thousand feet higher to its snow-capped peaks. date--about the th day of july, . our table was the grass beside this muddy stream; cloth--an old broken oil-cloth badly used up; plates--when the company started were called tin, but from hard usage were iron in all shapes; cups--ditto; knives--the common short-bladed wooden-handled butcher knife; forks--a stick each cut to suit himself, or, if he preferred the primitive mode of conveying his food to its proper destination, he was at liberty to practice it; food extra on this occasion--a nice piece of venison, which the indians had presented to the ladies, a piece of broiled and roast buffalo meat, roasted upon a stick before the fire, seasoned with a little salt, with a full proportion of sand and dirt. dr. whitman was inclined to discard the use of salt entirely; as to dirt and sand it was a matter upon which he and mr. parker differed on the trip the year previous, though mrs. whitman took sides with mr. parker against the doctor, and with the assistance of mrs. spalding, the doctor was kept in most cases within reasonable distance of comfortable cleanliness. on this occasion tea, with sugar, was used; the supply of bread was limited; we will not trouble the reader with an extra list of the dessert. of this feast these sons of the wilderness partook with expressions of great satisfaction. the lawyer, twenty-seven years after, spoke of it as the time when his heart became one with the _suapies_ (americans). chapter xv. arrival at american rendezvous.--an indian procession.--indian curiosity to see white women.--captain n. wyeth.--mccleod and t. mckay.--description of mountain men.--their opinion of the missionaries. in two days' easy travel we arrived at the great american rendezvous, held in an extensive valley in the forks formed by horse creek and green river, on account of the abundance of wood, grass, and water all through the valley. each party selected their own camp grounds, guarding their own animals and goods, as each felt or anticipated the danger he might be exposed to at the time. we will pass through this city of about fifteen hundred inhabitants--composed of all classes and conditions of men, and on this occasion two classes of women,--starting from a square log pen by , with no doors, except two logs that had been cut so as to leave a space about four feet from the ground two feet wide and six feet long, designed for an entrance, as also a place to hand out goods and take in furs. it was covered with poles, brush on top of the poles; in case of rain, which we had twice during our stay at the rendezvous, the goods were covered with canvas, or tents thrown over them. lumber being scarce in that vicinity, floors, doors, as well as sash and glass, were dispensed with. the spaces between the logs were sufficient to admit all the light requisite to do business in this primitive store. at a little distance from the store were the camps of the fur company, in which might be seen the pack-saddles and equipage of the mules, in piles to suit the taste and disposition of the men having them in charge. the trading-hut was a little distance from the main branch of green river, so situated that the company's mules and horses could all be driven between the store and the river, the tents and men on either side, the store in front, forming a camp that could be defended against an attack of the indians, in case they should attempt any thing of the kind. green river, at the point where our city in the mountains is situated, is running from the west due east. west of the fur company's camp or store were most of the camps of the hunters and trappers; east of it, close to the river, was the missionary camp, while to the south, from one to three miles distant along horse creek, from its junction with green river, where the snake and bannock indians were camped, to six miles up that stream, were the camps of the flatheads and nez percés. all these tribes were at peace that year, and met at the american rendezvous. the indian camps were so arranged in the bends of the creek that they could defend themselves and their horses in case of any attack from the neighboring tribes, and also guard their horses while feeding in the day-time. the whole city was a military camp; every little camp had its own guards to protect its occupants and property from being stolen by its neighbor. the arrow or the ball decided any dispute that might occur. the only law known for horse-stealing was death to the thief, if the owner or the guard could kill him in the act. if he succeeded in escaping, the only remedy for the man who lost his horse was to buy, or steal another and take his chances in escaping the arrow or ball of the owner, or guard. it was quite fashionable in this city for all to go well armed, as the best and quickest shot gained the case in dispute. of the number assembled, there must have been not far from one hundred americans,--hunters and trappers; about fifty french, belonging principally to the caravan; some five traders; about twenty citizens, or outsiders, including the mission party. the snakes and bannocks mustered about one hundred and fifty warriors; the nez percés and flatheads, about two hundred. by arrangement among themselves they got up a grand display for the benefit of their white visitors, which came off some six days after our american caravan had arrived at the rendezvous. the procession commenced at the east or lower end of the plain in the vicinity of the snake and bannock camps. the nez percés and flatheads, passing from their camps down the horse creek, joined the snake and bannock warriors, all dressed and painted in their gayest uniforms, each having a company of warriors in war garb, that is, naked, except a single cloth, and painted, carrying their war weapons, bearing their war emblems and indian implements of music, such as skins drawn over hoops with rattles and trinkets to make a noise. from the fact that no scalps were borne in the procession, i concluded this must be entirely a peace performance, and gotten up for the occasion. when the cavalcade, amounting to full five (some said six) hundred indian warriors (though i noticed quite a number of native belles covered with beads), commenced coming up through the plain in sight of our camps, those of us who were not informed as to the object or design of this demonstration began to look at our weapons and calculate on a desperate fight. captain stewart, our english nobleman, and major pilcher waited on the mission ladies and politely informed them of the object of the display; they assured them there would be no danger or harm, and remained at their tents while the cavalcade passed. mrs. whitman's health was such that she could witness most of the display. mrs. spalding was quite feeble, and kept her tent most of the time. all passed off quietly, excepting the hooting and yelling of the indians appropriate to the occasion. the display over, the mission camp around the tent was thronged. on first hearing the war-whoop, the savage yell, and the sound of the indian war drum, all parties not in the secret of this surprise party, or native reception for their missionaries, at once drove in their animals, and prepared for the worst; hence the mission cows, horses, and camp, were all together. major pilcher and captain stewart enjoyed the surprise of the party, and were equally delighted with the effect and surprise manifested by the indians, as they approached the mission camp. the wagon, and every thing about their camp, was examined. the indians would pass and repass the tent, to get a sight of the two women belonging to the white men. mrs. spalding, feeble as she was, seemed to be the favorite with the indian women; possibly from that fact alone she may have gained their sympathy to some extent. the lawyer and takkensuitas were constant visitors at the tent. their indian wives were with them, and showed a disposition to do all in their power to assist the missionaries. mrs. spalding's rest from the fatigues of the journey soon enabled her to commence a vocabulary of the indian language. mrs. whitman also commenced one with her, but she was often interrupted by the attentions thought necessary to be paid to gentlemen callers. excuse me, whoever believes that thirty-three years since there were no gentlemen on top of the rocky mountains. i can assure you that there were, and that all the refined education and manners of the daughter of judge prentiss, of prattsburg, steuben county, n. y., found abundant opportunity to exhibit the cardinal ornaments of a religious and civilized country. no one, except an eye-witness, can appreciate or fully understand the charm there was in those early days in the sight of the form and white features of his mother. the rough veteran mountain hunter would touch his hat in a manner absolutely ridiculous, and often fail to express a designed compliment, which the mischief or good-humor of mrs. whitman sometimes enjoyed as a good joke. in consequence of these attentions or interruptions, she did not acquire the native language as fast as mrs. spalding, who showed but little attention to any one except the natives and their wives. the indian curiosity had not fully subsided before the company were introduced to, and cordially greeted by, captain wyeth, who had been to the lower columbia on a trading expedition. he had conducted rev. jason lee and party to fort hall, where he had established a trading-post; thence he had gone to the lower country, received his goods from the brig _may dacre_, made arrangements with the hudson's bay company, sold his goods and establishment at fort hall to the hudson's bay company, and was then on his way back to the states. captain wyeth, in all his motions and features, showed the shrewd yankee and the man of business. he politely introduced the mission party to messrs. john mcleod and thomas mckay, of the hudson's bay company. after the usual etiquette of introduction and common inquiries, messrs. mcleod and mckay having retired to their camps, captain w. entered into a full explanation of the whys and wherefores of rev. mr. parker's short note, confirming the observations and suspicions of mr. parker, in reference to the treatment the missionaries might expect, giving a full statement of the feelings and efforts of the hudson's bay company to get rid of all american influence, and especially traders. turning, with a smile, upon the ladies, but addressing the gentlemen, he said, "you gentlemen have your wives along; if i do not greatly mistake the feelings of the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, they will be anxious to have their influence in teaching their own wives and children, and you will meet with a different reception from any other american party that has gone into the country." it would be useless to add in this sketch that the advice of captain w. was of incalculable value in shaping the policy and conduct of the mission of the american board in their necessary transactions and intercourse with the hudson's bay company. captain w. had fallen in with rev. s. parker, but could give no definite information about him or his plans, except that he was on his return to the united states, by way of the sandwich islands. as we have never seen a description of these semi-civilized men, that in youth had left their native countries, and found themselves thousands of miles away, in the midst of the rocky mountains, surrounded on all sides by wild, roving bands of savages, cut off from communication with civilization, except by the annual return of the fur company's traders, or occasional wandering to some distant trading-post, a thousand or five hundred miles from the borders of any state or settlement, we will at this time introduce to the reader several men as we found them at this american rendezvous, most of them finding their way eventually into the settlement of oregon, and becoming active and prominent men in the organization of the provisional government, as also good citizens. among these veteran rocky mountain hunters was a tall man, with long black hair, smooth face, dark eyes (inclining to turn his head a little to one side, as much as to say, "i can tell you all about it"), a harum-scarum, don't-care sort of a man, full of "life and fun in the mountains," as he expressed it. he came and paid his respects to the ladies, and said he had been in the mountains several years; he had not seen a white woman for so long he had almost forgotten how they looked. he appeared quite fond of telling "yarns." in the conversation, mrs. whitman asked him if he ever had any difficulty or fights with the indians. "that we did," said he. "one time i was with bridger's camp; we were traveling along that day, and the blackfeet came upon us. i was riding an old mule. the indians were discovered some distance off, so all the party put whip to their horses and started to get to a place where we could defend ourselves. my old mule was determined not to move, with all the beating i could give her, so i sung out to the boys to stop and fight the indians where we were; they kept on, however. soon, my old mule got sight of the blackfeet coming; she pricked up her ears, and on she went like a streak, passed the boys, and away we went. i sung out to the boys, as i passed, 'come on, boys, there is no use to stop and fight the indians here.'" fun and firmness were the two prominent characteristics of this young mountain hunter. he expressed a wish and a determination to visit and settle in lower oregon (as the wallamet valley was then called). he had a native wife, and one son, just beginning to speak a few words. the father seemed, on my first noticing him, to be teaching this son of his to say "god d----n you," doubtless considering this prayer the most important one to teach his son to repeat, in the midst of the wild scenes with which he was surrounded. though, to his credit be it said, this same wild, youthful mountaineer has become a good supporter of religious society, and has a respectable family, in an interesting neighborhood, near forest grove, in oregon. we will call these mountain hunters by numbers, for convenience, as we shall refer to them in our future political sketches, in which they participated. no. . a man of medium height, black hair, black whiskers, dark-brown eyes, and very dark complexion; he was formerly from kentucky. (i am not positive.) he was quite fond of telling yarns; still, as he was not considered very truthful, we will only give the story as we have it of the manner in which he and the one we will give as no. obtained their titles. and were traveling together; was from cincinnati, ohio. they had reached independence, mo.; says to , "titles are very necessary here in missouri, what titles shall we take?" "well," says , "i will take _major_." says, "i will take _doctor_." very good. they rode up to the best hotel in the place and called for lodgings. . "well, doctor, what shall we have for supper?" . "i don't care, major, so as we get something to eat." the major and the doctor enjoyed their supper and have borne their titles to the present time. the major has never been, from all i could learn of him, a very truthful man or reliable citizen. he spent several years in oregon and in the mountains, and found his way back to missouri. the doctor is now a resident of idaho. the most remarkable trait in his composition is story-telling, or yarns, and a disposition to make friends of all political parties, or join all religious sects--something of a good lord and good devil order. he appeared in those early times to belong to that party that paid him the best. he was first in the employ of the american fur company, but appeared to lend his influence to the hudson's bay company. he also had a native wife of the nez percé tribe, and was considered by the hudson's bay company a useful man to divide the american influence in trade with the indians in the mountains, and equally useful to distract and divide the political influence of the early settlers. by his connection with the natives in marriage, the hudson's bay company in trade, and good lord and good devil principles, he could adapt himself to the protestant or catholic religion, and in this manner become a kind of representative man, something like _strong lye and aquafortis mixed_, and just about as useful as such a mixture would be. he succeeded, by political maneuvering, or as the sailors say, "boxing the compass," to fill a place and draw a salary from uncle sam; carrying out the principles he has acted upon in his whole life, his efforts have been to neutralize what good others might do. no. . a young man from ohio, of a serious turn of mind; at least i concluded this to be the case, from the fact that he asked of the ladies if they had any books to sell, or that they could spare. a nice pocket-bible was given him, for which he politely expressed his thanks, after offering to pay for it. the pay, of course, was declined, as a few bibles were brought along for distribution. this young man, in a few years, followed the mission party and became a settler and a prominent man in the provisional government. no. . a wild, reckless, don't-care sort of a youth, with a nez percé wife, so thoroughly attached to indian ideas and customs that he has felt it beneath his dignity to turn from the ancient habits of the indian to a "more recent invention" of religion and civilization. his curiosity was a little excited, which induced him to pay his respects to the missionaries, on account of their wives. he called on them, and spoke of some day finding his way somewhere down about where the missionaries might be located; as he had bought him a nez percé wife, she might want to go and see her people, and he might make up his mind to go and settle. this man, from his utter disregard for all moral and civilized social relations, has coiled himself up in the tribe he adopted, and spit out his venomous influence against all moral and civil improvement, training his children so that the better portion of the natives treat them with contempt. for a time he had considerable influence in shaping government policy toward the tribe and securing his own personal indian position, to the injury of all other interests. i am unable to say how he obtained his title of colonel, unless it was from the influence he once pretended to have with the indians, and a disposition on the part of those of his countrymen to title those who aspire to such honors. no. . what the miners nowadays would call a "plain, honest farmer," with a native wife and one child. he called on the party, took a look at their cattle, and some four years afterward, after going into mexico and taos, found his way to the wallamet as a settler, with a few head of cattle, which he managed to get through. this man is a quiet and good citizen, and has a respectable family of half-native children. the accursed influence of slavery in his neighborhood has borne heavily upon his children. whether they will be able to rise above it and stand as examples of good citizens remains for them to demonstrate. no. . a short, thick-set man, with a nez percé wife; a good honest farmer; has done credit to himself and family in giving them every possible advantage for education and society, though the aquafortis mixture has been strong in his neighborhood; his family are respected; his indian wife he considers as good as some of his neighbors', that don't like her or her children. in this opinion all who are not saturated with our _cultus_ mixture agree with him. his title in the mountains was squire, but i think it has been improved since he came to the settlements by adding the e to it, he having been duly elected to fill the office under the provisional, territorial, and state government. i have learned, with much regret, that the squire of the rocky mountains, who had courage and strength to meet and overcome all the dangers and trials of early times, has not the courage to resist the approaches of false friends and bad whisky, which will ultimately bring himself and his family to that certain destruction that follows the debasing habit of using liquor in any shape. no. . a fair, light-haired, light-complexioned, blue-eyed man, rather above the medium height, with a nez percé wife, came about the camp, had little or nothing to say. i am not quite certain that he had his native wife at that time, still he had one when he came into the settlement. he has a good farm, and if he avoids his false friends and the fatal habits of his neighbors, he may have a good name, which will be of more value to his children than his present social and vicious habits. doctor marcus whitman, they considered, on the whole, was a good sort of a fellow; he was not so hide-bound but what he could talk with a common man and get along easily if his wife did not succeed in "_stiffening_," starching him up; he would do first-rate, though there appeared considerable doubt in their minds, whether, from her stern, commanding manner, she would not eventually succeed in stiffening up the doctor so that he would be less agreeable. mrs. whitman, they thought, was a woman of too much education and refinement to be thrown away on the indians. "she must have had considerable romance in her disposition to have undertaken such an expedition with such a common, kind, good-hearted fellow as the doctor. as to spalding, he is so green he will do to spread out on a frog-pond; he may do to preach to indians, but mountain men would have to be fly-blown before he could come near them. mrs. spalding is a first-rate woman; she has not got any starch in her; it is strange she ever picked up such a greenhorn as she has for a husband; she will do first-rate to teach the indians, or anybody else; she has got good common sense, and doesn't put on any frills. as to gray, he is young yet, is not quite so green as spalding; he seems inclined to learn a little; by the time he goes to the columbia river and travels about more, he will know a good deal more than he does now. he may do well in his department if he 'keeps his eye skinned.'" i suppose by this expression was meant a sharp look out for swindlers, rogues, and thieves, to see that they do not lie, cheat, and steal, every opportunity they may have, or at least that you do not allow them to take your property under false pretenses. be that as it may, the general conclusion was, that, as this mission party had succeeded in getting thus far on their journey, they might get still further, and perhaps (most were certain) make a failure, either by being sent out of the country by the hudson's bay company, or destroyed by the indians. good wishes and hopes that they might succeed were abundant from all, as was plainly expressed, and a disposition, in case the mission succeeded in establishing themselves, to find their way down into the columbia river valley with their native families, and become settlers about the mission stations. lightly as these frank, open expressions of good wishes and future ideas of the mountain hunter may appear, the missionaries saw at once there was the germ of a future people to be gathered in the columbia river valley, probably of a mixed race. these men had all abandoned civilization and home for the wild hunter life in the midst of the mountains. they had enjoyed its wild sports, felt its fearful dangers and sufferings, and become, most of them, connected with native women--a large proportion of them with the nez percé and flathead tribes. their family, at least, could be benefited by education, and taught the benefits of civilization and christianity. the men had expressed kind wishes, good feelings, and treated them kindly; why should they not include this class of men and their families in their efforts to benefit the indians in the valleys of the columbia river. as before stated, the mission party had been introduced by captain wyeth to mr. john mcleod, a gentleman holding the rank of chief trader in the hudson's bay company. he had frequent interviews and conversations with the mission party while at rendezvous, and as often as any of these mountain men met him at the mission camp, he would leave without ceremony. there appeared a mutual dislike, a sort of hatred between them. this chief trader of the hudson's bay company, in the conversations had with him, informed the mission party that it was not the wish of the company to encourage any of these mountain hunters and trappers to go to the columbia river to settle, or to have any thing to do with them, assigning as a reason that they would cause trouble and difficulties with the indians. he also gave them to understand that should they need manual labor, or men to assist them in putting up their houses and making their improvements, the company would prefer to furnish it, to encouraging these men in going into the country. this intimation was distinctly conveyed to the party, with the advice and intimations received from captain wyeth, who had seen and understood all the policy of the hudson's bay company, and had been compelled to sell his improvements at fort hall to this same mcleod, and his goods designed for the trade to dr. mclaughlin, soon after their arrival in the country. these facts and statements, with the decided manner of mr. mcleod, compelled the mission party to defer any effort for these mountain men, but subsequently they advised the sending of a man to travel with their camps. chapter xvi. missionaries travel in company with hudson's bay company's party.--the lawyer's kindness.--arrival at fort hall.--description of the country.--the salmon indians.--the hudson's bay company's tariff. letters all written to friends, and everybody supposed to have any particular interest in the person or individual who wrote them; the letters placed in the hands of captain wyeth; mission camp overhauled and assorted; all goods supposed unnecessary, or that could be replaced, such as irons for plows, blacksmith's tools, useless kettles, etc., etc., disposed of. (all articles left, the party were careful to learn, could be had at vancouver of the hudson's bay company, or methodist mission, at reasonable prices.) tents struck; good-byes said; over the party goes to horse creek, not far from the nez percé camp, where we found that of mcleod and mckay. soon after we reached camp, along comes dr. whitman with his wagon, notwithstanding all parties and persons, except the indians, advised him to leave it. he was literally alone in his determination to get his old wagon through on to the waters of the columbia, and to the mission station that might be established no one knew where. the man that says dr. whitman is fickle-minded, knows nothing of his character and less of his moral worth. next day, all camps, including those of the flathead and nez percé indians, were "raised," as the expression is, and on we went; the hudson's bay company and mission camp, or caravan, together, dr. whitman in charge of his wagon, with some indians to help him. they seemed rather to get the doctor's ideas of this _chick-chick-shauile-kai-kash_ (iron rolling carriage), and hunted a road around the bad places, and helped him along when he required their assistance. our route was nearly the same as the great overland route to bear river and soda springs. two days before we reached soda springs one of the mission party became quite unwell, and unable to sit upon his horse. he was left, at his own request, on a little stream, while the caravan passed on some six miles further to camp. after remaining alone and resting some two hours, the lawyer and an indian companion of his came along, picked up the sick man, put him upon a strong horse, got on behind him, and held him on till they reached camp. dr. whitman gave him a prescription, which relieved him, so that next day he was able to continue the journey with the camp. this transaction has always been a mystery to the writer. the place where the sick man was left was a beautiful stream, and a good place for a camp for the whole caravan. the sick man was wholly unable to proceed; did not ask the caravan to stop and bury him, but simply informed them he could proceed no further; his strength was gone; they could leave him to die alone if they chose. a word from mcleod would have stopped the caravan. should the mission party remain with him? he said: "no; go on with the caravan and leave me; you will be compelled to seek your own safety in continuing with the caravan; i am but an individual; leave me to my fate." he requested a cup that he might get some water from the stream, close to the side of which he wished them to place him. dr. whitman remained with him as long as was deemed safe for him, and passed on to overtake the caravan. the lawyer and his companion came along two or three hours afterward, picked up the dying or dead man (for aught the caravan knew), and brought him into camp. my impression of this transaction has always been that mcleod wished to get rid of this young american, who was then in the service of the mission party. "that d----d indian, lawyer," as the hudson's bay company's men called him, by his kindness of heart and determination not to let an american die if he could help it, defeated the implied wish of these hudson's bay company's men in this case. the lawyer says the sick man vomited all the way into camp, and called for water, which his young man got for him. from the soda springs the indian camps went north into the mountains for buffalo. the hudson's bay company and mission party continued their journey through the spurs of the mountains over on to the waters of the portneuf to fort hall. it is due to dr. whitman to say that notwithstanding this was the most difficult route we had to travel, yet he persevered with his old wagon, without any particular assistance; from soda springs to fort hall his labor was immense, yet he overcame every difficulty and brought it safe through. i have thrice since traveled the same route, and confess i can not see how he did it, notwithstanding i was with him, and know he brought the wagon through. fort hall, in , was a stockade, made of cotton-wood logs, about twelve feet long, set some two feet in the ground, with a piece of timber pinned near the top, running entirely around the stockade, which was about sixty feet square. the stores and quarters for the men were built inside with poles, brush, grass, and dirt for covering, stamped down so as to partially shed rain, and permit the guards to be upon the tops of the quarters and see over the top of the stockade. it is situated on an extensive level plain or flat, with spurs of the rocky mountains on the east, at the distance of thirty miles, high ranges of barren sage hills on the south, some eight miles distant. as you leave the flat level bottom formed by the snake and portneuf rivers, all along its banks it is skirted with a fine growth of cotton-wood, relieving the landscape and forming a beautiful contrast to the high barren plains beyond. to the west is the valley of the snake river, from thirty to sixty miles wide, a high, sandy, and barren sage plain. this valley is bounded on the south by a low range of hills, running from northwest to southeast. on the north side of fort hall is an extensive high plain; this plain is, from fort hall, across it, full forty miles. the only objects that meet the eye on this extensive plain are three high basaltic buttes or mountains thrown up near its center. at the foot of the one a little to the south and west of the two rounder and equally prominent ones, is a fine spring of water. in , the writer, in his explorations of the country, was anxious to learn more than was then known of the character of this great basin in the mountains, having the year previous entered it by way of soda springs and portneuf. this time he came into it from the north by codie's defile, and concluded he would take a straight course and pass between the two northeastern buttes, and reach snake river near fort hall. his indian guide objected; still, as we had good horses, and were traveling light, we took the precaution to water our animals before entering this plain. we were twenty-six hours on horseback, having stopped but six hours to rest; we tied our horses to the sage brush, to prevent them from leaving us to hunt for water. not a drop did we find on our route till we reached snake river, thirty-two hours from the time we left running water on the north and west sides of this plain. in our course we found nothing but barren, basaltic rock, sand, and sage. it is possible, had we turned to the right or left, we might have found water, but i saw nothing that gave indications that water was near; on the contrary, i noticed that the fine stream at which we watered our animals sank into the rocks, leaving no marks of a channel to any great distance. in fact, my impression was, after twelve hours' ride, that it was useless to spend our time and strength to hunt for water, and kept our course. jaded and fatigued as our animals were, as we approached snake river every nerve seemed strung to the utmost; our animals became frantic and unmanageable; they rushed forward at full speed and plunged into the first water they saw. fortunately for them and the riders, the water was only about three feet deep; water appeared to be preferred to air; they plunged their heads deep in and held their breaths till their thirst was relieved. this plain is bounded on the north and east by spurs of the rocky and bear river mountains; on the south and west by the high plains of portneuf and snake river valleys. there is a range of mountains commencing on the northwest of this plain, extending west and north along snake river, dividing the waters of the snake and la rivière aux bois (the wooded river.) this whole plain has the appearance of having been one vast lake of lava, spread over the whole surrounding country, appearing to have issued from the three basaltic mountains in the midst of it. i noticed, as we passed between the two, which were probably not more than ten miles apart, that we appeared to be on higher rock than in any direction around us. from this fact i concluded that the three must have been pouring out their volcanic lava at the same time and ceased together, leaving the country comparatively level. the small amount of soil found upon the surface, as well as the barrenness of the rock, indicated no distant period of time when this volcanic plain had been formed. at fort hall we had another overhauling and lightening of baggage. the doctor was advised to take his wagon apart and pack it, if he calculated to get it through the terrible cañons and deep, bottomless creeks we must pass in going down snake plains. miles goodyear, the boy we picked up two days from fort leavenworth, who had been assigned to assist the doctor, was determined, if the doctor took his wagon any further, to leave the company. he was the only one that could be spared to assist in this wild, and, as all considered, crazy undertaking. miles was furnished a couple of horses, and the best outfit the mission party could give him for his services, and allowed to remain or go where he might choose. in his conclusions, he was influenced by the stories he heard about the treatment he might expect should he reach the lower columbia. his idea of liberty was unlimited. restraint and obedience to others was what he did not like at home; he would try his fortune in the mountains; he did not care for missionaries, hudson's bay men, nor indians; he was determined to be his own man, and was allowed to remain at fort hall. this loss of manual strength to the mission party compelled the doctor to curtail his wagon, so he made a cart on two of the wheels, placed the axletree and the other two wheels on his cart, and about the st of august, , our camp was again in motion. as we reached camp on portneuf the first night, in passing a bunch of willows, mrs. spalding's horse, a kind and perfectly gentle animal, was stung by a wasp, causing him to spring to one side. mrs. s. lost her balance; her foot hung fast in the stirrup; the horse made but a single bound from the sting of the wasp, and stopped still till mrs. s. was relieved from what appeared almost instant death. next day we continued on down the river till we reached salmon falls, on snake river. we found a large number of the salmon and digger indians at their fishing stations. their curiosity was excited, and overcame all the fears that had been attributed to them by former travelers. all of them came about the camp, and appeared quite friendly, furnishing to the party all the fresh and dried salmon they wanted, at the most reasonable rates, say a fine fresh salmon for two fish-hooks; four for a common butcher-knife; ten dried ones for a shirt; in fact, receiving only such pay or presents for their fish and roots, as the hudson's bay company's traders saw fit, or would _allow_ the missionary party to give them. it will be remembered that, in the conversation with captain wyeth, the party had been cautioned as to dealing with the indians, or in any way interfering with the indian trade, or tariff, as the hudson's bay company gentlemen call the prices they were in the habit of giving to the indians, for any article of property they might have to dispose of, or that the company might want. if the indian would part with it at all, he must receive the price or the article they chose to give him, not as an equivalent for his article, but as a condescension on the part of the trader, in allowing him the honor of making the exchange. the indian's property or article, whatever it might be, was of no consequence to the trader, but the article he gave or furnished to him was of great value. the indian knew no other system of trade; it was that or nothing; hence the wealth of this arrogant and overgrown company, claiming exclusive trading privileges, as also the right to occupy the country in such a manner, and for such purposes as they chose. as a matter of course, the mission party were not in a condition to vary or change this system of trade; neither were they allowed to encourage the indians in the expectation of any future change, except as to the religious instructions they were at liberty to impart to them. the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company were frank with the mission in giving them their tariff: for a salmon at salmon falls, two awls or two small fish-hooks; one large hook for two salmon; for a knife, four salmon; for one load of powder and a charge of shot, or a single ball, one salmon. at wallawalla the tariff was nearly double, say two balls and powder for one large-sized salmon; a three-point blanket, a check shirt, a knife, five or ten balls and powder, from half a foot to three feet of trail-rope tobacco, the price of a good horse. in short, there was but one single object the indian could live for; that was to contribute his little mite of productive labor to enrich the honorable hudson's bay company, and to assist them, when required, to relieve the country of intruders. that they were in a state of absolute subjection to the control of the company no one that traveled in it at that early day can doubt for a moment. speak of improving the condition of the indians to gentlemen of the company, they would insist that it only made them more insolent, demand higher prices for their produce, and be less inclined to hunt for the furs necessary to supply the goods furnished for their use. the idea of improving the condition of the indian, and raising him in the scale of civilization, and by that means increase his natural wants, and encourage him with a fair compensation for his labor, was no part of their chartered privileges. they found the indian as he was; they would leave him no better. the country and all in it was theirs; they could not allow any interference with their trade. "if you missionaries wish to teach them your religion, we have no particular objection, so long as you confine yourselves to such religious instruction; as to trade, gentlemen, we will not object to your receiving from the indians what you may require for your own personal use and subsistence, provided you do not pay them more for the article you buy of them than the company does. we will give you our tariff, that you may be governed by it in your dealings with the indians. you will readily perceive, gentlemen, that it is necessary for us to insist on these conditions, in order to protect our own interests, and secure our accustomed profits." chapter xvii. an explanation.--instructions of company.--their tyranny.--continuation of journey.--fording rivers.--arrival at boise.--dr. whitman compelled to leave his wagon. it may be asked why the writer gives this explanation of trade and intercourse with the indians and missionaries before they have reached the field of their future labors? for the simple reason that the party, and the writer in particular, commenced their education in the rocky mountains. they learned that in the country to which they were going there was an overgrown, unscrupulous, and exacting monopoly that would prevent any interference in their trade, or intercourse with the indians. this information was received through the american fur traders, and from captain wyeth, who was leaving the country; and from mr. john mcleod, then in charge of our traveling caravan. it is true, we had only reached salmon falls, on snake river, and we only wished to buy of the miserable, naked, filthy objects before us, a few fresh salmon, which they were catching in apparent abundance; and as is the case with most american travelers, we had many articles that would be valuable to the indian, and beneficial to us to get rid of. but this overgrown company's interest comes in. "you must not be liberal, or even just, to these miserable human or savage beings; if you are, it will spoil our trade with them; we can not control them if they learn the value of our goods." this supreme selfishness, this spirit of oppression, was applied not only to the digger indians on the barren snake plains and the salmon fisheries of the columbia river, but to the miserable discharged, and, in most cases, disabled, canadian-french. this policy the hudson's bay company practiced upon their own servants, and, as far as was possible, upon all the early settlers of the country. in proof of this, hear what messrs. ewing young and carmichael say of them on the thirteenth day of january, , just three months after our mission party had arrived, and had written to their friends and patrons in the united states glowing accounts of the kind treatment they had received from this same hudson's bay company. how far the methodist mission joined in the attempt to coerce mr. young and compel him to place himself under their control, i am unable to say. the hudson's bay company, i know, from the statement of dr. mclaughlin himself, had an abundance of liquors. i also know they were in the habit of furnishing them freely to the indians, as they thought the interest of their trade required. mr. young's letter is in answer to a request of the methodist mission, signed by j. and d. lee, c. shepard, and p. l. edwards, not to erect a distillers on his land claim in yamhill county (nealem valley). the methodist mission was made use of on this occasion, under the threat of the hudson's bay company, that in case mr. young put up his distillery the hudson's bay company would freely distribute their liquors, and at once destroy all moral restraint, and more than probable the mission itself. lee and party offered to indemnify mr. young for his loss in stopping his distillery project. the hudson's bay company held by this means the exclusive liquor trade, while the mission were compelled to use their influence and means to prevent and buy off any enterprise that conflicted with their interests. mr. young says, in his reply:-- "gentlemen, having taken into consideration your request to relinquish our enterprise in manufacturing ardent spirits, we therefore do agree to stop our proceedings for the present: but, gentlemen, the reasons for first beginning such an enterprise were the _innumerable difficulties_ placed in our way by, and the _tyrannizing oppression_ of, the hudson's bay company, here under the absolute authority of dr. mclaughlin, who has treated us with more disdain than any american's feelings could support; but, gentlemen, it is not consistent with our feelings to receive any recompense whatever for our expenditures, but we are thankful to the society for their offer." the writer of the above short paragraph has long since closed his labors, which, with his little property, have done more substantial benefit to oregon than the hudson's bay company, that attempted to drive him from the country, which i will prove to the satisfaction of any unprejudiced mind as we proceed, i am fully aware of the great number of pensioned satellites that have fawned for hudson's bay company pap, and would swear no injustice was ever done to a single american, giving this hypocritical, double-dealing smooth-swindling, called honorable, hudson's bay company credit for what they never did, and really for stealing credit for good deeds done by others. the company insisted that the mission party should, as a condition of being permitted to remain in the country, comply with their ideas of indian trade and justice in dealing with the natives. the utmost care and attention was given to impress this all-important fact upon the minds of these first missionaries. they were told: "gentlemen, your own pecuniary interests require it; the good--_yes, the good_--of the natives you came to teach, requires that you should observe our rules in trade." and here, i have no doubt, lies the great secret of the partial failure of all the protestant missions. but, thank god, the country is relieved of a curse, like that of slavery in the southern states. an overgrown monopoly, in using its influence with catholicism to destroy protestantism in oregon and the american settlements, has destroyed itself. priestcraft and romanism, combined with ignorance and savagism, under the direction of the honorable hudson's bay company traders, is a kind of mixture which mr. ewing young says "is more than any american citizen's feelings could support;" yet for six years it was submitted to, and the country increased, not so much in wealth, but in stout-hearted men and women, who had dared every thing, and endured many living deaths, to secure homes, and save a vast and rich country to the american republic. was the government too liberal in giving these pioneers three hundred and twenty acres of land, when, by their toil and patient endurance they had suffered every thing this arrogant, unscrupulous, overgrown monopoly could inflict, by calling to its aid superstition and priestcraft, in the worst possible form, to subdue and drive them from the country? is there an american on this coast who doubts the fact of the tyrannical course of the company? listen to what is said of them in , ' , in their absolute government of vancouver island and british columbia, by a resident. he says:-- "in my unsophisticated ignorance, i foolishly imagined i was entering a colony governed by british institutions; but i was quickly undeceived. it was far worse than a venetian oligarchy; a squawtocracy of skin traders, ruled by men whose lives have been spent in the wilderness in social communion with indian savages, their present daily occupation being the sale of tea, sugar, whisky, and the usual _et cæteras_ of a grocery, which (taking advantage of an increased population) they sold at the small advance of five hundred per cent.; by men, who, to keep up the _entente cordiale_ with the red-skins, scrupled not (and the iniquitous practice is still continued) to supply them with arms and ammunition, well knowing that the same would be used in murderous warfare. i found these 'small fry' claiming, under some antediluvian grant, not only vancouver island, but a tract of country extending from the pacific to the atlantic ocean, from british columbia to hudson's bay--a territory of larger area than all europe. the onward march of civilization was checked; all avenues to the mineral regions were closed by excessive, unauthorized, and illegal taxation; and a country abounding with a fair share of nature's richest productions, and which might now be teeming with a hardy and industrious population, was crushed and blasted by a set of unprincipled autocrats, whose selfish interests, idle caprices, and unscrupulous conduct, sought to gratify their petty ambition by trampling on the dearest rights of their fellow-men. in victoria and british columbia the town lots, the suburban farms, and the water frontage were theirs,--the rocks in the bay, and the rocks on the earth; the trees in the streets, which served as ornaments to the town, were cut down by their orders and sold for fire-wood; with equal right (presumption or unscrupulousness is the appropriate term) they claimed the trees and dead timber of the forests, the waters of the bay, and the fresh water on the shores; all, all was theirs;--nay, i have seen the water running from the mountain springs denied to allay the parched thirst of the poor wretches whom the _auri sacra fames_ had allured to these inhospitable shores. they viewed with a jealous eye all intruders into their unknown kingdom, and every impediment was thrown in the way of improving or developing the resources of the colony. the coal mines were theirs, and this necessary article of fuel in a northern climate was held by them at thirty dollars per ton. the sole and exclusive right to trade was theirs, and the claim rigidly enforced. the gold fields were theirs likewise, and a tax of five dollars on every man, and eight dollars on every canoe or boat, was levied and collected at the mouth of the cañon before either were allowed to enter the sacred portals of british columbia. this amount had to be paid hundreds of miles from the place where gold was said to exist, whether the party ever dug an ounce or not. they looked upon all new arrivals with ill-subdued jealousy and suspicion, and distrusted them as a prætorian band of robbers coming to despoil them of their ill-gotten wealth." was this the case in ? show me the man who denies it, and i will show you a man devoid of moral perception, destitute of the principle of right dealing between man and man; yet this same hudson's bay company claim credit for saving the thousands of men they had robbed of their hard cash, in not allowing a few sacks of old flour and a quantity of damaged bacon to be sold to exceed one hundred per cent. above prime cost. "their goods were very reasonable," says the apologist; "their trade was honorable." has any one ever before attempted to claim honorable dealing for companies pursuing invariably the same selfish and avaricious course? this company is not satisfied with the privilege they have had of robbing the natives of this coast, their french and half-native servants, the american settlers, and their own countrymen, while dependent upon them; but now, when they can no longer rob and steal from half a continent, they come to our government at washington and make a demand for five millions of dollars for giving up this barefaced open robbery of a whole country they never had the shadow of a right to. it is possible the honorable commissioners may admit this arrogant and unjust claim. if they do,--one single farthing of it,--they deserve the curses due to the company who have robbed the native inhabitants of all their labor, their own servants they brought to it, the country of all they could get from it that was of any value to them, and the nation upon whom they call for any amount, be it great or small. i have not time, and it would be out of place, to say more upon this subject, at this rime, in the historical sketches we propose to give. be assured we do not write without knowing what we say, and being prepared to prove our statements with facts that have come under our own observation while in the country. we will leave the hudson's bay company and return to our mission party. after getting a full supply of salmon for a tin whistle, or its equivalent, a smell of trail-rope tobacco, we came to the ford at the three islands in snake river, crossed all safe, except a short swim for dr. whitman and his cart on coming out on the north side or right bank of the river. as nothing serious occurred, we passed on to camp. the next day, in passing along the foot hills of the range of mountains separating the waters of the snake river and la rivière aux bois, we came to the warm springs, in which we boiled a piece of salmon. then we struck the main boise river, as it comes out of the mountain, not far below the present location of boise city; thence, about ten miles down the river, and into the bend, where we found a miserable pen of a place, at that time called fort boise. it consisted of cotton-wood poles and crooked sticks set in a trench, and pretended to be fastened near the top. the houses or quarters were also of poles, open; in fact, the whole concern could hardly be called a passable corral, or pen for horses and cattle. i think, from appearances, the fort had been used to corral or catch horses in. we were informed that it was established in opposition to fort hall, to prevent the indians, as much as possible, from giving their trade to captain wyeth, and that the company expected, if they kept it up, to remove it near the mouth of boise river. at this place, mcleod and mckay, and all the johnny crapauds of the company, united in the opinion that it was impossible to get the doctor's cart any further without taking it all apart and bending the iron tires on the wheels, and packing it in par-fleshes (the dried hide of the buffalo, used as an outside covering for packs), and in that way we might get it through, if the animals we packed it upon did not fall with it from the precipices over which we must pass. _impossible_ to get it through any other way. after several consultations, and some very decided expressions against any further attempt to take the wagon further, a compromise was made, that, after the party had reached their permanent location, the doctor or mr. gray would return with the hudson's bay company's caravan and get the wagon and bring it through. to this proposition the doctor consented. the wagon was left, to the great advantage of the hudson's bay company, in removing their timber and material to build their new fort, as was contemplated, that and the following seasons. all our goods were placed upon the tallest horses we had, and led across. mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman were ferried over on a bulrush raft, made by the indians for crossing. the tops of the rushes were tied with grass ropes, and spread and so arranged that, by lying quite flat upon the rushes and sticks they were conveyed over in safety. portions of our clothing and goods, as was expected, came in contact with the water, and some delay caused to dry and repack. this attended to, the party proceeded on the present wagon trail till they reached the grand ronde; thence they ascended the mountain on the west side of the main river, passed over into a deep cañon, through thick timber, ascended the mountain, and came out on to the umatilla, not far from the present wagon route. as the party began to descend from the western slope of the blue mountains, the view was surpassingly grand. before us lay the great valley of the columbia; on the west, and in full view, mount hood rose amid the lofty range of the cascade mountains, ninety miles distant. to the south of mount hood stood mount adams, and to the north, mount rainier; while, with the assistance of mr. mckay, we could trace the course of the columbia, and determine the location of wallawalla. it was quite late in the evening before we reached camp on the umatilla, being delayed by our cattle, their feet having become worn and tender in passing over the sharp rocks, there being but little signs of a trail where we passed over the blue mountains in . chapter xviii. arrival at fort wallawalla.--reception.--the fort in .--voyage down the columbia river.--portage at celilo.--at dalles.--a storm.--the flatheads.--portage at the cascades. next day mr. mcleod left the train in charge of mr. mckay, and started for the fort, having obtained a fresh horse from the cayuse indians. the party, with hudson's bay company's furs and mission cattle, traveled slowly, and in two days and a half reached old fort wallawalla, on the columbia river,--on the second day of september, , a little over four months from the time they left missouri. traveling by time from two to three miles per hour, making it two thousand two hundred and fifty miles. their reception must have been witnessed to be fully realized. the gates of the fort were thrown open, the ladies assisted from their horses, and every demonstration of joy and respect manifested. the party were soon led into an apartment, the best the establishment had to offer. their horses and mules were unloaded and cared for; the cattle were not neglected. it appeared we had arrived among the best of friends instead of total strangers, and were being welcomed home in the most cordial manner. we found the gentleman in charge, mr. p. c. pambrun, a french-canadian by birth, all that we could wish, and more than we expected. mr. j. k. townsend, the naturalist, we found at wallawalla. he had been sent across the rocky mountains, in company with dr. nutall, a geologist, by a society in philadelphia, in , in company with captain wyeth. he had remained in the country to complete his collection of specimens of plants and birds, and was awaiting the return of the hudson's bay company's ship, to reach the sandwich islands, on his homeward course, having failed to get an escort to connect with captain wyeth, and return by way of the rocky mountains. from mr. townsend the mission party received much useful information relating to the course they should pursue in their intercourse with the hudson's bay company and the indians. he appeared to take a deep interest in the objects of the mission, confirming, from his own observation, the information already received, cautioning the party not to do any thing with the indians that would interfere with the hudson's bay company's trade. repeating almost _verbatim_ captain wyeth's words, "the company will be glad to have you in the country, and your influence to improve their servants, and their native wives and children. as to the indians you have come to teach, they do not want them to be any more enlightened. the company now have absolute control over them, and that is all they require. as to mr. pambrun, at this place, he is a kind, good-hearted gentleman, and will do any thing he can for you. he has already received his orders in anticipation of your arrival, and will obey them implicitly; should the company learn from him, or any other source, that you are here and do not comply with their regulations and treatment of the indians, they will cut off your supplies, and leave you to perish among the indians you are here to benefit. the company have made arrangements, and expect you to visit vancouver, their principal depot in the country, before you select your location." mr. townsend had gathered from the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, during the year he had been in the country, a good knowledge of their policy, and of their manner of treatment and trade with the indians. he had also learned from conversations with rev. samuel parker and the various members of the company, their views and feelings, not only toward american traders, but of the missionary occupation of the country by the americans. the mission party of learned from mr. mcleod that the hudson's bay company had sent for a chaplain, to be located at vancouver, and from mr. townsend that he had arrived. it will be borne in mind that this honorable company, on the arrival of rev. j. lee and party to look after the civil and religious welfare of the indians, examined their old charter, and found that one of its requirements was to _christianize_ as well as trade with the natives of this vast country. they found that the english church service must be read at their posts on the sabbath. to conform to this regulation, a chaplain was sent for. he came, with his wife; and not receiving the submission and attention from the chivalry of the country he demanded, became thoroughly disgusted, and returned to england (i think) on the same ship he came in. as we proceed, we will develop whys and wherefores. old fort wallawalla, in , when the mission party arrived, was a tolerably substantial stockade, built of drift-wood taken from the columbia river, of an oblong form, with two log bastions raised, one on the southwest corner, commanding the river-front and southern space beyond the stockade; the other bastion was on the northeast corner, commanding the north end, and east side of the fort. in each of these bastions were kept two small cannon, with a good supply of small-arms. these bastions were always well guarded when any danger was suspected from the indians. the sage brush, willow, and grease-wood had been cut and cleared away for a considerable distance around, to prevent any indians getting near the fort without being discovered. inside the stockade were the houses, store, and quarters for the men, with a space sufficiently large to corral about one hundred horses. the houses and quarters were built by laying down sills, placing posts at from eight to twelve feet apart, with tenons on the top, and the bottom grooved in the sides, and for corner-posts, so as to slip each piece of timber, having also a tenon upon each end, into the grooves of the posts, forming a solid wall of from four to six inches thick, usually about seven feet high from floor to ceiling, or timbers overhead. the roofs were of split cedar, flattened and placed upon the ridge pole and plate-like rafters, close together; then grass or straw was put on the split pieces, covered with mud and dirt, and packed to keep the straw from blowing off. the roofs were less than one-fourth pitch, and of course subject to leakage when it rained. for floors, split puncheons or planks were used in the chief trader's quarters. in the corner of the room was a comfortable fireplace, made of mud in place of brick. the room was lighted with six panes of glass, seven inches by nine, set in strips of wood, split with a common knife, and shaped so as to hold the glass in place of a sash. the doors were also of split lumber, rough hewn, wrought-iron hinges, and wooden latches; the furniture consisted of three benches, two stools, and one chair (something like a barber's chair, without the scrolls and cushions); a bed in one corner of the room upon some split boards for bottom; a rough table of the same material roughly planed. this, with a few old cutlasses, shot-pouches, and tobacco sacks (such as were manufactured by the indians about the post), constituted the room and furniture occupied by p. c. pambrun, esq., of the honorable hudson's bay company. into this room the mission party were invited, and introduced to mrs. pambrun and two young children-misses. the kind and cordial reception of mr. pambrun was such that all felt cheerful and relieved in this rude specimen of half-native, half-french dwelling. the cloth was soon spread upon the table, and the cook brought in the choice game of the prairies well cooked, with a small supply of irish potatoes and small canadian yellow corn. this was a feast, as well as a great change from dried and pounded buffalo meat "straight," as the miners say, upon which we had subsisted since we left the rendezvous, except the occasional fresh bits we could get along the route. dinner being disposed of, some fine melons were served, which mr. pambrun had succeeded in raising in his little melon patch, in the bends of the wallawalla river, about two miles from the fort. the supply of melons was quite limited, a single one of each kind for the party. mr. townsend on this occasion yielded his share to the ladies, and insisted, as he had been at the fort and partaken of them on previous occasions, they should have his share. dinner over, melons disposed of, fort, stores, and quarters examined, arrangements were made for sleeping in the various sheds and bastions of the fort. most of the gentlemen preferred the open air and tent to the accommodations of the fort. rooms were provided for the two ladies and their husbands, dr. whitman and mr. spalding. next morning early, messrs. mcleod and townsend started for vancouver in a light boat, with the understanding that mr. pambrun, with the company's furs, and the mission party, were to follow in a few days. mr. mckay was to remain in charge of the fort. all things were arranged to mr. pambrun's satisfaction; two boats or barges were made ready, the furs and party all aboard, with seven men to each barge, six to row and one to steer, with a big paddle instead of a helm, or an oar; we glided swiftly down the columbia river, the scenery of which is not surpassed in grandeur by any river in the world. fire, earth, and water have combined to make one grand display with melted lava, turning it out in all imaginable and unimaginable shapes and forms on a most gigantic scale. in other countries, these hills thrown up would be called mountains, but here we call them high rolling plains, interspersed with a few snow-capped peaks, some fifteen and some seventeen thousand feet high. the river is running through these plains, wandering around among the rocks with its gentle current of from four to eight knots per hour; at the rapids increasing its velocity and gyrations around and among the rocks in a manner interesting and exciting to the traveler, who at one moment finds his boat head on at full speed making for a big rock; anon he comes along, and by an extra exertion with his pole shoves off his boat to receive a full supply of water from the rolling swell, as the water rushes over the rock he has but just escaped being dashed to pieces against. as to danger in such places, it is all folly to think of any; so on we go to repeat the same performance over and over till we reach the falls, at what is now called celilo, where we find about twenty-five feet perpendicular fall. our boats were discharged of all their contents, about one-fourth of a mile above the main fall, on the right bank of the river. then the cargo was packed upon the indians' backs to the landing below the falls, the indian performing this part of the labor for from two to six inches of trail-rope tobacco. a few were paid from two to ten charges of powder and ball, or shot, depending upon the number of trips they made and the amount they carried. the boats were let down with lines as near the fall as was considered safe, hauled out of the water, turned bottom up, and as many indians as could get under them, say some twenty-five to each boat, lifted them upon their shoulders and carried them to the water below. for this service they each received two dried leaves of tobacco, which would make about six common pipefuls. the indian, however, with other dried leaves, would make his two leaves of tobacco last some time. this portage over, and all on board, we again glided swiftly along, ran through what is called the little dalles, and soon reached the narrowest place in the columbia, where the water rushes through sharp projecting rocks, causing it to turn and whirl and rush in every conceivable shape for about three-fourths of a mile, till it finds a large circular basin below, into which it runs and makes one grand turn round and passes smoothly out at right angles and down in a deep smooth current, widening as it enters the lofty range of the cascade mountains. the river was deemed a little too high, by our iroquois pilot, to run the big dalles at that time, although, in january following, the writer, in company with another party, did run them with no more apparent danger than we experienced on the same trip at what is called john day's rapids. at the dalles our party made another portage, paying our indians as at celilo falls. the indians' curiosity to look at the white women caused us a little delay at the falls, and also at the dalles; in fact, numbers of them followed our boats in their canoes to the dalles, to look at these two strange beings who had nothing to carry but their own persons, and were dressed so differently from the men. we proceeded down the river for a few miles and met the hudson's bay company's express canoe, in charge of mr. hovey, on its way to lachine, going across the continent; stopped and exchanged greetings for a few minutes and passed on to camp just above dog river. next morning made an early start to reach la cascade to make the portage there before night. we had proceeded but about one hour, with a gentle breeze from the east, sails all set, and in fine spirits, admiring the sublimely grand scenery, when, looking down the river, the ladies inquired what made the water look so white. in a moment our boatmen took in sail, and laid to their oars with all their might to reach land and get under shelter, which we did, but not till we had received considerable wetting, and experienced the first shock of a severe wind-storm, such as can be gotten up on the shortest possible notice in the midst of the cascade mountains. our camp was just below white salmon river. the storm was so severe that all our baggage, furs, and even boats had to be taken out of the water to prevent them from being dashed to pieces on the shore. for three days and nights we lay in this miserable camp watching the storm as it howled on the waves and through this mountain range. stormy as it was, a few indians found our camp and crawled over the points of rocks to get sight of our party. among the indians of the coast and lower columbia none but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls. this is accomplished by taking an infant and placing it upon a board corresponding in length and breadth to the size of the child, which is placed upon it and lashed fast in a sort of a sack, to hold its limbs and body in one position. the head is also confined with strings and lashing, allowing scarcely any motion for the head. from the head of the board, upon which the infant is made fast, is a small piece of board lashed to the back piece, extending down nearly over the eyes, with strings attached so as to prevent the forehead from extending beyond the eyes, giving the head and face a broad and flat shape. the native infants of the blood royal were kept in these presses from three to four months, or longer, as the infant could bear, or as the aspirations of the parent prompted. for the last fifteen years i have not seen a native infant promoted to these royal honors. my impression is that the example of the white mother in the treatment of her infant has had more influence in removing this cruel practice than any other cause. as a general thing, the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes. to this cause probably more than any other may be traced the effect of vice among them. the tribes below the cascade mountains were the first that had any intercourse with the whites. the diseases never feared or shunned by the abandoned and profligate youth and sailor were introduced among them. the certain and legitimate effect soon showed itself all along the coast. so prevalent was vice and immorality among the natives, that not one escaped. their blood became tainted, their bodies loathsome and foul, their communication corrupt continually. the flattened head of the royal families, and the round head of the slave, was no protection from vice and immoral intercourse among the sexes; hence, when diseases of a different nature, and such as among the more civilized white race are easily treated and cured, came among them, they fell like rotten sheep. if a remnant is left, i have often felt that the reacting curse of vice will pursue our advanced civilization for the certain destruction that has befallen the miserable tribes that but a few years since peopled this whole coast. it is true that the missionaries came to the country before many white settlers came. it is also true that they soon learned the causes that would sweep the indians from the land, and in their feeble efforts to check and remove the causes, they were met by the unlimited and unbridled passions of all in the country, and all who came to it for a number of years subsequent, with a combined influence to destroy that of the missionaries in correcting or checking this evil. like alcohol and its friends, it had no virtue or conscience, hence the little moral influence brought by the first missionaries was like pouring water upon glass: it only washed the sediment from the surface while the heart remained untouched. most of the missionaries could only be witnesses of facts that they had little or no power to correct or prevent; many of them lacked the moral courage necessary to combat successfully the influences with which they were surrounded, and every action, word, or expression was canvassed and turned against them or the cause they represented. the reader will excuse this little digression into moral facts, as he will bear in mind that we were in a most disagreeable camp on the columbia river, between the cascades and the dalles, and for the first time were introduced to real live flatheads and the process of making them such. the men, also, or boatmen, amused themselves in getting the members of the royal family who visited our camp drunk as chinamen (on opium), by filling their pipes with pure trail-rope tobacco. on the fourth morning after the storm stopped us, we were again on our way. arrived at the cascades and made a portage of the goods over, around, and among the rocks, till we reached the basin below the main shoot or rapids. the boats were let down by lines and hauled out to repair leakage from bruises received on the rocks in their descent. damage repaired, all embarked again, and ran down to cape horn and camped; next day we reached the saw-mill and camped early. all hands must wash up and get ready to reach the fort in the morning. from the saw-mill an indian was sent on ahead to give notice at the fort of the arrival of the party. our captain, as the americans would call mr. pambrun, who had charge of the boats, was slow in getting ready to start. breakfast over, all dressed in their best clothes, the party proceeded on down the river. in coming round a bend of the upper end of the plain upon which the fort stands, we came in full view of two fine ships dressed in complete regalia from stem to stern, with the st. george cross waving gracefully from the staff in the fort. our party inquired innocently enough the cause of this display. captain pambrun evaded a direct answer. in a short time, as the boats neared the shore, two tall, well-formed, neatly-dressed gentlemen waved a welcome, and in a moment all were on shore. rev. mr. spalding and lady were introduced, followed by dr. whitman and lady, to the two gentlemen. one, whose hair was then nearly white, stepped forward and gave his arm to mrs. whitman. the other, a tall, black-haired, black-eyed man, with rather slim body, a light sallow complexion and smooth face, gave his arm to mrs. spalding. by this time mr. mcleod had made his appearance, and bade the party a hearty welcome and accompanied them into the fort. we began to suspect the cause of so much display. all safely arrived in the fort, we were led up-stairs, in front of the big square hewed-timber house, and into a room on the right of the hall, where the ladies were seated, as also some six gentlemen, besides the tall white-headed one. the writer, standing in the hall, was noticed by mr. mcleod, who came out and invited him into the quarters of the clerks. we will leave our ladies in conversation with the two fine-looking gentlemen that received them on arriving at the water's edge, while we take a look at the fort, as it appeared on september , . chapter xix. fort vancouver in .--an extra table.--conditions on which cattle were supplied to settlers.--official papers.--three organizations. fort vancouver was a stockade, built with fir-logs about ten inches in diameter, set some four feet in the ground, and about twenty feet above, secured by pieces of timber pinned on the inside, running diagonally around the entire stockade, which at that time covered or inclosed about two acres of ground. the old fort, as it was called, was so much decayed that the new one was then being built, and portions of the old one replaced. the storehouses were all built of hewn timber, about six inches thick, and covered with sawed boards one foot wide and one inch thick, with grooves in the edges of the boards, placed up and down upon the roof, in place of shingles; of course, in case of a knot-hole or a crack, it was a leaky concern. all the houses were covered with boards in a similar manner in the new quarters. the partitions were all upright boards planed, and the cracks battened; floors were mostly rough boards, except the office and the governor's house, which were planed. the parsonage was what might be called of the balloon order, covered like the rest, with a big mud and stone chimney in the center. the partitions and floors were rough boards. there were but two rooms, the one used for dining-room and kitchen, the other for bedroom and parlor. the doors and gates of the fort, or stockade, were all locked from the inside, and a guard stationed over the gate. in front of the governor's house was a half semicircle double stairway, leading to the main hall up a flight of some ten steps. in the center of the semicircle was one large -pound cannon, mounted on a ship's carriage, and on either side was a small cannon, or mortar gun, with balls piled in order about them, all pointing to the main gate entrance; latterly, to protect the fort from the savages that had commenced coming over the rocky mountains, a bastion was built, said to be for saluting her majesty's ships when they might arrive, or depart from the country. at m. the fort bell rang; clerks and gentlemen all met at the common dinner-table, which was well supplied with potatoes, salmon, wild fowl, and usually with venison and bread. dinner over, most of the gentlemen passed a compliment in a glass of wine, or brandy, if preferred; all then retired to the social hall, a room in the clerks' quarters, where they indulged in a stiff pipe of tobacco, sometimes filling the room as full as it could hold with smoke. at p.m. the bell rang again, when all went to business. the party had no sooner arrived than the carpenter was ordered to make an extra table, which was located in the governor's office, in the room where we left them on first bringing them into the house. this extra table was presided over by the governor, or the next highest officers of the fort; usually one or two of the head clerks or gentlemen traders were, by special invitation, invited to dine with the ladies, or, rather, at the ladies' table. the governor's wife was not sufficiently accomplished, at first, to take a seat at the ladies' table. i never saw her in the common dining-hall; neither was the mother of the chief clerk's children permitted this honor at first. however, as mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding soon learned the fort regulations, as also the family connection there was in the establishment, they very soon introduced themselves to the two principal mothers they found in the governor's house, one belonging to the governor, and the other to the chief clerk, and made themselves acquainted with the young misses; and, in a short time, in opposition to the wish of the governor and his chief clerk, brought them both to the ladies' table. they also brought the youngest daughter of the governor to the table, and took considerable pains to teach the young misses, and make themselves generally useful; so that, at the end of two weeks, when arrangements had been made for the party to return to wallawalla to commence their missionary labors, the governor and chief clerk would not allow the ladies to depart, till the gentlemen had gone up and selected their stations and built their houses, so that they could be comfortable for winter. captain wyeth and mr. townsend were correct in their ideas of the reception of this party. the utmost cordiality was manifested, the kindest attention paid, and such articles as could be made about the establishment, that the party wanted, were supplied. the goods were all to be furnished at _one hundred per cent. on london prices_, drafts to be drawn on the american board, payable in london at sight. they were cashed by the board at thirty-seven cents premium on london drafts, costing the mission two dollars and seventy-four cents for every dollar's worth of goods they received; freight and charges from fort vancouver to wallawalla were added. these goods were received and paid for, not as a business transaction with the hudson's bay company, by any means, but as a _gracious gift_; or, to quote the governor and chief clerk, "you gentlemen _must_ consider yourselves under great obligation to the hudson's bay company, as we are only here to trade with the natives. in your future transactions you will make out your orders, and we will forward them to london to be filled at their rates, and with this understanding." while at vancouver, dr. whitman concluded that some more cattle than the mission had were necessary to facilitate the labor in breaking up the prairie for a spring crop; and a few cows might be useful to assist in getting a start in cattle. the proposition was made to the hudson's bay company, to know upon what terms they could get them. "certainly," said dr. mclaughlin, "you can have what cattle you want on the conditions we furnish them to the company's servants and the settlers in the wallamet." "what are those conditions?" said dr. whitman. "why, in case of work cattle, you can take them from our band; we can not, of course, spare you those we are working, but the cattle you take, you break in, and when the company requires them you return them to the company." "and what are your terms in letting your cows?" said dr. whitman. "why, we let them have the cows for the use of the milk; they return the cow and its increase to the company." "and how is it in case the animal is lost or gets killed?" "you gentlemen will have no difficulty on that account; you have some cattle; you can replace them from your own band." dr. whitman seemed a little incredulous as to the conditions upon which cattle could be had of the company, and inquired if such were the conditions they furnished them to their servants and the settlers. dr. mclaughlin replied emphatically, it was. we learned in this connection that there was not a cow in the country, except those of the american board, that was not owned by the hudson's bay company. the same was the case with all the beeves and work cattle. the mission party concluded they would not mortgage their own cattle for the use of the hudson's bay company's; hence dropped the cattle question for the time being. while at vancouver, it was deemed necessary for a copy of the official papers of the mission party to be made out, and forwarded to the sandwich islands, to the american and british consuls, and one to the commercial agent of the hudson's bay company, with an order from dr. mclaughlin, to the agent of the hudson's bay company, to forward any supplies or goods designed for the mission of the american board. these documents were made out, and duly signed, by rev. mr. spalding and dr. whitman. the question arose whether the name of the secular agent of the mission ought not also to be attached to the documents, and was decided in the affirmative. gray was sent for; he entered the office with his hat under his arm, as per custom in entering the audience chamber where official business was transacted, examined hastily the documents, attached his name, and retired. the incident was noticed by dr. mclaughlin, and while the mission party were absent, locating and building their stations, dr. mclaughlin inquired of mrs. whitman who the young man was that mr. spalding and her husband had to sign a copy of the public documents sent to the sandwich islands. mrs. whitman replied, "why, that is mr. gray, our associate, and secular agent of the mission." the inquiries about mr. gray were dropped till the ladies reached their stations, and mr. gray was advised, when he visited vancouver again, to present his credentials, and show the hudson's bay company his connection with the mission. accordingly, when mr. gray visited vancouver, in january, , he presented his credentials, and was received in a manner contrasting very strongly with that of his former reception; still, the lesson he had learned was not a useless one. he saw plainly the condition of all the settlers, or any one in the country that had no official position or title; he was looked upon as a vagabond, and entitled to no place or encouragement, only as he submitted to the absolute control of the hudson's bay company, or one of the missions. there was nothing but master and servant in the country, and this honorable company were determined that no other class should be permitted to be in it. to the disgrace of most of the missionaries, this state of absolute dependence and submission to the hudson's bay company, or themselves, was submitted to, and encouraged. at least, no one but rev. jason lee, of the methodist mission, fully comprehended the precise condition of an outsider. this will be shown as we proceed. we were made a party to a special contract, in , touching this question. then we had three distinct organizations in the country: the first, and the most important in wealth and influence, was the hudson's bay company's traders; the second, the methodist mission, with their ideas and efforts to christianize the savages, and to do what they could to convert the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company from the error of their ways; third, the mission of the american board, to accomplish the same object. the fact of these two missions being in the country, both having the same object to accomplish, elicited a discussion as to the proper location for both to operate in. it was not deemed advisable to locate in the same tribe, as the field was large enough for both. the cowlitz and puget sound district was proposed, but not favored by the hudson's bay company; mr. pambrun kept the claims of the nez percés and cayuses before the party. his interests and arguments prevailed. chapter xx. settlers in .--wallamet cattle company.--what good have the missionaries done?--rev. j. lee and party.--the hudson's bay company recommend the wallamet.--missionaries not dependent on the company.--rev. s. parker arrives at vancouver. there were in the country, in the winter of , besides those connected with the hudson's bay company and the missions, about fifteen men, all told. the two missions numbered seven men and two women, making the american population about twenty-five persons. to bring the outsiders from the hudson's bay company and the two missions into subjection, and to keep them under proper control, it was necessary to use all the influence the methodist mission had. they, as a matter of interest and policy, furnished to such as showed a meek and humble disposition, labor, and such means as they could spare from their stores, and encouraged them to marry the native women they might have, or be disposed to take, and become settlers about the mission. such as were not disposed to submit to the government of the mission, or the hudson's bay company, like mr. e. young, carmichael, and killmer, were "_left out in the cold_." they could get no supplies, and no employment. they were literally outcasts from society, and considered as outlaws and intruders in the country. all seemed anxious to get rid of them. mccarty, the companion of mr. young from california to oregon, had fallen out with him on the way, as young was bringing to the country a band of california horses (brood mares). mccarty, it seems, to be avenged on young, reported to dr. mclaughlin and the mission that young had stolen his band of horses (though it has since been stated upon good authority that such was not the case); still mccarty was (i understand) a member of the class-meeting, on probation. his statements were received as truth, and young suffered. young was a stirring, ambitious man; he had spent some time in the rocky mountains, and in santa fé and california, and the little property he could get he had invested in horses, and brought them to oregon. this fact, with the malicious reports circulated about him, made him an object of suspicion and contempt on the part of the hudson's bay company and the mission. we find that mr. lee treated mr. young as an honest man, and, consequently, fell under the displeasure of dr. mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company. _with mr. young, mr. lee succeeded_ in getting up the first cattle company, and gave the first blow toward breaking up the despotism and power of the company. mr. young, as mr. lee informed us, was the only man in the country he could rely upon, in carrying out his plan to supply the settlement with cattle. he was aware of the stories in circulation about him, and of the want of confidence in him in the mission and among the french-canadians and hudson's bay company. to obviate this difficulty, he suggested that mr. p. l. edwards, a member of the mission, should go as treasurer of the company, and mr. young as captain. this brought harmony into the arrangement, and a ready subscription to the stock of the wallamet cattle company, all being anxious to obtain cattle. but few of the settlers had any means at command. many of the discharged servants of the hudson's bay company had credit on their books. there were outside men enough in the country willing to volunteer to go for the cattle, and receive their pay in cattle when they arrived with the band in oregon. this brought the matter directly to the hudson's bay company, and to dr. mclaughlin. rev. jason lee received the orders of the company's servants, went to vancouver, and learned from the clerks in the office the amounts due the drawers, then went to the doctor, and insisted that certain amounts should be paid on those orders. the doctor very reluctantly consented to allow the money or drafts to be paid. this amount, with all the mission and settlers could raise, would still have been too small to justify the party in starting, but w. a. slacum, esq., of the united states navy, being on a visit to the country, mr. lee stated the condition of matters to him. mr. slacum at once subscribed the requisite stock, and advanced all the money the mission wished on their stock, taking mission drafts on their board, and gave a free passage to california for the whole party. (as the missionaries would say, "bless god for brother slacum's providential arrival among us.") uncle sam had the right man in the right place that time. it was but a little that he did; yet that little, what mighty results have grown out of it! on the th of january, , six days after mr. young had given up his projected distillery, he is on board mr. slacum's brig _lariat_, lying off the mouth of the wallamet river, and on his way to california with a company of stout-hearted men, eight (i think) in all, not to steal horses or cheat the miserable savages, and equally miserable settlers, out of their little productive labor, but to bring a band of cattle to benefit the whole country. in this connection, i could not do justice to all without quoting a paragraph which i find in rev. g. hines' history of the oregon missions. he says:-- "mr. slacum's vessel left the columbia river about the first of february, and arrived safely in the bay of san francisco, on the coast of california. the cattle company proceeded immediately to purchase a large band of cattle and a number of horses, with which they started for oregon. in crossing a range of mountains (rogue river mountains), they were attacked by the rascally indians, and a number of their cattle were killed, but they at length succeeded in driving back their foe and saving the remainder. _contrary to the predictions and wishes of the members of the hudson's bay company_, who indirectly opposed them at the outset, they arrived in safety in the wallamet valley with six hundred head of cattle, and distributed them among the settlers, according to the provisions of the compact. this successful enterprise, which laid the foundation for a rapid accumulation of wealth by the settlers, was mainly accomplished through the energy and perseverance of rev. jason lee." what good have the missionaries done in the country? i do not know how mr. hines arrived at the conclusion that the hudson's bay company "_indirectly opposed_" this cattle expedition. i know they did it _directly_, and it was only through the influence of rev. j. lee, and mr. slacum, of the united states navy, that they could have succeeded at all. mr. lee, in his conversation with dr. mclaughlin, told that gentleman directly that it was of no use for the company to _oppose_ the _expedition_ any more; the party was made up, and the men were on the way, and the cattle would come as per engagement, unless the men were lost at sea. the hudson's bay company yielded the point only on the failure of the rogue river indians to destroy the expedition. mr. slacum placed it beyond their control to stop it. the courage of the men was superior to the company's indian allies. the cattle came, and no thanks to any of the hudson's bay company's generosity, patronage, or power. they did all they dared to do, openly and secretly, to prevent the bringing of that band of cattle into the country; and, determining to monopolize the country as far as possible, they at once entered upon the puget sound agricultural company, under the auspices of the hudson's bay company and the english government. do you ask me how i know these things? simply by being at vancouver the day the brig dropped down the columbia river, and listening to the discussion excited on the subject, and to the proposition and plan of the puget sound company among the gentlemen concerned in getting it up. the mission of the american board had no stock in the cattle company of the wallamet, not venturing to incur the displeasure of the hudson's bay company by expressing an opinion any way upon it. the writer was picking up items and preparing for a trip to new york overland, with one of the hudson's bay company's traders, mr. francis (or frank) ermatinger. while in new york, cincinnati, and other places, he stated the fact that the methodist missionaries had fallen under the displeasure of the hudson's bay company in entering too freely into trade and speculation in cattle in the country. truth and justice to them require that i enter fully into their transactions as men and missionaries. rev. j. lee, it will be remembered, was the first man to answer the call of the indian to come to his country. the methodist board had been formed, and j. lee accepted their invitation and patronage. in this expedition he gathered his associates, and at the same time made arrangements for future supplies to arrive by sea, coming around cape horn. captain wyeth was in boston, getting up a trading expedition, and chartering a vessel for the mouth of the columbia river, the _may dacre_. on board captain lambert's brig captain wyeth and the methodist board shipped their goods for the two expeditions. the goods on the way, it became necessary for the future objects of the mission to have a few horses to carry on the improvements necessary to a civilized life. lee and associates start across the continent. missouri is the most western limit of civilization. they reach it, purchase their outfit, and, in company with captain wyeth, reach fort hall; here they fall in with thomas mckay and our english nobleman, captain stewart. captain wyeth stopped to build his fort, while mckay, stewart, lee, dr. nutall, townsend, and parties all made their way to wallawalla, on the columbia river. the supreme selfishness of the hudson's bay company seems here to begin to develop itself. lee and party were made to believe that the flathead tribe, who had sent their messengers for teachers, were not only a small, but a very distant tribe, and very disadvantageously situated for the establishment and support of a missionary among them. these statements determined them to proceed to the lower columbia, to find a better location to commence operations. leaving their horses at wallawalla, in charge of one of their party, they proceeded down the columbia in one of the hudson's bay company's boats, being eleven days in reaching the fort, and one hundred and fifty-two days on the way from missouri. they were kindly received by the gentlemen of the fort, and in two days were on the hunt for a location. the party that arrived just two years later, with two ladies, were not allowed to leave the fort to look for locations till they had remained twelve days, and been invited to ride all over the farm, and visit the ships, and eat melons and apples (being always cautioned to save all the seeds for planting). lee and party were frank to make known to the company their object, and plans of future operations. questions of trade and morality were comparatively new with the company. as religious teachers and christian men they had no suspicions of any interference in trade. mr. lee hailed from canada, and so did dr. mclaughlin and a large number of the servants of the company. "mr. lee is the man we want to instruct our retired servants in religious matters. mr. shepard will be an excellent man to take charge of our little private school; we have commenced with a mr. s. h. smith, who has found his way into this country, in company with captain wyeth, an opposition fur trader and salmon catcher. we do not know much about him, but if you will allow mr. shepard to take charge of our school till you can make other arrangements, and you require his services, we will make it all right." this arrangement placed the labor of selecting locations and the necessary explorations upon our friend jason lee. all being smooth and cordial with the company, lee proceeds to french prairie and up the river till he reaches a point ten miles below salem, about two miles above jarvie's old place, and makes his first location. from all the information he could gather, this was the most central point to reach the greatest number of indians and allow the largest number of french and half-native population to collect around the station. in this expedition he occupied about ten days. the whole country was before them--a wilderness two thousand six hundred miles broad, extending from the gulf of california on the south, to the russian settlements on the north, with a few scattering stations among the border indians along the western territories of missouri, and the great unknown, unexplored west, which the american board, in a book published in , page , says, "brought to light no field for a great and successful mission," showing that, for twenty-five years, they have neglected to give this country the attention its present position and importance demanded, and also a total neglect on their part to select and sustain proper men in this vast missionary field. they are willing now to plead ignorance, by saying, "rev. samuel parker's exploring tour beyond the rocky mountains in and (but two years after the rev. j. lee came to it) brought to light _no field for a great and successful mission_," and console themselves by asserting a popular idea as having originated from mr. parker's exploration, "a practicable route for a _railroad_ from the mississippi to the pacific." mr. parker never originated or thought of the practicability of the route till after dr. whitman had left his wagon at fort boise, and demonstrated the fact of a practicable wagon route. then mr. parker, to give his work or journal a wider circulation, talked about a railroad. the american board, i am sorry to feel and think, are good at attempting to catch at straws when important missionary objects have been faithfully placed before them. let us return to mr. lee. on saturday, september , , he was in council with dr. mclaughlin, at vancouver. the result of his observations were fully canvassed; the condition and prospects of the indians and half-natives, canadian-french, straggling sailors and hunters that might find their way into the country, were all called before this council. the call from the flathead indians and the nez percés was not forgotten. the wallamet valley had the best advocate in dr. john mclaughlin. he "strongly recommended it, as did the other gentlemen of vancouver, as the most eligible place for the establishment of the center of their operations." this located that mission under the direct supervision and inspection of the hudson's bay company, and, at the same time, placed the american settlement south of the columbia river. mr. lee, the next day, was invited to preach in the fort. all shades of colors and sects attended this first preaching in the wilderness of oregon. the effect in three months was the baptizing of four adults and seventeen children. the protestant missions were not dependent on the hudson's bay company for supplies any more than the sandwich islands were, or the american fur company. if such were the fact, that they were dependent upon the hudson's bay company, the missionaries themselves and the boards that sent them to oregon must have been a set of foolish men, not competent to conduct the commonest affairs of life. the idea that seven men and two women should be sent to a distant wilderness and savage country, and no provisions made for their subsistence and future supplies, is one originated without a soul, a lie to produce effect, a slander upon common honesty and common-sense christianity. whitman's party left in the rocky mountains a better set of tools than could be found in vancouver. they brought seeds of all kinds. they had no occasion to ask of the hudson's bay company a single seed for farming purposes, a single thing in establishing their mission,--only as they had disposed of things at the suggestion of mcleod and mckay as unnecessary to pack them further. arrangements were made to forward around cape horn, as soon as was deemed necessary, such articles and supplies as might be required. rev. jason lee and party did not arrive in the country (as those who have all along attempted to insinuate and make a stranger to the facts believe, and in claim the sum of $ , , . for stealing credit due to others, and preventing the good others might have done to the natives in advancing them in the scale of civilization) destitute and dependent upon the hudson's bay company for supplies. on the contrary, by the time they had selected their station, the goods on the brig _may dacre_ had arrived, and were ready to be landed at the lower mouth of the wallamet river. these goods, whether suitable or not, were all received and conveyed to the station selected by mr. lee by the th of october. the rainy season soon commenced; they had no shelter for themselves or their goods. all old oregonians who have not been seduced and brought up by the hudson's bay company can comprehend the condition they were in. rev. jason lee, like dr. whitman with his old wagon, had undertaken a work he meant to accomplish. his religion was practical. work, labor, preach, and practice his own precepts, and demonstrate the truth of his own doctrines. religion and labor were synonymous with him, and well did the noble shepard, though but a lay member of the mission and the church, labor and sustain him. these two men were really the soul and life of the mission, as dr. whitman and mrs. spalding were of the american board. during the first winter, - , they were wholly occupied in building their houses and preparing for the cultivation of the land for their own subsistence. there was no alternative; it was work or starve. rev. jason lee set the example. he held the plow, with an indian boy to drive, in commencing his farming operations. the first year they produced enough for home consumption in wheat, peas, oats, and barley, and abundance of potatoes, with a few barrels of salt salmon. the superintendent of the mission put up at the wallamet falls late in the season of . they had a supply of their own for the first year. it is true they did not have superfine flour to eat, but they had plenty of pounded and boiled wheat, and a change to pea and barley soup, with oats for the chickens they had received from the vessel. daniel lee soon falls sick, and edwards becomes dissatisfied. they both arrange to leave the country on the _may dacre_. rev. d. lee is advised to go to the sandwich islands, and edwards is induced to undertake an independent school at champoeg. shepard toils on with his indian and half-native school. mr. lee preaches and labors at the mission among the french, and at vancouver. in october, , rev. s. parker arrived at vancouver. in november he made a flying visit to mr. lee's mission. his presbyterian spectacles were not adapted to correct observations on methodist episcopal missions. he was inclined to pronounce their efforts a failure. this impression of mr. parker's arose from the fact, that no female influence, except that of the natives of the country, was seen or felt about the mission. his impressions were also quite unfavorable to the hudson's bay company from the same cause. these impressions were, at the suggestion of the writer, omitted in his first published journal. four months after mr. parker's visit to mr. lee's mission, we find the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company making a handsome donation to mr. lee's mission of $ , including a handsome prayer for a blessing upon their labors, in the following words: "and they pray our heavenly father, without whose assistance we can do nothing, that of his infinite mercy he may vouchsafe to bless and prosper your pious endeavors." this is signed in behalf of the donors by john mclaughlin. chapter xxi. arrival of rev. mr. beaver and wife.--his opinion of the company.--a double-wedding.--mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman at vancouver.--men explore the country and locate stations.--their opinion of the country.--indian labor.--a winter trip down snake river. nothing of note occurred till about the middle of august, . the bark _nereus_ arrived from england, bringing back rev. daniel lee, recovered from his sickness while in the sandwich islands, and rev. mr. beaver and lady, an english episcopal clergyman, as chaplain to the hudson's bay company at fort vancouver. mr. beaver was a man below the medium height, light brown hair, gray eyes, light complexion, a feminine voice, with large pretensions to oratory, a poor delivery, and no energy. his ideas of clerical dignity were such, that he felt himself defiled and polluted in descending to the "common herd of savages" he found on arriving at vancouver. "the governor was uncivil, the clerks were boors, the women were savages. there was not an individual about the establishment he felt he could associate with." this feeling was shared largely by mrs. beaver, who, from the little i saw of her at a double-wedding party at her own house, i concluded, felt she was condescending greatly in permitting her husband to perform the services. she appeared totally indifferent to the whole performance, so far as giving it an approving smile, look, or word. the occasion was the marriage of the youngest daughter of dr. mclaughlin to mr. ray; and of miss nelia comilly to mr. james douglas, since governor of vancouver island and british columbia. while at vancouver, i met mr. beaver once outside the fort, with his dog and gun. from what i could learn of him, he was fond of hunting and fishing;--much more so than of preaching to the "ignorant savages in the fort," as he called the gentlemen and servants of the company. "they were not sufficiently enlightened to appreciate good sermons, and to conform to the english church service. however, as he was the chaplain in charge, by virtue of his appointment received from the executive committee and governor in london, he had rights superior to any half-savage, pretended gentlemen at this establishment, and he would let them know what they were, before they were done with him; he did not come to this wilderness to be ordered and dictated to by a set of half-savages, who did not know the difference between a prayer-book and an otter skin, and yet they presumed to teach him morals and religion." this tirade, as near as i could learn, was elicited from his reverence soon after he arrived, on account of some supposed neglect or slight offered by dr. mclaughlin, in not furnishing his quarters in the style he had expected. on reaching the post, in place of a splendid parsonage, well fitted up, and servants to do his bidding, he found what in early california times would be called an ordinary balloon house, made of rough boards, the floors (i think) not planed, and no carpets upon them, and none in the country to put upon them, except the common flag mats the indians manufacture; and these the rev. mrs. beaver considered "too filthy to step upon, or be about the house." in addition to these very important matters (judging from the fuss they made about them), "the doctor and all the pretended gentlemen of the company were living in _adultery_. this was a horrible crime he could not, and would not, put up with; he could scarcely bring himself to perform the church service in so polluted an audience." we had never been confirmed in the english church, and, consequently, did not feel at liberty to offer any advice after listening to this long tirade of abuse of the members of the hudson's bay company by his reverence. a short time after, mr. beaver met dr. mclaughlin in front of the house, and commenced urging him to comply with the regulations of the english church. the doctor had been educated in the roman catholic faith; he did not acknowledge mr. beaver's right to dictate a religious creed to him, hence he was not prepared to conform wholly to the english church service. among other subjects, that of marriage was mentioned, rev. mr. beaver insisting that the doctor should be married in accordance with the church service. the doctor claimed the right to be married by whom he pleased, and that mr. beaver was interfering and meddling with other than his parochial duties. this led his reverence to boil over and spill out a portion of the contemptuous feelings he had cherished from the moment he landed at the place. the doctor, not being in the habit from his youth of calmly listening to vulgar and abusive language, especially when addressed to his face, laid aside his reverence for the cloth, as also the respect due to his position and age, and gave rev. mr. beaver a caning, some say kicking, causing his reverence to retreat, and abruptly suspend enforcing moral lessons in conformity to church usage. rev. mrs. beaver very naturally sympathized with her husband, and they soon made arrangements and left the country, to report their case at head-quarters in london. dr. mclaughlin chose to comply with civil usage, and as james douglas had received a commission from her majesty as civil magistrate under the english law, acting as justice of the peace, he united dr. john mclaughlin in marriage to mrs. margaret mckay, whose first husband had been lost in the destruction of the bark _tonquin_ some years previous. this wedding occurred at vancouver, about the end of january, . the doctor was married privately, by esquire douglas, either a short time before, or a few days after, i have not yet learned which. rev. mr. beaver and lady arrived at vancouver about four weeks before mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman. the gentlemen of the company, like the rough mountaineers who paid their respect to mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding at the american rendezvous, attempted to be polite and kind to mr. and mrs. beaver. they most emphatically failed. the parsonage was a terror to them. they had become objects of _contempt_, _scorn_, and _derision_ in the estimation of their religious guide and moral patron. their wives and children were looked upon as filthy savages, not fit to associate with decent people. this feeling was so strong in the chaplain and his wife that it leaked out in very injudicious and indiscreet expressions of disapproval of actions and conduct, that, in a refined and polished society, would be considered offensive; yet these traders and indian merchants, not having been in refined society for many years, did not understand or comprehend their own awkwardness and want of more refinement. they had forgotten that, in the progress of society, six hundred years had passed since their great great grandmothers were like the women they saw about them every day. they forgot that mrs. beaver was an english clergyman's wife, and claimed to belong to the best english society. they thought there was but little difference in womankind; in short, they were much better qualified to deal with indians than with civilians. under such circumstances, and with such feelings existing in fort vancouver, the reader will not be astonished at the reception of two ladies who could interest and command the esteem and respect of the savage, the mountain hunter, and the hudson's bay company fur trader. they came among them expecting nothing but rough treatment; any little mistakes were overlooked or treated as a jest. they know no distinction in classes; they were polite to the servant and the master; their society was agreeable and refining; not the least insult in word, or look, or act, was ever given them by any white man; their courage had been tested in the trip they had performed; their conversation and accomplishments surprised and delighted those permitted to enjoy their acquaintance, and, as mr. hines, in his history of the oregon mission, says, "these were the first american women that ever crossed the rocky mountains, and _their arrival formed an epoch in the history of oregon_." our mission party, with captain pambrun, his two boats loaded, two-thirds of the goods for the mission, on their way up the columbia river, arrived all safe at the dalles. gray took a decided stand in favor of the first location at that point, on account of its accessibility, and the general inclination of all the indians in the country to gather at those salmon fisheries; spalding and pambrun opposed; whitman was undecided; pambrun would not wait to give time to explore, nor assist in getting horses for the doctor and gray to look at the country in view of a location. on we go; make the portages at la chute; reach john day's river; pambrun leaves boats in charge of whitman and gray, and goes to wallawalla on horseback. in four days' hard pulling, towing, and sailing, we reach wallawalla all safe; find cattle and horses all improving, and every thing in order, that is, as good order as could be expected; boats discharged, goods all carefully stored. next morning, early, a fine band of cayuse horses came into the fort; four fine ones were selected and saddled, an extra pack animal with traveling case and kitchen furniture, tent for camping, and provisions all ready, a servant with two indians, all mounted, off we go up the wallawalla river about twenty-five miles. most of the land we passed over we pronounced barren, and good for nothing except grazing cattle, sheep, and horses. in the bends of the river, saw a few acres of land that might be cultivated if arrangements could be made to irrigate. passed the tuchet, but did not consider its appearance justified much delay to examine it closely, though the whole bottom was covered with a heavy coat of tall rye grass; went on into the forks of the wallawalla and mill creek (as it is now called), pitched our tent at the place where whitman's station was afterward built, got our suppers. whitman and gray took a look around the place, went into the bends in the river, looked at the cotton-wood trees, the little streams of water, and all about till dark; came back to camp; not much said. mr. pambrun explained the quality of the soil, and what would produce corn, what potatoes, and what would produce (as he thought) wheat, though he had not tried it thoroughly; or, rather, he had tried it on a small scale and failed. a few cayuses came about camp at night. next morning up early; breakfast over, some fine fresh cayuse horses were brought up, ready to mount. we proceeded through the valley in several directions; rode all day and returned to camp at night, stopping occasionally to pull up a weed or a bush, to examine the quality of the soil. at night, if an artist could have been present and taken a picture of the group and the expressions of countenance, it certainly would have been interesting: spalding, whitman, pambrun, and gray discussing the quality of the soil, the future prospects of a mission, and of the natives it was contemplated to gather around. no white settlement was then thought of. they unanimously concluded that there was but a limited amount of land susceptible of cultivation, estimated at the place for the station at about ten acres. along all the streams and at the foot of the blue mountains, there might be found little patches of from half an acre to six acres of land suitable to cultivate for the use of the natives. this, to say the least, was not an overestimate of the qualities of the soil that has proved, by twenty-five years' cultivation without manure, to be richer to-day than soils of a different character with all the manuring they have received. the great objection and most discouraging indication to the party was the unlimited amount of caustic alkali found all over those plains and all through the valley. this fact alone proves the soil inexhaustible. all it requires is sufficient water to wash from the surface the superabundant alkali that forms upon it. any cereals adapted to alkaline soil may be cultivated to any extent in those valleys. a stake was set to mark the place. next day all returned to the fort, and soon the mission tents, horses, goods, and cattle were upon the ground and work commenced. the indians, what few had not gone for buffalo, came to our camp and rendered all the assistance they were capable of in getting a house up and covered. in a few days spalding and whitman started with the nez percés to look at their country, in view of a location among them, leaving gray alone in charge of the building and goods, while they examined the country up the clearwater river, and selected a location in a beautiful valley about two miles up the lapwai creek, and about twelve miles from lewiston. whitman returned to assist in erecting buildings at his station. spalding started for vancouver, to bring up the ladies. about the middle of november, mrs. whitman's quarters were ready, and she came to occupy them. spalding and gray, with mrs. spalding, started for the lapwai station; arrived about the st of december, , and, with the assistance of the indians, in about twenty days a house was up, and mrs. spalding occupied it. it is due to those indians to say that they labored freely and faithfully, and showed the best of feelings toward mr. and mrs. spalding, paying good attention to instructions given them, and appeared quite anxious to learn all they could of their teachers. it is also due to truth to state that mr. spalding paid them liberally for their services when compared with the amount paid them by the hudson's bay company for the same service: say, for bringing a pine-log ten feet long and one foot in diameter from the clearwater river to the station, it usually took about twelve indians; for this service mr. spalding paid them about six inches of trail-rope tobacco each. this was about four times as much as the hudson's bay company paid. this fact soon created a little feeling of unfriendliness toward mr. spalding. dr. whitman managed to get along with less indian labor, and was able, from his location, to procure stragglers or casual men to work for him for a time, to get supplies and clothing to help them on their way down to the wallamet settlement. mr. spalding and dr. whitman were located in their little cabins making arrangements to get in their gardens and spring crops, teaching the indians by example, and on the sabbath interpreting portions of the bible to them, and giving them such religious instruction as they were capable of communicating with their imperfect knowledge of their language; mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding teaching the children at their respective stations as much as was possible for them with their domestic duties to perform. all things going on smoothly at the stations and all over the indian country, it was thought advisable for gray to visit vancouver, procure the requisite spring supplies, and a suitable outfit for himself to explore the country, having in view further missionary locations, and return to the united states and procure assistance for the mission. gray's expedition, as contemplated then, would not be considered with present facilities a very light one. he started from spalding's station about the d of december, . there had been about twenty inches of snow upon the ground, but it was concluded from the fine weather at the station that most of it had melted off. on reaching the forks of clearwater (lewiston), he learned from the indians that the snow was too deep to go by land, sent his horses back to spalding, got an indian dug-out, started from lewiston for wallawalla with two indians to pilot and paddle the canoe; reached the paluce all safe; camped with the indians; found them all friendly; that night came on bitter cold;--river full of floating ice; indians concluded not safe to proceed further in canoe; procure horses and start down on the right bank of the river; travel all day; toward night, in passing over a high point, snow-storm came on, lost our trail; struck a cañon, followed it down, found the river and camped in the snow, turned our horses into the tall grass and made the best of a snow-camp for the night. next day start early; wallow through the snow and drifts and reach an indian camp near the mouth of snake river at night; leave horses; next morning get canoe, leave one paluce indian; paluce chief and chief of band at snake river in canoe; two indians to paddle; pull down the river into the columbia in the floating ice, and reach wallawalla, december , ; pambrun pays indians what he thinks right: paluce chief, for horses and services, one three-point hudson's bay blanket, one check shirt, one knife, half a brace (three feet) trail-rope tobacco. gray thought the price paid was very reasonable,--quite little enough for the labor, to say nothing of the risk and suffering from cold on the trip. the river all closed up; indians did not reach their homes for eight days; no communication in any direction for ten days. about the tenth day whitman sends orders down for goods to be shipped from vancouver. about the th of january, , mr. ermatinger arrived from colville by boat, having made several portages over ice in reaching wallawalla. next day we start down the river; pass through and over several fields of ice; reach vancouver about the th of january. rev. j. lee and mr. slacum had just left the fort as our party arrived. we have previously given an account of the subjects of special interest, and also of the weddings that occurred about this time at the fort. chapter xxii. the french and american settlers.--hudson's bay company's traveling traders.--the flatheads.--their manner of traveling.--marriage.--their honesty.--indian fight and scalp dance.--making peace.--fight with the sioux.--at council bluffs. the reader is already acquainted with all of the first missionaries, and with the governing power and policy of the hudson's bay company, and of the different parties and organizations as they existed. we will now introduce parties of men as we find them in the wallamet settlement. there were at this time about fifty canadian-frenchmen in the wallamet settlement, all of them retired servants of the hudson's bay company. these men, who had spent the most active part of their lives in the service of the company, had become connected with native women, and nearly all of them had their families of half-native children. this class of servants were found by the experience of the company not as profitable for their purposes as the enlisted men from the orkney isles, or even the sandwich islanders. they were induced to allow those that had families of half-native children to retire from the service and settle in the wallamet. in this manner they expected to hold a controlling influence in the settlement, and secure a population dependent upon them for supplies. it was upon this half-breed population that they relied to rally the indian warriors of the country to prevent an american settlement. as was plainly stated by one of the hudson's bay company, mr. f. ermatinger, in the fall of , in case any effort should be made to remove them from the country, they had but to arm the eight hundred half-breeds the company had, and, with the indians they could control, they could hold the country against any american force that could be sent into it. the hudson's bay company knew very well the power and influence they had secured over the indians. there was then too small a number of outside americans to make any effort to remove them, other than to afford them facilities to leave the country. with all the facilities they furnished, and encouragement they gave to go to the sandwich islands and to california, there was a gradual increase of the population the company did not wish to see;--sailors from vessels, and hunters from the mountains. these sailors and hunters naturally gathered around the american mission; many of them had, or soon took, native women for wives; the missionaries themselves encouraged them to marry these women. this soon commenced an influence exactly like that held by the hudson's bay company through their canadian-french settlement. the moral and religious influence of the english church had not been favorably received at vancouver. gray procures his outfit at vancouver, in january, , and starts in company with ermatinger on his return. first night camp at a saw-mill; meet a young man who had crossed the mountains with captain wyeth, and had remained as clerk at fort hall, under the hudson's bay company. this young man has never risen very high in the community where he resides. for a time he considered he was an important member of the hudson's bay company. his self-approbation was superior to the profits he brought to the company, and they found it convenient to drop him from their employ. he attempted a settlement out of the limits prescribed for americans, and was soon compelled to locate himself under the influence of the methodist mission. there was also in the settlement another young man, who about that time had taken a native wife and wished to locate at the mouth of the columbia river. this privilege was denied him, unless he could procure some others to go with him. he had joined the methodist class, and was considered a reliable man; he came to the country with captain wyeth, and had opened and taught the first school ever commenced in the country. ermatinger and company were detained fourteen days under the lee of a big rock just opposite cape horn, waiting for the east wind to subside and allow them to pass up the river. ermatinger was a traveling trader of the hudson's bay company. that year he was with the flathead tribe. gray continued with him, having his own tent and traveling equipage. the route traveled was nearly that since explored and located as mullan's military road. we struck the coeur d'alêne lake and took boats, passed through the lake and up the flathead river, making two portages with our boats and goods before we reached flathead house, as it was called, a common log hut, covered with poles and dirt, about by . at this point our horses came up. their packs and equipage were all put on board the boats, while the horses came light through the woods and along the rough river trail. at the place where we found our boats, we found a number of friendly indians, also at the head of the lake, and a few at the flathead house or hut. here we found an old frenchman in charge, with a small supply of goods, and about two packs of beaver which he had collected during the winter. we were joined by a part of the flathead tribe. in a few days all were ready. the tribe and trader started over the mountains on to the waters of the missouri, to hunt the buffalo and fight the blackfeet. our route was along the main branch of clark's fork of the columbia, till we reached the culas patlum (bitter root). a halt was made to allow the natives to dig and prepare the root for the season. the root is quite nutritious, answering the indian in place of bread; it is somewhat bitter in taste, and to a person not accustomed to its use, is not a very agreeable diet. this root secured for the season, the camp continued over the dividing ridge into the big hole, or jefferson fork of the missouri. in this place we were joined by the balance of the buffalo indians. all parties, persons, and property were carried upon horses. the camps usually traveled from ten to fifteen miles per day. it is due to this tribe to say that truth, honesty, and virtue were cardinal principles in all their transactions. an article of property found during the day was carried to an old chief's lodge; if it were so light that he could hold it in his hand and walk through the camp, he would pass around and inquire whose it was. sometimes several articles would be lost and picked up; in such cases the old chief would go through the camp on horseback and deliver them to the owner. their system of courtship and marriage was equally interesting. a youth wishing to marry a young miss was required to present a horse at the lodge of his intended, ready for her to mount as the camp should move. in case all were suited, her ladyship would mount the horse and ride it during the day; at night a feast was had at the lodge of the bride, the old chief announced the ceremony complete, and the parties proceeded to their own home or lodge. in case the suit was rejected the horse was not suitable; he was left for the owner to receive at his pleasure; the maid mounted her own horse and proceeded about her business. in case of any visitors from other tribes, which they frequently had in going to buffalo, they would caution a stranger, and inform him of the propensity to steal which they had learned was the habit of the indian visitor. this tribe claim to have never shed the blood of a white man. i believe it is the only tribe on the continent truly entitled to that honor; yet they are far more brave as a tribe than any other indians. they never fear a foe, no matter how numerous. our sketches perhaps would not lose in interest by giving a short account of a fight which our flathead indians had at this place with a war party of the blackfeet. it occurred near the present location of helena, in montana. as was the custom with the flathead indians in traveling in the buffalo country, their hunters and warriors were in advance of the main camp. a party of twenty-five blackfeet warriors was discovered by some twelve of our flatheads. to see each other was to fight, especially parties prowling about in this manner, and at it they went. the first fire of the flatheads brought five of the blackfeet to the ground and wounded some five more. this was more than they expected, and the blackfeet made but little effort to recover their dead, which were duly scalped, and the bodies left for food for the wolves, and the scalps borne in triumph into the camp. there were but two of the flatheads wounded: one had a flesh-wound in the thigh, and the other had his right arm broken by a blackfoot ball. the victory was complete, and the rejoicing in camp corresponded to the number of scalps taken. five days and nights the usual scalp-dance was performed. at the appointed time the big war-drum was sounded, when the warriors and braves made their appearance at the appointed place in the open air, painted as warriors. those who had taken the scalps from the heads of their enemies bore them in their hands upon the ramrods of their guns. they entered the circle, and the war-song, drums, rattles, and noises all commenced. the scalp-bearers stood for a moment (as if to catch the time), and then commenced hopping, jumping, and yelling in concert with the music. this continued for a time, when some old painted women took the scalps and continued the dance. the performance was gone through with as many nights as there were scalps taken. seven days after the scalps were taken, a messenger arrived bearing a white flag, and a proposition to make peace for the purposes of trade. after the preliminaries had all been completed, in which the hudson's bay company trader had the principal part to perform, the time was fixed for the meeting of the two tribes. the flatheads, however, were all careful to dig their war-pits, make their corrals and breastworks, and, in short, fortify their camp as much as if they expected a fight instead of peace. ermatinger, the company's trader, remarked that he would sooner take his chances for a fight off-hand than endure the anxiety and suspense of the two days we waited for the blackfeet to arrive. our scouts and warriors were all ready, and all on the watch for peace or war, the latter of which, from the recent fight they had had, was expected most. at length the blackfeet arrived, bearing a red flag with h. b. c. in white letters upon it, and advancing to within a short distance of the camp, were met by ermatinger and a few flathead chiefs, shook hands, and were conducted to the trader's lodge,--the largest one in the camp,--and the principal chiefs of both tribes, seated upon buffalo and bear skins, all went through with the ceremony of smoking a big pipe, having a long handle or stem trimmed with horse-hair and porcupine quills. the pipe was filled with the trader's tobacco and the indians' killikinick. the war-chiefs of each tribe took a puff each of the pipe, passed it to his right-hand man, and so around till all the circle had smoked of the big medicine pipe, or pipe of peace, which on this occasion was made by the indians from a soft stone which they find in abundance in their country, having no extra ornamental work upon it. the principal chief in command, or great medicine man, went through the ceremony, puffed four times, blowing his smoke in four directions. this was considered a sign of peace to all around him, which doubtless included all he knew any thing about. the blackfeet, as a tribe, are a tall, well-formed, slim-built, and active people. they travel principally on foot, and are considered very treacherous. the peace made with so much formality was broken two days afterward by killing two of the flatheads when caught not far from the main camp. it was from this flathead tribe that the first indian delegation was sent to ask for teachers. three of their number volunteered to go with gray to the states in to urge their claims for teachers to come among them. the party reached ash hollow, where they were attacked by about three hundred sioux warriors, and, after fighting for three hours, killed some fifteen of them, when the sioux, by means of a french trader then among them, obtained a parley with gray and his traveling companions,--two young men that had started to go to the states with him. while the frenchman was in conversation with gray, the treacherous sioux made a rush upon the three flatheads, one snake, and one iroquois indian belonging to the party, and killed them. the frenchman then turned to gray and told him and his companions they were prisoners, and must go to the sioux camp, first attempting to get possession of their guns. gray informed them at once: "you have killed our indians in a cowardly manner, and you shall not have our guns," at the same time telling the young men to watch the first motion of the indians to take their lives, and if we must die, to take as many indians with us as we could. the sioux had found in the contest thus far, that, notwithstanding they had conquered and killed five, they had lost fifteen, among them one of their war-chiefs, besides several severely wounded. the party were not further molested till they reached the camp, containing between one and two hundred lodges. a full explanation was had of the whole affair. gray had two horses killed under him and two balls passed through his hat, both inflicting slight wounds. the party were feasted, and smoked the pipe of peace over the dead body of the chief's son; next day they were allowed to proceed with nine of their horses; the balance, with the property of the indians, the sioux claimed as part pay for their losses, doubtless calculating to waylay and take the balance of the horses. be that as it may, gray and his young men reached council bluffs in twenty-one days, traveling nights and during storms to avoid the indians on the plains. at council bluffs they found an indian trader speaking the french language, meaner than the sioux indian, by the name of papeon. the party had been twenty-one days on rations that ordinarily would have been consumed in four days; they had killed and eaten parts of two of the nine worn-out horses; they had with them six. the party entered the trading establishment and requested some food and the privilege of washing, not as beggars, but expecting to pay for what they required. they waited an hour or more; no food was forthcoming; gray went to papeon, the trader, and inquired the reason they could get no food. the old french imp inquired, in his broken french, "_have you got any ting to pa for de tings you vant?_" he was asked if gold would pay him, or a draft on his company. "oh, yes," he said, and in a short time food and what was required was produced. this is only a specimen of most indian traders of the catholic stamp. there are honorable exceptions. chapter xxiii. re-enforcement to the methodist mission.--re-enforcement to the mission of the american board. we will leave gray and party on their way down the missouri river, and return to oregon to introduce to the reader a re-enforcement to the methodist mission, consisting of dr. elijah white, a man that few who have dealt with can speak well of, utterly destitute of all morality and genuine piety, assuming the garb of religion to cover his baseness of heart and meanness of life. he arrived at the columbia river in may, . he entered upon his professional duties, and in a few months boasted of the liberties he had taken with most of the ladies of the mission who were so unfortunate as to receive his medical attention. it was easy to see the influence of such a man. his words were smooth and brotherly, his acts were poison and infamy. he never had a friend but he betrayed or swindled him in some deal. he would tell a lie when the truth would answer his purposes better. this man for a time had considerable influence; his calling as a physician was necessary and indispensable to the mission. rev. jason lee soon found out the character of this wolf in sheep's clothing, and presented charges against him for his immorality, and expelled him from the mission. previous to leaving the country, he called a public meeting and made his statements, and attempted to mob mr. jason lee and get the settlers to give him a character, in both of which he failed, and left the country to impose upon the government at washington, as he had done upon the mission and the early settlers of oregon. we will leave dr. white for the present, and give him all the credit due to his bad deeds and exhibitions of folly in his capacity as sub-indian agent. mr. alanson beers, a blacksmith by trade, was a good honest man, a devoted christian, a man whose moral worth was above price. true as steel, and honest as he was faithful, he was slow to believe others to be less true than himself. he was a pattern of honesty and piety, as well as industry and economy; the opposite of white in every respect, as was his wife when compared to mrs. white. though mrs. beers never claimed or aspired to shine or display more than she really was, yet her goodness of heart was manifested in her kind and generous treatment of all. if this man and his wife did not leave a handsome competency for their children it was no fault of theirs. others may have felt it their duty to appropriate the orphan's portion and receive the miser's paradise. mr. beers came to the country full-handed, with a handsome competency to commence any business he might choose, independent of missionary patronage. he was more faithful in his department than most of his brethren. he was considered by the early settlers an honest and sincere man; by the ruling spirits of the methodist mission, a faithful servant of their cause. with this company came w. h. wilson, an assistant missionary, of whose early life we have but little knowledge. from his own statements we learn that he had been connected with a whale ship as cooper. on arriving in oregon as an assistant missionary, he was licensed as a preacher, and commenced the study of medicine with dr. white, and, in later years, received the title of doctor instead of reverend. the doctor was a cheerful, whole-souled, good-sort of a fellow, with a greater abundance of interesting and funny yarns than profound medical skill, which always made him agreeable, and served to gain friends and popularity in a community that, as a general thing, would prefer a tincture of humbuggery. the misses ann maria pitman, susan downing, and elvira johnson were also of this party. the first became the wife of rev. jason lee, the second of cyrus shepard, the third of rev. h. k. w. perkins, who came to the country with the second re-enforcement to the mission, consisting of rev. david leslie, wife, and three daughters; h. k. w. perkins; and miss margaret smith, who afterward became the wife of an englishman called dr. bailey. this gave to the methodist mission, on the st of november, , rev. jason lee (superintendent of the mission) and wife, mr. c. shepard and wife, rev. daniel lee, mr. p. l. edwards, rev. david leslie and wife, dr. elijah white and wife, rev. h. k. w. perkins and wife, mr. a. beers and wife, mr. w. h. wilson, and miss margaret smith,--nine men and seven women,--with three daughters of rev. d. leslie. from causes already mentioned, the moral strength of these early missionaries was neutralized. the larger portion of them had no knowledge of the influences that were sapping the foundation of their christian effort, and tending to destroy the confidence of such as were considered ungodly outsiders. instead of meeting sin, and vice, and lust which could not be hid, and condemning and banishing it, the attempt was made to excuse and cover up a fault in a professed brother, and reprove others for less faults,--_the mote and the beam_. the legitimate result followed,--though slow, yet certain. here was a noble field, had all the men sent to occupy it been of the right stamp! still they toiled on, or rather continued to occupy a place in the country, to form a nucleus for a settlement. in this position they are entitled to much credit. the roving sailor and the wild mountain hunter looked to this wilderness for a home. the shrewdness of these men soon detected the assailable points in the mission's character, and adapted themselves to circumstances, and found it easy to profess compliance and receive the benefits of the association. there were few or none among this early set of missionaries that displayed much knowledge of human nature. they were totally ignorant of savage life, manners, and customs; hence were easily made the dupes of all. in the winter of - , gray is in the states giving an account of his trip across the rocky mountains in company with messrs. spalding and whitman, and of his explorations of the country; the present and future prospects of the missionary efforts; the influence of the hudson's bay company and of the missions; the fact that a wagon had been taken by dr. whitman and his party to fort boise, and that it could be taken to the wallamet settlement. said one man in the audience at utica, new york: "how do you get through the timber on the route?" "my dear sir, the traveler is compelled to use the buffalo chips to cook his food for a large part of the route, for want of wood; there is not twenty-five miles of timber on the route from the missouri to the columbia." of course a description of the vast plains and mountains had to be given, and the manner of travel and subsistence. the american board of commissioners for foreign missions sent with gray and wife, rev. e. walker and wife, c. eells and wife, and a. b. smith and wife, to re-enforce their mission. there was with this company a young man from cincinnati, ohio,--cornelius rogers,--active and useful in every department, respected and beloved by all who knew him. after remaining with the mission a few years, he received an appointment from the board, but he had made up his mind to become a settler in the wallamet, and made his arrangements accordingly. captain sutter came with this party to wallawalla. they reached whitman's station the first of september, , bringing with them to fort hall some fourteen cows. a majority of the party were made to believe that these could be replaced at fort colville with a better stock of cows, and thus be saved the trouble of driving them further, and accordingly made an even exchange of the choicest and best stock that could be found in missouri for such california stock as the hudson's bay company might have at colville. this was considered by the _greenhorns_ that made the bargain a good trade, till they came to receive the wild, furious, untamable california stock at fort colville, that required a spaniard with his lasso to catch and hold, to get the milk for family use. rev. e. walker was a tall, rather spare, stoop-shouldered, black-haired, brown-eyed, rather light-complexioned man, diffident and unassuming, always afraid to say _amen_ at the end of his prayers, and requiring considerable effort to speak with confidence or decision upon any subject. this might arise from habit, or want of decision of character, or fear of offending. he had no positive traits of mind, yet he was studious, and kind as a friend and neighbor; faithful as a christian, inefficient as a preacher. his efforts among the indians were of the negative cast. the indians respected him for his kindness, and feared him for his commanding appearance. not at all adapted to fill the position he undertook,--as an indian missionary in oregon,--yet, as a citizen and settler, one of the best. rev. c. eells, a short, slim, brown-haired, light-brown eyed, fair-complexioned man, with a superabundance of self-esteem, great pretensions to precision and accurateness of statement and strictness of conduct; very precise in all his actions, and about all his labors and property; with no soul to laud and admire nature, no ambition to lift his thoughts beyond the sphere of his own ideas of right, he was made to move in a small circle; his soul would be lost outside of it. there were but two instances on the trip from boston to oregon in which he ventured outside of himself. the first was at soda springs. the day the party arrived, notwithstanding they had made a long day's drive to reach that camp, the four ladies--walker, eells, smith, and gray--wished to go round and see the springs and drink of the water, and look at the steamboat spring, a place where water and gas issue at intervals of about a minute, like the blowing of steam. these places the ladies, tired as they were, must look at and admire. rev. mr. eells puts up his saddles, buckles, and tents, and takes his testament and reads his chapter, as usual, and after prayers retires to rest. next morning all were up and admiring the grand display of nature around, drinking of the water, and enjoying its exhilarating influence. camp all ready, on they move. nothing would satisfy the ladies but another look at the steamboat. all mounted their horses and rode down to it. eells mounts his horse as usual, and comes along down where all stood watching and admiring the phenomenon, dismounts from his horse, and in utter astonishment exclaims: "_well, this is really worth coming to see!_" the other instance in which he lost himself was in admiring the grandeur of the great fall on snake river. he had no poetry or romance in his soul, yet by dint of perseverance he was a good artificial singer. he lacked all the qualities requisite for a successful indian missionary and a preacher of the gospel in a new country. as citizens and neighbors, mr. eells and his family were highly respected; as a teacher he was unreasonably strict. rev. a. b. smith, a man whose prejudices were so strong that he could not be reasonable with himself. he attempted to make himself useful as a missionary, but failed for want of christian forbearance and confidence in his associates. as to literary ability, he was superior to his associates, and probably excited their jealousy; so much so, that his connection in the mission became unpleasant, and he found an excuse to leave the country in ; not, however, till he and mr. rogers had, with the assistance of the lawyer, completed a vocabulary and a grammar of the nez percé language, which was the cause of ellis's jealousy of the lawyer and mr. smith, and also of an extra effort through the jesuits and the company to get rid of him. chapter xxiv. arrival of jesuit missionaries.--toupin's statement about rev. a. b. smith.--death of mrs. jason lee.--first express.--jesuits at work.--the first printing-press.--the catholic tree. a short time after the arrival of the re-enforcement to the mission of the american board, rev. f. n. blanchet and rev. demerse arrived at wallawalla by the annual overland boats of the hudson's bay company. while at wallawalla, they induced a cayuse, young chief, to have one of his children baptized, mr. pambrun being sponsor, or godfather. this was the first indian child ever baptized in the country. it caused considerable excitement among the indians, as also a discussion as to who was teaching the true religion. the interpreters of wallawalla being of the catholic faith, made free to inform the indians that theirs was the true religion. the indians soon came to the station of dr. whitman and informed him of what had been done, and that they had been told by the priest that his was the true religion; that what he and mr. spalding had been teaching them for two years past was all false, and that it was not right for the indians to listen to the doctor and mr. spalding. the instructions given, and the baptizing of the indian child, were, unquestionably, designed to create a diversion in the minds of the indians, and ultimately bring about the abandonment or destruction of the mission. i have never been able to learn, from any source, that any other indian child was baptized by these priests on that trip from canada to vancouver. in fact, i see from their published works that they claim this as their first station or place of instruction. the rev. mr. blanchet was a black-haired, brown-eyed, smooth-faced, medium-sized frenchman. the rev. mr. demerse had dark-brown hair, full, round eye, fair complexion, rather full habit, something of the bull-neck, inclining to corpulency. he was fond of good cheer and good living; of the jesuit order of the roman church; he seemed to have no scruples of conscience; so long as he could secure subjects for "_mother church_," it mattered not as to intelligence or character. during the year , three clergymen arrived across the rocky mountains: revs. walker, eells, and smith, with their wives, and mr. cornelius rogers, mr. gray, with his wife, had also returned. these new arrivals gave an addition of nine to the mission of the american board, making their number thirteen in all. the methodist mission had sixteen, and the roman catholic, two. the total number of missionaries in the country, in december, , was thirty-one, twenty-nine of the protestant religion from the united states, and two of the roman jesuitical order. the latter were located at vancouver as their head-quarters. the methodists were in the wallamet valley, with one out-station at the dalles, wascopum. the american board had three stations, one at wailatpu, one at lapwai, and one at cimakain, near spokan. this array of missionary strength looked like a strong effort on the part of the christian world to convert the tribes upon our western coast. had all the men been chosen with proper care, and all acted with a single eye to the cause which they professed to espouse, each in his distinct department; had they closed their ears to the suggestions of hypocritical fur traders, and met their vices with a spotless life and an earnest determination to maintain their integrity as representatives of religion and a christian people, the fruits of their labor would, undoubtedly, have been far greater. as the matter now stands, they can claim the influence they reluctantly yielded to the provisional government of the early settlers of the country. it will be seen at once that the hudson's bay company was acting a double part with all the american missionary efforts in the country. on the arrival of rev. j. lee and party they sent for mr. beaver, an episcopal clergyman. on the arrival of dr. whitman and party they sent for blanchet and demerse, and established their head-quarters at vancouver. blanchet took charge of the field occupied by the methodists, and demerse of that occupied by the american board. a combination of hudson's bay company indian traders roman priests, protestant missionaries, and american settlers, each having a distinct object in view. unfortunately for the american missionaries and settlers, there was no one bold enough to attempt to act against these combinations. cornelius rogers and robert shortess were the first to show signs of rebellion against the policy of the hudson's bay company; spalding, whitman, and smith chafed under the jesuits' proceedings in the interior. "about the year , in the fall, mr. smith, belonging to the same society as dr. whitman and mr. spalding, asked permission of ellis to build upon his lands for the purpose of teaching the indians as the other missionaries were doing, and of keeping a school. ellis allowed him to build; but forbade him to cultivate the land, and warned him that if he did the piece of ground which he would till should serve to bury him in. in the following spring, however, mr. smith prepared his plow to till the ground; and ellis, seeing him ready to begin, went to him and said to him: 'do you not recollect what i told you? i do not wish you to cultivate the land.' mr. smith, however, persisted in his determination; but, as he was beginning to plow, the indians took hold of him and said to him: 'do you not know what has been told you, that you would be digging a hole in which you should be buried?' mr. smith then did not persist any longer, but said to them: 'let me go, i will leave the place;' and he started off immediately. this circumstance had been related to me by the indians, and soon after i saw mr. smith myself at fort wallawalla; he was on his way down to fort vancouver, where he embarked for the sandwich islands, whence he did not come back any more." this is the statement of old john toupin, pambrun's roman catholic interpreter, by brouillet. it will be borne in mind that rev. jason lee started with p. l. edwards and f. y. euing, across the rocky mountains, for the united states, in may, . he met gray, and party, at the american rendezvous that year, on the north fork of the yellowstone river. gray and party, on arriving at fort hall, received the news of the death of mrs. jason lee, sent by spalding and whitman, and not by dr. mclaughlin, as stated by rev. g. hines. dr. mclaughlin may have allowed a messenger to go as far as whitman's station, but made no arrangements for going any further. spalding's indian messenger delivered the packages to gray, at fort hall. gray employed richardson a young man he had engaged as guide and hunter for the party, on starting from westport, missouri, to take these letters, and deliver them to lee, for which he was to receive $ . this express was carried from the wallamet valley to westport, missouri, in _sixty days_, forming the first data for the overland express and mail routes. the sixty days included two days' detention at wailatpu, and two at fort hall. it seems that richardson, the messenger from fort hall, met lee, and delivered his packages to him at the shawnee mission, and received from lee the price agreed upon. i am thus particular in these little facts, that those who claim so much credit for hudson's bay company patronage may understand what influences were in those early times bringing about results for which a combination of british fur traders now claim pay, and are awarded $ , , in gold coin. i have said that in december, , there were twenty-nine persons connected with the protestant missions in the country. this is not strictly true, rev. jason lee and mr. p. l. edwards had gone to the states; mr. c. shepard and mrs. j. lee had gone to their reward. the devil had entered the field with his emissaries, and was exceedingly busy sowing tares among the wheat, through fear that the natives would be benefited, and the country become civilized. the hudson's bay company and its servants, indians and all, are about to become converted to christianity. strange as this statement may appear, it is literally true. the clerks, traders, and servants of the hudson's bay company became _catechists_, to teach the indians to repeat the catechism presented to them by their reverences blanchet and demerse. dr. mclaughlin and esquire douglas were both zealous supporters of the christian reformation in progress in the country. during the year , "rev. mr. demerse (jesuit priest) spent three weeks at wallawalla, _in teaching the indians and baptizing their children_," employing mr. p. c. pambrun as his catechist, and godfather to the native children. (see page of rev. j. b. a. brouillet's "protestantism in oregon.") while the protestant missions were struggling to improve the condition of the indians, to teach them to cultivate their lands and become permanent settlers in their own country, and to give the indian children a knowledge of books, the hudson's bay company and jesuit priests were equally busy in attempting to persuade them that the instructions given by these american or _boston missionaries_ were only to cover up a secret design they had to take their lands and property from them, and eventually to occupy the country themselves. to a certain extent dr. whitman's statement to them would confirm this idea. as soon as those priests arrived and commenced their instructions, under the patronage of the hudson's bay company (for it will be remembered that their head-quarters were at vancouver), their entire transportation was provided or furnished by the company. doubtless it is to the assistance rendered these roman missions to occupy the country, that the counsel for the hudson's bay company, mr. charles d. day, alludes, in speaking of the "_substantial benefits to the people and government of the united states_." dr. whitman repeatedly told the indians about his station that he did not come among them to buy their land, but he came to teach them how to cultivate and live from what they produced from their own lands, and at some future time, if the american government wished any of their country, then the president would send men to buy and pay them for it. the difficulty about land had no existence in the minds or thoughts of the indians till the fall of , and after the renewal of the hudson's bay company's license for twenty-one years. from that time forward a marked change was manifest in the feelings of most of the gentlemen of the company. the first printing-press in oregon was received as a donation from the mission of the american board of foreign missions in the sandwich islands, to the mission of the board in oregon. it reached its destination at lapwai, and was put in operation by mr. e. o. hall, of the sandwich islands mission, and commenced printing books in the nez percé language. both mr. rogers and mr. spalding soon learned to set type, and print the small books required for the indian schools that had been kept at the stations. the books and instructions were furnished gratuitously to all the indians that wished to receive them. this caused special efforts on the part of the priests to counteract the influence of the books printed by spalding. to illustrate their ideas, and show the evil of heretical books and teachings, they had a representation of a large tree, with a cross on top, representing all religious sects as going up the tree, and out upon the different branches, and falling from the end of the branch into a fire under the tree, with a priest by the side of the fire throwing the heretical books into it. this was an interesting picture, and caused much discussion and violent denunciations among the indians. mr. spalding, to counteract the influences of the roman catholic tree among the indians, had mrs. spalding paint a number of sheets of cap-paper, commencing with adam and eve in the garden of eden, representing the shrubbery, and all kinds of fruits, and the serpent, and the angel (after the fall) as guarding the garden; giving the pictures of most of the prominent patriarchs; noah and the ark, and the prophets, down to christ and the twelve apostles; showing the crucifixion of christ by the roman soldiers, and on down to the time when they adopted the cross as a form of worship, and the priests as kneeling to images. spalding's pictures were in such form, and contained so much bible history and information, that his indian preachers, to whom he gave them, could attract larger crowds of indians, to listen to the instructions given by spalding, than those who had the catholic tree. this exasperated, or stirred up, as the indians expressed it, all their bad feelings toward each other, and caused quarrels between those that were friends before,--a repetition of sectarian quarrels in all ages, and among every people not understanding the true principles of a genuine christianity. the main object of the priests was to destroy all interest in books, and thereby check the growing influence of the american missionaries in the country, substituting pictures and beads in place of knowledge. chapter xxv. independent missionaries arrive.--their troubles.--conversion of indiana at the dalles.--their motives.--emigrants of .--blubber-mouth smith.--re-enforcement of the methodist mission in .--father de smet.--rev. harvey clark and associates.--ewing young.--names of missionaries and settlers. in the fall of , the rev. j. s. griffin and wife arrived at dr. whitman's station. mr. griffin had undertaken an independent mission, in company with a mr. munger and wife. they had received an outfit from some warm-hearted christians of the litchfield north association, of connecticut. mr. griffin reached st. louis a single man, fell in love and married on sight, i do not know whether it was first or second. at all events, rev. mr. griffin and mr. munger and their wives consented to travel together till they reached fort hall, at which place mr. griffin, being the getter-up of the mission and claiming ecclesiastical jurisdiction, took it upon himself to leave mr. munger and his wife at fort hall, to take care of themselves as best they could. frank ermatinger, of the hudson's bay company, at once furnished mr. munger and his wife the means of transportation, and brought them to dr. whitman's station, where he knew mr. munger could find a place for himself and wife. this transaction of mr. griffin injured his usefulness as a minister, and left him in the country but little inspected by any who knew of his conduct to a fellow-traveler and an intelligent christian woman. the fact that mr. munger afterward became deranged, or even that he was partially deranged at fort hall, or before they reached that place, is no excuse for his treating a man in that condition and his wife as he did. mr. griffin claims that mr. ermatinger stole three of his horses, or had them hid, when at fort hall, to get mr. munger and wife to travel with him, and, by so doing, give the impression that he had abandoned them. from a careful review of mr. griffin's lengthy defense in this case, we can not conceive that any further change or correction is required, as the facts stated are by him admitted. from mr. griffin's statement we are satisfied that improper and undue influences were used to break up and defeat his indian missionary plans and settlement by mr. ermatinger and the hudson's bay company, and also to destroy his clerical influence in the country. unfortunately, mr. griffin gave too much cause for his enemies to do as they did. in the winter of , mr. griffin made an attempt to pass the salmon river mountains to payette river, to establish a mission among the snake indians in which he failed and found his way into the wallamet as a settler, where he still remains. there were with mr. griffin's party some four men, one by the name of ben wright, who hail been a methodist preacher in the states, but whose religion failed him on his way over the mountains. he reached the dalles, where he renewed his religion under rev. mr. perkins and d. lee. while at the dalles, the three clergymen succeeded in converting, as they supposed, a large number of the indians. while this indian revival was in progress the writer had occasion to visit vancouver. on his way, he called on the missionaries at the dalles, and, in speaking of the revival among the indians, we remarked that, in our opinion, most of the religious professions of the natives were from _selfish motives_. mr. perkins thought not; he named one indian that, he felt certain, was really converted, if there was a true conversion. in a short time daniel lee, his associate, came in, and remarked: "what kind of a proposition do you think ---- (naming mr. perkins' truly converted indian) has made to me?" perkins replied: "perhaps he will perform the work we wished him to do." "no," says lee; "he says he _will pray a whole year if i give him a shirt and a capote_." this fact shows that the natives who were supposed to be converted to christianity were making these professions to gain presents from the missionaries. we have witnessed similar professions among the nez percé and cayuse indians. the giving of a few presents of any description to them induces them to make professions corresponding to the wish of the donor. with messrs. griffin, munger, and wright, came messrs. lawson, keiser, and geiger, late in the fall of ; also a man by the name of farnam, who seemed to be an explorer or tourist. i met him at vancouver, where he was receiving the hospitality of the hudson's bay company, and collecting material for a journal, or history of oregon. it is said of him that, on starting from the states, he succeeded in getting himself appointed captain of a company consisting of some fourteen men. he soon attempted to exercise absolute control of the company, which caused a division. the party voted to suspend his official functions, and finally suspended him and expelled him from the train. on returning to the states he published a book, which, as was to be expected, was favorable to himself and friends (if he had any), and severe on his opposers or enemies. the professed object of the party was to form a settlement in oregon. in consequence of the course pursued by farnam, it all broke up. a man called blubber-mouth smith, blair, a millwright, and robert shortess were of the party. these all found their way into oregon, while the balance of the party went south and wintered in the mountains. mr. farnam was furnished a free passage to the sandwich islands by the hudson's bay company, for which his traveling companions and those best acquainted with him have given the company credit, as one good act. sydney smith--called "blubber-mouth," from the fact that he was a great talker and fond of telling _big yarns_, which he, no doubt, had repeated so often that he believed them to be true, and would appear somewhat offended if his statements were not believed by others--had a tolerably fair education, and appeared to understand the lottery business, as conducted in some of the states. he was a man who had read considerable in his early days, and had he been less boisterous and persistent in statements that appeared improbable to others, would have been far more reliable and useful. as it was, in those early times, his knowledge and free-speaking became quite useful, when combined with the hearty action he gave to the objects in contemplation. he was ambitious and extremely selfish, and, when opposed in his plans, quite unreasonable. robert shortess possessed a combination of qualities such as should have formed one of the best and noblest of men; with a good memory, extensive reading, inflexible purpose, strong hate, affectionate and kind, skeptical and religious, honest and liberal to a fault, above medium height, light-brown hair, blue eyes, and thin and spare features. his whole life is a mystery, his combinations a riddle. he early entered with heart and soul into the situation and condition of the settlements, and stood for their rights in opposition to all the combined influences in the country. as a politician he acts on the principle of right, without any regard to expediency. as a religious man he has no faith; as a skeptic he is severe on all alike. the country owes much to him for his labor and influence in combating slavery and shaping the organic policy of the settlements. at the close of , there were ten protestant ministers and two roman priests, two physicians, six laymen, and thirteen american women in the country--twenty-nine in all--connected with the protestant missions, or under their immediate control, and twenty settlers, besides about ten men that were under the control of the hudson's bay company, yet having strong american feelings. there were also ten american children, five of them born in the country. mrs. whitman gave birth to the first white child, a daughter, born on this coast, who was drowned in the wallawalla river at about two years of age; mrs. spalding the second, a daughter, still living; mrs. elkanah walker the first boy, and mrs. w. h. gray, the second. these boys are both making good names for themselves. it is to be hoped that every act and effort of their lives will be alike honorable to their parents, themselves, and their native country. as to the first daughter of oregon, i regret to say, she disobeyed the wish of her parents and friends, and married a man whose early education was neglected, but who has natural ability and energy to rise above his present position, obtain an education, and become an ornament to his adopted country, and an honor to oregon's eldest daughter. on the first of june of this year, the _lausanne_, captain spalding, arrived in the columbia river with a re-enforcement for the methodist mission of eight clergymen, five laymen, and one physician, all with wives, five single ladies, and fifteen children, belonging to the different families, with a full supply of goods, such as were needed and appropriate for the settlement, the various missions, and for indian trade. september following, rev. harvey clark and wife, a. t. smith and wife, and p. b. littlejohn and wife, arrived across the rocky mountains. with this company came eleven mountain men, eight of them with native wives. we now had twenty-one protestant ministers, three roman priests, fifteen lay members of the protestant church, thirty-four white women, thirty-five american settlers, and thirty-two white children--one hundred and eight persons immediately under control of the missions. thirty-six settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives. these thirty-six settlers are counted as outside the missions and hudson's bay company. there were about fifty canadian-french under the control of the company. thus we can begin to see the development of the three influences or parties. the hudson's bay company had in their religious element three romish priests, assisted actively by all the canadian-french catholics and such clerks as pambrun, guinea, grant, and mcbean, with such interpreters as old toupin, of whom mr. parker, in his journal, says: "the interpreter i had been expecting did not arrive, and consequently much of what i wished to say to these hundreds of indians could not be communicated for want of a medium." on the preceding page, mr. parker remarks: "but as i have little prospect of the arrival of my interpreter, i shall probably be left to commiserate their anxiety, while it will be out of my power to do them good." old john toupin, under the sanctity of a roman catholic oath, says, at st. louis, of wallamet, on september , ; "i have been seventeen years employed as interpreter at fort wallawalla. i was there when mr. parker, in , came to select places for presbyterian missions among the cayuses and nez percés, and to ask lands for those missions. he employed _me as interpreter_ in his negotiations with the indians on that occasion." mr. parker has just said "_the interpreter i had been expecting did not arrive_." toupin says: "mr. pambrun, the gentleman then in charge of the fort, accompanied me to the cayuses and nez percés. mr. parker, in company with mr. pambrun, an american, and myself, went first to the cayuses, upon the lands called wailatpu, that belonged to three chiefs,--splitted lip, or yomtip; red cloak, or waptachtakamal; and feather cap, or tilokaikt." having met them at that place, he told them that he was coming to select a place to build a preaching-house, to teach them how to live, and to teach school to their children, and that he would not come himself to establish the mission, but a _doctor, or medicine man_, would come in his place; that the doctor would be the chief of the mission, and would come in the following spring. "i came to select a place for a mission," said he, "_but i do not intend to take your lands for nothing_. after the doctor is come, there will come every year a _big ship loaded with goods_ to be divided among the indians. these goods will not be _sold_, but _given_ to you. the mission will bring you plows and hoes to learn you how to cultivate the land, and they will not sell, but give them to you." from the cayuses mr. parker went to the nez percés, and there he made the same promises to the indians as at wailatpu. "next spring there will come a missionary to establish himself here and take a piece of land; _but he will not take it for nothing, you shall be paid every year; this is the american fashion_." this statement is made by authority of rev. j. b. a. brouillet; vicar-general of wallawalla. rev. mr. parker, as before remarked, and as his journal shows, soon understood all the maneuverings of this hudson's bay company. he had no confidence in their friendship or their interpreters. as a matter of policy they could do no less than treat him kindly, or, more properly, _civilly_, and allow him to leave the country, as he did. but mark the strictness and care of the company to impress the necessity of compliance with their arrangements upon the minds of those that followed mr. parker. keep the _massacre_ to which vicar-general brouillet refers before your mind. _life and blood and treasure have been expended._ the fair land we inhabit was not secured without a struggle. the early protestant missions were not defeated and broken up without outside influences. the indians were not abandoned till they had dipped their hands in the blood of their best and truest friend, and "become seven-fold more the children of the devil than they were in their native state," by the teachings they had received from _malicious_ and _interested parties_ to make them so. father p. j. de smet, from brouillet's statements, was among the flatheads and at wallawalla in . this priest boasted of his belonging to the jesuit order of the romish church. he usually wore a black frock-coat, was of full habit, arrogant and bigoted in his opinions, and spoke with considerable sarcasm and contempt of all americans, and especially of the missionaries, as an ignorant set of men to represent the american churches. he would be considered, in his church, a zealous and faithful priest of the order of jesus. his religious instructions to the indians were simple and easy to be understood: "_count your beads, hate or kill the suapies_ (americans), _and kiss the cross_." rev. harvey clark was a man whose religion was practical, whose labors were without ceasing, of slender frame, black hair, deep, mellow voice, kind and obliging to all. he organized the first congregational church in tualatin plains, and one in oregon city, and was the getter-up of the pacific university at forest grove; a warm friend to general education and all objects calculated to do good to any and all of his fellow-creatures. but few who knew him did not respect and esteem him for his sincere piety and christian conduct. he came to the country as a missionary sent out by some of the northwestern churches in the united states, without any definite organization further than sufficient to furnish the means for outfit for himself and associates,--smith and littlejohn and their wives,--trusting providence and their own strong arms and willing hearts to labor and do all they could for a subsistence. mr. clark was perhaps the best man that could have been sent with the early settlers. he early gained their confidence and esteem, and was always a welcome visitor among them. he had not that stern commanding manner which is usual to egotists of the clerical order, but was of the mild, persuasive kind, that wins the rough heart and calms the stormy passions. the country is blessed by his having lived in it. a. t. smith, the associate of rev. h. clark was an honest and substantial farmer, a sincere and devout christian, a man not forward in forming society, yet firm and stable in his convictions of right; liberal and generous to all objects of real worth; not easily excited, or ambitious of political preferment. his wife seemed, in all her life and actions, to be a suitable helpmeet for him. they came early to this country, and have ever been substantial and useful citizens, and supporters of morality and religion. they were among the earliest settlers at forest grove, and the first members of rev. h. clark's church. p. b. littlejohn was the opposite of smith, a confirmed hypochondriac; yet, under excitement that was agreeable to his ideas, a useful man. owing to his peculiar temperament, or the disease with which he was afflicted, his usefulness, and that of an interesting and christian wife, were cramped and destroyed. he returned to the states with his family in . at this point, perhaps a statement of all the names of persons i have been able to collect and recollect, and the year they arrived in the country, will not be uninteresting to the reader. a short history of most of them has already been given. in the year , rev. jason lee, rev. daniel lee, cyrus shepard, and p. l. edwards, connected with the methodist mission; captain n. wyeth, american fur trader, and of his party in , s. h. smith, burdet, greeley, sergeant, bull, st. clair, and whittier (who was helped to or given a passage to the sandwich islands by the hudson's bay company); brock, a gunsmith; tibbets, a stone-cutter; moore, killed by the blackfeet indians; turnbull, who killed himself by overeating at vancouver. there was also in the country a man by the name of felix hathaway, saved from the wreck of the _william and ann_. of this number, smith, sergeant, tibbets, and hathaway remained. of the party in , james a. o'neil, t. j. hubbard, and courtney m. walker remained in the country, making six of wyeth's men and one sailor. c. m. walker came with lee's company. with ewing young, from california, came, in this year, john mccarty, carmichael, john hauxhurst, joseph gale, john howard, kilborn, brandywine, and george winslow, a colored man. by the brig _maryland_, captain j. h. couch, g. w. le breton, john mccaddan, and william johnson. an english sailor, by the name of richard or dick mccary, found his way into the settlement from the rocky mountains. in the year it does not appear that any settlers arrived in the country. rev. samuel parker visited and explored it under the direction of the american board of foreign missions. in , rev. h. spalding, dr. m. whitman, w. h. gray, mrs. eliza spalding, and mrs. narcissa whitman, missionaries of the american board, and rev. mr. beaver, episcopal chaplain at vancouver, and mrs. beaver. there appear to have been no settlers this year; at least, none known to us. in , mrs. a. m. lee, mrs. s. shepard, dr. e. white, mrs. m. white, a. beers, mrs. r. beers, miss e. johnson, w. h. wilson, mr. j. whitcomb, members of the methodist episcopal mission. second re-enforcement this year: rev. h. k. w. perkins, rev. david leslie, mrs. leslie, misses satira, mary, and sarah leslie, miss margaret smith, dr. j. bailey, an englishman, george gay, and john turner. in , rev. elkanah walker, mrs. mary walker, rev. cushing eells, mrs. elvira eells, rev. a. b. smith, mrs. e. smith, and mrs. mary a. gray, missionaries of the american board. as laborers under special contract not to trade in furs or interfere with hudson's bay company's trade, james conner, native wife, and one child, and richard williams, both from rocky mountains. jesuit priests: rev. f. n. blanchet, rev. demerse, located at vancouver and french prairie. in , rev. j. s. griffin, mrs. griffin, asael munger, mrs. mary munger, independent protestant mission; robert shortess, j. farnam, sydney smith, mr. lawson, rev. ben. wright (independent methodist), wm. geiger, mr. keizer, john edmund pickernel, a sailor. in , mrs. lee, second wife of rev. jason lee; rev. j. h. frost and wife; rev. a. f. waller, wife, and two children; rev. w. w. kone and wife; rev. g. hines, wife, and sister; rev. l. h. judson, wife, and two children; rev. j. l. parish, wife, and three children; rev. g. p. richards, wife, and three children; rev. a. p. olley and wife. laymen: mr. george abernethy, wife, and two children; mr. h. campbell, wife, and one child; mr. w. w. raymond and wife; mr. h. b. brewer and wife; dr. j. l. babcock, wife, and one child; rev. mrs. daniel lee; mrs. david carter; mrs. joseph holman; miss e. phillips. methodist episcopal protestant mission: rev. harvey clark and wife; p. b. littlejohn and wife. independent protestant mission: robert moore, james cooke, and james fletcher, settlers. jesuit priest: p. g. de smet, flathead mission. rocky mountain men with native wives: william craig, robert or dr. newell, j. l. meek, james ebbets, william m. dougherty, john larison, george wilkinson, a mr. nicholson, and mr. algear, and william johnson, author of the novel, "leni leoti; or, the prairie flower." the subject was first written and read before the lyceum, at oregon city, in . in the above list i have given the names of all the american settlers, as near as i can remember them, the list of names i once collected having been lost. i never was fully informed as to the different occupations of all these men. it will be seen that we had in the country in the fall of thirty-six american settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives; thirty-three american women, thirty-two children, thirteen lay members of the protestant missions, nineteen ministers (thirteen methodist, six congregational), four physicians (three american and one english), three jesuit priests, and sixty canadian-french,--making, outside of the hudson's bay company, one hundred and thirty-seven americans and sixty-three canadians, counting the three priests as canadians. chapter xxvi. .--petition to congress of united states.--british subjects amenable to the laws of canada.--esquire douglas as justice of the peace.--mr. leslie as judge. eighteen hundred and forty finds oregon with her little population all active and busy, laboring and toiling to provide the necessaries of life--food and raiment. and if a man did not wear the finest of broadcloth, his intelligence and good conduct secured him a cordial welcome to every house or shanty in the country among the american or french settlers and missions. this was an innovation upon hudson's bay company customs, and a violation of aristocratic rules sought to be enforced by foreign influences and sustained by the missionaries then in the country. mr. hines, in his st chapter on oregon, says: "the number of people in the colony was so small, the business transactions so limited, and the difficulties so few, that the necessity of organizing the community into a body politic did not appear to be very great, though for two years persons had been chosen to officiate as judges and magistrates." the fact that the judges and magistrates officiating were chosen by the methodist mission, in opposition to the wish of the settlers, and from whose decisions there was no appeal, and that there was no statute or law book in the country, and nothing to guide the decisions of the judge or magistrate but his own opinions, caprice, or preferences, mr. hines leaves out of sight. this state of things was submitted to from the combined organized influence of the methodist mission and the unorganized condition of the settlers. a petition was gotten up and sent to congress. this petition is too important a document to be omitted. the writer has no means at present to give the names attached to it. the petition speaks for itself. as settlers, we saw and knew the objects of the hudson's bay company and the english government, by their actions and oft-repeated insolent assertions that they meant to "_hold the country_" _by fair or by foul means_, which, as men understanding the unscrupulous and avaricious disposition of the entire english occupants of this country, we fully understood and duly appreciated, as will be readily demonstrated upon a perusal of the following:-- _petition of ._ to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled: your petitioners represent unto your honorable bodies, that they are residents in the oregon territory, and citizens of the united states, or persons desirous of becoming such. they further represent to your honorable bodies, that they have settled themselves in said territory, under the belief that it was a portion of the public domain of said states, and that they might rely upon the government thereof for the blessings of free institutions, and the protection of its arms. but your petitioners further represent, that they are uninformed of any acts of said government by which its institutions and protection are extended to them; in consequence whereof, themselves and families are exposed to be destroyed by the savages around them, and others that would do them harm. and your petitioners would further represent, that they have no means of protecting their own and the lives of their families, other than self-constituted tribunals, originated and sustained by the power of an ill-instructed public opinion, and the resort to force and arms. and your petitioners represent these means of safety to be an insufficient safeguard of life and property, and that the crimes of _theft_, _murder_, _infanticide_, _etc._, are increasing among them to an alarming extent; and your petitioners declare themselves unable to arrest this progress of crime, and its terrible consequences, without the aid of the law, and tribunals to administer it. your petitioners therefore pray the congress of the united states of america to establish, as soon as may be, a territorial government in the oregon territory. and if reasons other than those above presented were needed to induce your honorable bodies to grant the prayer of the undersigned, your petitioners, they would be found in the value of this territory to the nation, and the alarming circumstances that portend its loss. your petitioners, in view of these last considerations, would represent, that the english government has had a surveying squadron on the oregon coast for the last two years, employed in making accurate surveys of all its rivers, bays, and harbors; and that, recently, the said government is said to have made a grant to the hudson's bay company, of all lands lying between the columbia river and puget sound; and that said company is actually exercising unequivocal acts of ownership over said lands thus granted, and opening extensive farms upon the same. and your petitioners represent, that these circumstances, connected with other acts of said company to the same effect, and _their declarations that the english government own and will hold, as its own soil_, that portion of oregon territory situated north of the columbia river, together with the important fact that the said company are cutting and sawing into lumber, and shipping to foreign ports, vast quantities of the finest pine-trees upon the navigable waters of the columbia, have led your petitioners to apprehend that the english government do intend, at all events, to hold that portion of this territory lying north of the columbia river. and your petitioners represent, that the said territory, north of the columbia, is an invaluable possession to the american union; that in and about puget sound are the only harbors of easy access, and commodious and safe, upon the whole coast of the territory; and that a great part of this said northern portion of the oregon territory is rich in timber, water-power, and _valuable minerals_. for these and other reasons, your petitioners pray that congress will establish its sovereignty over said territory. your petitioners would further represent, that the country south of the columbia river, and north of the mexican line, and extending from the pacific ocean one hundred and twenty miles into the interior, is of unequaled beauty and fertility. its mountains, covered with perpetual snow, pouring into the prairies around their bases transparent streams of the purest water; the white and black oak, pine, cedar, and fir forests that divide the prairies into sections convenient for farming purposes; the rich mines of coal in its hills, and salt springs in its valleys; its quarries of limestone, sandstone, chalk, and marble; the salmon of its rivers, and the various blessings of the delightful and healthy climate, are known to us, and impress your petitioners with the belief that this is one of the most favored portions of the globe. indeed, the deserts of the interior have their wealth of pasturage; and their lakes, evaporating in summer, leave in their basins hundreds of bushels of the purest soda. many other circumstances could be named, showing the importance of this territory in a national, commercial, and agricultural point of view. and, although your petitioners would not undervalue considerations of this kind, yet they beg leave especially to call the attention of congress to their own condition as an infant colony, without military force or civil institutions to protect their lives and property and children, sanctuaries and tombs, from the hands of uncivilized and merciless savages around them. we respectfully ask for the civil institutions of the american republic. we pray for the high privileges of american citizenship; the peaceful enjoyment of life; the right of acquiring, possessing, and using property; and the unrestrained pursuit of rational happiness. and for this your petitioners will ever pray. david leslie, [_and others_.][ ] [footnote ] senate document, twenty-sixth congress, first session. no. . we have before alluded to the fact that the english government, by act of parliament, had extended the colonial jurisdiction and civil laws of canada over all her subjects on this coast, and had commissioned james douglas, angus mcdonald, and, i think, mr. wark, as justices of the peace, having jurisdiction in civil cases not exceeding two hundred pounds sterling. in criminal cases, if the magistrate found, on examination, sufficient cause, the accused was to be sent to canada for final trial. in all minor matters the hudson's bay company were absolute. their men, by the articles of enlistment, were bound to obey all orders of a superior officer, as much so as a soldier in the army. flogging was a common punishment inflicted by all grades of officers, from a petty clerk of a trading-post up to the governor of the company. all british subjects, or any that had been subjects to the british crown, were considered as amenable to the laws of canada, which were delivered from the brain of the magistrate or judge, who perchance may have passed through some parts of canada on his way to this coast, no one knew when. of course he knew all about the laws he was to enforce upon her majesty's subjects, the same as our american judge, i. l. babcock, did of the laws he was called upon to administer among the american settlers. although the following incident is not exactly in the order of time in which we are writing, yet it illustrates the legal knowledge of esquire douglas so well that the reader will excuse me for giving it just here. the case occurred in the summer of , i think in august. the hudson's bay company and the british subjects in the country had changed from the open opposition policy to that of union with the provisional government, and some of the members of the company had been elected to office. mr. douglas had received a commission as justice of the peace and county judge from governor abernethy. a man by the name of mclame had taken it into his head to jump a claim belonging to one of the company's servants, near fort vancouver. the fact was duly stated to esquire douglas, who issued his warrant commanding the sheriff, a servant of the company, to arrest mclame. the sheriff proceeded with his warrant and posse, took mclame, brought him to the fort, and put him in irons to keep him secure until he could be tried. the day following, the writer arrived at the fort, and as he was an old acquaintance of esquire douglas, and also holding a commission of justice of the peace and judge of the county court, esquire douglas stated the case to him, and asked his advice how to conduct it. i inquired what it was mclame had done. "why, he went upon the land of one of our people and set up a claim to it, and made some threats." "did he use any weapons, or injure any one?" "no; but he was very insulting, as the men tell me; used abusive language and frightened the men, and attempted to get them off the claim, is the most he did." "well, esquire, i think if you do not manage this case carefully you will have a devil of a muss among these fellows." "what do you think i had better do?" says the esquire. "if it was my case, as it is yours, i would call the court as soon as possible, and call the parties. mclame claims to know something of law, and he will plead his own case, or get some one that don't know any more about law than he does, and they will call for a nonsuit on account of some illegality in the warrant or pleadings, and the first show you have, give them a nonsuit, and decide against your own people. this will satisfy mclame and his party, and the matter will end there. the suit is a civil one, and should have been by notice and summons, for 'forcible entry and detainer,' instead of an arrest and confinement as a criminal. they may attempt to make false imprisonment out of it. if they do, i would settle it the best way i could." i never learned the exact manner in which this case was settled. i think mclame received some compensation and the matter was settled. but the esquire never fully recovered from the effect of this legal attempt at provisional american wisdom, as he came as near involving the two governments in a national war in the san juan boundary question, in , as he did the country, in attempting to protect the unreasonable claims of the company's servants in . as to law books or legal knowledge, the country in those early times could not boast of having an extensive law library or profound lawyers, and, as was to be expected, some new and strange lawsuits occurred. of the following case we have no personal knowledge, and can only give it as related to us by parties present. t. j. hubbard, of champoeg, had a native wife. she was claimed and coveted by a neighbor of his, who threatened to take her from him. hubbard was armed, and prepared to defend his own supposed or real right of possession from his covetous neighbor, who attempted to enter his cabin window, or space where a window might be put (in case the owner had one to go there). hubbard shot him while attempting to enter, and submitted to a trial. rev. mr. leslie presided as judge. a jury was called, and the statements of all parties that pretended to know any thing about the case made. the verdict was, "justifiable homicide." the petition which was gotten up about this time, says that "theft, murder, and infanticide, are increasing among them to an alarming extent." a fact was unquestionably stated in the petition, that justice and virtue were comparative strangers in the country. despotism and oppression, with false notions of individual rights and personal liberty, were strongly at variance. the leading men, or such as one would naturally suppose to be guides of the erring, seemed to have fixed a personal standard for virtue, justice, and right, not difficult for the most abandoned to comply with. chapter xxvii. death of ewing young.--first public attempt to organize a provisional government.--origin of the provisional government.--first oregon schooner. in the early part of this year, about the th of february, , mr. ewing young, having been sick but a short time, died. he left a large band of cattle and horses and no will, and seems to have had no heirs in the country. on the th we find most of the settlers present at the funeral. after burying mr. young, a meeting was called, over which rev. jason lee presided. after some discussion it was thought best to adjourn to meet at the methodist mission. on the next day, the th, short as the notice was, nearly all the settlers were present,--canadians, french, english, americans, and protestant missionaries and jesuit priests. rev. jason lee, for some cause not stated, was excused from acting as chairman, and rev. david leslie elected to fill his place. rev. gustavus hines and sydney smith were chosen as secretaries. "the doings of the previous day were presented to the assembly and adopted in part." why does not mr. hines give us all the proceedings of the previous day? was there any thing in them that reflected upon the disposition of the reverend gentleman to control the property of the deceased mr. young, and apply it to the use of the mission, or distribute it among its members? we are well aware of the fact that, on the death of a person in any way connected with, or in the service of, the hudson's bay company, they at once administer upon his estate, to the setting aside of the will of the deceased, as in the case of mr. p. c. pambrun, which occurred the summer before mr. young's decease; and, more recently, of mr. ray, who died at san francisco. mr. ray was an active, energetic young man, had won the heart and hand of miss mclaughlin, youngest daughter of governor mclaughlin, and by this marriage had three interesting children, a son and two daughters. by his trading and speculations with his private funds, he had acquired a handsome fortune for his young family. at his death the hudson's bay company sent an agent to take charge of the property. he claimed that as mr. ray was a servant of the company, and in their employ, he had no right to acquire property outside of their business; hence, the property belonged to the company. the books were canceled, and left his estate in debt to the company, and his family destitute. his widow was obliged to take in washing, which was given her by some american officers then at that place. by this means she supported herself and young family till she could obtain help from her father, who had withdrawn from the company, and was then residing in oregon city. this is as good an illustration of the hudson's bay company's generosity as can be given. they pursued dr. mclaughlin and his children to the death. their influence and statements have led the american people to mistake the doctor's unbounded generosity to them as wholly due to the company, and changed the friendly feeling and rewards due to dr. mclaughlin for needed supplies in the hour of greatest peril to their own account, at the same time holding the doctor's estate responsible for every dollar, as they did mr. ray's. as to messrs. shepard's and olley's estates, they were both administered by the methodist mission, or some one or more of its members. i have never been able to learn the results, but have been informed that, as they were members of the mission, the little property they had was disposed of as per mission usage. in the case of mr. young, the settlers found themselves somewhat interested. as to any frenchman or roman catholic, it was taken for granted, if he was not the servant of the hudson's bay company, his property went to the priest. the settlers were united in the opinion that some understanding or laws should be adopted to govern the settlement of estates, other than the custom adopted by the hudson's bay company or the missions; hence they all turned out, and were completely defeated by the operations of the jesuit and methodist missions. a resolution was ready, prepared for the occasion:-- "_resolved_, that a committee be chosen to form a constitution, and draft a code of laws, and that the following persons compose that committee: rev. f. n. blanchet, rev. jason lee, rev. gustavus hines, rev. josiah l. parish; mr. d. donpierre, mr. m. charlevo, mr. robert moore, mr. e. lucia, mr. wm. johnson." the committee first named in the resolution contained the names of the three first-named clergymen. this was clerical law and constitution a little too strong. it was then moved to put upon the committee some that were not clergymen. the committee was finally made up of nine. now comes the test of all,--the governor. revs. leslie and hines, and drs. babcock and bailey were prominent candidates. the prospects were that the three protestant missionary candidates would divide that influence so that dr. bailey would be elected. it will be borne in mind that dr. bailey was a man of strong english prejudices, and opposed to religious societies and religion generally. he could secure the french catholic vote, and the majority of the settlers. he was present at the meeting, with his canadian, french, and hudson's bay servant voters, all trained to vote for him for governor. he nominated himself, and so disgusted the american settlers that they joined in the effort to defeat him. mr. hines was the prominent candidate to enter the field, and secure the leading influence in the government. that office was the leading question,--bailey could not be trusted, and hines could not be elected; hence the office of governor was discarded, and the committee instructed to prepare a constitution and laws, to be executed without an executive. this was a shrewd and cunning device, to say the least of it, one calculated to make the judicial and executive office one, in the same person; which seemed by common consent to be dr. i. l. babcock, a man equally as ambitious and aspiring as dr. bailey, but in good standing in the mission, and a stranger to the settlers. this point gained, george w. le breton, a young adventurer, who came to the country in the employ of captain couch, on the brig _maryland_, having a fair education, and generally intelligent and agreeable in conversation, who had been brought up in good society, and was inclined to, or educated in, the roman faith. this young man was elected to fill the offices of clerk of the court and public recorder, as a compromise with the jesuits. to harmonize the english element, wm. johnson was elected high sheriff. zavia ladaroot, pierre billique, and wm. mccarty were chosen constables. messrs. gervais, cannon, robert moore, and rev. l. h. judson were chosen justices of the peace. here comes the climax of all wisdom:-- "it was then resolved, that, until a code of laws be drafted by the legislative committee and adopted by the people, ira l. babcock, the supreme judge, be instructed to act"--_just as he pleased_. mr. hines says in his book, th page--"according to the laws of the state of new york." i query whether there was a single copy of the laws of that state in the country for ten years after the last resolution was passed. i know there was none at the time, and only a single copy of the laws of iowa two years after; hence, ira l. babcock was law-maker, judge, and executive to the settlement, just as much so as john mclaughlin was to the hudson's bay company. to keep up the farce (for the whole proceeding deserves no other name), "it was then resolved to adjourn, to meet the first thursday in june, at the new building near the roman catholic church." the record proceeds: "thursday, june , . the inhabitants of the wallamet valley met according to adjournment, and the meeting was called to order by the chairman, rev. david leslie. on motion, the doings of the former meeting were read, on which the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws was called for, and information was communicated to the meeting by the chairman of the committee, that, in consequence of his not having called the committee together, no report had been prepared." _his jesuitical reverence_, f. n. blanchet, was excused from serving on the committee, at his own request. the settlers and uninitiated were informed by his reverence that he was unaccustomed to make laws for the people, and did not understand how to proceed, while _divide and conquer_, the policy adopted by the hudson's bay company, was entered into with heart and soul by this _reverend father_ blanchet and his associates. "on motion, it was then resolved, that a person be chosen to fill the place thus vacated in the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws, and dr. wm. j. bailey was chosen." the motion that follows shows that the settlers were suspicious of influences operating against them to deprive them of a voice in their own government, for they then, "on motion, resolved that this committee be instructed to meet for the transaction of their business on the first monday of august next." they further instructed this committee to report at a subsequent meeting, "to be held the first thursday in october next. on motion, resolved, that the committee be advised to confer with the commander of the american exploring squadron now in the columbia river, concerning the propriety of forming a provisional government in oregon." "_resolved_, that the motion to adopt the report of the nominating committee presented at a previous meeting be rescinded." were the settlers really in favor of an organization adapted to their wants, and contrary to the wishes of the hudson's bay company and clerical government then existing? the above resolution shows the fact. they have handsomely relieved the jesuits of their responsibility, and left them to work with their associates and co-laborers,--the hudson's bay company and indians. they, to soften matters, allowed the committee to consider the nature of the government about to be formed, and the officers necessary, and-- "_resolved_, that the committee to draft a constitution be instructed to take into consideration the number and kind of officers it will be necessary to create, in accordance with their constitution and code of laws, and to report the same at the next meeting." it was also resolved that the report of the nominating committee be referred to the legislative committee. mr. secretary hines does not give us the names of the nominating committee and the officers they first reported. the meeting held at or near the roman catholic church on the th of june was adjourned to meet at the methodist mission at eleven o'clock on the first thursday in october following. duly signed, david leslie, chairman; gustavus hines, sydney smith, secretaries. the whole humbug had been completed; the methodist mission party was safe; the hudson's bay company and jesuits only wanted time to carry out their arrangements and drive the whole concern from the country, or make a grand sacrifice for the benefit of the hudson's bay company's trade and mother church. the idea of resisting the american influence was no new one; it was announced as early as . the combinations were ready to be made that, at the proper time, every hudson's bay company's man felt certain, would accomplish the object they desired. they were ready and did invest their money upon the issue. it is true other parties came in and formed combinations that they supposed themselves capable of destroying by a single word. they failed; and in we find them, the petitioners, with a host of those they sought to rob, crying against their injustice. they ask for compensation for attempting to prevent the rightful owners of the country from occupying it. this is in keeping with their whole course. their impudence may carry them through and win their case, which justice and truth should deny them. mr. hines says, page : "i have previously stated that the origin of the attempt to form a kind of provisional government was the removal by death of the late ewing young, leaving, as he did, a large and unsettled estate, with no one to administer it, and no law to control its administration. the exigency of this case having been met by the appointment of a judge with probate powers, who entered immediately upon his duties" (giving no bonds to any body), "and disposed of the estate of ewing young to the entire satisfaction of the community, and the fact that some of the _most influential citizens_ of the country, and especially some of the _legislative committee_, were adverse to the idea of establishing a permanent organization so long as the peace and harmony of the community could possibly be preserved without it, the subject was permitted to die away and the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws did not meet according to their instructions, nor did the meeting at which they were expected to report ever take place." mr. hines, in his account of this affair, is not quite satisfied himself with the reasons he has given, so he goes on to state many facts as connected with the arrival of the exploring squadron of the united states, under command of captain wilkes, and says, page : "in addition to this, the officers of the squadron were consulted on the subject of organizing the country into a civil compact, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme, and recommended that the subject be allowed to rest. they encouraged the people in the belief that the united states government would probably soon extend jurisdiction over the country." to the disgrace of the leader of that squadron, the general impression of all the early settlers of this country is, to the present day, that he understood and tasted the qualities of dr. mclaughlin's liquors, and received the polite attentions of the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company with far more pleasure than he looked into or regarded the wants of this infant settlement of his countrymen. mr. hines says "the _officers_ of the squadron decidedly opposed the scheme." and why did they do it? simply because the parties named above were opposed. they had absolute control of the persons and property of all in the country, and they scrupled not to keep and use their power to the last. the unconquerable energy of the americans was this year manifested in the building of a schooner, of about forty tons burden, on a little island some four miles above the present city of portland. r. l. kilborn, of the party of ewing young, charley matts, p. armstrong, who was afterward killed in the indian war on rogue river, h. woods, john green, and george davis engaged in this enterprise. they employed felix hathaway, who was saved from the wreck of the _william and ann_, as head carpenter, and commenced their work. to obtain spikes and such irons as were required, they had it reported that they were going to build a ferry-boat to cross the wallamet river. to obtain rigging, they induced the french farmers to go to fort vancouver and get ropes to use in the old dutch harness for plowing, dr. mclaughlin having informed them in the start, that he did not approve of their scheme, and would furnish them no supplies. they, however, were not to be deterred in their undertaking. procuring a whip-saw of the mission, and such tools as they could spare, these men commenced their work; and when captain wilkes visited them, and found they had a substantial and sea-worthy craft well under way, he furnished them such articles from his stores as he could spare, and spoke favorably of their enterprise to dr. mclaughlin, who became more liberal; so that, with the assistance of captain wilkes, the mission, and such as they received from dr. mclaughlin, the vessel was launched and made trips to california, under the command of captain joseph gale, who returned to oregon in , and was elected one of our executive committee, with david hill and alanson beers. chapter xxviii. lee and hines explore the umpqua river.--hines tells a story.--massacre and plunder of smith's party by the indians.--sympathy of the hudson's bay company.--extract from the san francisco _bulletin_. the reader is requested to note the statements that follow, as they show influences operating that tell how active the enemies of the protestant missions had been. mr. hines admits that he owed his own and mr. lee's life to the wife of guinea. (see his journal, page .) he says: "during the evening mr. guinea came to us considerably excited, and warmly congratulated us on the safe guardianship his wife had exercised over us in our absence. he said that in all probability we should have been robbed of all we had, if we had not lost our lives, had it not been for the faithfulness of his wife and her brother. he told us that one of the chiefs of the clan we had visited was at the fort. learning that we designed to visit his people on the coast, _excited with the utmost fear_, he hastened down the river and reported many evil things about us, intending thereby to instigate the indians to prevent us from going among them." mr. hines, can you vouch for the truth of this statement? i believe sincerely you have told the truth, for you even attempt to excuse the indian for his fears, and have not the least suspicion of the sources from which the indian received his instruction and is made to believe that you and mr. jason lee had come with your _medicine bag_ to destroy them. let us hear mr. hines' excuse for the indian's fears, in his own words. he says: "mr. lee had brought a fowling-piece with him, and had in his possession a patent shot-pouch. this was the thing that had alarmed the chief. one story he told was, that we had brought _medicine in a bag_ that mr. lee wore on his neck, for the purpose of killing them all off; and that if we were permitted to come among them the fatal bag would be opened and they would all be destroyed." how did these indians learn about the missionary medicine bag? our good friend, guinea, mr. hines tells us, is from montreal, and of a good family,--a frenchman. this trip, it seems, was made in , about the th day of october. dr. whitman had not yet gone to the states, but the medicine-bag story is tried with the indians on the umpqua. guinea has a little too much sense of moral responsibility to allow his indians to commence the slaughter of lee and hines, as dr. white had come with them and seen them safe at the fort, and had returned to the settlement. the medicine man of the methodist mission had escaped, and it was not best to commence on these preachers. madam _siwash_ guinea must accompany them, to watch and explain matters and protect them. mr. hines says, page : "we had been informed by mr. guinea that there would be _great danger_ in our going among them alone, and indeed he appeared to stand in the utmost fear of them, of their hostility to the whites, and especially to the _americans_." can a reasonable man read this simple narrative with the light of history, and facts piled on facts, with the stains of the blood of our countrymen all over the country, and not trace the cause of these foul murders to their true source? while none but american traders and hunters were in the country, it was an easy matter to dispose of them, but when the american missionary comes among the natives, another element of opposition must be introduced; moral teachings must be met by religious superstitions, to secure the victim, to advance the interests of an unscrupulous trade. let us take another statement from mr. hines before we proceed with his political history. on page , in speaking of the closing remarks of the chief at the mouth of the umpqua, he tells us, the chief "said he was very glad we had come to see them; that their hearts toward us were like our hearts toward them; that he wanted us to continue with them another day and tell them about god; that they had heard about us, and had been told that we were a bad people." _who told these wild indians this?_ was it an american that had been living among them and teaching them that his countrymen were a bad people? "that they were glad to see us for themselves, and were convinced that what they had heard was a lie; that they now believe us to be good, and that they meant to be good also." mr. hines tells a story, as he received it from the hudson's bay company gentlemen, to show that these indians are very treacherous and not to be relied upon, especially those on the coast. it relates to a company of fur hunters composed of smith, sublet, and jackson. at page of his book, he says: "in this division smith was to take the country extending from the platte river by the way of santa fé to california; then turn north along the pacific ocean as far as the columbia river, and thence back into the interior to join the other partners of the company. the country was in the wildest state, but few white men having ever passed through it. but, nothing daunted, smith and his companions marched through to california, and thence along the coast north as far as the umpqua river, collecting in their course all the valuable furs they could procure, until they had loaded several pack animals with the precious burden [forty packs of furs]. on arriving here, they encamped on the borders of the river near the place where they intended to cross, but, on examination, found it would be dangerous, if not impossible, to effect the passage of the river at that place. accordingly, smith took one of his men [he had two] and proceeded up the river on foot, for the purpose of finding a better place to cross. in his absence, the indians, instigated by one of the savage-looking chiefs whom we saw at the mouth of the river, rushed upon the party with their muskets [the same furnished by the hudson's bay company for that purpose], bows and arrows, tomahawks, and scalping-knives, and commenced the work of death." just as they were expected to do with all intruders in this fur traders' empire. "from the apparent kindness of the indians previously, the party had been thrown entirely off their guard, and consequently were immediately overpowered by their ferocious enemies, and but one of the twelve in camp escaped from the cruel massacre. scarcely knowing which way he fled, this one fell in with smith, who was on his return to the camp, and who received from the survivor the shocking account of the murder of eleven of his comrades. smith seeing all was lost, resolved upon attempting nothing further than to do his best to secure his own personal safety, with that of his surviving companions. the indians had secured all the furs, horses, mules, baggage, and every thing the company had. the three immediately crossed the river and made the best of their way through a savage and inhospitable country toward vancouver, where, after traveling between two and three hundred miles, and suffering the greatest deprivations, they finally arrived in safety." rev. mr. hines' savage-looking chief was no less a personage than a slave of a frenchman by the name of michel, or rather belonging to michel's umpqua wife. this slave had learned, from the statements and talk he had heard at vancouver, that in case the indians killed and robbed the boston men, there would be no harm to them; that neither the hudson's bay company nor the english or french would take any notice of it. hence, the indians were taught to regard the killing of a boston man (american) as doing something that pleased the hudson's bay company. under this instruction it is said this slave ran away from vancouver, and went back to his people, and was the cause of the massacre of smith's party. he is again present, doing all he can to induce his people to rob and take the lives of lee and hines. mr. guinea, then in charge of the fort, is aware of his instructions and his object. he dare not tell lee and hines of their full danger, yet he knows all about it. they were determined to visit the indians and see for themselves. guinea's indian wife and her brother must go with them. this is considered sufficient protection. the story of the indian slave's part in the massacre of smith's party is related to us by mrs. smith, the wife of s. h. smith, an intelligent and much respected native woman, a neighbor of ours for near twenty years, and by one of the men that accompanied mckay to recover the property; corresponding exactly to another event of the same kind that occurred in , which will be given in detail as stated by eye-witnesses under the solemnity of an oath. mr. hines, of course, believes the following statement, because the _gentlemen_ of the company told it to him; just as i did the first time i heard it from them. it is said, smith and companions, "rehearsing the story of their wonderful escape and subsequent sufferings to the members of the hudson's bay company, the utmost _sympathy_ was excited in their behalf, and a strong party was fitted out to go and rescue the _property_ from the savage robbers, and restore it to its surviving owners. the vigor and perseverance of this party were equal to the promptitude with which it was fitted out. they proceeded to the scene of blood, and after committing the mangled bodies of smith's murdered companions to the grave, compelled the indians to relinquish the property they had taken," by giving them presents of blankets and powder, and such things as the indians wished, as stated to us by a frenchman, a servant of the company, who was one of mckay's party that went to get the furs. they found no bodies to bury, and had no fight with the indians about the property, as stated by mr. smith also. but, as the hudson's bay company tells the story through mr. hines, they "_spread terror through the tribes_." was this the case in the whitman massacre in ? the samilkamean massacre in ? the frazer river murder of american citizens in ? no: governor douglas told the committee that asked him for protection, or for arms, to protect themselves; that "_if they_ [the americans] _molested her majesty's subjects he would send a force to punish them_." mr. hines says his umpqua party "_returned in triumph to vancouver_." and well they might, for they had made the best season's hunt they ever made, in getting those furs and the property of smith, which paid them well for the expedition, as there was no market for smith, except london, through the hypocritical kindness of mr. simpson. by this time, mr. smith had learned all he wished to of this company. he preferred giving them his furs at their own price to being under any further obligations to them, mr. sublet, mr. smith's partner, did not speak as though he felt under much obligation to mr. simpson or the hudson's bay company in , which was not long after the transaction referred to. i do not know how the company regard these statements of mr. hines, yet i regard them as true so far as mr. hines is concerned, but utterly false as regards the company. as old toupin says mr. parker told the indians, "it is their fashion" of taking credit to themselves for doing all they could against the americans occupying the country in any way. according to the testimony given in the case of the hudson's bay company _v._ united states, the amount of furs seized by the company at that time was forty packs, worth at the time $ , each, besides the animals and equipments belonging to the party, a large portion of which was given to the indians, to compensate them for their services rendered to the company, in destroying smith's expedition and killing his men, corresponding with transactions of recent date, as stated in an article found in the san francisco _bulletin_:-- "hudson's bay company and the indians.--a gentleman from victoria gives us the following facts concerning the indian outrages on the northern coast, and their allies, the hudson's bay company: captain d. warren said to m. a. foster and william mccurdy, that, on returning to victoria and reporting the circumstances of the attack of the indians upon his sloop, _thornton_, to the first lieutenant of the ship _zealous_, he was the next day arrested and put under $ , bonds. the _sparrowhawk_ was to leave last wednesday, but had not yet gone to inquire into the matter. it is known that the same indians murdered captain jack knight and partner but a short time before. the same crowd or band of indians robbed the _nanaimo_ packet. since thus attacked, captain warren, the captain of the _ocean queen_, informed them that a friendly indian chief told him to leave; the indians were hostile; they were preparing for war with the neighboring tribes. "from a statement found in the _chronicle_, of the th of june, we learn that captain mowatt, of the hudson's bay company, is in charge of fort rupert. we also learn that captain mowatt's prejudices and feelings are peculiarly hostile to all american fur traders, and not any too friendly to those claiming to be english. the facts indicate a strong hudson's bay company indian war influence against american or other traders in behalf of that company. it is evident from the statement of the two gentlemen above named that her majesty's naval officers are inclined, and more than probably instructed, to protect the hudson's bay company's people in encouraging the indian hostility and murder of all outside venturers upon their trading localities, as they are prompt to insinuate and affirm that the whites are the aggressors, and to arrest them for punishment." it is difficult to understand why our american government is so tolerant and generous to a foreign monopoly that has invariably sought and accomplished the destruction of its fur trade on its western borders, and used its entire influence against american institutions and citizens; not hesitating to incite the indians to the most inhuman and brutal murders. chapter xxix. missionaries leaving.--hudson's bay company's gold exchange.--population in .--whitman and lovejoy start for the states.--the red river emigration.--american merchants.--settlers not dependent on the hudson's bay company.--milling company.--the oregon institute.--dr. elijah white.--proceedings and resolutions of a public meeting at wallamet.--correspondence with the war department. rev. a. b. smith and wife, cornelius rogers, and w. h. gray and wife had left the mission of the american board, on account of difficulties they had become fully satisfied would ultimately destroy the mission or drive it from the country. mr. spalding, it will be remembered, was a man of peculiar temperament, ambitious and selfish. he could not endure an associate of superior talent, or admit himself to be inferior in understanding the native language. from the time the jesuits arrived (in ), some of his own pet indians had turned catholics and commenced a quarrel with him. these facts seemed to annoy and lead him to adopt a course opposed by smith, gray, and rogers. still he found it pleased the indians as a whole, and was assented to by the balance of the mission. smith and wife left for the sandwich islands; rogers for the wallamet in ; gray and wife in . during the exploration of the country by commodore wilkes' exploring squadron, mr. cornelius rogers was found a very useful man. his knowledge of indian languages (which he was remarkably quick to acquire) and of indian character generally enabled him to become a reliable and useful interpreter. the officers soon became aware of the fact, and employed him at once to assist and interpret for them. he was paid for his services in gold coin, which amounted to something over five hundred dollars. not wishing to carry his coin about, he offered to deposit it with the hudson's bay company. "certainly, mr. rogers, we will receive your coin, and credit you upon our books twenty per cent. less, as the coin is not so valuable to us as our goods, at beaver prices." mr. r. allowed them to take his coin and credit him with four hundred dollars in beaver currency. in a short time a party of the squadron were to go by land to california. mr. r. concluded he would go with them, and that his coin would be more convenient than beaver orders on the company. he therefore requested them to return to him the coin. "certainly, mr. rogers," and handed him back four hundred dollars less twenty per cent.,--three hundred and twenty dollars. "how is this?" says mr. r.; "i supposed from the statement you made on depositing this money with you, that that money was a drug to you, and now you wish me to pay you twenty per cent. for money i have left in your care, after deducting twenty per cent. for leaving it with you. you may consider this a fair and an honorable transaction; i do not." he was told, "_such is our manner of doing business_," and that was all the satisfaction he could get. he finally left his money and drew his goods, at what was called beaver prices, of the company. nothing further of note occurred in , except the loss of the _peacock_, in which no lives were lost, and the extra efforts of the company to show to the officers of the expedition their good deeds and kind treatment to all americans, and to prove to them that the whole country was of little value to any one. "it would scarcely support the few indians, much less a large population of settlers." .--our population, all told, in the beginning of this year, is twenty-one protestant ministers, three roman or jesuit priests, fifteen lay members of churches, thirty-four white women, thirty-two white children, and thirty-five american settlers--twenty-five of them with native wives. total, one hundred and thirty-seven americans. at the close of the year we had an emigration from the states of one hundred and eleven persons,--some forty-two families,--with two lawyers, a. l. lovejoy and a. m. hastings. the latter became the lawyer of dr. mclaughlin and relieved the settlement in the spring of of a number of not very valuable settlers, by assisting them to get credit of the hudson's bay company in procuring their outfits, giving their notes, payable in california; white settlers who remained could get no credit or supplies of the company, especially such as had asked protection of the american government. a. l. lovejoy started from whitman's station to return to the states with dr. whitman. he reached bent's fort with him, but stopped for the winter, while whitman proceeded on to washington in time to save the country from being given up to british rule. for an account of that trip, which we give in another chapter, we are indebted to the honorable a. l. lovejoy. the red river emigration, consisting of some forty families of english, scotch, and canadian-french half-breeds, had been ordered from the red river, or selkirk settlement, to locate in the puget sound district, by the hudson's bay company's governor, simpson. this company started across the plains with most of their property and families in carts, in the spring of , directed, protected, and guided by the company, and expected to become settlers, subject to it, in puget sound. this was in fact a part of the original plan of the puget sound agricultural company, and these families were brought on to aid in securing and holding the country for the british government and the use of the company,--a plan and arrangement exactly similar to that adopted by the hudson's bay company in - , to cut off the trade of the french northwest fur company, by establishing the selkirk settlement directly in the line of their trade. this red river colony was a part of the company's scheme to control and outnumber the american settlement of oregon; it being connected with the puget sound concern, and under the control of the hudson's bay company,--which, by the decision of the commissioners, has won the company $ , from our national treasury. a more infamous claim could not well be trumped up, and the men who awarded it should be held responsible, and handed down to posterity as unjust rewarders of unscrupulous monopolies. not for this alone, but for paying to the parent monopoly the sum of $ , , for their malicious misrepresentations of the country, their murders, and their perjury respecting their claims to it. as soon as the red river colony reached the country, they found that the hudson's bay company on the west side of the rocky mountains was a different institution from that of the selkirk settlement; consequently a large number of the more intelligent among them refused to remain in the puget sound district, and found their way into the wallamet and tualatin districts, and were received and treated as oregonians, or citizens of the provisional government. this had the effect to embitter the feelings of the ruling spirits of the company, and caused them to change their policy. they commenced fortifying fort vancouver, and had a war-ship, the _modeste_, stationed in the columbia river, while the fort was being prepared for defensive or offensive measures. this only increased the anxiety and hastened the effort to organize for self-defense on the part of the american settlers. in the mean time, hon. caleb cushing, of newburyport, massachusetts, had sent to the country a ship with supplies. a. e. wilson had established himself, or was about to, at wallamet falls as a trader, and some families were on their way by water from the states,--f. w. pettygrove, peter foster, and peter h. hatch. pettygrove arrived with a small stock of goods. the same ship brought a supply for the methodist mission. the settlers were not dependent upon the hudson's bay company for supplies as much as has been asserted. i am certain that many of them never received a dollar's worth of the company's goods, except it might have been through the stores of pettygrove, wilson, or abernethy. i know many of them were willing and did pay higher prices to their american merchants than they could get the same article for from the company's store, which was about this time established at oregon city. soon after, a trading-post and warehouse were established at champoeg, and mr. roberts sent up with orders to _kick, change, and beat the half-bushel with a club_ in order to get more wheat at sixty cents per imperial bushel in payment for all debts due the company for the goods furnished to them at one hundred per cent. or more on london prices. during this year the wallamet milling company was formed, and commenced to build a saw-mill on the island above the falls. dr. mclaughlin also commenced active opposition to american enterprise. the oregon institute was commenced this year, under the direction of the methodist missionaries. they carefully guarded against all outside patronage or influence getting control of their institution, by requiring a certain number of trustees to be members of their church in good standing. it was during the discussions in the organizing of that institution that the disposition on the part of that mission to control not only the religious, but literary and political interests of the settlement, was manifested. the leading members took strong ground, yet hesitated when it was found they would be compelled to ask for outside patronage. however, they were able to commence operations with the institute, and succeeded in getting up a building deemed suitable by the building committee. dr. elijah white returned to the country, as he supposed and frequently asserted, with unlimited discretionary powers from the president of the united states to arrange all matters between the hudson's bay company, indians, and settlers, and "although his commission did not specify in so many words, yet, in short, he was the governing power of the united states west of the rocky mountains." he entered at once upon the duties of his office, and such a muss as he kicked up all over the country it would require the pens of a squibob and a junius combined to describe. rev. mr. hines has given to the world many useful notices of this notorious blockhead, and from his descriptions of his proceedings one would infer that he was a most important character in promoting the peace and harmony of the settlement and keeping the indians quiet. i have always been at a loss to understand mr. hines, whether he is speaking of dr. white's proceedings in sober earnest or serious burlesque. either he was woefully ignorant of the character of dr. white, or he was cajoled and flattered and made to believe the doctor possessed power and influence at washington that no document he could show gave any evidence of. be that as it may, dr. white arrived in the fall of , in advance of the emigration. he pretended to have all power necessary for all cases, civil and criminal. he appointed temporary magistrates to try all cases as they might occur; and such as related to indians and whites, or half-breeds and whites, he tried himself, and gave decisions to suit his own ideas of justice. usually, in the case of two settlers, where he had appointed a justice to try the case, he would argue the case for one of the parties, and generally win it for his client or favorite. we attended two of the doctor's trials, one in tualatin plains, the other at the saw-mill near salem. in both of these cases the conclusion of those not interested was, that if such was the justice to which we as settlers were reduced, our own energy and arms must protect us. at the meeting called to receive him, a committee, being appointed, retired, and, after a short absence, reported the following resolutions:-- _resolved_, that we, the citizens of the wallamet valley, are exceedingly happy in the consideration that the government of the united states have manifested their intentions through their agent, dr. e. white, of extending their jurisdiction and protection over this country. _resolved_, that, in view of the claims which the aborigines of this country have upon the sympathies of the white man, we are gratified at the appointment of an agent by the united states government to regulate and guard their interests. _resolved_, that we highly approve of the appointment of dr. e. white to the above office, and that we will cordially co-operate with him in carrying out the measures of government in reference to this country. _resolved_, that we feel grateful to the united states government for their intended liberality toward the settlers of this country, and for their intention to support education and literature among us. _resolved_, that it will give us the highest pleasure to be brought, so soon as it maybe practicable, under the jurisdiction of our mother country. on motion, it was _resolved_, that the report of the committee be adopted. _resolved unanimously_, that the doings of this meeting be transmitted to the government of the united states by dr. e. white, in order that our views and wishes in relation to this country may be known. the following communication shows the shrewdness of dr. white, and the influence he was enabled to hold over mr. hines, who seems to have ignored all the doctor's conduct while a missionary, and considers him a suitable person to deal with the complicated relations then culminating on our western coast. it is given entire, to place mr. hines in his true character in the history of the country, though dr. white does not deign to mention his name in his report to the department. we also give an extract from the report of the commissioners of indian affairs, november , , as found on fifth and sixth pages of dr. white's report, mr. hines' letter is as follows:-- wallamet, april , . _to the honorable secretary of war:_ sir,--i have the honor of addressing you a brief communication expressive of my views of the course pursued by dr. e. white, sub-agent of indian affairs west of the rocky mountains. i am not extensively acquainted with what properly belongs to the business of an indian agent, but so far as i understand the subject, this agency requires the performance of duties which are of an _onerous_ and _complicated_ character. the country is quite extensive, and an intercourse is carried on between the whites and indians in almost every part of it. the principal settlements are on the wallamet river and taulatin plains, but there are whites at the mouth of the columbia river, the falls, and among the wallawalla, cayuse, nez percé, and snake indians. immediately after the arrival of your agent in this country, he received the most urgent calls from several of these places, if possible to come immediately and enter into such measures as would secure both the safety of the whites and welfare of the indians. he entered upon his business with diffidence, though with great energy and decision, and his indefatigable efforts to promote the interests of this country, with his untiring industry in the performance of his duties, entitle him to the warmest respect of the members of this infant and helpless colony, and to the confidence of the honorable department which has committed to him so important a trust. although he has been with us but a short time in his official capacity, yet it is generally believed that the measures he has adopted to regulate the intercourse between the whites and indians, particularly in the cayuse, nez percé, and wallawalla tribes, are wisely calculated to secure the protection of the former against the aggressions of the savages, and to secure to the latter the blessings of harmony, peace, and civilization. some time in november last news reached us from these formidable tribes that they were laying a plot for the destruction of this colony, upon which your agent, with characteristic decision, determined to proceed at once to the scene of this conspiracy, and, if possible, not only to frustrate the present designs of the indians, but to prevent any future attempts of the same character. this laborious journey was undertaken, and, accordingly, he set out on this perilous enterprise in the dead of winter, being accompanied by six men, and though the distance to be traveled by land and water was little less than one thousand miles, and the whole journey was one of excessive labor and much suffering, yet perseverance surmounted every difficulty, and the undertaking was brought to a most happy issue. in the fitting out and execution of such an expedition much expense must necessarily be incurred, but i am fully of the opinion the funds appropriated by your agent, for the purpose of accomplishing the object of his appointment, have been judiciously applied. not knowing the views i entertained in reference to the propriety of his course, dr. white requested me to write to the honorable secretary of war, definitely expressing my opinion. considering this a sufficient apology for intruding myself upon your patience in this communication, allow me, dear sir, to subscribe myself most respectfully. your humble servant, gustavus hines, missionary to the wallamet settlement. department of war,} office of indian affairs, nov. , .} i submit a report from the sub-agent west of the rocky mountains, received on the th of august last. it furnishes some deeply-interesting and curious details respecting certain of the indian tribes in that remote part of our territories. the nez percés are represented to be "more noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites," than the others. their conduct on the occasion of an important meeting between dr. white and their leading men impresses one most agreeably. the school established for their benefit is very numerously attended, while it is gratifying to learn that this is not the only establishment for indian instruction which has been made and conducted with success. there will also be found in this paper some particulars as to the soil, water-courses, etc, of the territory of oregon, which may be interesting at this time, when public attention is so much directed to the region beyond the rocky mountains. respectfully submitted, t. hartley crawford. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war. chapter xxx. dispatch of dr. white to the commissioner of indian affairs.--he praises the hudson's bay company.--his account of the indians.--indian outrages.--dr. white's expedition to the nez percés.--indian council.--speeches.--electing a chief.--laws of the nez percés.--visit to the cayuses.--doings of the missionaries.--drowning of mr. rogers and family.--george geere.--volcanoes.--petition against governor mclaughlin. oregon, april , . sir,--on my arrival, i had the honor and happiness of addressing you a brief communication, giving information of my safe arrival, and that of our numerous party, to these distant shores. at that time it was confidently expected that a more direct, certain, and expeditious method would be presented to address you in a few weeks; but that failing, none has offered till now. i think i mentioned the kind and hospitable manner we were received and entertained on the way by the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, and the cordial and most handsome reception i met with at fort vancouver from governor mclaughlin and his worthy associate chief factor, james douglas, esq.; my appointment giving pleasure rather than pain,--a satisfactory assurance that these worthy gentlemen intend eventually to settle in this country, and prefer american to english jurisdiction. on my arrival in the colony, sixty miles south of vancouver, being in advance of the party, and coming unexpectedly to the citizens, bearing the intelligence of the arrival of so large a re-enforcement, and giving assurance of the good intentions of our government, the excitement was general, and two days after we had the largest and happiest public meeting ever convened in this infant colony. i found the colony in peace and health, and rapidly increasing in numbers, having more than doubled in population during the last two years. english, french, and half-breeds seem, equally with our own people, attached to the american cause; hence the bill of mr. linn, proffering a section of land to every white man of the territory, has the double advantage of being popular and useful, increasing such attachment, and manifestly acting as a strong incentive to all, of whatever nation or party, to settle in this country. my arrival was in good time, and probably saved much evil. i had but a short season of rest after so long, tedious, and toilsome a journey, before information reached me of the very improper conduct of the upper country indians toward the missionaries sent by the american board of commissioners, accompanied with a passport, and a desire for my interposition in their behalf at once. i allude to the only three tribes from which much is to be hoped, or any thing to be feared, in this part of oregon. these are the wallawallas, cayuses, and nez percés, inhabiting a district of country on the columbia and its tributaries, commencing two hundred and forty miles from its mouth, and stretching four hundred and eighty miles into the interior. the wallawallas, most contiguous to the colony, number some three thousand, including the entire population. they are in general poor, indolent, and sordid, but avaricious; and what few have property, in horses and herds, are proud, haughty, and insolent. the cayuses, next easterly, are less numerous, but more formidable, being brave, active, tempestuous, and warlike. their country is well watered, gently undulating, extremely healthy, and admirably adapted to grazing, as dr. marcus whitman, who resides in their midst, may have informed you. they are comparatively rich in herds, independent in manner, and not unfrequently boisterous, saucy, and troublesome in language and behavior. the nez percés, still further in the interior, number something less than three thousand; they inhabit a beautiful grazing district not surpassed by any i have seen for verdure, water privileges, climate, or health. the tribe forms, to some extent, an honorable exception to the general indian character, being more noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites and their improvements in the arts and sciences; and, though as brave as cæsar, the whites have nothing to dread at their hands, in case of their dealing out to them what they conceive to be right and equitable. of late, these three tribes have become strongly united by reason of much intermarriage. for the last twenty years they have been generally well disposed toward the whites; but at the time captain bonneville visited this district of country, he dealt more profusely in presents and paid a higher price for furs than mr. pambrun, one of the traders of the hudson's bay company, established at wallawalla, who had long dealt with them, and was previously a general favorite. on mr. bonneville's leaving, the chiefs assembled at the fort, and insisted on a change of the tariff in their favor. pambrun refusing, they seized him, stamped violently upon his breast, beat him severely, and retained him prisoner, in rather unenviable circumstances, till they gained, to a considerable extent, their object. since that time, they have been more consequential in feeling, and shown less deference and respect to the whites. on the arrival of missionaries among them they have never failed to make, at first, a most favorable impression, which has, in most instances, unfortunately, led to too near an approach to familiarity, operating alike prejudicial to both parties. the rev. messrs. lee and parker, who made each but a short stay among them, left with like favorable impressions. their successors, spalding, whitman, gray, and ladies, with others who remained among them, were at last driven to the conclusion that indians as much resembled each other in character as complexion. these worthy people, not well versed in indian character, and anxious to accomplish a great deal in a short time, resorted to various expedients to induce them to leave off their wandering migratory habits, and settle down contiguous to them in herding and agricultural pursuits, so as to be able to send their numerous and healthy children to school. in these efforts they were zealous and persevering, holding out various inducements as so many stimulants to action, most of which would have operated well in civilized life, but generally failed with these indians; and whatever was promised conditionally, whether the condition was met or otherwise, there was no reprieve--the promised articles must come; and sometimes, under circumstances sufficiently trying, had these missionaries been less devoted, they would have driven them from their post forever. the indians, having gained one and another victory, became more and more insolent, till at last, some time previous to my arrival, they were not only obtrusive and exceedingly annoying about and in the missionaries' houses, but seized one of the clergymen in his own house,[ ] without a shadow of provocation, further than that of treating a better neighboring chief with more respect than they, and insulted him most shamefully, there being no other white person within fifty miles, save his sick and delicate lady. soon after, they commenced on dr. whitman; pulled his ears and hair, and threw off his hat three times in the mud at his feet. a short time after, the chiefs assembled, broke into the house, violently assailed his person with war clubs, and, with an ax, broke down the door leading to his own private apartment. it is generally thought, and possibly with truth, that, on this occasion, dr. whitman would have been killed, had not a party of white men arrived in sight just at this moment.[ ] never was such an outrage and insult more undeserving. he had built, for the express purpose of indian accommodation, a house of the same materials, and finished in like manner with his own, of respectable size, and joined to his, and at all times, night and day, accessible. in addition to this, they were admitted to every room in his house but one. this being closed, had like to have cost him his life. he had hardly left for the states last fall, when, shocking to relate, at the hour of midnight, a large indian chief managed to get into the house, came to the door of mrs. whitman's bed-chamber, and had succeeded in getting it partly open before she reached it. a white man, sleeping in an adjoining apartment, saved her from violence and ruin. the villain escaped. there was but one thing wrong in this matter on the part of dr. whitman, and that was a great error,--leaving his excellent lady unprotected in the midst of savages.[ ] a few days after this they burned down the mission mill on his premises, with all its appendages and considerable grain, damaging them not less than twelve or fifteen hundred dollars. about the same time, mrs. spalding was grossly insulted in her own house, and ordered out of it, in the absence of her husband. information reached him of an indian having stolen his horse near the same time; he hastened to the spot to secure the animal; the rogue had crossed the river; but, immediately returning, he presented his loaded gun, cocked, at the breast of mr. spalding, and abused and menaced as far as possible without shooting him.[ ] [footnote ] rev. a. b. smith, who employed the lawyer as his teacher in the nez percé language. ellis was the chief who claimed the land, and had been at the red river school. he was jealous of the lawyer's influence with the american missionaries, and used his influence with the hudson's bay company to drive mr. smith away. [footnote ] we were present at dr. whitman's at the time here referred to, and know that this difficulty originated from jesuitical teachings. [footnote ] there were good men left at the station; besides, the influence of mr. mckinley was thought to be sufficient protection from any violence from the indians. [footnote ] this transaction is represented by rev. mr. brouillet as being that mr. spalding threatened the indian with a gun,--being a mistake on the part of rev. mr. brouillet. in addition to this, some of our own party were robbed openly of considerable property, and some twelve horses were stolen by night. all this information, coming near the same time, was embarrassing, especially as my instructions would not allow me to exceed, for office, interpreter, and every purpose, $ , per annum. on the other hand, their passport, signed by the secretary of war, made it my imperative duty to protect them, in their persons, at least, from outrage. i did not long hesitate, but called upon thomas mckay, long in the employment of the hudson's bay company as explorer and leader of parties, who, from his frank, generous disposition, together with his universal success in indian warfare, has obtained an extensive influence among the aborigines of the country, and, placing the facts before him, he at once consented to accompany me to this scene of discord and contention. we took but six men with us, armed in the best manner, a sufficient number to command respect and secure the object of our undertaking,--mckay assuring me, from his familiar acquaintance with these indians, and their thorough knowledge of the use of arms, that if hostile intentions were entertained, it would require a larger party than we could raise in this country to subdue them. obtaining cornelius rogers as interpreter, we set out on the th of november on our voyage of misery (as mckay justly denominated it), having a journey, by water and land, of not less than nine hundred and fifty miles, principally over open plains, covered with snow, and several times under the necessity of spending the night without wood or fire, other than what was made by a small growth of wild sage, hardly sufficient to boil the tea-kettle. the gentlemen, as we called at vancouver, did every thing in their power to make the journey comfortable, but evidently felt anxious concerning our safety. we reached the dalles, some two hundred and twenty miles from the pacific, on the th, having been detained by wind, spent several days with the methodist mission families, who welcomed us joyfully, and made our stay agreeable and refreshing. mrs. dr. whitman was here, having found it improper and unsafe to remain where she had been so lately grossly insulted. her noble and intellectual mind and spirit were much depressed, and her health suffering; but still entertaining for the people or indians of her charge the feelings of a mother toward ungrateful children. our visit encouraged her. we procured horses and traveled by land to wallawalla, miles above, reaching the hudson's bay establishment on the th. mr. mckinley, the gentleman in charge, to whom the missionaries are indebted for many kind offices in this isolated portion of earth, resolved to make it a common cause, and stand or fall with us. we reached wailatpu, the station of dr. whitman, the day following, and were shocked and pained at beholding the sad work of savage destruction upon this hitherto neat and commodious little establishment. the indians in the vicinity were few and shy. i thought best to treat them with reserve, but made an appointment to meet the chiefs and tribe on my return. left the day following for the station of mr. spalding among the nez percés, some or miles from wailatpu; reached it on the d of december, after a rather pleasant journey over a most verdant and delightful grazing district, well watered, but badly timbered. having sent a private dispatch in advance, they had conveyed the intelligence to the indians, many of whom were collected. the chiefs met us with civility, gravity, and dignified reserve, but the missionaries with joyful countenances and glad hearts. seldom was a visit of an indian agent more desired, nor could one be more necessary and proper. as they were collecting, we had no meeting for eight and forty hours; in the mean time, through my able interpreter and mckay, i managed to secure confidence and prepare the way to a good understanding; visited and prescribed for their sick, made a short call at each of the chiefs' lodges, spent a season in school, hearing them read, spell, and sing; at the same time examined their printing and writing, and can hardly avoid here saying i was happily surprised and greatly interested at seeing such numbers so far advanced and so eagerly pursuing after knowledge. the next day i visited their little plantations, rude, to be sure, but successfully carried on, so far as raising the necessaries of life were concerned; and it was most gratifying to witness their fondness and care for their little herds, pigs, poultry, etc. the hour arriving for the public interview, i was ushered into the presence of the assembled chiefs, to the number of twenty-two, with some lesser dignitaries, and a large number of the common people. the gravity, fixed attention, and decorum of these sons of the forest was calculated to make for them a most favorable impression. i stated explicitly, but briefly as possible, the design of our great chief in sending me to this country, and the present object of my visit; assured them of the kind intentions of our government, and of the sad consequences that would ensue to any white man, from this time, who should invade their rights, by stealing, murder, selling them damaged for good articles, or alcohol, of which they are not fond. without threatening, i gave them to understand how highly mr. and mrs. spalding were prized by the numerous whites, and with what pleasure the great chief gave them a paper to encourage them to come here to teach them what they were now so diligently employed in obtaining, in order that they and their children might become good, wise, and happy. after me, mr. mckinley, the gentleman in charge of the hudson's bay establishment at wallawalla, spoke concisely, but very properly; alluded to his residence of some years, and of the good understanding that had generally existed between them, and of the happiness he felt that one of his brothers had come to stand and judge impartially between him, them, and whites and indians in general; declared openly and frankly, that boston, king george, and french, were all of one heart in this matter, as they, the cayuses and wallawallas should be; flattered them delicately in view of their (to him) unexpected advancement in the arts and sciences, and resumed his seat, having made a most favorable impression. next followed mr. rogers, the interpreter, who, years before, had been employed successfully as linguist in this section of the country by the american board of commissioners, and was ever a general favorite with this people. he adverted, sensibly and touchingly, to past difficulties between whites and indians east of the mountains, and the sad consequences to every tribe who had resisted honorable measures proposed by the more numerous whites; and having, as he hoped, secured their confidence in my favor, exhorted them feelingly to adopt such measures as should be thought proper for their benefit. next, and lastly, arose mr. mckay, and remarked, with a manner peculiar to himself, and evidently with some emotion: "i appear among you as one arisen from the long sleep of death. you know of the violent death of my father on board the ship _tonquin_, who was one of the partners of the astor company; i was but a youth; since which time, till the last five years, i have been a wanderer through these wilds, none of you, or any indians of this country, having traveled so constantly or extensively as i have, and yet i saw you or your fathers once or more annually. i have mingled with you in bloody wars and profound peace; i have stood in your midst, surrounded by plenty, and suffered with you in seasons of scarcity; we have had our days of wild and joyous sports, and nights of watching and deep concern, till i vanished from among men, left the hudson's bay company, silently retired to my plantation, and there confined myself. there i was still, silent, and as one dead; the voice of my brother, at last, aroused me; i spoke and looked; i mounted my horse--am here. i am glad it is so. i came at the call of the great chief, the chief of all the whites in the country, as well as all the indians--the son of the mighty chief whose children are more numerous than the stars in the heavens or the leaves in the forest. will you hear, and be advised? you will. your wonderful improvement in the arts and sciences prove you are no fools. surely you will hear; but if disposed to close your ears and stop them, they will be torn open wide, and you will be made to hear." this speech from mr. mckay, whose mother is part indian, though the wife of governor mclaughlin, had a singularly happy influence, and opened the way for expressions on the other side, from which there had not hitherto been a sentence uttered. first arose five crows, a wealthy chief of forty-five, neatly attired in english costume. he stepped gravely but modestly forward to the table, remarking: "it does not become me to speak first; i am but a youth, as yet, when compared with many of these, my fathers; but my feelings urge me to arise and say what i am about to utter in a very few words. i am glad the chief has come; i have listened to what has been said; have great hopes that brighter days are before us, because i see all the whites united in this matter; we have much wanted something; hardly knew what; been groping and feeling for it in confusion and darkness. here it is. do we see it, and shall we accept it?" soon the bloody chief (not less than ninety years old) arose, and said: "i speak to-day; perhaps to-morrow i die. i am the oldest chief of the tribe; was the high chief when your great brothers, lewis and clarke, visited this country; they visited me, and honored me with their friendship and counsel. i showed them my numerous wounds received in bloody battle with the snakes; they told me it was not good, it was better to be at peace; gave me a flag of truce; i held it up high; we met and talked, but never fought again. clarke pointed to this day, to you, and this occasion; we have long waited in expectation; sent three of our sons to red river school to prepare for it; two of them sleep with their fathers; the other is here, and can be ears, mouth, and pen for us. i can say no more; i am quickly tired; my voice and limbs tremble. i am glad i live to see you and this day, but i shall soon be still and quiet in death." the speech was affecting. six more spoke, and the meeting adjourned three hours. met at the hour appointed. all the chiefs and principal men being present, stated delicately the embarrassed relation existing between whites and indians in this upper country, by reason of a want of proper organization, or the chiefs' authority not being properly regarded; alluding to some cases of improprieties of young men, not sanctioned by the chiefs and old men; and where the chiefs had been in the wrong, hoped it had principally arisen from imperfectly understanding each other's language, or some other excusable cause, especially so far as they were concerned. advised them, as they were now to some extent prepared, to choose one high chief of the tribe, and acknowledge him as such by universal consent; all the other subordinate chiefs being of equal power, and so many helps to carry out all his lawful requirements, which they were at once to have in writing, in their own language, to regulate their intercourse with whites, and, in most cases, with themselves. i advised that each chief have five men as a body-guard, to execute all their lawful commands. they desired to hear the laws. i proposed them clause by clause, leaving them as free to reject as to accept. they were greatly pleased with all proposed, but wished a heavier penalty to some, and suggested the dog law, which was annexed. we then left them to choose the high chief, assuring them if they did this unanimously by the following day at ten, we would all dine together with the chief, on a fat ox, at three, himself and myself at the head of the table; this pleased them well, and they set about it in good cheer and high hopes; but this was a new and delicate task, and they soon saw and felt it; however, all agreed that i must make the selection, and so reported two hours after we left the council. assuring them this would not answer, that they must select their own chief, they seemed somewhat puzzled, and wished to know if it would be proper to counsel with messrs. mckay and rogers. on telling them that it was not improper, they left, a little relieved, and worked poor rogers and mckay severely for many hours; but altogether at length figured it out, and in great good humor, so reported at ten, appointing ellis high chief.[ ] he is the one alluded to by the bloody chief, a sensible man of thirty-two, reading, speaking, and writing the english language tolerably well; has a fine small plantation, a few sheep, some neat stock, and no less than eleven hundred head of horses. then came on the feasting; our ox was fat, and cooked and served up in a manner reminding me of the days of yore; we ate beef, corn, and peas, to our fill, and in good cheer took the pipe, when rev. mr. spalding, messrs. mckinley, rogers, and mckay, wished a song from our boatmen; it was no sooner given than returned by the indians, and repeated again, again, and again, in high cheer. i thought it a good time, and required all having any claim to bring, or grievances to allege, against mr. spalding, to meet me and the high chief at evening, in the council-room, and requested mr. spalding to do the same on the part of the indians. we met at six, and ended at eleven, having accomplished, in the happiest manner, much anxious business. being too well fed to be irritable or disposed to quarrel, both parties were frank and open, seeming anxious only to learn our opinion upon plain undisguised matters of fact, many of the difficulties having arisen from an honest difference of sentiment respecting certain measures. [footnote ] he had been educated by the hudson's bay company at red river, and was strongly attached to it. ellis, the chief, having conducted himself throughout in a manner creditable to his head and heart, was quite as correct in his conclusions and firm in his decisions as could have been expected. the next day we had our last meeting, and one full of interest, in which they proposed to me many grave and proper questions; and, as it was manifestly desired, i advised in many matters, especially in reference to begging, or even receiving presents without, in some way, returning an equivalent; pointed out in strong language who beggars are among the whites, and how regarded; and commended them for not once troubling me, during my stay, with this disgusting practice; and as a token of respect, now, at the close of our long and happy meeting, they would please accept, in the name of my great chief, a present of fifty garden hoes, not for those in authority, or such as had no need of them, but for the chiefs and mr. spalding to distribute among their industrious poor. i likewise, as they were very needy, proposed and ordered them some medicines, to be distributed as they should from time to time be required. this being done, i exhorted them to be in obedience to their chiefs, highly approving the choice they had made, assuring them, as he and the other chiefs were responsible to me for their good behavior, i should feel it my duty to see them sustained in all lawful measures to promote peace and order. i then turned, and with good effect desired all the chiefs to look upon the congregation as their own children, and then pointed to mr. spalding and lady, and told the chiefs, and all present, to look upon them as their father and mother, and treat them in all respects as such; and should they happen to differ in sentiment respecting any matter during my absence, be cautious not to differ in feeling, but leave it till i should again return, when the chief and myself would rectify it. thus closed this mutually happy and interesting meeting, and mounting our horses for home, mr. spalding and the chiefs accompanied us for some four or five miles, when we took leave of them in the pleasantest manner, not a single circumstance having occurred to mar our peace or shake each other's confidence. i shall here introduce a note, previously prepared, giving some further information respecting this tribe, and appending a copy of their laws. the nez percés have one governor or principal chief, twelve subordinate chiefs of equal power, being the heads of the different villages or clans, with their five officers to execute all their lawful orders, which law they have printed in their own language, and read understandingly. the chiefs are held responsible to the whites for the good behavior of the tribe. they are a happy and orderly people, forming an honorable exception to the general indian character, being more industrious, cleanly, sensible, dignified, and virtuous. this organization was effected last fall, and operates well, and with them, it is to be hoped, will succeed. a few days since governor mclaughlin favored me with a note addressed to him from the rev. h. h. spalding, missionary to this tribe, stating as follows:-- "the indians in this vicinity are remarkably quiet this winter, and are highly pleased with the laws recommended by dr. white, which were unanimously adopted by the chiefs and people in council assembled. the visit of dr. white and assistants to this upper country will evidently prove an incalculable blessing to this people. the school now numbers two hundred and twenty-four in daily attendance, embracing most of the chiefs and principal men of the nation." _laws of the nez percés._ article . whoever willfully takes life shall be hung. art. . whoever burns a dwelling-house shall be hung. art. . whoever burns an out-building shall be imprisoned six months, receive fifty lashes, and pay all damages. art. . whoever carelessly burns a house, or any property, shall pay damages. art. . if any one enter a dwelling, without permission of the occupant, the chiefs shall punish him as they think proper. public rooms are excepted. art. . if any one steal he shall pay back twofold; and if it be the value of a beaver skin or less, he shall receive twenty-five lashes; and if the value is over a beaver skin he shall pay back twofold, and receive fifty lashes. art. . if any one take a horse and ride it, without permission, or take any article and use it, without liberty, he shall pay for the use of it, and receive from twenty to fifty lashes, as the chief shall direct. art. . if any one enter a field, and injure the crops, or throw down the fence, so that cattle or horses go in and do damage, he shall pay all damages, and receive twenty-five lashes for every offense. art. . those only may keep dogs who travel or live among the game; if a dog kill a lamb, calf, or any domestic animal, the owner shall pay the damages and kill the dog. art. . if an indian raise a gun or other weapon against a white man, it shall be reported to the chiefs, and they shall punish it. if a white do the same to an indian, it shall be reported to dr. white, and he shall punish or redress it. art. . if an indian break these laws, he shall be punished by his chiefs; if a white man break them, he shall be reported to the agent, and punished at his instance. after a severe journey of some four days, through the inclemency of the weather, we reached wailatpu, dr. whitman's station, where we had many most unpleasant matters to settle with the cayuse tribe,--such as personal abuse to dr. whitman and lady, burning the mill, etc. several, but not all, of the chiefs were present. learning what the nez percés had done gave them great concern and anxiety. tawatowe, the high chief, and feather cap were there, with some few more dignitaries, but manifestly uneasy, being shy and cautious. i thought best under the circumstances to be quiet, distant, and reserved, and let them commence the conversation with my worthy and faithful friends, rogers and mckay, who conducted it with characteristic firmness and candor. they had not proceeded far before feather cap, for the first time in his life, so far as we know, commenced weeping, and wished to see me; said his heart was sick, and he could not live long as he now felt. tawatowe, who was no way implicated personally in the difficulties, and a correct man, continued for some time firm and steady to his purpose; said the whites were much more to blame than the indians; that three-fourths of them, though they taught the purest doctrines, practiced the greatest abominations,--alluding to the base conduct of many in the rocky mountains, where they meet them on their buffalo hunts during the summer season, and witness the greatest extravagances. they were shown the inapplicability of such instances to the present cases of difficulty. he, too, at last, was much subdued; wished to see me; was admitted; made a sensible speech in his own favor; said he was constituted, eight years before, high chief; entered upon its duties with spirit and courage, determined to reduce his people to order. he flogged the young men and reproved the middle-aged, till, having none to sustain him, his popularity had so declined, that, except in seasons of difficulty brought about by their improprieties, "i am left alone to say my prayers and go to bed, to weep over the follies and wickedness of my people." here his voice trembled, and he wept freely; acknowledged it as his opinion that the mill was burnt purposely by some disaffected persons toward dr. whitman. i spoke kindly and somewhat encouragingly to these chiefs; assured them the guilty only were to be regarded as such; and that candor was commendable, and would be honored by all the good; assured them i credited all they said, and deplored the state of their nation, which was in perfect anarchy and confusion; told them i could say but little to them now, as their chiefs were mostly abroad; but must say the shocking conduct of one of the chiefs toward mrs. whitman greatly afflicted me; and that, with the destruction of the mill, and their abominable conduct toward dr. whitman, if not speedily settled, would lead to the worst of consequences to their tribe. i made an engagement, to meet them and all the tribe on the th of the ensuing april, to adjust differences and come to a better understanding, they earnestly wishing to adopt such laws as the nez percés had done. we should probably have accomplished a satisfactory settlement, had not several of the influential chiefs been too far away to get information of the meeting. we reached wascopum on december , the indians being in great excitement, having different views and impressions respecting the nature of the approaching visit. we spent four days with them, holding meetings daily, instructing them in the nature of government, civil relations, domestic duties, etc. succeeded, in like happy manner, with them as with the nez percés, they unanimously adopting the same code of laws. late information from one of their missionaries you will see in the following note from mr. h. b. brewer:-- "the indians of this place intend to carry out the regulations you left them to the letter. they have been quite engaged in cutting logs for houses, and live in expectation of better dwellings by and by. for the least transgression of the laws, they are punished by their chiefs immediately. the clean faces of some, and the tidy dresses of others, show the good effects of your visit." and here allow me to say, except at wascopum, the missionaries of this upper country are too few in number at their respective stations, and in too defenseless a state for their own safety, or the best good of the indians, the latter taking advantage of these circumstances, to the no small annoyance, and, in some instances, greatly endangering the personal safety, of the former. you will see its bearings upon this infant colony, and doubtless give such information or instructions to the american board of commissioners, or myself, as will cause a correction of this evil. it has already occasioned some difficulty and much cost. i have insisted upon an increase of numbers at mr. spalding's mission, which has accordingly been re-enforced by mr. littlejohn and lady, rendering that station measurably secure; but not so at wailatpu, or some of the catholic missions, where some of them lost a considerable amount in herds during last winter, and, i am told, were obliged to abandon their posts, their lives being endangered. this was in the interior, near the blackfoot country. you will observe, from the reports of the different missions, which, so far as i am otherwise informed, are correct, that they are doing some positive good in the country, not only by diffusing the light of science abroad among us, but also by giving employment to many, and, by their drafts upon the different boards and others, creating a circulating medium in this country; but, though they make comparatively slow progress in the way of reform among the aborigines of this country, their pious and correct example has a most restraining influence upon both whites and indians, and in this way they prevent much evil. they have in successful operation six schools. rev. mr. and mrs. spalding (whose zeal and untiring industry for the benefit of the people of their charge entitle them to our best considerations) have a school of some two hundred and twenty-four, in constant attendance, most successfully carried forward, which promises to be of great usefulness to both sexes and all ages. rev. messrs. walker and eells i have not been at leisure to visit, but learn they have two small schools in operation; the one at wailatpu, dr. whitman's station, is now recommenced with promise of usefulness. the rev. mr. blanchet and associates, though zealous catholics, are peaceable, industrious, indefatigable, and successful in promoting religious knowledge among the canadian population and aborigines of this country. their enterprise in the erection of mills and other public works is very commendable, and the general industry, good order, and correct habits of that portion of the population under their charge is sufficient proof that their influence over their people has been exerted for good.[ ] the rev. mr. lee and associates, from their well-conducted operations at the dalles; upon the columbia, and a school of some thirty scholars successfully carried forward upon the wallamet, are doing but little for the indians; nor could great efforts produce much good among the scattered remnants of the broken tribes of this lower district, who are fast disappearing before the ravages of the most loathsome diseases. their principal hopes of success in this country are among the whites, where they are endeavoring to lay deep and broad the foundations of science. the literary institution referred to by mr. lee is situated upon a beautiful rising ground, a healthy and eligible location. could a donation of five thousand dollars be bestowed upon the institution, it would greatly encourage its friends. the donations made by individuals of this country have been most liberal, several giving one-third of all they possessed. there is a small school established at tualatin plains by rev. mr. clark and lady. there is also a school at the catholic mission, upon the wallamet, and also one upon their station at cowlitz. for further information i will refer you to the reports made, at my request, by the several missions, and accompanying these dispatches. [footnote ] this statement about rev. mr. blanchet and associates, "their enterprise in erecting mills end other public works," shows how easy it was for the agent to belittle his own countrymen's labors, and attribute to others what they never attempted to do, and in the next paragraph say they "are doing but little for the indians;" while the truth is, and was at the time, that mr. lee and his mission were the only persons in the wallamet valley doing any thing to improve the condition of the indians, of which their indian school, now wallamet university, is a permanent monument, which dr. white ignores in this report. * * * * * i must close by praying that measures may be speedily entered into to take possession of this country, if such steps have not already been taken. i left home before the close of the session of congress, and by reason do not know what disposition was made of hon. mr. linn's bill. as a reason for this praying, i would here say, the time was when the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company and the missions wielded the entire influence over this small population; but as they have been re-enforced latterly from whale ships, the rocky mountains, and the southwestern states, these hitherto salutary restraints and influences are giving way, and being measurably lost. at present i have considerable influence, but can not long expect to retain it, especially in the faithful discharge of my duty. as a reason for coming to such a conclusion, i had but just arrived from the interior, when i received an urgent call to visit the mouth of the columbia. i left at once, in company with nathaniel crocker, esq., mr. rogers (my interpreter), his lady, and her young sister (the females going only to the falls), with a crew of indians, on our ill-fated expedition. we reached the falls at sunset, february , and, by reason of the water being higher than usual, in passing around a jutting or projecting rock, the canoe came up suddenly against a log constituting the landing, at which instant i stepped off, and in a moment the canoe was swept away, with all its precious cargo, over the falls of thirty-eight feet, three rods below. the shock was dreadful to this infant colony, and the loss was dreadful and irreparable to me, mr. rogers being more important to me than any one in the country; nor was there a more respectable or useful man in the colony. nathaniel crocker came in with me last fall from tompkins county; he was much pleased with the country and its prospects, and the citizens were rejoiced at the arrival of such a man in this country; he was every way capacitated for usefulness. none of the bodies of the four whites or two indians have been as yet found. * * * * * on arriving at the mouth of the columbia, i found a sailor by the name of george geere, who had most evidently and maliciously labored to instigate the indians to take the life of one of the mission gentlemen, by the offer of five blankets. complaint being made, and having no better means, i prevailed upon governor mclaughlin to allow him to accompany their express across the mountains to the states. i would here say, as the scamp was nearly a fool as well as villain, i allowed him to go without sending evidence against him, on condition of his going voluntarily, and never returning. i here likewise found a rash, venturesome character, about starting off on a trapping and trading excursion among a somewhat numerous band of indians, and nowise well disposed toward the whites. as he saw and felt no danger, arguments were of no avail, and threats only prevented. sir, shall men be allowed to go wherever they may please, however remote from the colony, and settle, under circumstances that endanger not only their own personal safety, but the peace and safety of the whole white population? please give me specific instructions respecting this matter. * * * * * i have eight prisoners on hand at present, for various crimes, principally stealing horses, grain, etc.; and crimes are multiplying with numbers among the whites, and with scarcity of game among the indians. * * * * * no intelligence from abroad has reached us this winter. mount st. helen, one of these snow-capped volcanic mountains, some , feet above the level of the sea, and eighty miles northwest of vancouver, broke out upon the th of november last, presenting a scene the most awful and sublime imaginable, scattering smoke and ashes several hundred miles distance. a petition started from this country to-day, making bitter complaints against the hudson's bay company and governor mclaughlin. on reference to it (as a copy was denied), i shall only say, had any gentleman disconnected with the hudson's bay company been at half the pains and expense to establish a claim on the wallamet falls, very few would have raised an opposition. his half-bushel measure i know to be exact, according to the english imperial standard. the gentlemen of this company have been fathers and fosterers of the colony, ever encouraging peace, industry, and good order, and have sustained a character for hospitality and integrity too well established to be easily shaken. i am, sir, sincerely and most respectfully, your humble and obedient servant, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. t. hartley crawford, esq., commissioner indian affairs. chapter xxxi. letter of h. h. spalding to dr. white.--account of his mission among the nez percés.--schools.--cultivation.--industrial arts.--moral character.--arable land.--letter of commissioner of indian affairs to the secretary of war. my dear brother,--the kind letter which our mission had the honor of receiving from yourself, making inquiries relative to its numbers, the character of the indian tribes among whom its several stations are located, the country, etc., is now before me. the questions referring to indian character are very important, and to answer them demands a more extended knowledge of character and habits, from personal daily observation, than the short residence of six years can afford, and more time and attention than i can possibly command, amidst the numerous cares and labors of the station. i less regret this, as the latter will receive the attention of my better-informed and worthy associates of the other stations. concerning many of the questions, i can only give my own half-formed opinions, from limited observations which have not extended far beyond the people of my immediate charge. our mission is under the patronage of the american board, and was commenced in the fall of , by marcus whitman, m. d., and myself, with our wives and mr. gray. dr. whitman was located at wailatpu, among the cayuse indians, twenty-five miles east of fort wallawalla, a trading-post of the hudson's bay company, which stands nine miles below the junction of lewis and clarke rivers, three hundred from the pacific, and about two hundred from fort vancouver. i was located at this place, on the clearwater, or koos-koos-ky river, twelve miles from its junction with the lewis river, one hundred and twenty miles east of wailatpu. mr. gray left the same winter, and returned to the states. in the fall of , mr. gray returned to this country, accompanied by mrs. gray, messrs. walker, eells, and smith, and their wives, and mr. rogers. the next season, two new stations were commenced, one by messrs. walker and eells at cimakain, near spokan river, among the spokan indians, one hundred and thirty-five miles northwest of this station, and sixty-five miles south of fort colville, on the columbia river, three hundred miles above fort wallawalla; the second by mr. smith, among the nez percés, sixty miles above this station. there are now connected with this mission the rev. messrs. walker and eells, mrs. walker and mrs. eells; at cimakain, myself, and mrs. spalding at this station. dr. whitman is now on a visit to the states, and mrs. whitman on a visit to the dalles, a station of our methodist brethren. but two natives have as yet been admitted into the church. some ten or twelve others give pleasing evidence of having been born again. concerning the schools and congregations on the sabbath, i will speak only of this station. the congregation on the sabbath varies at different seasons of the year, and must continue to do so until the people find a substitute in the fruits of the earth and herds for their roots, game, and fish, which necessarily require much wandering. i am happy to say that this people are very generally turning their attention, with much apparent eagerness, to cultivating the soil, and raising hogs, cattle, and sheep, and find a much more abundant and agreeable source of subsistence in the hoe than in their bows and sticks for digging roots. for a few weeks in the fall, after the people return from their buffalo hunt, and then again, in the spring, the congregation numbers from one to two thousand. through the winter it numbers from two to eight hundred. from july to the st of october, it varies from two to five hundred. the congregation, as also the school, increases every winter, as the quantity of provision raised in this vicinity is increased. preparatory to schools and a permanent congregation, my earliest attention, on arriving in this country, was turned toward schools, as promising the most permanent good to the nation, in connection with the written word of god and the preached gospel. but to speak of schools then was like speaking of the church bell, when as yet the helve is not put in the first ax by which the timber is to be felled, or the first stone laid in the dam which is to collect the water from whence the lumber in the edifice in which the bell is to give forth its sounds. suffice it to say, through the blessing of god, we have had an increasingly large school, for two winters past, with comparatively favorable means of instruction. but the steps by which we have been brought to the present elevation, if i may so speak, though we are yet exceedingly low, begin far, far back among the days of nothing, and little to do with. besides eating my own bread by the sweat of my brow, there were the wandering children of a necessarily wandering people to collect and bring permanently within the reach of the school. over this department of labor hung the darkest cloud, as the indian is noted for despising manual labor; but i would acknowledge, with humble gratitude, the interposition of that hand which holds the hearts of all men. the hoe soon brought hope, light, and satisfaction, the fruits of which are yearly becoming much more than a substitute for their former precarious game and roots, and are much preferred by the people, who are coming in from the mountains and plains, and calling for hoes, plows, and seeds, much faster than they can be furnished, and collecting around the station in increasing numbers, to cultivate their little farms; so furnishing a permanent school and congregation on the sabbath, from four to eight months, and, as the farms are enlarged, giving food and employment for the year. i trust the school and congregation will be permanent through the year. it was no small tax on my time to give the first lessons on agriculture. that the men of the nation (the first chiefs not excepted) rose up to labor when a few hoes and seeds were offered them, i can attribute to nothing but the unseen hand of the god of missions. that their habits are really changed is acknowledged by themselves. the men say, whereas they once did not labor with their hands, now they do; and often tell me in jesting that i have converted them into a nation of women. they are a very industrious people, and, from very small beginnings, they now cultivate their lands with much skill, and to good advantage. doubtless many more would cultivate, but for the want of means. your kind donation of fifty hoes, in behalf of the government, will be most timely; and should you be able to send up the plows you kindly proposed, they will, without doubt, be purchased immediately, and put to the best use. but to return to the school. it now numbers two hundred and twenty-five in daily attendance, half of which are adults. nearly all the principal men and chiefs in this vicinity, with one chief from a neighboring tribe, are members of the school. a new impulse was given to the school by the warm interest yourself and mr. mckay took in it while you were here. they are as industrious in school as they are on their farms. their improvement is astonishing, considering their crowded condition, and only mrs. spalding, with her delicate constitution and her family cares, for their teacher. about one hundred are printing their own books with a pen. this keeps up a deep interest, as they daily have new lessons to print, and what they print must be committed to memory as soon as possible. a good number are now so far advanced in reading and printing as to render much assistance in teaching. their books are taken home at nights, and every lodge becomes a schoolroom. their lessons are scripture lessons; no others (except the laws) seem to interest them. i send you a specimen of the books they print in school. it was printed by ten select adults, yet it is a fair specimen of a great number in the school. the laws which you so happily prepared, and which were unanimously adopted by the people, i have printed in the form of a small school-book. a great number of the school now read them fluently. i send you a few copies of the laws, with no apologies for the imperfect manner in which they are executed. without doubt, a school of nearly the same number could be collected at kimiah, the station above this, vacated by mr. smith, the present residence of ellis, the principal chief. _number who cultivate._--last season about one hundred and forty cultivated from one-fourth of an acre to four or five acres each. about half this number cultivate in the valley. one chief raised one hundred and seventy-six bushels of peas last season, one hundred of corn, and four hundred of potatoes. another, one hundred and fifty of peas, one hundred and sixty of corn, a large quantity of potatoes, vegetables, etc. ellis, i believe, raised more than either of the above-mentioned. some forty other individuals raised from twenty to one hundred bushels of grain. eight individuals are now furnished with plows. thirty-two head of cattle are possessed by thirteen individuals; ten sheep by four; some forty hogs. _arts and sciences._--mrs. spalding has instructed ten females in knitting, a majority of the female department in the schools in sewing, six in carding and spinning, and three in weaving. should our worthy brother and sister, mr. and mrs. littlejohn, join us soon, as is now expected, i trust, by the blessing of god, we shall see greater things than we have yet seen. from what i have seen in the field, the school, the spinning and weaving room, in the prayer-room, and sabbath congregation, i am fully of the opinion that this people are susceptible of high moral and civil improvement. _moral character of the people._--on this point there is a great diversity of opinion. one writer styles them more a nation of saints than of savages; and if their refusing to move camp for game, at his suggestion, on a certain day, reminded him that the sabbath extended as far west as the rocky mountains, he might well consider them such. another styles them supremely selfish, which is nearer the truth; for, without doubt, they are the descendants of adam. what i have above stated is evidently a part of the bright side of their character. but there is also a dark side, in which i have sometimes taken a part. i must, however, confess that when i attempt to name it, and hold it up as a marked exception to a nation in similar circumstances, without the restraint of wholesome laws, and strangers to the heaven-born fruits of enlightened and well-regulated society, i am not able to do it. faults they have, and very great ones, yet few of them seemed disposed to break the sabbath by traveling and other secular business. a very few indulge in something like profane swearing. very few are superstitiously attached to their medicine men, who are, without doubt, sorcerers, and are supposed to be leagued with a supernatural being (waikin), who shows himself sometimes in the gray bear, the wolf, the swan, goose, wind, clouds, etc. lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare; polygamy formerly common, but now rare; much gambling among the young men; quarreling and fighting quite rare; habit of taking back property after it is sold is a practice quite common, and very evil in its tendency. all these evils, i conceive, can be traced to the want of wholesome laws and well-regulated society. there are two traits in the character of this people i wish to notice. one i think i can account for; the other i can not. it is often said the indian is a noble-minded being, never forgetting a kindness. so far as my experience has gone with this people, the above is most emphatically true, but in quite a different sense from the idea there conveyed. it is true they never forget a kindness, but after make it an occasion to ask another; and if refused, return insults according to the favors received. my experience has taught me that, if i would keep the friendship of an indian, and do him good, i must show him no more favor in the way of property than what he returns some kind of an equivalent for; most of our trials have arisen from this source. i am, however, happy to feel that there is a manifest improvement as the people become more instructed, and we become more acquainted with their habits. this offensive trait in the indian character i believe, in part, should be charged to the white man. it has been the universal practice of all white men to give tobacco, to name no other article, to indians when they ask for it. hence two very natural ideas: one is, that the white man is in debt to them; the other is, that in proportion as a white man is a good man he will discharge this debt by giving bountifully of his provisions and goods. this trait in indian character is capable of being turned to the disadvantage of traders, travelers, and missionaries, by prejudiced white men. the last trait, which i can not account for, is an apparent disregard for the rights of white men. although their eagerness to receive instruction in school on the sabbath and on the farm is without a parallel in my knowledge, still, should a reckless fellow from their own number, or even a stranger, make an attack on my life or property, i have no evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on with indifference and see our dwelling burnt to the ground and our heads severed from our bodies. i can not reconcile this seeming want of gratitude with their many encouraging characteristics. but to conclude this subject, should our unprofitable lives, through a kind providence, be spared a few years, by the blessing of the god of missions, we expect to see this people christianized to a great extent, civilized, and happy, with much of science and the word of god, and many of the comforts of life; but not without many days of hard labor, and sore trials of disappointed hopes, and nameless perplexities. the number of this people is variously estimated from two thousand to four thousand. i can not give a correct estimate. at this station there is a dwelling-house, a schoolhouse, storehouse, flour and saw mills (all of a rough kind), fifteen acres of land under improvement, twenty-four head of cattle, thirty-six horses, sixty-seven sheep. rev. messrs. walker and eells, i hope, will report of wailatpu; but should they fail, i will say, as near as i can recollect, about fifty acres of land are cultivated by some seventy individuals; a much greater number of cattle and hogs than among this people. belonging to the station are thirty-four head of cattle, eleven horses, some forty hogs; one dwelling-house of adobes (well finished), a blacksmith's shop, flour-mill (lately destroyed by fire), and some forty acres of land cultivated. _arable land._--the arable land in this upper country is confined almost entirely to the small streams, although further observation may prove that many of the extensive rolling prairies are capable of producing wheat. they can become inhabited only by cultivating timber; but the rich growth of buffalo grass upon them will ever furnish an inexhaustible supply for innumerable herds of cattle and sheep. i know of no country in the world so well adapted to the herding system. cattle, sheep, and horses are invariably healthy, and produce rapidly; sheep usually twice a year. the herding system adopted, the country at first put under regulations adapted to the scarcity of habitable places (say that no settlers shall be allowed to take up over twenty acres of land on the streams), and the country without doubt will sustain a great population. i am happy to feel assured that the united states government have no other thoughts than to regard the rights and wants of the indian tribes in this country. and while the agency of indian affairs in this country remains in the hands of the present agent, i have the fullest confidence to believe that the reasonable expectations in reference to the intercourse between whites and indians will be fully realized by every philanthropist and every christian. but as the indian population is sparse, after they are abundantly supplied, there will be remaining country sufficient for an extensive white population. the thought of removing these tribes, that the country may come wholly in possession of the whites, can never for a moment enter the mind of a friend of the red man, for two reasons, to name no other: first, there are but two countries to which they can be removed, the grave and the blackfoot, between which there is no choice; second, the countless millions of salmon which swarm the columbia and its tributaries, and furnish a very great proportion of the sustenance of the tribes who dwell upon these numerous waters, and a substitute for which can nowhere be found east or west of the rocky mountains, but in herds or cultivating their own land.---- your humble servant, h. h. spalding. dr. white, agent for indian affairs west of the rocky mountains. * * * * * department of war,} office of indian affairs, nov. , .} communications have been received from dr. elijah white, sub-agent for the indians in oregon territory, dated, severally, november , , and march , .----they contain much of interest in considerable detail. the establishment of white settlements from the united states, in that remote region, seems to be attended with the circumstances that have always arisen out of the conversion of an american wilderness into a cultivated and improved region, modified by the great advance of the present time in morals, and benevolent and religious institutions. it is very remarkable that there should be so soon several well-supported, well-attended, and well-conducted schools in oregon. the nez percé tribe of indians have adopted a few simple and plain laws of their code, which will teach them self-restraint, and is the beginning of government on their part. it is painful, however, to know that a distillery for the manufacture of whisky was erected and in operation west of the rocky mountains, which, however, the sub-agent, sustained by the resident whites, broke up and destroyed. there was, in february last, an affray between a very boisterous and desperate indian and his party and a portion of the settlers, which ended in the death of several of the combatants. this unfortunate affair was adjusted, as it is hoped, satisfactorily and permanently, by the sub-agent, though he seems to apprehend an early outbreak. i trust he is mistaken. respectfully submitted, t. hartley crawford. hon. william wilkins, secretary of war. chapter xxxii. dr. e. white's letter to the secretary of war.--excitement among the indians.--visit to nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--destitution and degradation of the coast indians.--dr. white eulogizes governor mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company.--schools and missions.--mr. jesse applegate.--dr. white's second letter.--letters of peter h. hatch and w. h. wilson.--seizure of a distillery.--search for liquor.--letter of james d. saules.--fight with indians.--death of cockstock.--description and character of him.--the molallos and klamaths.--agreement with the dalles indians.--presents to cockstock's widow.--dr. white's third letter.--letter of rev. g. hines to dr. white.--letter of w. medill. wallamet valley, oregon,} november , .} honored sir,--since my arrival, i have had the honor of addressing you some three or four communications, the last of which left early in april, conveyed by the hudson's bay company's express over the rocky mountains, _via_ canada, which i hope and judge was duly received. immediately after this, i received several communications from missionaries of the interior, some from the methodists and others from those sent out by the american board, representing the indians of the interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as they were informed, to take possession of their lands and country. the excitement soon became general, both among whites and indians, in this lower as well upper district; and such were the constantly floating groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our citizens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of the colony. as in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained and expressed,--some pleading for me, at the expense of the general government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the colony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we might be prepared for extremities. others thought it more advisable for me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to the heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if words would not answer, make powder and balls do it. a third party entertained other views, and few were really agreed on any one measure. as may be imagined, i felt the awkwardness of my position; but, without stopping to consult an agitated populace, selected a sensible clergyman and a single attendant, with my interpreter, and so managed as to throw myself immediately into their midst unobserved. the measure had the desired effect,--though, as in my report i will more fully inform you, it had like to have cost me my life. the indians flocked around me, and inquired after my party, and could not be persuaded for some time, but that i had a large party concealed somewhere near, and only waited to get them convened, to open a fire upon and cut them all off at a blow. on convincing them of my defenseless condition and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong apprehensions, having learned i was soon to visit them with a large armed party, with hostile intentions, and i actually found them suffering more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from the indians; each party resolving, however, to remain at home, and there fight to the last, though, fortunately, some three or four hundred miles apart.[ ] [footnote ] who were the instigators of these alarms among the indians? the day following, we left these wallawallas and cayuses, to pay a visit to the nez percés, promising to call on our return, and enter into a treaty of amity, if we could agree on the terms, and wished them to give general notice to all concerned of both tribes. in two days we were at mr. spalding's station. the nez percés came together in greater numbers than on any former occasion for years, and all the circumstances combining to favor it, received us most cordially. their improvement during the winter in reading, writing, etc., was considerable, and the enlargement of their plantations, with the increased variety and quantities of the various kinds of grains and products now vigorously shooting forth, connected with the better state of cultivation and their universally good fences, were certainly most encouraging. spending some three days with this interesting tribe, and their missionaries, in the pleasantest manner, they accepted my invitation to visit with me the cayuses and wallawallas, and assist by their influence to bring them into the same regulation they had previously adopted, and with which all were so well pleased. mr. spalding, and ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and their women, accompanied us to wailatpu, doctor whitman's station, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the cayuses and wallawallas in mass, and spent some five or six days in getting matters adjusted and principles settled, so as to receive the cayuses into the civil compact; which being done, and the high chief elected, much to the satisfaction of both whites and indians, i ordered two fat oxen to be killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly.---- this was the first feast at which the indian women of this country were ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; for, after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly pleased with it; and i believe more was done at that feast to elevate and bring forward their poor oppressed women than could have been done in years by private instruction. the feast broke up in the happiest manner, after five crows, the cayuse chief, ellis, and the old war chief of whom i made particular mention in my last report as being so well acquainted with clarke and a few others, had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of peace, which was done by all in great good humor. from this we proceeded to the dalles on the columbia river, where i spent two months in instructing the indians of different tribes, who either came in mass, or sent embassadors to treat with me, or, as they denominate it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate well, giving them greater security among themselves, and helping much to regulate their intercourse with the whites. being exceedingly anxious to bring about an improvement and reformation among this people, i begged money and procured articles of clothing to the amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women, for mats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church; enlisted the cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses; and had the happiness to see some twenty of these neatly clad at divine service, and a somewhat large number out in the happiest mood to a feast i ordered them, at which the mission ladies and gentlemen were present. during these two months i labored hard, visiting many of their sick daily; and by the most prompt and kind attention, and sympathizing with them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, and frowning in language and looks upon the vicious, i am satisfied good was done. they gave evidence of attachment; and my influence was manifestly increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly understood, by reason of my remaining so long among them. during my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, and formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves during the absence of law from our mother country, adopting in almost all respects the iowa code. in this i was consulted, and encouraged the measure, as it was so manifestly necessary for the collection of debts, securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general intercourse among the whites. thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answering well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts; but it is doubtful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there should happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind. the indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give considerable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. in mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically, thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means of covering; lost to the use of the bow and arrow; laughed at, scoffed, and contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the surrounding tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to feel the least pleasure in their former amusements, and wander about seeking generally a scanty pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious and desperate among them stealing, and in some instances plundering on a large scale. were it not that greater forbearance is exercised toward them than whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion would reign predominant among us. but thus far, it is but just to say, the indians have been, in almost every instance, the aggressors; and though none of us now apprehend an indian war or invasion, it appears to me morally impossible that general quiet can long be secure, unless government takes almost immediate measures to relieve the anxieties and better the condition of these poor savages and other indians of this country. i am doing what i can, and by reason of my profession, with lending them all the assistance possible in sickness, and sympathizing with them in their numerous afflictions, and occasionally feeding, feasting, and giving them little tokens of kind regard, have as yet considerable influence over them, but have to punish some, and occasion the chiefs to punish more, which creates me enemies, and must eventuate in lessening my influence among them, unless the means are put in my hands to sustain and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed among them. _good words_, _kind looks_, and _medicine_ have some _power_; but, honored and very dear sir, _you_ and _i_ know they do not tell with indians like blankets and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and necessities. sir, i know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save what can be of the withering indian tribes, in which god knows how fully and heartily i am with you, and earnestly pray you, and through you our general government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the minds, and, so far as possible, render to these indians an equivalent for their once numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly as tame as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire-arms coming among them, and of which they are now stripped, and for which they suffer. but, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, pray save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves of their fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. many are becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man's policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom; and come to me from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for such a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and floating it to the falls of the wallamet, and getting large sums for it; some praying the removal of licentious whites from among them; others requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the intruders. so, sir, you see already i have my hands, head, and heart full; and if as yet i have succeeded in giving satisfaction,--as many hundreds that neither know nor care for me, nor regard in the least the rights of the indians, are now flocking in,--something more must be done, and that speedily, or a storm ensues. i remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if located at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to keep within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general interest and duty to themselves will admit. the large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with _their herds_, having left the wagons at wallawalla and the dalles, which they intend to bring by land or water to the wallamet in the spring. whether they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty miles is doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. they are greatly pleased with the country and its prospects. mr. applegate, who has been so much in government employ, and surveyed such portions of missouri, says of this valley, it is a country of the greatest beauty and the finest soil he has seen. the settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in a most prosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good this season. the little unhappy difference between the american settlers and the hudson's bay company, arising from the last spring's petition to our government, has been healed, and we have general quiet,--both parties conducting themselves very properly toward each other at present. and here allow me to say, the seasonable services in which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the columbia to the wallamet, entitle governor mclaughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable consideration of the members of our government. and i hope, as he is desirous to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the world. the last year's report, in which was incorporated mr. linn's oregon speech and captain spalding's statements of hundreds of unoffending indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afflicts the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, and is utterly without foundation,--no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves more judiciously among indians than they uniformly have done in this country; and i am of the governor's opinion, who declares, openly, there have not been ten indians killed by whites in this whole region west of fort hall, for the last twenty years, nor do i know of that number, and two of those were killed by our citizens. what were destroyed by the hudson's bay company suffered for willful murder, none pretending a doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.[ ] [footnote ] this statement of dr. white's shows his disposition to misrepresent his own countrymen, to favor the hudson's bay company and the foreign subjects who were disposed to flatter his vanity. there are now four schools kept in the colony, of which i shall speak more fully in my annual report: one at the tualatin plains, under the direction and auspices of the rev. mr. clark, a self-supporting missionary; a second (french and english) school is in successful operation by mr. blanchet, roman catholic missionary to this colony; a third is well sustained by the citizens, and kept at the falls of the wallamet; a fourth (boarding and manual labor) sustained by the methodist board of missions, for the benefit of indian youth, of which mr. lee will speak particularly. the location is healthy, eligible, and beautiful, and the noble edifice does honor to the benevolent cause and agents that founded it. and while here, allow me to say, mr. jesse applegate, from missouri, is now surveying the mission claim, a plat of which will be presented to the consideration of the members of our government, for acceptance or otherwise, of which i have but little to say, as i entertain no doubt but mr. lee's representation will be most faithful. should the ground of his claim be predicated upon the much effected for the benefit of the indians, i am not with him; for, with all that has been expended, without doubting the correctness of the intention, it is most manifest to every observer that the indians of this lower country, as a whole, have been very little benefited. they were too far gone with scrofula and venereal. but should he insist, as a reason of his claim, the benefit arising to the colony and country, i am with him heartily; and notwithstanding the claim is a valuable one, this country has been increased more by the mission operations than twice its amount in finance; besides, much has been done in advancing civilization, temperance, literature, and good morals, saying nothing of the evils that must have arisen in this lawless country in the absence of all moral restraint. mr. lee was among the first pioneers to this distant land, has struggled in its cares, toils, and trials, has risen with its rise; and it is but just to say, he and his associates are exerting a considerable and most salutary influence all abroad among us. i hope his reception will be such that he will return from washington cheered and encouraged to pursue his benevolent operations in this country. the catholic and the different protestant missions have been prosperous during the last year, and are as generally acceptable to the whites as could, from their different pursuits, have been expected.---- great expectations are entertained, from the fact that mr. linn's bill has passed the senate; and as it has been so long before the public, and favorably entertained at washington, should it at last fail of passing the lower house, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have been induced to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open rebellion; whereas, should it pass into a law, it will be regarded as most liberal and handsome, and will be appreciated by most, if not all, in oregon. as to the claim for the oregon institute, i need say nothing, having said enough in my last report; but, as that may have failed in reaching, i would just remark, that the location is a healthy one, and the site fine, with prospect charmingly varied, extensive, and beautiful. i leave this subject with mr. lee and the members of our liberal government, not doubting but that all will be done for this institute, and otherwise, that can be, and as soon as practicable, to lay deep and broad the foundation of science and literature in this country.---- respectfully yours, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war. * * * * * wallamet, march , . sir,--on the evening of the st february, the two following letters came to me, finding me in the upper settlement of the wallamet, distance forty miles:-- "wallamet falls, january , . "dear sir,--the undersigned would take this occasion to inform you that there have been of late in this place some few cases of intoxication from the effects of ardent spirits. it is currently reported that it is distilled in this place, and the undersigned have good reason to credit such reports. while, therefore, the undersigned will not trouble you, sir, with a detailed exposition of the facts, they must be permitted to express their deliberate conviction that that which has inflicted so much injury upon the morals, the peace, and the happiness of the world, ought not to be permitted to be manufactured in this country under any circumstances. and your attention is respectfully invited to this subject. "we have the honor to be, dear sir, "peter h. hatch, president. "a. l. lovejoy, vice-president. "a. f. waller, secretary. "dr. e. white, "sub-agent for indian affairs, oregon territory." "wallamet falls, january , . "dear sir,--i do not know but you have been written to already on the subject which is the cause of no inconsiderable excitement at this place, viz., the manufacture and use of that most degrading, withering, and damning of all the curses that have ever visited our race since the fall of adam. as much as we regret it, deplore it, and anathematize the men who make it, it is nevertheless made, and men, or rather biped brutes, get drunk. now, we believe if there is any thing that calls your attention in your official capacity, or any thing in which you would be most cordially supported by the good sense and prompt action of the better part of the community, it is the present case. we do not wish to dictate, but hope for the best, begging pardon for intrusions. "i am, dear sir, yours truly, "w. h. wilson. "elijah white, esq., "sub-agent oregon territory." i accordingly left at sunrise on the following morning, and reached the falls at sunset. without delay, i secured the criminal and his distillery, broke his apparatus, and buried it in the wallamet river. i put the aggressor under bonds, in the strongest penalty the nature of the case would admit,--$ ,--few being willing to be his bondsmen even for this amount. mr. pettygrove, a merchant, of good habits and character, being accused of keeping and selling wine and brandy, i searched, and found, as he had acknowledged, half a gallon of brandy and part of a barrel of port wine, which has been used, and occasionally parted with, only for medicinal purposes; and, to avoid all appearance of partiality, i required the delivery of the brandy and wine on the delivery of the inclosed bond, which was most cheerfully and cordially given,--amount $ , . i searched every suspicious place thoroughly, aided by the citizens, but found no ardent spirits or wine in the colony. since this period, no attempts have been made to make, introduce, or vend liquors; and the great majority of the colonists come warmly to my support in this matter, proffering their aid to keep this bane from our community. on the evening of february , i received the following communication, accompanied by corroboratory statements from mr. foster, of oregon city:-- "wallamet falls, february , . "sir,--i beg leave to inform you that there is an indian about this place, of the name of cockstock, who is in the habit of making continual threats against the settlers in this neighborhood, and who has also murdered several indians lately. he has conducted himself lately in so outrageous a manner, that mr. winslow anderson has considered himself in personal danger, and on that account has left his place, and come to reside at the falls of the wallamet; and were i in circumstances that i could possibly remove from my place, i would certainly remove also, but am so situated that it is not possible for me to do so. i beg, therefore, that you, sir, will take into consideration the propriety of ridding the country of a villain, against the depredations of whom none can be safe, as it is impossible to guard against the lurking attacks of the midnight murderer. i have, therefore, taken the liberty of informing you that i shall be in expectation of a decided answer from you on or before the th of march next; after that date, i shall consider myself justified in acting as i shall see fit, on any repetition of the threats made by the before-mentioned indian or his party. "i am, etc., with respect, "james d. saules. "dr. e. white, superintendent, etc." as i well knew all the individuals concerned, i resolved to repair immediately to the spot, and, if possible, secure the indian without bloodshed, as he was connected with some of the most formidable tribes in this part of the territory, though a very dangerous and violent character. accordingly i started, and reaching the falls on the following evening, collected a party to repair to the spot and secure him while asleep, knowing that he would not submit to be taken a prisoner without resistance. the evening was stormy, and the distance some eight miles, through thick wood and fallen timber, with two bad streams to cross. being on foot, my party declined the attempt till morning,--a circumstance i much regretted; yet, having no military force, i was compelled to yield. in the morning i headed the party of ten men to take this indian, who had only five adherents, in hopes to surprise and secure him without fighting,--enjoining my men, from many considerations, not to fire unless ordered to do so in self-defense. unfortunately, two horses had just been stolen and a house plundered, and the indians absconded, leaving no doubt on our minds of their being the thieves, as, after tracking them two or three miles into the forest, they had split off in such a manner as to elude pursuit, and we were forced to return to town unsuccessful, as further pursuit was little more rational than chasing an eagle amidst the mountains. cockstock had sworn vengeance against several of my party, and they thirsted for his blood. having no other means of securing him, i offered $ reward to any who would deliver him safely into my hands, as i wished to convey him for trial to the authorities constituted among the nez percés and cayuses, not doubting that they would feel honored in inflicting a just sentence upon him, and the colony thereby be saved from an indian war, so much to be dreaded in our present weak and defenseless condition. some six days subsequent, cockstock and his party, six in all, came into town at midday, rode from house to house, showing his loaded pistols, and not allowing any one, by artifice or flattery, to get them out of his bosom or hand. he and his party were horridly painted, and rode about the town, setting, as the citizens, and especially his enemies, construed it, the whole town at defiance. the citizens endured it for several hours, but with great impatience, when at length he crossed the river, and entered the indian village opposite, and, as the chief states, labored for some time to induce them to join him and burn down the town that night, destroying as many of the whites as possible. failing in this (if serious or correct in statement, which is much doubted by some, as the chief and whole indian village were inimical to him, and doubtless wished, as he was a "brave," to make the whites the instrument of his destruction), he obtained an interpreter, and recrossed the river, as other indians state, for the purpose of calling the whites to an explanation for pursuing him with hostile intentions. by this time, the excitement had become intense with all classes and both sexes among the whites, and, as was to be expected, they ran in confusion and disorder toward the point where the indians were landing,--some to take him alive and get the reward; others to shoot him at any risk to themselves, the wealthiest men in town promising to stand by them to the amount of $ , each. with these different views, and no concert of action, and many running merely to witness the affray, the indians were met at the landing, and a firing commenced simultaneously on both sides, each party accusing the other of firing first. in the midst of a hot firing on both sides, mr. george w. le breton, a respectable young man, rushed unarmed upon cockstock, after the discharge of one or more of his pistols, and received a heavy discharge in the palm of his right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another in his arm, two inches above the elbow-joint. a scuffle ensued, in which he fell with the indian, crying out instantly, "he is killing me with his knife." at this moment a mulatto man ran up, named winslow anderson, and dispatched cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his rifle, using it as a soldier would a bayonet. in the mean time the other indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns, pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly escaped. two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded with arrows (mr. wilson slightly in the hip, and mr. rogers in the muscle of the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. the five indians having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the bluff east of the town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again commenced firing upon the citizens indiscriminately. attention was soon directed that way, and fire-arms having been brought, the indians were soon routed, killing one of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus ending the affray. mr. le breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed immediately to vancouver, where he received every attention; but the canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three days from the moment of the horrid disaster. mr. rogers lived but one day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the muscles of his arm. mr. wilson has suffered comparatively little, but is not considered in a safe condition. this unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the colony, and all abroad among the indians of this lower district. now, while i am penning these lines, i am completely surrounded by at least seventy armed indians, just down from the dalles of the columbia, many of them the professed relatives of the deceased, on the way to the falls of the wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in other words, to extort a present for the loss of their brother. they appear well affected toward me; remarkably so, though armed to the teeth, and painted horridly. i am every moment expecting my interpreter, when i shall probably learn particulars respecting their intentions. in the mean time, i will give a few particulars respecting this deceased indian's previous course, which led to the disaster, showing how much we need authorities and discipline in this country. as it is said, a negro hired cockstock for a given time, to be paid in a certain horse. before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and land claim to another negro, the indian finishing his time with the purchaser, according to agreement. learning, however, to his chagrin and mortification, that the horse had changed owners, and believing it a conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly; did so, and this led to a year's contention, many threats, some wounds, and at last to the three deaths, and may possibly lead to all the horrors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. it was this identical cockstock that occasioned much of the excitement last spring among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from their homes to the more central parts of the settlement for protection. i saw and had an interview with the indians in june following, and settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily; but, four months subsequently, having occasioned the authorities constituted among the indians to flog one of his connections for violently entering the house of the rev. h. k. w. perkins, seizing his person, and attempting to tie, with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in november last came with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting me down at once; but finding me absent, after a close search in every part of the house, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sash, and all, of my house and office, with the breech of his gun; and it is but just to say he did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window in either. he next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, who was most actively retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized by the shoulder; his garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further violence. i returned late in the evening,--this having occurred at three p.m.--when the villains were too far away to be overtaken, though i pursued them with the best men of the colony during the whole night, and as long after as we could trace them. this was regarded as a great outrage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community: especially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past. some four weeks subsequently, fifteen indians came riding into the neighborhood in open day, painted and well armed. i was the first, with one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were molallas and klamaths, and felt confident they were on an errand of mischief, being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. as this is quite out of their province, the proper homes of the klamaths being at least three hundred miles to the south, and the molallas, with whom they intermarry, having their lodges in the cascade mountains, a distance of from forty to eighty miles, i resolved at once to turn their visit to account; sent my steward to chief caleb's lodge, where all had arrived, he being a callapooya, and with his band having previously entered with me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial invitation to call on me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, as i wished to see them and had some interesting and pleasing news to convey to them. the chiefs called in the morning, none, however, appearing so pleased and happy as caleb. of this i took no notice, but entered into cheerful conversation with caleb for a few moments, and then rose up and invited them to walk out and see my plantation and herds. when we reached the cattle, i, as by accident, or incidentally, asked caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. answering in the negative, i told him to shoot down at once a fat young ox that was passing before us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house and get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast his friends, lest they form a very unfavorable opinion of us here. i need not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and caleb the happiest man in the world. now the rigid muscles of the stranger chiefs began to relax; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they were about leaving for caleb's camp, they found themselves constrained to inform me that they came over with very different feelings from what they were now leaving us with, and were very glad they had listened to caleb's advice, and called upon me. professing to be very much engaged at the moment, i told them to go and dine, and at evening, or early the following morning, i would come with my friend, mr. applegate, and make them a call. they feasted to the full, and i found them in fine humor, and in a better condition to smoke than fight. after some casual conversation i asked them how they would like to enter into the civil compact; and, while they were discussing the subject, this indian (cockstock) came first into my presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant, though i had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately broken to pieces the windows in my house and office. they had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should be pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did not know how it might be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. they engaged to meet me on the th march, with the residue of their people, and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. the party left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed over the prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. as a part, however, were passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other part fell upon and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this villainous cockstock acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray. i repaired to the spot without delay, as the whites were much excited, and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. i learned there had been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like manner, ten months previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down a fellow-traveler. on conveying this information to the citizens, all i believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the present. thus much for this indian affair, which, my interpreter having arrived, i have settled to-day with the dalles indians most satisfactorily. as was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of their brother. i prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the whole case slowly and clearly to their understanding. i told them we had lost two valuable innocent men, and they but one; and should our people learn that i had given them presents, without their giving me two blankets for one, they must expect nothing but the hottest displeasure from the whites. after much deliberation among themselves, they, with one voice, concluded to leave the whole matter to my discretion. i at once decided to give the poor indian widow two blankets, a dress, and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than to make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their hands. to this proposition they most cheerfully consented, and have now left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate, stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted. it is to be hoped that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the parties. as i said before, i believe it morally impossible for us to remain at peace in oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of vigorous civil or military law. for myself, i am most awkwardly situated; so much so, indeed, that i had seriously anticipated leaving this spring; but the late successful contest against the introduction of ardent spirits, in connection with the excitement by reason of the unhappy disaster at the falls of the wallamet, together with the fact of too many of our people being so extremely excitable on indian and other affairs relating to the peace and interest of the colony and country, i have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon in some way relieved. i hope the draft that i have this day drawn in favor of john mclaughlin will be honored, as otherwise i may be thrown at once into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in this country where i can draw such articles as i require for necessary presents to indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc. i have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient humble servant, e. white, sub-agent indian affairs. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war. * * * * * wallamet, march , . honored sir,--the within accounts, as per voucher no. , drawn on the hudson's bay house at vancouver, are in part pay for interpreters and necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point to point, in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of the fall of and spring of , and other necessary voyages since, together with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable me to secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to prevent threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country. those upon mr. abernethy and mr. a. e. wilson are for like purposes; drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying expenses in this country. as i hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer necessary, my interpreter's bills, including clerks and all assistants for the different tribes, do not exceed $ per annum up to the present time; notwithstanding, at one time, for sixty days, i was under the necessity of hiring two men at the rate of three dollars per day each. traveling expenses in , three hundred and eighty dollars ($ ). in , three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents ($ . ). in presents for the two years and two months, two hundred and ninety dollars and seventy-five cents ($ . ); in medicines, hoes, and sundry useful articles, to encourage them and strengthen my influence among them, this being my only way to succeed to any considerable extent. presents become the more indispensable from the fact of the long-continued and constant liberality of the hudson's bay company toward the indians of this country. had all remained in as quiet a state as when the colony was small, and no jealousies awakened, most of those small expenses might have been avoided, but, unless a military post be at once established, or more means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my expense will be increased, and trouble multiply; but at this moment, were one thousand dollars placed in my hands to lay out judiciously in medicines, hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children's clothes, to distribute annually, more security would be effected, and good done to the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended in establishing and keeping up a military post,--such is their desire and thirst after the means to promote civilization. as this voyaging is most destructive to my wardrobe, saying nothing of the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall i be allowed the sum usually allowed military officers, which esquire gilpin informs me is ten dollars per each hundred miles? i will place it down and leave it to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you will do what is proper and right in the premises. i shall charge only for such traveling as was unavoidable in the execution of my official business. with highest respect, i am, dear sir, your humble and obedient servant, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war, washington, d. c. * * * * * wallamet, nov. , . my dear sir,--as, in the order of divine providence, it appears to be my duty to leave this country in a few days to return to the united states, and, as i have had the pleasure of an acquaintance with all the important transactions in which you have been engaged, in your official capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of , i consider it a duty which i owe to yourself, to bear my unequivocal testimony in favor of the course which you have generally pursued. not pretending to understand what properly belongs to the office of an indian agent, i flatter myself that i am capable of judging in reference to those matters which are calculated to effect the elevation and prosperity of the indians, and the peace and security of those whites who settle in the indian country. as i can not speak particularly concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer to one expedition, which i consider to have been the most important of any in which you have been engaged, and in which i had the pleasure of being associated with you. i mean that long and excessively toilsome journey which you performed into the interior of this country early last spring. the causes which prompted you to engage in the enterprise, in my humble opinion, were the most justifiable. the whites in the country had been thrown into a panic by information received from the missionaries in the interior, that the indians were forming a plan to effect the destruction of the white population. it was everywhere observed that our indian agent should immediately repair to the infected region, and endeavor to quell the tumult, "for (it was repeatedly remarked) it was better for one man to expose his life than for the whole settlement to suffer." without delay the exposure was made. and though life was not taken, yet, in accomplishing the object, you were compelled to pass through much difficulty, excessive labor, and great danger. the plans proposed to quiet the indians, whom you found in a state of great excitement, were doubtless conceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. the expenses incurred were no more than were absolutely necessary. and i doubt not, if the results of the expedition are correctly represented, that our enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all the expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking. with my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of unaltered friendship. gustavus hines, missionary of the m. e. church. dr. elijah white, sub-agent of indian affairs west of rocky mountains. * * * * * department of war,} office of indian affairs, nov. , .} * * * * * two interesting and very instructive reports have been received from the sub-agent west of the rocky mountains. they present that country in a new and important light to the consideration of the public. the advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes of indians in that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with so few advantages, is a matter of surprise. indeed, the red men of that region would almost seem to be of a different order from those with whom we have been in more familiar intercourse. a few years since the face of a white man was almost unknown to them; now, through the benevolent policy of the various christian churches, and the indefatigable exertions of the missionaries in their employ, they have prescribed and well adapted rules for their government, which are observed and respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent whites. numerous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their children are acquiring the most important and useful information. they have already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the most beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future period, be brought into intercourse. they are turning their attention to agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils in their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet their every want. among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely abandoned, many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. the lands are represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, agreeable, and uniform. under these circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the duty of the government of the united states to encourage their advancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of civilization. i therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among them of a full agency, with power to the president to make it an acting superintendency; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in his judgment, the same may become necessary and proper. all which is respectfully submitted. w. medill. hon. wm. l. marcy, secretary of war. * * * * * the reader will observe the clear statement of the united states indian policy in the above communication. that schools, farming, and civilization are prominent. that the indians, as the whole of this report indicates, are rapidly improving under the instructions of the missionaries in the interior,--spalding and whitman in particular. that dr. white, in this report, as contained in the previous chapter, attempts to include blanchet and associates as erecting mills, etc., for the benefit of the indians, while spalding's and whitman's stations were the only places where mills had been erected. these facts brought so prominently before the british and foreign mind their sectarian and commercial jealousies; and national pride was so excited that it knew no bounds and could not be satisfied short of the effort that was made in - . subsequent indian wars were but the spasmodic and dying action of the spirit that instigated the first. it will also be observed that this report brings out the bold efforts of our foreign emissaries to excite the indians in the settlement, and to disturb and divide the american population on the question of an organization. chapter xxxiii. first council to organize a provisional government.--library founded.--origin of the wolf association.--the methodist mission influence.--dr. white exhibits his credentials.--first "wolf meeting."--proceedings of the second "wolf meeting."--officers.--resolutions.--bounties to be paid.--resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.--names of the members of the committee. a consultation was held at the house of gray to consider the expediency of organizing a provisional government. in it the whole condition of the settlement, the missions, and hudson's bay company, were carefully looked at, and all the influences combined against the organization of a settlers' government were fully canvassed. the conclusion was that no direct effort could succeed, as it had already been tried and failed, from the combined influence of the hudson's bay company and the roman catholic and methodist missions. to the writer, who up to this time had not fully understood all the causes of the failure, it was doubtful. two plans were suggested; one, at least, might succeed. the first was to get up a circulating library, and by that means draw attention and discussion to subjects of interest to the settlement, and secure the influence of the methodist mission, as education was a subject they had commenced. we found no difficulty in the library movement from them, only they seemed anxious to keep from the library a certain class of light reading, which they appeared tenacious about. this was not a vital point with the original movers, so they yielded it. the library prospered finely; one hundred shares were taken at five dollars a share; three hundred volumes of old books collected and placed in this institution, which was called the "multnomah circulating library;" one hundred dollars were sent to new york for new books which arrived the following year. now for the main effort to secure another position. it will be remembered that in the winter of - the wallamet cattle company was formed. all the settlers that could raise the funds entered heartily into the project, and such as had no means to advance money for stock at the time had succeeded in buying from those that would sell. besides, part of the estate of ewing young had been sold and distributed, and the hudson's bay company had also organized the puget sound company, and had begun to distribute cattle; hence almost every settler, the missions, the hudson's bay company, and some indians were owning cattle. the wolves, bears, and panthers were very destructive to the cattle of all alike. here was an object of sufficient interest to all, to bring a united action, and collect a large number of the settlers. accordingly, a notice was given, requesting all interested in adopting some united action to get rid of the wild beasts, that were destroying our domestic animals, to meet at the house of w. h. gray, on the d of february, . this was the first move to the provisional government. while this was being done in the valley, at wallamet falls, since oregon city, the question of a provisional government was up before a lyceum held at that place and debated warmly for several evenings, and finally voted down. dr. john mclaughlin took the side of an independent government. mr. abernethy, afterward governor, moved that, in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government. this idea was favored by dr. white, upon condition that the settlers would vote generally to elect him as their governor, as from the fact that he held the office of sub-indian agent by the appointment of the president, he could officiate as governor, and it would be no additional expense to the settlers. this was a plausible argument, and had dr. white been a man of moral principle and capable of understanding his duties in the office he held, the settlers would without a doubt have adopted his suggestions; but, unfortunately for him, they had lost all confidence in his executive and judicial ability, as also in his ability to deal with indians. besides, the leading members of the methodist mission were opposed to him on account of his shameful course while one of their number, though mr. hines seems to have held to his skirts during the greater portion of the time he was creating all the disturbance he was capable of among the indians, and being the dupe of the hudson's bay company. these facts were all known to the getters-up of the "wolf organization," as it was called. in fact, le breton had participated in the discussions at the wallamet falls, and reported them to those of us in the valley. our idea was, to get an object before the people upon which all could unite, and as we advanced, secure the main object,--_self-preservation, both for property and person_. the "wolf meeting" was fully attended, and all took a lively interest in it, for there was not a man in the settlement that had not been a loser from wild animals. there was a little suspicion in this first meeting that more than protection for animals was meant. dr. ira l. babcock, who was elected our chairman, and who, we supposed, would be the first to suspect the main object, seemed to discard the idea as foolish and ridiculous, as he thought "we had all the protection for our persons that we needed in the arrangements already entered into, and the object for which the meeting was called was a good and laudable one; we were all interested in it; we had all lost more or less from the ravages of wild animals, and it became necessary to have a united effort to get rid of them and protect our property." this was the very point we wished to hold the doctor to. he had expressed the idea exactly, and placed it in a clear light. as settlers, we had nothing to do but submit to the rule of the hudson's bay company, the missions, and dr. white, and do all we could to protect their cattle and herds. the oregon archives show that there were persons present who were prepared for the occasion. the remarks of our chairman were appropriate, for it was self-evident that our domestic animals needed protection; we could not spend all our time to guard them, hence a united effort would accomplish in a short time, and at comparatively little expense to all, what would otherwise be impossible, scattered as our settlements were, with our domestic animals exposed to the ravages of wild animals known to be numerous all over the country. it was moved that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and prepare a plan, and report the matter for the action of the settlers. the chairman was called upon to appoint a committee to call a public meeting. gray, beers, and wilson, already known to the reader, and gervais and lucie, canadian-frenchmen, who came to the country with wilson g. hunt's party, and barnaby, a french rocky mountain hunter, were appointed. these three men were the most intelligent and influential french settlers that were then in the country, having considerable influence with the canadian-french settlers, and generally favored american settlement and enterprise. the preparation for the general meeting, which was moved by alanson beers to be called at the house of mr. joseph gervais on the first monday in march next, at ten o'clock a.m., devolved on gray, beers, and wilson. the giving of the notices, which le breton with his ready pen soon prepared, devolved on gervais, barnaby, and lucie. up to this time, no intimation of the proposed civil government had been given to any member of the missions, or the hudson's bay company. all was moving on harmoniously, and all were interested in caring for and protecting our domestic animals. the "wolf meeting," and what was to be done, was the subject of general interest. le breton and smith were busy in finding out the men who could be relied upon, and the men that would oppose the _one great object_ we had determined to accomplish, so that on the first monday in march, , the settlement, _except the clergy_, were all present. if my memory serves me, there was not in that meeting a single reverend gentleman of any denomination. james a. o'neil, who came to the country with captain wyeth in , and had remained in it, presided at this meeting. he was informed of the main object, and requested to hurry through the "wolf meeting" business as soon as possible. it will be seen that we had placed before the settlement, the hudson's bay company, and both missions, an object they were deeply interested in. the clergy were just then all asleep, and so were the company, for while they were all willing that we should pay our money, spend our time, and hunt wild animals to protect their by far the largest portion of property exposed, they did not suspect we were looking to a far more important object--our _personal liberty_; hence the settlers' "wolf meeting" did not call for their attention, but they all gave it an encouraging word, and promised to contribute to its funds, which they did, till they saw the real object, when they dropped it without ceremony, or at least saw too late that their power was gone. the methodist mission influence was the most difficult to deal with. we were fully aware of their large pretensions to land, and of the consummate duplicity of white, in dealing with all parties. white, to secure the approval of the methodist mission, encouraged their large pretensions to mission lands, and also spoke favorably of the jesuit influence among the indians; while, if he had had two grains of common sense and common honesty, he could have seen their influence was tending to destroy all of his, as well as all american influence in the country. still his supremely selfish ideas of self-honor and official dignity led him to pursue a course disgusting to all parties. during the time between the first and second "wolf meetings," white was called upon in a public manner to exhibit his authority from the president, which he was foolish enough to do. it was seen at once that he was in the country _only as a spy upon the actions of the hudson's bay company_, while he assumed to make treaties with indians, and govern the country, and make pledges and promises, which no one believed the government would ever attempt to fulfill. as a matter of history and curiosity, the proceedings of the "wolf meetings" are copied from the oregon archives, which mr. hines, it seems, did not even know had an existence, showing, by his own statements, that he was so completely mixed up in his ideas of the origin of the provisional government, that though he is generally correct in his statements, yet he failed to distinguish the point of conception and birth of the _oldest state on the pacific_, for i contend that justice to our effort and a proper understanding of our rights should have admitted us as a state instead of subjecting us to a territorial _annoyance_, under such _demagogues_ as were sent among us up to the time we became a state. _proceedings of a meeting held at the oregon institute, february , ._ a public meeting of a number of the citizens of this colony was called at the house of w. h. gray, in order to take into consideration the propriety of adopting some measures for the protection of our herds, etc., in this country. on motion, dr. i. l. babcock was called to the chair, who proceeded to state the objects of the meeting, and the necessity of acting. mr. w. h. gray moved, and mr. torn seconded the motion, "that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and report business, etc.," which motion was carried, and messrs. gray, beers, gervais, wilson, barnaby, and lucie, were appointed said committee. mr. beers moved "that a general meeting be called at the house of mr. joseph gervais, on the first monday in march next, at ten o'clock, a.m.," which motion was carried. w. h. wilson, secretary. i. l. babcock, chairman. _journal of a meeting at the house of j. gervais, first monday in march, ._ in pursuance of a resolution of a previous meeting, the citizens of wallamet valley met, and, the meeting being called to order, mr. james o'neil was chosen chairman. mr. martin was chosen as secretary, but declining to serve, mr. le breton was chosen. the minutes of the former meeting were read. the committee appointed to notify a general meeting and report business, made the following report, to wit:-- "your committee beg leave to report as follows: it being admitted by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which the community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and destructive war against all such animals. "_resolved_, st. that we deem it expedient for this community to take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, panthers, and bears, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs. " d. that a treasurer be appointed, who shall receive all funds, and dispense the same, in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the committee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the above-named animals; and that he report the state of the treasury, by posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each of the committee. " d. that a standing committee of eight be appointed, whose duty it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evidences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been killed in the wallamet valley. " th. that a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents for a lynx; two dollars for a bear; and five dollars for a panther. " th. that no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty. " th. that the committee and treasurer form a board of advice to call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all the animals named in the fourth resolution. " th. that the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited to whites and their descendants. " th. that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of this colony." on motion, the report was accepted. it was then moved and seconded that the report be laid on the table, which was carried. it was moved and seconded that the first resolution in the report of the committee be adopted, which was carried. it was moved and seconded the a sum be raised by contribution for the protection of our animals, which was carried. it was moved and seconded that the third resolution, as amended, be adopted, which was carried. it was moved and seconded that two collectors be appointed to receive all subscriptions, retaining five per cent. for collecting the same, and pay the amount over to the treasurer, taking his receipt for the same, which was carried. on motion, the fifth resolution was adopted. on motion, it was resolved "that no one receive a bounty (except indians) unless he pay a subscription of five dollars." on motion, the seventh resolution was adopted. on motion, the eighth and ninth resolutions were adopted. it was moved and seconded that the indians receive one-half as much as the whites. it was moved and seconded that all claims for bounties be presented within ten days from the time of becoming entitled to said bounties, and, if there should be any doubts, the individual claiming a bounty shall give his oath to the various circumstances; which was carried. on motion, w. h. gray was chosen treasurer. it was moved that messrs. mcroy, gervais, martin, s. smith, dougherty, o'neil, shortess, and lucie be the standing committee; which motion was carried. it was moved that g. w. le breton and mr. bridgers be the collectors. carried. on motion, the following resolutions were adopted:-- "_resolved_, that no money be paid to any white, or his descendants, previous to the time of his subscription. "_resolved_, that the bounty of a minor child be paid to a parent or guardian. "_resolved_, that the draft for receiving subscriptions be drawn by mr. gray and mr. le breton. "_resolved_, that drafts on fort vancouver, the mission, and the milling company be received on subscriptions, as payment." * * * * * as a kind providence would have it, the "wolf meeting" at mr. gervais' house on the wallamet river was one of the most harmonious meetings i ever attended. every one seemed to feel that a unanimous war had been declared against the despoilers of our domestic animals that were dependent upon us for protection. it was stated by one speaker "that no one would question for a moment that this was right. this was just and natural protection for our property in animals liable to be destroyed by wolves, bears, and panthers. how is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and our children and wives? have we any organization upon which we can rely for mutual protection? is there any power or influence in the country sufficient to protect us and all we hold dear on earth from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? who in our midst is authorized at this moment to call us together to protect our own, and the lives of our families? true, the alarm may be given, as in a recent case, and we may run who feel alarmed, and shoot off our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, ravishing our wives, and burning the houses over our defenseless families. common sense, prudence, and justice to ourselves demand that we act consistent with the principles we have commenced. we have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our _cattle and domestic animals_; now, fellow-citizens, i submit and move the adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may have protection for our persons and lives as well as our cattle and herds:-- "_resolved_, that a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony. "_resolved_, that said committee consist of twelve persons." there was not a dissenting vote in that meeting. drs. babcock and white were not present, but prudence and policy gave them both a place upon the proposed committee of twelve, while we knew the feelings of the balance of the committee. messrs. dr. babcock, dr. white, o'neil, shortess, newell, lucie, gervais, hubbard, mcroy, gray, smith, and gay were appointed said committee. chapter xxxiv. first meeting of the committee of twelve.--all invited to participate.--the rev. j. lee and mr. abernethy ridicule the organization.--mr. lee tells a story.--letter from governor abernethy.--the main question at issue.--drowning of cornelius rogers and party.--conduct of dr. white.--methodist mission.--catholic boasts of conversions. by mutual understanding the committee of twelve first met at wallamet falls, about the middle of march, . my impression is that dr. babcock was not present with the committee, and that dr. white was chosen temporary chairman. g. w. le breton was secretary of the committee. a motion was made and carried to invite the citizens of the village to participate in the deliberations of the committee. rev. jason lee, rev. mr. waller, mr. abernethy, r. moore, in fact, nearly all the prominent men of the place, were present, and participated in the discussions. we found rev. jason lee and mr. abernethy disposed to ridicule the proposed organization as foolish and unnecessary. rev. jason lee in his argument illustrated the folly of the effort, by telling us of a company of militia gotten up somewhere in canada. he said "the requisite notice had been given, and all the people liable to military duty were present on the day to elect the officers required for the company. when they had elected all their officers, there was one private soldier left. 'well,' says the soldier, 'you may march me, you may drill me, you may face me to the right, or to the left, or about face, just as much as you please, but for mercy's sake don't divide me up into platoons.'" mr. abernethy made a little attempt to ridicule the proposed organization, in moving to amend the resolution recommending three justices of the peace and three constables. we are now in receipt of an explanation from the governor in reference to the question of an independent government, as debated at the lyceum, which we give _verbatim_, as it places the governor with his own explanation on that question, and i think gives us the correct statement of the case, and shows his policy, which was, to defeat not only the proposition for an independent government, but any effort for a provisional one, for at least four years,--which were not only the views of mr. abernethy, but those of messrs. lee, leslie, babcock, and hines:-- portland, march , . dear sir,--allow me to correct one statement in your history of oregon in the _gazette_ of th march. you speak of a debate in a lyceum, and say: "mr. abernethy moved that in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government." the facts are these: we had weekly meetings for discussion. mr. hastings, dr. mclaughlin's lawyer, offered a resolution, "that it is expedient for the settlers on this coast to establish an independent government." this subject was warmly discussed, mr. abernethy being, with a few others, opposed to it. at the close of the discussion the vote was taken and decided in favor of an independent government. mr. abernethy then offered the following: "_resolved_, that if the united states extends its jurisdiction over this country within four years, it will not be expedient to form an independent government," as the subject for the next discussion. this was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first resolution saying if the united states government is extended over us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. the resolution was carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resolution. you will see by this you have the thing all wrong. yours truly, geo. abernethy. p. s.--dr. white, i think, was present; am not certain. this independent government move was a prominent scheme of dr. mclaughlin. the main question at issue before the committee at the falls meeting was the office of governor. dr. bailey was in the sandwich islands; nothing was to be feared from him; but dr. white was, to say the least, an impudent candidate. i have been informed that dr. bailey, an englishman, came to that meeting february , , with all his french voters trained to vote for himself for governor, and that he nominated himself, in opposition to mr. hines and dr. babcock, for that office, and conducted himself in such a manner that it disgusted some, and was the means of breaking up the proposed civil government, as what americans there were then in the country found they would be outnumbered by the french and english (which was unquestionably the fact), and thus they would be completely at the disposal of english rule. such being the case, much credit is due to the men who defeated that effort, and i see no reason why mr. hines, in his account, and as an actor in those meetings, should attempt to give a different impression, and say that "the officers of the squadron were consulted, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme." (page of his book.) this fact alone, and i have it from an actor and an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange and unaccountable on the part of mr. hines. he either feared the influence of bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers. from the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of dr. white, the committee at the falls meeting were induced to yield the point of an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a unanimous vote to call a public meeting to organize a provisional government at champoeg, on the d of may, . this was effort number one of february and june, , over again. those of us who commenced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped for the best and prepared for the worst as well as the meeting at champoeg on the d of may, . we will let the provisional government rest till the d of may, , while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first stopping to drop a tear at the grave of our friends as we proceed. on the d of february our best and most esteemed friend, cornelius rogers, with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friendship, left our house for oregon city, as his future residence and home, with his young wife, the eldest daughter of rev. david leslie, and her youngest sister. they took passage down the river with w. w. raymond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the mission of - . he was at that time a member of the methodist mission, in good standing. dr. elijah white and esquire crocker, of lansingville, tompkins county, new york, were also in the canoe, one of the largest of chinook manufacturing. they arrived all safe at canemah. it was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks just above the falls on the oregon city side, since blasted away for a canal and boat channel. in the eddy formed by the point of rock a large tree had lodged, forming a convenient landing, and occupying a large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe to remain close to the log for safety from the swift current. there were two indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow and one in the stern. the one in the stern escaped by jumping from the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above the fall. white, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or perhaps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from swinging into the current. the force of white's spring upon the canoe to reach the log threw it into the current, which was too strong for raymond and his indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the channel, and the next moment was plunged broadside over the falls, some twenty-five feet perpendicular. the force of the current threw the canoe to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the canoe in an instant. all that went over were lost. raymond, who had attempted to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and found white upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the drowning party. mr. hines, i see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for white. i think this the nearest correct, as raymond gave the alarm, and a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of mr. rogers before he sank to rise no more. his and esquire crocker's bodies were found and interred. those of mrs. rogers and her sister were never found. rev. g. hines, w. h. gray, and robert shortess, were appointed by judge babcock to appraise the estate of mr. rogers, which was found to be worth about $ , clear of all liabilities. his heirs at law resided in utica, new york. rev. harvey clark was appointed administrator, discharging that duty faithfully, and i think without compensation. none of the appraisers received a dime for their services. there followed this affliction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the wallamet river. the appraisers were detained several days on account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety. the methodist mission had extended their stations to fort nasqualla on puget sound and clatsop plains, and made an effort to establish a mission station on the umpqua river. at this last-named place the indians had been prepared by the instructions they had received through the hudson's bay company and the jesuit priests to destroy lee and hines, and commence the slaughter of the settlement. (see hines' account of the trip, pages to inclusive, made in .) messrs. frost and cowan had become disgusted with their missionary calling, and rev. dr. richmond had also found his nasqualla location not a suitable one, or at least, he by some means had become convinced that he could not benefit the indians about the fort, and made up his mind to leave. it will be remembered that vicar-general brouillet, of wallawalla, in his attempt to prove that the "catholic stations and stationary priests" were early in the country, says "almost every indian tribe possessed some catholic members" as early as , and that mr. demerse's labors among the cayuses in "had made there a mission so fruitful that the protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among them." (page of "protestantism in oregon," by brouillet.) neither hines, richmond, nor smith could understand why it was that the indians upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the accounts they had heard and read of them up to . in june, , had either of those gentlemen picked up the new york _freeman's journal_, they would have seen the statement that, as early as , "almost every indian tribe [on this coast] possessed some catholic members." a little further along they would have been startled with the announcement, that these jesuit missions had become "so fruitful that the protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them." this was but the work of two years,--from , late in the fall, to . this was, without doubt, a great triumph, and well does this jesuit blow his trumpet; and well he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements upon their own countrymen in british columbia. why, i ask, have states and countries in europe found it necessary to suppress that order of the roman church? and why is england, to-day, hesitating to give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all others? chapter xxxv. meetings to oppose organization.--address of the french-canadians.--criticisms on it by the author.--the jesuits.--jesuit oath.--article from the cincinnati _beacon_. between the meeting of the committee of twelve at wallamet falls, about the th of march, and the called meeting by that committee on the d of may, the priests and the hudson's bay company were not idle. they held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and one at vancouver, and two in the french prairie at the catholic church. at all of these meetings the course to be pursued by the company and the catholic and french settlers was discussed and decided. the result of these meetings and discussions can be found on the th and th pages of the oregon archives. the names of the signers should have been given. this document seems to be dated the th of march, . the meeting at gervais' was on the first monday of march. so this document seems to have been prepared by our jesuit blanchet, just about the time the "wolf meeting" was convening, and in anticipation of the move for a provisional government. i am certain it was not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed in to the committee of three appointed by the legislative committee to revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the th of july, . g. w. le breton, clerk of the legislative committee, handed it in, when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to him with the remark "it was well enough to keep it with the public papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposition. at the meeting of may , all the signers of that document were present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the proposed organization. "address of the canadian citizens of oregon to the meeting at champoeg, march , ," it will be seen it should have been dated may . this mistake simply shows that it was prepared march , , in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held may , . the address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of history, and is as follows:-- "we, the canadian citizens of wallamet, considering with interest and reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meeting, present to the american citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare-- " st. that we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our property and labors. " d. that we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time. " d. that we will not address a new petition to the government of the united states, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiers of the states fixed. " th. that we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and exposed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all those measures may be broken. " th. that we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overloading the colony instead of improving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country. " th. that we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people. " th. that the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate. " th. that the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representatives. " th. that they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them. " th. that the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger of bad suspicion to the indians and a delay for the necessary labors; at the same time, it is a load; we do not want it, either, at present. " th. that we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, till government shall have decided; open to every individual wishing to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him any thing, either to become an english, spanish, or american citizen. " th. so we, english subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those who came from france, california, united states, or even natives of this country; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who wish to settle in this country; or we ask to be recognized as free among ourselves, to make such regulations as appear suitable to our wants, save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected. " th. that we are willing to submit to any lawful government when it comes. " th. that we do not forgot that we must make laws only for necessary circumstances. the more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it; and, perhaps, the more alterations there will be some day. " th. that we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on fulfilling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no shame given for fraud. " th. in a new country the more men employed and paid by the public, the less remains of industry. " th. that no one can be more desirous than we are for the prosperity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially for the guaranty of our rights and liberties; and such is the wish we make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, etc., for long years of peace." then follow our names and persons. which, if our memory is correct, were not given or signed to the original document, for, if they had been, the document would have been noticed in the legislative proceedings, and some action taken upon it. it was considered by the revising committee, as an expression of the feelings of the subjects named in the twelfth paragraph, and that while they were opposed to the proposed organization they would act as per thirteenth paragraph. the second paragraph indicates an approval of previous political action. the third, their opposition to a connection with the united states. the fourth, their decided opposition to the proposed government. the fifth is a reason, and shows that they had no confidence in the ability of the people to make laws for themselves. the sixth indicates a preference for the hudson's bay company's mode of government. the seventh shows a leaning to republican ideas of government. the eighth to the government of the country by the clergymen in it. the ninth, opposition to taxes which the french, or the class represented in that protest, continually manifested in refusing to pay until compelled by legal or superior force. the tenth shows that they considered themselves safe from indian hostility, and were only anxious to expose the weakness of the settlement by avoiding a show of military strength. the eleventh affirms the freedom of the country to all, and their right to occupy it without interference. the fourteenth, a childish reason against restraint. the fifteenth is considerably mixed; it is advisory. we admit that the object of it is beyond our comprehension. the sixteenth looks to one man, or clerical rule. the seventeenth shows the ecclesiastical origin of the document, and a suspicion that in the future their conduct may be such that they may require a "guaranty" of their rights and liberties. we have an article, published in the cincinnati _beacon_, august, , giving the oath taken by the jesuits, and a short account of their objects and proceedings, which, as they had been introduced into oregon by the hudson's bay company in , and commenced their operations as in the above document, we will copy the article entire, as we shall have occasion to speak of the part taken by them in the settlement of this country:-- "the order of jesuits was established by loyola in , having for its object the re-establishment of the pope's sway over the civil powers of the earth. "at that time it was found that a mighty effort was needed to regain to the pope what he had just lost by the reformation, and this order was established for that object. members of that society may be of any profession or of no profession, as they choose, and as best suits the object. they may prosecute their own business as merchants in foreign countries, or serve in the meanest capacity, provided they can by stealth exercise some destructive influence on any or every form of government except that under the 'sacred confirmation of the pope.' "a dispensation is granted them, _i.e._, permission to lay aside all professions of regard to the papal cause, and make outward professions to any religion or government they choose, if by so doing they can better 'do their utmost to extirpate _the heretical protestant doctrine, and destroy all its pretended powers_, regal _or otherwise_.' "of course they were soon found in all the political intrigues which so long distracted europe. this is a prominent fact on the page of history. one after another of the european powers became aware of this, and each, especially of the protestant powers, when their intrigues could no longer be endured, banished the jesuits as seen above. we may add oregon as another special field of their operations since . "the jesuits are the most active and efficient agents of popery in propagating the catholic religion in foreign countries. in the following oath we notice:-- " . an acknowledgment that protestant governments are illegal, without the 'sacred confirmation' of the pope, and may safely be destroyed. " . a renunciation of 'any allegiance as due to any heretical' state, named protestants. " . a solemn pledge to do their utmost to 'destroy all their pretended powers, regal or otherwise.' "comment on the relations which these agents of the pope sustain to our protestant government is needless. "_the oath of secrecy of the jesuits._ "'i, a. b., now in the presence of almighty god, the blessed virgin mary, the blessed michael the archangel, the blessed st. john baptist, the holy apostles st. peter and st. paul, and the saints and sacred hosts of heaven, and of you my ghostly father, do declare from my heart, _without mental reservation_, that his holiness the pope urban is christ's vicar-general, and is the true and only head of the catholic or universal church throughout the earth; and that, by the virtue of the keys of binding and loosing given to his holiness by my saviour jesus christ, he hath power to depose heretical kings, princes, states, commonwealths, and governments, all being illegal without his sacred confirmation, and that they may safely be destroyed; therefore, to the utmost of my power, i shall and will defend this doctrine, and his holiness' rights and customs, against all usurpers of the heretical (or protestant) authority whatsoever; especially against the now pretended authority and church of england, and all adherents, in regard that they and she be usurpal and heretical, opposing the sacred mother church of rome. i do renounce and disown any allegiance as due to any heretical king, prince, or _state_, named protestant, or _obedience to any of their inferior magistrates or officers_. i do further declare, that the doctrine of the church of england, of the calvinists, huguenots, and of others of the name of protestant, to be damnable, and they themselves are damned, and to be damned, that will not forsake the same; i do further declare, that i will help, assist, and advise all or any of his holiness' agents in any place wherever i shall be, in england, scotland, and ireland, or in any other territory or kingdom i shall come to, and do my utmost to extirpate the heretical protestant doctrine, _and to destroy all its pretended powers, regal or otherwise_. i do further promise and declare, that notwithstanding i am dispensed with, to assume any religion heretical, for the propagating of the mother church's interests, to keep secret and private all her agents' counsels from time to time, as they intrust me, and not to divulge, directly or indirectly, by word, writing, or circumstance whatsoever; but to execute all that shall be proposed, given in charge, or discovered unto me, by you, my ghostly father, or any of this sacred convent. all which i, a. b., do swear, by the blessed trinity, and blessed sacrament, which i am now to receive, to perform, and on my part to keep inviolably: and do call all the heavenly and glorious host of heaven to witness these my real intentions, to keep this my oath. in testimony hereof, i take this most holy and blessed sacrament of the eucharist; and witness the same further with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy convent, this day of anno domini, etc.' "the jesuits were banished from england in . they were expelled from france, a.d. ; from spain and sicily, a.d. ; from portugal, a.d. ; and totally suppressed by pope clement xiv., a.d. . everywhere they were prosecuted and repelled as injurious to youth, and dangerous to all existing forms of government. the present pope has revived the order, and now we find the jesuits secretly and openly engaged again in their pernicious and wicked devices to re-establish his power in the united states, and in the canadas." chapter xxxvi. the meeting at champoeg.--tactics of the jesuit party.--counter-tactics of the americans.--a division and its result.--public record.--opposition to clergymen as legislators.--mr. hines as an historian.--his errors.--importance of mr. hines' history.--extract.--difficulty among the indians.--cause of the difficulty. the d of may, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organize a settlers' government, was close at hand. the indians had all learned that the "bostons" were going to have a big meeting, and they also knew that the english and french were going to meet with them, to oppose what the "bostons" were going to do. the hudson's bay company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under the rev. f. n. blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the ground in the open field near a small house, and, to the amusement of every american present, trained to vote "no" to every motion put; no matter, if to carry their point they should have voted "yes," it was "no." le breton had informed the committee, and the americans generally, that this would be the course pursued, according to instructions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. the priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as the record shows, "considerable confusion was existing in consequence." by this time we had counted votes. says le breton, "we can risk it; let us divide and count." "i second that motion," says gray. "who's for a divide?" sang out old joe meek, as he stepped out; "all for the report of the committee and an organization, follow me." this was so sudden and unexpected that the priest and his voters did not know what to do, but every american was soon in line. le breton and gray passed the line and counted fifty-two americans, and but fifty french and hudson's bay company men. they announced the count--"fifty-two for, and fifty against." "three cheers for our side," sang out old joe meek. not one of those old veteran mountain voices were lacking in that shout for _liberty_. they were given with a will, and in a few seconds the chairman, judge i. l. babcock, called the meeting to order, when the priest and his band slunk away into the corners of the fences, and in a short time mounted their horses and left. the minutes of the meeting are as follows:-- "at a public meeting of the inhabitants of the wallamet settlements, held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at a former meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured by the enforcement of law and order, dr. i. l. babcock was chosen chairman, and messrs. gray, le breton, and wilson, secretaries. "the committee made their report, which was read, and a motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost. "considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by mr. le breton, and seconded by mr. gray, that the meeting divide, preparatory to being counted; those in favor of the objects of this meeting taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew. "it was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be taken up and disposed of article by article. "a motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with probate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community. "moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen. "moved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen. "moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen. "moved and carried, that three constables be chosen. "moved and carried, that a committee of nine persons be chosen, for the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this community, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by them, for their acceptance. "a motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen. "moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen. "moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons to fill the various offices by ballot. "a. e. wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate powers; g. w. le breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and recorder; j. l. meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; w. h. wilson was chosen treasurer. "moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by hand ballot, and nomination from the floor. "messrs. hill, shortess, newell, beers, hubbard, gray, o'neil, moore, and dougherty, were chosen to act as legislative committee; messrs. burns, judson, and a. b. smith were chosen to act as magistrates; messrs. ebbets, bridgers, and lewis, were chosen to act as constables; mr. john howard was chosen major; messrs. wm. mccarty, c. mcroy, and s. smith were chosen captains. "moved and carried, that the legislative committee make their report on the th day of july next, at champoeg. "moved and carried, that the services of the legislative committee be paid for at $ . per day, and that the money be raised by subscription. "moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen. "moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be chosen. "mr. compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. mr. matthew was chosen as an additional constable. "moved and carried, that the legislative committee shall not sit over six days. "the meeting was then adjourned. "the question having arisen with regard to what time the newly-appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public meeting. "attest, "g. w. le breton." * * * * * it will be remembered by those present, that in the appointment of the members of the legislative committee, rev. j. s. griffin was named as one of the committee. i am not positive that mr. griffin was present, but i remember that his nomination was opposed, or any clergyman of any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the settlers. it was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous community; they, as a matter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general thing, considered higher laws, disqualified themselves to enter the halls of legislation as law-makers. besides, the settlers had once placed it in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable laws for the government and protection of the settlement. this request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed our effort. in placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from one denomination, we, as a matter of courtesy, must do the same to another, and, as in the former case, we would be liable to be defeated. mr. griffin did not receive a single vote, without it was that of the rev. mr. kone, from clatsop, who, i think, was present. we will now leave the legislative committee to do their business, as per instructions, and see what our very officious indian agent and his friend, rev. mr. hines, are about. during the fall of and winter and spring of , "our plot thickens." we must go back a little, and notice, among other things, that as soon as uncle samuel's exploring squadron had looked at oregon a little and dr. mclaughlin's good liquors more (when the infirmities of the stomach required something stronger than water), and had found occasion to express great praise of the kind treatment and generosity of the hudson's bay company, they also found it convenient to sanction the opposition to a temporary government for the settlement,--at least, mr. hines tells us they opposed it,--and leave the company to continue their kicking and changing the bushel, calling in their cattle and pay for all lost, and enter vigorously upon a settled system of opposition to all american settlements in the country. their jesuit missions were doing them good service in the interior. their clerks and interpreters were ready to do their part. the puff-ball of folly and ignorance, in the shape of a sub-indian agent, had been among the indians, who were made to believe from his foolish statements,--confirmed or made worse by such old liars as toupin, as in the case of parker,--that the great parent was going to make them wise and rich, and give them all they wanted, if they would adopt his advice, and do as he wished them. all things combined aroused mr. hines to the solemn conclusion that it was his duty to volunteer and go with our sub-indian agent, and assist him in pacifying the indians. i suppose he must have gone in the capacity of prime minister or secretary of state. he says, page : "in the evening of the th, dr. white arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls." le breton returned the next day, and reported that anderson's horse was stolen by an indian,--the same that had stolen one from mr. hines two years before. hines had the courage to go and get his horse, but anderson, who was a swede, had not. this transaction, it will be remembered, was on april , a month after the organizing committee of twelve had been appointed at gervais'. white and hines are in council at hines' house. the visit to the interior tribes is before the council. white had been up among the nez percés and cayuses in the fall of , and with the aid of mckay (who was the most reliable half-native servant the company ever had), the indians were induced to form a combination, exactly such a one as frank ermatinger, in , told the writer the company would form, with the aid of their half-breed servants, to resist the occupancy of the country by the american government. mr. hines' stupidity led him to believe this was the policy of white, and not that of the company. he says, at the bottom of page : "it had been the policy of the hudson's bay company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting in concert." at the time this policy was adopted by the company there were no whites in the country but themselves. mr. hines believes that the american settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd policy of the company, and attributes to dr. white the opposite policy. he says, page , that "the sub-agent adopted a different policy." how natural and how easy for his reverence to fall into this error, and to say, on page , "thomas mckay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the natives to adopt a code of laws and appoint a head chief, and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution." not the least suspicion of mckay's instructions and the hudson's bay company's arrangements and consent in the matter, and that the sub-agent was the very man the company was making use of to get their own trained and educated indian (ellis) at the head of the nez percé tribe, to accomplish the object they had in view. mr. hines has given us a good history, for which we thank him in behalf of truth, and also for the assistance it has given us in showing to the world the damning policy, the accursed influences brought to bear against the little band of patriots that had the courage to contend against such fearful combinations of avarice, stupidity, superstition, and savagism; and here allow me to say, is the reason that whitman, harvey clark, shortess, smith, cornelius rogers, j. l. meek, couch, and fifty others, had no confidence in white or his advisers and friends. le breton acted well his part; the company knew him better than mr. hines did; his death was a victory, as they supposed, to them, but the effort moved on. the act of a few indians, in going to st. louis in , for religious knowledge, brought mr. hines to the country with others more capable of meeting the combined influences of avarice, stupidity, bigotry, and superstition. and although many things have combined to keep them from any pecuniary reward, still facts, and the history of the country they have saved as the golden gem of our great republic, will seek to know who it was whose efforts could successfully contend with such influences as were then held by the company, the jesuit priests, dr. white, and the methodist mission. we now know why our little settlement wept and mourned the death of rogers, le breton, and whitman, as they were substantial pillars in our temple of liberty on this coast. does a simple slab mark the place of their rest? their surviving associates are not able to answer in the affirmative. it will be borne in mind that while dr. whitman was on his way to washington, dr. white and thomas mckay visited the indians in the interior, in october, ,--about one month after dr. whitman had left for the states. mr. spalding was really more stupid than mr. hines in all matters of policy and deep-laid plans to accomplish any object. his courage was strong in ignorance of danger. mr. hines had personal courage, but his self-esteem was unbounded. dr. white was shrewd enough to make use of both. mr. spalding was taken with dr. white's smooth milk-and-water false statements about his office, powers, and duties. he was led to believe that white had all the powers he professed to have, and lent his influence to mckay to organize and combine the indian tribes, supposing all the while he was doing it for dr. white and the american cause. messrs. hines and spalding were alike in this particular. the reader will not forget that i am speaking of men and their actions, and the influence they had at a certain time, and the effect of those actions upon the indians and the religious, political, and general interests of the country. personally, i have no malice against a single man of whom i write; many of them i know are dead, and at the proper time i will give you as faithful an account of their good deeds as i now do of their errors. besides, i hope the children and friends of all of whom i write, will see and feel the virtue there is in doing right at all times, and, as we are told, "try the spirits," or persons, "to know whether they are good or evil." a large portion of the ninth chapter of mr. hines' book is too important in illustrating truth to be omitted in a history such as we are giving. the reader will understand the observations we have to make, bearing in mind that all these facts have an important bearing on a transaction that occurred four years later. he says:-- "april . this settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelligence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning the hostile intentions of the cayuse, nez percé, and wallawalla indians. it appears that they have again threatened the destruction of the whites. some time in october last, indian report said that these tribes were coming down to kill off the 'boston' people, meaning those from the united states. this intelligence produced considerable excitement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of indian affairs to go directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. on arriving among the indians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, but entered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satisfaction. thomas mckay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the nez percés to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution. "it had been the policy of the hudson's bay company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting in concert. but the sub-agent adopted a different policy. _the individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the nez percés was one ellis, as he was called by the english, who, having spent several years in the settlement on red river, east of the mountains, had, with a smattering of the english language, acquired a high sense of his own importance; and, consequently, after he was appointed chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course._ the fulfillment of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by ellis with the utmost rigor. individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. this occasioned suspicions in the minds of the indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate subjugation of their tribes. they saw in the laws they had adopted, a deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country. the arrival of a large party of emigrants about this time, and the sudden departure of dr. whitman to the united states, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for oregon, served to hasten them to the above conclusion. that a great excitement existed among the indians in the interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, until a letter was received from h. k. w. perkins, at the dalles, in which he informed us that the wascopum and wallawalla indians had communicated to him in substance the following information: that the indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in consequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy their game and take away their lands; that the nez percés dispatched one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the indians in the buffalo country east of fort hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that it is expected dr. whitman will bring back with him to settle the nez percé country; that the indians are endeavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying all the 'boston' people; that it is not good to kill a part of them, and leave the rest, but that _every one_ of them must be destroyed. this information produced a great excitement throughout the community, and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the impending storm. in the estimation of some, the indians were to be upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. the plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days' travel for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. this plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it; and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution." we have before us, in these quotations, the facts of the change of policy of the hudson's bay company, the combining of the nez percé tribe, the supposed ground of complaint against the americans, and the failure of the sub-indian agent to get the settlers to adopt his plan for protecting the settlement against the indians. we will now give the reasons the company had for adopting the dividing and cutting-up policy among the indians. the reader is requested to observe mr. hines' description of ellis, dr. white's indian chief. it was this same indian that drove the rev. a. b. smith in from his land, as stated by old toupin on th page of brouillet's history of the whitman massacre. up to this time he was not considered an important character by the company, on account of his self-importance and insolence. in this respect he resembled tawatowe, of the cayuses, who, when he had been promoted to the head chieftainship of that tribe, became insolent, and going so far as to get possession of fort wallawalla, had tied mr. p. c. pambrun, and kept him tied till he agreed to give the indians better prices for their horses and furs. as soon as they had liberated him, mr. pambrun made a few trades with them and treated them kindly, and induced them to leave the fort. he sent at once to vancouver and increased the number of his men, and told the chiefs that had had him tied, that he no longer regarded them as chiefs, and at once commenced to destroy their influence by refusing to give them the accustomed presents, and gave them to lesser chiefs, and in that way divided them up and broke their power as principal chiefs. while the american fur trader, captain wyeth, was in the country, the company had increased their tariff, and paid the indians more for their horses and furs, but as soon as he had been driven from the country, they reduced it to their own prices. the indians did not understand why the company gave them so much less than the americans, or bostons, did for the same things. the principal chiefs of the nez percés and cayuses were together in the attempt to get better pay for the property they sold to the company, whose policy was to keep all the principal men down, and divide their power and influence, and prevent any large combinations among the tribes,--thus making it easy to control them. this statement of facts and policy i had from mr. pambrun and mr. ermatinger, both of the hudson's bay company. mr. hines, on page , in speaking about the laws adopted by the indians, seems altogether to ignore the fact that a desperate effort was then being made by the hudson's bay company, as the conduct of the indians plainly indicated, to drive all americans from the country. the unreasonable punishments inflicted, and all other odious inferences, were the legitimate instruments to accomplish a specific object. the same was the case in the inferences drawn about dr. whitman's visit to the states. while governor simpson sends on his red river settlers, and goes to washington to secure the country to the british crown, dr. whitman and his mission become the special objects of misrepresentation and hate among the indians. his mill and all his grain are burned, while a large immigration of british subjects and the jesuit missionaries are received with open arms. dr. whitman and the american settlement must be stopped at all hazards. an indian is sent on snow-shoes to the buffalo indians east of fort hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that is expected with dr. whitman. the american government, according to dr. white, is about to take possession of the country, and had sent him out as its first governor. he, to conciliate the indians, adopts all the suggestions of the hudson's bay company, and succeeds to his entire satisfaction, with the aid of mr. mckay. while he can do nothing to unite the settlers for their own defense, the divide-and-weaken policy of the company is changed from indians to the american settlers. white and hines are equally useful to the company in doing the one, as they had been successful in the other. that the transaction related by mr. hines on his th page, under date of april , may be better understood, we will, in the next chapter, give a copy of the petition referred to. this document is mostly the work of robert shortess, and was signed by nearly every american in the country who had an opportunity. chapter xxxvii. whitman's visit to washington.--a priest's boast.--a taunt, and whitman's reply.--arrival in washington.--interview with secretary webster.--with president tyler.--his return.--successful passage of the rocky mountains with two hundred wagons.--his mill burned during his absence. in september, , dr. whitman was called to visit a patient at old fort wallawalla. while there, a number of boats of the hudson's bay company, with several chief traders and jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, arrived. while at dinner, the overland express from canada arrived, bringing news that the emigration from the red river settlement was at colville. this news excited unusual joy among the guests. one of them--a young priest--sang out: "hurrah for oregon, america is too late; we have got the country." "now the americans may whistle; the country is ours!" said another. whitman learned that the company had arranged for these red river english settlers to come on to settle in oregon, and at the same time governor simpson was to go to washington and secure the settlement of the question as to the boundaries on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country. the doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this result, as no information could reach washington in time to prevent it. "it shall be prevented," said the doctor, "if i have to go to washington myself." "but you can not go there to do it," was the taunting reply of the briton. "i will see," was the doctor's reply. the reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his first wagon through to fort boise, to understand what he meant when he said, "_i will see_." two hours after this conversation at the fort, he dismounted from his horse at his door at wailatpu. i saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important object or errand. he soon explained that a special effort must be made to save the country from becoming british territory. every thing was in the best of order about the station, and there seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. a. l. lovejoy, esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigration. it was proposed that he should accompany the doctor, which he consented to do, and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way to the states. they reached fort hall all safe; kept south into taos, and thence to bent's fort, on the arkansas river, when mr. lovejoy became exhausted from toil and exposure, and stopped for the winter, while the doctor continued on and reached washington. thus far in this narrative i give dr. whitman's, mr. lovejoy's, and my own knowledge. i find an article in the _pacific_ of november , from mr. spalding, which gives us the result:-- "on reaching the settlements, dr. whitman found that many of the now old oregonians--waldo, applegate, hamtree, keizer, and others--who had once made calculations to come to oregon, had abandoned the idea because of the representations from washington that every attempt to take wagons and ox-teams through the rocky and blue mountains to the columbia had failed. dr. whitman saw at once what the stopping of wagons at fort hall every year meant. the representations purported to come from secretary webster, but were from governor simpson, who, magnifying the statements of his chief trader, grant, at fort hall, declared the americans must be going mad, from their repeated fruitless attempts to take wagons and teams through the impassable regions to the columbia, and that the women and children of those wild fanatics had been saved from a terrible death only by the repeated and philanthropic labors of mr. grant, at fort hall, in furnishing them with horses. the doctor told these men, as he met them, that his only object in crossing the mountains in the dead of winter, at the risk of his life, and through untold sufferings, was to take back an american emigration that summer through the mountains to the columbia, with their wagons and their teams. the route was practicable. we had taken our wagon, our cattle, and our families through, seven years before. they had nothing to fear; but to be ready on his return. the stopping of wagons at fort hall was a hudson's bay company scheme to prevent the settling of the country by the americans, till they could settle it with their own subjects from the selkirk settlement. this news spread like wildfire through missouri. the doctor pushed on to washington and immediately sought an interview with secretary webster,--both being from the same state,--and stated to him the object of his crossing the mountains, and laid before him the great importance of oregon to the united states. but mr. webster lived too near cape cod to see things in the same light with his fellow-statesman who had transferred his worldly interests to the pacific coast. he awarded sincerity to the missionary, but could not admit for a moment that the short residence of six years could give the doctor the knowledge of the country possessed by governor simpson, who had almost grown up in the country, and had traveled every part of it, and represents it as one unbroken waste of sand deserts and impassable mountains, fit only for the beaver, the gray bear, and the savage. besides, he had about traded it off with governor simpson, to go into the ashburton treaty, for a cod-fishery on newfoundland. "the doctor next sought an interview with president tyler, who at once appreciated his solicitude and his timely representations of oregon, and especially his disinterested though hazardous undertaking to cross the rocky mountains in the winter to take back a caravan of wagons. he said that, although the doctor's representations of the character of the country, and the possibility of reaching it by a wagon route, were in direct contradiction to those of governor simpson, his frozen limbs were sufficient proof of his sincerity, and his missionary character was sufficient guaranty for his honesty, and he would therefore, as president, rest upon these and act accordingly; would detail fremont with a military force to escort the doctor's caravan through the mountains; and no more action should be had toward trading off oregon till he could hear the result of the expedition. if the doctor could establish a wagon route through the mountains to the columbia river, pronounced impossible by governors simpson and ashburton, he would use his influence to hold on to oregon. the great desire of the doctor's american soul, and christian withal, that is, the pledge of the president that the swapping of oregon with england for a cod-fishery should stop for the present, was attained, although at the risk of life, and through great sufferings, and unsolicited, and without the promise or expectation of a dollar's reward from any source. and now, god giving him life and strength, he would do the rest; that is, connect the missouri and columbia rivers with a wagon-track so deep and plain that neither national envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever blot it out[ ]. and when the th of september, , saw the rear of the doctor's caravan of nearly two hundred wagons, with which he started from missouri last of april, emerge from the western shades of the blue mountains upon the plains of the columbia, the greatest work ever accomplished by one man for oregon was finished. and through that great emigration during that whole summer, the doctor was their everywhere-present angel of mercy, ministering to the sick, helping the weary, encouraging the wavering, cheering the mothers, mending wagons, setting broken bones, hunting stray oxen, climbing precipices; now in the rear, now at the front; in the rivers, looking out fords through the quicksands; in the deserts, looking out for water; in the dark mountains, looking out passes; at noontide or midnight, as though those thousands were his own children, and those wagons and flocks were his own property. although he asked not, nor expected, a dollar as a reward from any source, he felt himself abundantly rewarded when he saw the desire of his heart accomplished, the great wagon route over the mountains established, and oregon in a fair way to be occupied with american settlements and american commerce. and especially he felt himself doubly paid, when, at the end of his successful expedition, and standing alive at his home again on the banks of the wallawalla, these hundreds of his fellow summer pilgrims, way-worn and sunbrowned, took him by the hand and thanked him with tears for what he had done. "during the doctor's absence, his flour mill, with a quantity of grain, had been burned, and, consequently, he found but a small supply at his station on his return, raised by mr. geiger, a young man. but what he had in the way of grain, garden vegetables, and cattle, he gladly furnished the needy immigrants at the very low figure of the wallamet prices, which was six hundred per cent. lower than what they had been compelled to pay at forts hall and boise, and one half lower than they are to-day in the same country. and this was his practice every year till himself and wife and fourteen immigrants were murdered in the fall of , because, as vicar-general brouillet says, 'they were american citizens', and not, as i am bold to say and can prove, because he was a physician. shame on the american that will intimate such a thing! this vicar-general of the papal hosts on this coast does not thank you for such an excuse. he tells you plainly it was to break up the american settlements on this coast. "often the good doctor would let every bushel of his grain go to the passing immigrants in the fall, and then would have to depend upon me for breadstuffs for the winter and the whole year till next harvest, for his own large family and the scores of immigrants who every year were obliged to stop at his station on account of sickness or give-out teams. although the doctor had done so much for his country, it seems his blood was necessary to arouse the government to take formal possession of this coast, as it was his death by savages that sent the devoted j. l. meek over the mountains to washington, in the spring of , to beg the government, in behalf of the citizens of this coast, to send us help, and to extend its jurisdiction over us." [footnote ] they reached fort hall in safety, but there, in the absence of dr. whitman from their camp, they were told by captain grant, in the interest of the hudson's bay company, as others had been told before, that it was idle for wagons to attempt to reach the columbia. for a time there was a heaviness of spirit among those families, which, like the israelites of old, had penetrated the depths of the "great and terrible wilderness." but dr. whitman, on ascertaining what had happened, reassured them by his bold and manly words, saying to them, "my countrymen! you have trusted me thus far; believe me now, and i will take your wagons to columbia river;" and he did so, and oregon was saved by his patriotism to the union. chapter xxxviii. petition of the citizens of oregon in .--complaints against the hudson's bay company.--the milling company.--kicking the half-bushel.--land claims of dr. mclaughlin.--names of the signers.--reasons for not signing.--notice, deed, and bond of john mclaughlin.--claim of alvin f. waller. _petition of citizens of oregon in ._ to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled:-- we, the undersigned, settlers south of the columbia river, beg leave respectfully to represent to your honorable body: as has been before represented to your honorable body, we consider ourselves citizens of the united states, and acknowledge the right of the united states to extend its jurisdiction over us; and the object of the present memorial is to ask that the protection of the united states may be extended to us as soon as possible. hitherto, our numbers have been small, and the few difficulties that arose in the settlement were speedily and satisfactorily settled. but, as our settlement increases in numbers, so our difficulties increase in number and importance; and, unless we can have laws to govern us that will be respected and obeyed, our situation will be a deplorable one. where the highest court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property can not be depended on. the state of the country, its climate, resources, soil, productions, etc., has already been laid before your honorable body, in captain wyeth's memoir, and in former memorials from the inhabitants of this place. laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty, and we feel the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by the honorable hudson's bay company, in their opposition to the improvement and enterprise of american citizens. you have been apprised already of their opposition to captain wyeth, bonneville, and others; and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present day. some years ago, when the hudson's bay company owned all the cattle in oregon, they would not sell on any conditions; but they would lend their cows to the settler--he returning to the company the cows loaned, with all the increase; and in case of the death of a cow, he then had the privilege of paying for it. but after the settlers, at great risk and expense, went to california and purchased for themselves, and there was a fair prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the hudson's bay company were willing to sell, and at lower rates than the settlers could sell. in the year , feeling the necessity of having mills erected that could supply the settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the inhabitants formed themselves into a joint-stock company, for the purpose of supplying the growing wants of the community. many of the farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the wallamet, and go six miles above vancouver, on the columbia river, making the whole distance about sixty miles, to get their wheat ground, at a great loss of time and expense. the company was formed and proceeded to select a site. they selected an island at the falls of the wallamet, and concluded to commence their operations. after commencing, they were informed by dr. mclaughlin, who is at the head of the hudson's bay company's affairs west of the rocky mountains, that the land was his, and that he (although a chief factor of the hudson's bay company) claimed all the land on the east side of the wallamet, embracing the falls down to the clackamas river, a distance of about two miles. he had no idea, we presume, that the company would succeed. however, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to build under certain restrictions. they took the paper he wrote them, containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or reasonable. many projects had been started by the inhabitants, but, for want of means and encouragement, failed. this fate was predicted for the milling company. but, after much labor and difficulty, they succeeded in getting a saw-mill erected, and ready to run, and entered into a contract to have a grist-mill erected forthwith. and now, as they have succeeded, where is the hudson's bay company? dr. mclaughlin employs hands to get out a frame for a saw-mill, and erect it at wallamet falls; and we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gearing, which has been made at vancouver, is brought up in boats; and that which cost a feeble company of american citizens months of toil and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the hudson's bay company in a few weeks. he has men and means, and it is said by him that in two weeks his mill will be sawing. and what will be the consequence? why, if the milling company sell for $ per thousand, he can sell for $ ; if they reduce the price to $ , he can come to $ , or $ , or $ per thousand. he says he will have a grist-mill started as soon as he gets the saw-mill in operation. all the wheat in oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to the russians on the northwest coast. in the first place they measured the wheat in a half-bushel, called by them imperial measure, much larger than the standard measure of the united states; this not answering, they next proceeded _to kick the half-bushel with the foot to settle the wheat_; then they brought up a measure larger than the former one; and now they fill this measure, then strike it _three times with a stout club_, and then fill up, and call it fair measure. against such proceedings we need law that will be respected and obeyed. about twelve or fourteen years ago, the hudson's bay company blasted a canal a few feet to conduct water to a mill they were going to build, the timber for which is now lying at the falls rotting. they, however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on the columbia, about six miles above vancouver, on the north side of the river. in the year , agreeably to orders left by mr. slacum, a house was erected at the falls, to secure the claim for him. in , the methodist mission erected buildings at the falls, and stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient land for their buildings, not interfering with any others who might wish to build. a short time previous to this, dr. mclaughlin had a storehouse erected for the company, not occupied, however, further than to store wheat and other articles in, and as a trading-house during the salmon season. after this, in , a shanty was erected, and a man kept at the falls, whose business it was to trade with the indians for furs and salmon, and look out for the doctor's claim, he said, and to forbid persons building at the falls, as some had built, and others were about building. this man was, and still is, a servant of the hudson's bay company. during the years and , several families settled at the falls, when dr. mclaughlin, who still resides at fort vancouver, comes on the ground, and says the land is his, and any person building without his permission is held as a trespasser. without reference to any person's right or claim, he employs a surveyor to run out the plat; and as a bill was before the senate of the united states to grant to every white male inhabitant a mile square, he has a mile run out to suit his views, and lays out a town plat at the falls, and calls it oregon city. although some, for peace's sake, asked him for the lots they had already in possession, and which he appeared very willing to grant, the doctor now felt himself secure, and posted up the annexed paper (marked a), which is the original; and all who had lots were required to pay mr. hastings five dollars for a deed of land which they knew very well the grantor did not own, but that congress will pass a special act granting to each man his lot and improvements. those that applied received (if they had a house on the lot) a deed, a copy of which is annexed (marked b); if they had no house, a bond was given for five dollars, a copy of which is annexed (marked c). to those that applied and paid their five dollars all was right with the doctor; while those who considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no right to direct who should build and who should not, had their lots sold to others. in one case the purchaser came to the original claimant and ordered him to stop digging the ground which he was preparing for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as he had dr. mclaughlin's bond in his pocket for the lots; and if he did not move the fence he would, and take forcible possession. those who desired to have no difficulty, and did not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, the doctor's promise, and all. and mr. hastings (the doctor's agent) is now offering for sale the lots on which part of the mission buildings stand; and if he succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either contend or lose their buildings. dr. mclaughlin has held claims in other places south of the columbia river: at the tualatin plains and clackamas plains he had huts erected, to prevent others from building; and such is the power of dr. mclaughlin, that many persons are actually afraid to make their situation known, thinking, if he hears of it, he will stop their supplies. letters were received here from messrs. ladd & co., of the sandwich islands, in answer to a letter written by the late mr. ewing young, for a few supplies, that orders were received forbidding the company's vessels carrying any goods for the settlers of oregon. every means will be made use of by them to break down every thing that will draw trade to this country, or enable persons to get goods at any other place than their store. one other item, and we are done. when the united states government officers of distinction arrive, vancouver is thrown open, and every facility afforded them. they were even more condescending to the settlers during the time the exploring squadron was in the columbia; nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the honorable hudson's bay company. our indian agent is entirely dependent on them for supplies and funds to carry on his operations. and now your memorialists pray your honorable body that immediate action of congress be taken in regard to this country, and good and wholesome laws be enacted for our territory, as may, in your wisdom, be thought best for the good of the american citizens residing here. and your memorialists will ever pray. robert shortess, a. e. wilson*, w. c. remick*, jeffrey brown, e. n. coombs, reuben lewis, george davis, v. bennett, j. rekener, t. j. hubbard, james a. o'neil, jer. horregon, william mccarty, charles compo, john howard*, r. williams, g. brown, john turner*, theodore pancott, a. f. waller, j. r. robb, j. l. morrison, m. crawford, john anderson, james m. bates, l. h. judson, joel turnham*, richard h. ekin, h. campbell*, james force, w. h. wilson*, felix hathaway*, j. lawson, thomas j. shadden*, joseph gibbs, s. lewis, jr., charles roy, william brown, s. davis, joseph yatten, john hopstatter*, g. w. bellomy*, william brown, a. beers, j. l. parish, william h. gray, a. d. smith*, j. c. bridgers*, aaron cook, a. copeland, s. w. moss, gustavus hines, george w. le breton*, daniel girtman, c. t. arrendrill, a. touner, david carter*, j. j. campbell*, w. johnson*, john edmunds, w. hauxhurst, w. a. pfieffer, j. holman, h. b. brewer, william c. sutton. sixty-five in all. * it is understood that the persons whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are now dead; the balance are supposed to be still living. the foregoing are all the names which appear to the petition printed as senate document , and presented to the senate at the first session of the twenty-eighth congress. w. j. mcdonald, principal clerk of sec'y senate. washington, d. c., jan. , . mr. george abernethy declined to sign this petition through fear of injuring the methodist mission in its secular or business relations with the hudson's bay company. hugh burns would not sign it because he did not wish congress to be asked to confirm his title to lots and improvements. jason lee, though he thought it right to petition congress for protection, yet on account of his position as superintendent of the methodist mission, and the influence of the company against them should he sign it, thought it best not to give his name. dr. i. l. babcock refused, because, by signing, he would lose his influence with the company. walter pomeroy, ditto. dr. bailey _did not wish any protection from the congress of the united states_. rev. h. k. w. perkins was _ashamed_ of the petition. "what does congress care about measuring wheat? or a contest between two milling companies?" george gay did not care any thing about it. congress might do as it pleased; he did not want its protection. the people in tualatin plains did not have an opportunity to sign or refuse for want of time to circulate it in that section. the bearer of it, william c. sutton, was on his way to the states across the rocky mountains. through the influence of dr. white, who had clandestinely procured a copy of the petition and the names attached, and had made an effort to prevent its reaching mr. sutton, it had been delayed, but through the perseverance and promptness of robert shortess and a. e. wilson, it was sent by davis and johnson and some indians in an express canoe, and reached mr. sutton before he left the cascades. for this service to his country and the persevering efforts of mr. shortess to maintain the rights of american citizens in it, he was early placed under the ban of the hudson's bay company, and, it may be added, the methodist mission; and reports prejudicial to him have been freely and persistently kept before the public mind, as also against any others that have taken an active part against the infamous and despotic course of that company. this is to weaken their testimony, and to render them powerless to prevent the present proposed robbing of our national treasury. instead of paying one dime to that company for doing all they dared to do to prevent the settlement of oregon by americans, a pension should be paid to robert shortess and many others who dared to maintain the rights of the american people to this western coast. whitman periled every thing and lost his life to save the country. shortess has periled all, and worn himself out in struggling under an influence that took the life of dr. whitman and many others, for which this hudson's bay company are now to receive pay. it is unnecessary for me to make a single remark in reference to this petition. it is a history in itself of the times and events then occurring. mr. hines refers to it as of little moment, and on page says: "not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, i did not come under the ban of the company; consequently, i obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that i would be refused." we would infer from this, that the hudson's bay company did not regard it as a serious matter, but in the next line he tells us: "we remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and, after a _close conversation with the gentlemen in command_, were treated with great courtesy." this lets us into the whole mystery of the affair. the gentlemen in charge of the fort had become satisfied that mr. hines in his visit among the indians would not interfere with their arrangements already made with mckay and white; in fact, that mr. hines approved of dr. white's policy of uniting the tribes in the interior to accomplish the one great object of the company. the documents that follow are given to show the fact stated in the petition, as also the high-handed measures of the company and dr. mclaughlin. a. notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that those who have obtained grants of lots in oregon city, will be expected to call upon l. w. hastings, my authorized agent at oregon city, and obtain a bond for a deed or deeds, as the case may be. those who hold claims to any lot, and who comply with the above requisite, on or before the first day of february next, will be entitled to their lot or lots; otherwise, the lots upon which they hold a claim will thereafter be subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think proper to make of them. john mclaughlin. january , . oregon city, march , . we, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above notice of john mclaughlin was posted up in the most public places in this town. r. shortess. a. e. wilson. * * * * * b. _deed--john mclaughlin to walter pomeroy._ know all men by these presents, that i, john mclaughlin, of fort vancouver, in the territory of oregon, for and in consideration of the sum of one dollar, to me in hand paid by walter pomeroy, of oregon city, of the territory aforesaid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have this day, and do, by these presents, remit, release, and forever quit claim unto the said pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, all and singular, the following piece, parcel, and lot of land, bounded and described as follows, to wit: commencing at the northeast corner, running thence southerly sixty-six feet to a stake, thence easterly one hundred feet to a stake at the place of beginning, being lot number four, in block number three, in the town of oregon city, in the territory of oregon, which will more fully appear from a reference to the map and plan of said town: to have and to hold the same, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto in any wise appertaining or belonging unto the said pomeroy, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, forever. and i, the said mclaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that i am the true and proper claimant of and to the said premises and lot of land, and that i have in myself full power, good right, and sufficient authority to remit, release, and quit my claim in and to said lot and premises, in manner and form aforesaid. and i, the said mclaughlin, do hereby covenant and agree to warrant and defend the said premises, together with the privileges and appurtenances thereunto appertaining or belonging, to the said pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, _the claims of the government only excepted_. in testimony whereof, i, the said mclaughlin, have hereunto set my hand and affixed my seal, this the d of march, a.d. . john mclaughlin. [l. s.] per l. w. hastings, his agent. we, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge that the above is a true and correct copy of the original. r. shortess. a. e. wilson. * * * * * c. _bond--john mclaughlin to albert e. wilson._ know all men by these presents, that i, john mclaughlin, of fort vancouver, in the territory of oregon, am held and firmly bound unto albert e. wilson, of oregon city, in the territory aforesaid, in the full sum of five hundred dollars, federal money; for the punctual payment of which, well and truly to be made, i bind myself, my heirs, executors or administrators, firmly by these presents. in testimony whereof, i have hereunto below set my hand and affixed my seal, this the th day of december, a.d. . now, know ye, that the condition of the above obligation is such, that whereas the said wilson hath this day, and doth by these presents, purchase of the said mclaughlin all and singular the following pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, namely: lots nos. four and five, in block no. two, in the town of oregon city, in the territory of oregon, as is more fully shown by the map and plan of said town, and hath, and by these presents doth agree to build upon and improve each of the lots within the term of one year from the date of these presents. in consideration of which, the said mclaughlin hath, and doth by these presents covenant and agree to make the said wilson a good and sufficient quit-claim deed for and to all and singular the above-mentioned pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, whenever he, the said wilson, shall have complied with the above conditions on his part. now, if the said mclaughlin shall well and truly make, or cause to be made, the said deed to the said wilson, upon the said wilson's complying on his part with the above condition, then, and in such case, the within obligation shall become entirely void and of no effect; otherwise to be and remain of full force and virtue. john mclaughlin. [l. s.] per l. w. hastings, his agent. we, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge the above to be a true and correct copy of the original. r. shortess. a. e. wilson. our history would not be complete without these documents. it will be noticed in mr. pomeroy's deed, as also all the other deeds given by dr. mclaughlin, that he "warrants and defends" against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, _the claims of the government only excepted_. he would not insert _united states government_, for he expected the english would get the country. he asserts in his deeds, "and i, the said mclaughlin, _for myself_, do vouch and declare that i am the true and proper claimant of, and to the said premises and lot of land, and that i have in myself full power and good right." any one questioning his power and authority was made to feel it in a manner more severe than that of any governor of a state or of the president of the united states. it was unfortunate that, at the time dr. mclaughlin was making his claim to the land and his improvements at oregon city, it was not known that he had, or would, sever his connection with the hudson's bay company, and become an american citizen, as he afterward did. it was his connection with, and apparent control over, the affairs of the company, that created the strong american prejudice against him, and deceived many as to his intentions, besides giving occasion for a strong feeling in favor of rev. mr. waller, who employed a mr. john ricord to prepare a declaration setting forth his claim to that location, as follows:-- "_to the people of oregon:_ "fellow-citizens,--having been retained professionally to establish the claim of mr. alvin f. waller to the tract of land on the east side of the wallamet river, sometimes called the wallamet falls settlement, and sometimes oregon city, i consider it a duty to my client and to the public to state, briefly and concisely, the several circumstances of his case, as they really exist, in order that his motives may not be impugned, nor his intentions misunderstood and misrepresented. "the public are already aware that my client commenced the occupancy of this farm in the spring of a.d. , when no one resided at the falls, and that, in the course of that summer, he built his house, moved his family into it, and cleared and fenced a good portion of the land; from which, in the ensuing years a.d. and , he raised successive crops of corn, potatoes, and other vegetables usually cultivated by farmers. that he remained thus occupying undisturbed, until the month of december, a.d. , about two years and six months, when dr. john mclaughlin caused his farm to be surveyed, for the purpose of selling it in subdivisions to american citizens. it has since been currently reported and quite generally believed that my client had renounced his right in favor of dr. mclaughlin. this i am authorized to contradict, having perused the letter written by mr. waller, which not only contains no renunciation, but, on the contrary, is replete with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises; offering at the same time to relinquish his claim if the doctor would comply with certain very reasonable and just conditions. upon this offer the parties had come to no final conclusion until my arrival in the colony, when dr. mclaughlin attempted to employ me to establish his claim, disregarding the rights of all other persons, which i declined doing. mr. waller thereupon engaged me to submit the conditions a second time to the doctor for his acceptance or rejection, which i did in the following words:-- "' st. that your pre-emptive line be so run as to exclude the island upon which a private company of citizens have already erected a grist-mill, conceding to them as much water as may be necessary for the use of said mills. "' d. that mr. waller be secured in the ultimate title to the two city lots now in his possession and other lots not exceeding in superficial area five acres, to be chosen by him from among the unsold lots of your present survey. "' d. that the rev. mr. lee, on behalf of the methodist episcopal mission, be, in like manner, secured in the lots claimed for the use of said mission.' they consist of church and parsonage lots, and are well known to the public. "i received a letter from dr. mclaughlin, dated november , , in answer to mine, in which he declines complying with the above conditions, and thus puts an end to the offer of my client to relinquish his right of pre-emption. under these circumstances mr. waller has now applied to the supreme court of the united states, which, under the constitution, has original jurisdiction of 'all cases in law and equity, arising under treaties,' to grant him a commission for perpetuating the testimony of the facts in his case, _de bene esse_, in order that whenever congress shall hereafter see fit to prescribe, by law, the conditions and considerations, he may be enabled to demand of the united states a patent; also praying the court to grant him such other relief in the premises as may be consonant with equity and good conscience. "the legality of mr. a. f. waller's claim rests upon the following grounds:-- " st. he was a citizen of the united states, of full age, and possessed of a family when he came to reside on the premises; d. he built a house upon them and moved his family into it, thus becoming in fact and in law a householder on the land; d. he cleared, fenced, and cultivated a portion of it during two years and six months before he was disturbed in his actual possession; and th. that he is not at this moment continuing to cultivate his farm is not his fault, since it was wrested from him. "the illegality of dr. mclaughlin's claim rests upon the following grounds:-- " st. he was a british subject owing allegiance to a foreign power, and has so continued to be ever since the spring of a.d. . for this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the united states. " d. he is chief officer of a foreign corporative monopoly. for this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the united states. " d. he does not now, and never did, reside on the land in question; but, on the contrary, he resides, and has always continued to reside, on the north bank of the columbia river, the section of country actually in dispute between the two governments, about twenty miles from the land claimed by mr. waller, and there he is obliged to remain so long as he continues to be chief factor. " th. he is not in fact the claimant. the hudson's bay company, a foreign corporation, is in fact the claimant, while dr. mclaughlin only lends his name; well knowing that a corporation, even though it be an american one, can not acquire a pre-emption. this is evinced by the employment of men to be his agents, and to sell lots for him, who are at the same time partners in, and receiving dividends and salaries from, the company. " th. the pretensions of dr. mclaughlin arose, if at all, two years and six months after the actual settlement of mr. waller; and therefore they are in direct violation of the treaty of a.d. , converting the mutual and joint occupation into an exclusive occupancy by british subjects. " th. the treaty of joint occupation ( ) does not, and was never intended, on the part of the united states, to confer any rights of citizenship upon foreigners. the power to confer such rights is, by the constitution, reserved to congress. and the right to acquire title by pre-emption is peculiar to citizens. "these, fellow-citizens, are the facts and some of the points of law in my client's case. upon the same principle contended for by dr. mclaughlin, any of you may incur the risk of being ousted from your farms in this colony, by the next rich foreigner who chooses to take a fancy so to do, unless in the first instance you come unanimously forward and resist these usurpations. it is not my client's intention to wrong any who have purchased lots of the doctor; and to guard against the injury which might result to individuals in this respect, i have carefully drawn up the form of a bond for a warrantee deed, which mr. waller is at all times ready, without any further consideration, to execute to any person who has, in good faith, bought of the doctor, prior to the date of this notice, by being applied to at his residence. mr. waller does not require one cent of money to be paid to him as a consideration for his bonds--the trouble, expense, and outlays they have already incurred, with a desire to save all such persons harmless from pecuniary loss, is a good and sufficient consideration in law to bind him in the proposed penalty of one thousand dollars. (see cowan's digest--assumpsit, b). "i am of opinion that mr. waller has rights in the premises, which neither dr. mclaughlin, nor even congress, by any retrospective legislation, can take away from him,--and therefore, fellow-citizens, in sincere friendship, i would counsel you to lose no time in applying to him for your new bonds. "john ricord, "counselor in the supreme court of the united states, and attorney for alvin f. waller. "dated december , ." chapter xxxix. extracts from mr. hines' history.--attempt to capture an indian horse-thief.--dr. mclaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition.--excitement in the settlement.--interview with dr. mclaughlin at vancouver. "april .--information was brought to the settlement from the clackamas tribe of indians, who live three miles below the falls of the wallamet, which served to increase the excitement occasioned by the reports from the interior. it appears that an indian of the molalla tribe, connected with the clackamas indians by marriage, stole a horse from a man by the name of anderson, and when asked by the latter if he had stolen his horse and rode him off, answered, 'yes, i stole your horse, and when i want another one i shall steal him also.' to this anderson replied, 'if you stole my horse you must pay me for him.' 'yes,' said the indian, 'i will pay you for him, take that horse,' pointing to a very poor horse which stood near by, with one eye out, and a very sore back. anderson replied, 'that is a very poor horse, and mine is a good one; i shall not take him, and if you don't bring him back i will report you to dr. white.' 'i am not afraid of dr. white,' said the indian; 'let him come if he wants to, and bring the boston people with him; he will find me prepared for him.' "anderson not being able to effect a settlement with the indian, immediately reported him to the agent, whereupon the latter wrote to a man at the falls, by the name of campbell, to take a sufficient number of men armed with muskets, and go very early in the morning to the indian camp, and take the horse-thief a prisoner, and bring him to the falls. "accordingly, campbell procured five men, and went to the camp as commanded, but found thirty or forty indians painted in the most hideous manner, and armed with muskets, bows and arrows, tomahawks and scalping-knives, and determined at all events to protect the horse-thief, and drive back those that should come to take him. campbell rushed on to take the rogue, but met with much resistance from superiority of numbers; and finding that the enterprise, if urged forward, would terminate in bloodshed, if not in the loss of all their lives, sounded a retreat, and extricating himself from the indians, returned to the falls. he communicated the result of his attempt to dr. white, and the doctor started off immediately in company with g. w. le breton, resolved to capture the thief and bring the tribe to terms." this day's proceedings are given as a specimen of the foolish conduct of dr. white and his friends. "april .--the excitement still continues, former reports having been confirmed, and all were engaged in repairing guns, and securing ammunition. a report was in circulation that dr. mclaughlin refused to grant supplies for any consideration, to all those persons who subscribed the memorial praying the congress of the united states to extend jurisdiction over oregon. if this be so, the american population (as nearly all signed the memorial) will not be able to obtain ammunition, however necessary it may be, as there is none in the country except what may by found within the stockades of vancouver. i think, however, that the report is false. report says, furthermore, that the klikitat indians are collecting together back of the tualatin plains, but for what purpose is not known. the people on the plains, consisting of about thirty families, are quite alarmed. there is also a move among the calapooyas. shoefon, one of the principal men of the tribe, left this place a few days ago, and crossed the wallamet river, declaring that he would never return until he came with a band of men to drive off the boston people. he was very much offended because some of his people were seized and flogged, through the influence of dr. white, for having stolen a horse from some of the missionaries, and flour from the mission mill. his influence is not very extensive among the indians, or we might have much to fear. "the colony is indeed in a most defenseless condition; two hundred indians, divided into four bands, might destroy the whole settlement in one night. "in the evening of the th, dr. white arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls. he and mr. le breton attempted to go to the falls on horseback, but in trying to ford haunchauke river, they found the water so deep they were obliged to swim, and the doctor turned his horse's head and came out the side he went in; but le breton, being the better mounted of the two, succeeded in gaining the opposite shore; and having the doctor's letters in his possession, continued on to the falls. the doctor returned to the settlement. le breton returned the following day, and brought information from the five men who had attempted to take the indian who had stolen anderson's horse, that soon after their retreat the indians became alarmed and broke up in great haste; but, before they left, they informed anderson that the horse they had stolen from him was worn out and good for nothing, and tying a good horse to a tree near anderson's house, they told him that he must take that and be satisfied. they then hurried away, saying that they should not be seen in that region again. it was ascertained that the clackamas indians had nothing to do with the stolen horse; that it was a band of the molallas, the very same rascals that stole a horse from me two years before, and after having him in their possession several weeks, brought him down within a few miles of my house, where they encamped, and where i went with one man and took him from the midst of more than fifty grim-looking savages." this shows at least that mr. hines had personal courage. "on the th of april a letter was received in the settlement, written by h. b. brewer, at the dalles, which brings the latest intelligence from the infected region. this letter states that the indians in the interior talk much of war, and mr. brewer urges dr. white to come up without delay, and endeavor to allay the excitement. he does not inform us that the indians design any evil toward the whites, but says that the war is to be between themselves, but that the boston people have much to fear. as the doctor, in his visit to the interior last october, left an appointment to meet the wallawalla indians and the cayuses, in their own country, on the th of may, and believing that a great share of the excitement originated in a misunderstanding of the indians, he came to the conclusion at all hazards to go among them. at the solicitation of the agent, i determined to accompany him on the expedition. "the great complaint of the indians was that the boston people designed to take away their lands, and reduce them to slavery. this they had inferred from what dr. white had told them in his previous visit; and this misunderstanding of the indians had not only produced a great excitement among them, but had occasioned considerable trouble betwixt them and the missionaries and other whites in the upper country, as well as influencing them to threaten the destruction of all the american people. individuals had come down from fort wallawalla to vancouver, bringing information of the excited state of things among the indians, and giving out that it would be extremely dangerous for dr. white to go up to meet his engagements. their opinion was, that in all probability he and the party which he might think proper to take with him would be cut off. but it was the opinion of many judicious persons in the settlement, that the welfare of the indians, and the peace and security of the whites, demanded that some persons qualified to negotiate with the indians should proceed immediately to the scene of disaffection, and if possible remove the cause of the excitement by correcting the error under which the indians labored. accordingly dr. white engaged twelve men besides myself, mostly french-canadians who had had much experience with indians, to go with him; but a few days before the time fixed upon to start had arrived, they all sent him word that they had decided not to go. they were doubtless induced to pursue this course through the influence of dr. mclaughlin and the catholic priests." most likely, mr. hines, but you seem to be afraid to express a decided opinion, even after they have accomplished their object. "when the day arrived for starting, we found ourselves abandoned by every person who had engaged to go, except mr. g. w. le breton, an american, one indian boy, and one kanaka. with the two latter the doctor and myself left the wallamet settlement on the th of april, , and proceeded on horseback to the butte, where we found le breton in waiting for us. he had provided a canoe and a few pieces of pork and beef for our use on the voyage. "here we met a letter from dr. john mclaughlin, at vancouver, discouraging us from our undertaking in view of the difficulties and dangers attending such an expedition; but we had counted the cost, and were not to be diverted from our purpose, though danger stared us in the face. we supposed that if the indians entertained any hostile intentions against the whites in general, there could be no better way to defeat their purposes than to go among them; convince them that they had no grounds of fear; and that the whites, instead of designing to bring them into subjection, were desirous of doing them good. prevented by one thing and another from setting sail, on the night of the th we slept on a bank of sand at the butte, and next day proceeded in our little canoe down to wallamet falls, where we continued until the th. here we received another package from dr. mclaughlin, giving us information that rev. mr. demerse, a catholic priest, had just come down from the upper country, bringing intelligence that the indians are only incensed against the boston people; that they have nothing against the french and king george people; they are not mad at them, but are determined that the boston people shall not have their lands, and take away their liberties. "on receiving this intelligence from mr. demerse, dr. mclaughlin advised the frenchmen, who had engaged to go with dr. white, to have nothing to do with the quarrel, to remain quiet at home, and let the americans take care of themselves. he also expressed, in his letter, the opinion that all the people should remain quiet, and in all probability the excitement among the indians would soon subside. "not seeing sufficient reason to change our course, on the morning of the th we left our hospitable friends at the falls and continued our course down the wallamet toward vancouver. at noon we had sailed twenty miles, and stopped for dinner within five miles of the mouth of the wallamet, on a low piece of ground, overgrown with luxuriant grass, but which is always overflowed at the rise of the columbia, or about the first of june. weighed anchor after dinner, and at four o'clock, p.m., arrived at vancouver. called on dr. mclaughlin for goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommodation on our voyage up the columbia, and, though he was greatly surprised that, under the circumstances, we should think of going among those excited indians, yet he ordered his clerks to let us have whatever we wanted. however, we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on account of our going among the indians of the interior, as in consequence of a certain memorial having been sent to the united states congress, implicating the conduct of dr. mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company, and bearing the signature of seventy americans. i inquired of the doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those americans who had signed that document; he replied that he had not, but that the authors of the memorial need expect no more favors from him. _not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, i did not come under the ban of the company_; consequently i obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that i would be refused. "we remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and after a close conversation with the gentleman in command, were treated with great courtesy." chapter xl. a combination of facts.--settlers alive to their danger.--mr. hines' disparagement of the methodist mission.--indians want pay for being whipped.--indian honesty.--mr. hines' opinion of the indians' religion.--mr. geiger's advice.--dr. mclaughlin's answer to yellow serpent.--baptiste doreo.--four conflicting influences. we now have before us a combination of facts and statements that no one living at the time they occurred will attempt to deny. shortess and others still live to vouch for the truth of what is written. if mr. hines has shown the least partiality in his writings, it is strongly in favor of influences that were operating against him and the cause he advocated; while such men as rogers, le breton, wilson, whitman, and others still living, spoke and acted the american sentiment of the country. mr. hines and dr. white had received two packages from dr. mclaughlin advising them not to go to the interior, and the jesuit priest, demerse, had come down bringing word that the "quarrel" was not with the _french_ and _english_, and that dr. mclaughlin advised his frenchmen to remain at home and let the americans take care of themselves. mr. brewer is deceived as to the cause of the war rumors about him, and seems solicitous only about the indians. with all these facts, as given by mr. hines, with his ability and experience, we are at a loss to understand how it is that he could take notes and publish, in , statements as above quoted, and then proceed with the account that follows, rather excusing dr. mclaughlin and the priests in the part they are taking in attempting to crush the american settlement, and actually aiding the hudson's bay company in combining and marshaling the savages to weaken and destroy his countrymen! the writer does not believe he intended to do any thing of the kind, yet the influences brought to bear upon him were such that he became an active instrument with dr. white to accomplish the one great object of the hudson's bay company and english government, and becomes the apologist for a premeditated and deliberate murder of his countrymen. the whitman massacre he does not even mention. the settlers were alive to their danger. they had no head, no organization, no one to look to for supplies or protection. they knew that the sub-agent of the united states government was the dupe of their worst enemy, and had betrayed them. they knew that it was the policy and disposition of the missions to keep them under their control. we are fully aware of the fact that the leading clergymen of all the missions attempt to deny the position above stated. but in the covenant of mr. griffin with mr. munger, he admits that the articles of compact and arrangement of the various missionary societies all affirm the one principle, that laymen or members of their societies were subject to the orders and dictation of the clergymen, not only in religious, but all financial and secular matters,--hence the disposition and determination on the part of these clerical gentlemen to govern the early settlement of the country. the hudson's bay company system of absolute government was favorable to this idea. the jesuit priests, who combined their influence with the company, all contributed to oppress and keep down the settler. while the priests were active in combining and preparing the indians in middle oregon to rob and destroy the emigrant on his lonely, weary, toilsome way to this country, their agents and principal clerks were equally active in shaping matters in the various neighborhoods and settlements west of the cascades. on the th page of mr. hines' book he gives us a short summary of the labors of revs. daniel lee, h. k. w. perkins, and mr. h. b. brewer: "they are laboring to establish a permanent mission at this place [the dalles] for the benefit of the indians, but with doubtful success." that the methodist mission should be misled and become inefficient is not to be wondered at when such men as mr. hines, holding the position and assuming a controlling influence as he did, should express himself in the language quoted above. the "doubtful success" attending all the missionary labors of the methodist mission was unquestionably attributable to the opinions of just such men, privately and publicly expressed, with corresponding "doubtful" and divided labors, while the ignorance of the religious supporters of the roman missions enabled them to deceive their neophytes and patrons, and keep up their own missions and destroy those of the protestants. soon after mr. hines and party arrived at the dalles, some twenty indians assembled to have a talk with dr. white, who had in his visit in the fall of prevailed upon this band to organize an indian government by appointing one high chief and three subordinates to see that all violators of his rules were punished by being flogged for offenses that formerly were considered trifling and evidence of native cunning and smartness. as was to be expected, some of the indians would resist and use their knives and weapons in their own defense. there is an interesting incident related by mr. hines, in reference to indian character, on his th page:-- "the indians want pay for being whipped, in compliance with dr. white's laws, the same as they did for praying to please the missionaries, during the great indian revival of . those appointed by dr. white were desirous that his regulations should continue, because they placed the people under their absolute control, and gave them the power to regulate all their intercourse with the whites, and with the other indian tribes. but the other influential men who were not in office desired to know of dr. white of what benefit this whipping system was going to be to them. they said they were willing it should continue, provided they were to receive shirts and pants and blankets as a reward for being whipped. they had been whipped a good many times and had got nothing for it, and it had done them no good. if this state of things was to continue, it was all _cultus_, good for nothing, and they would throw it away. the doctor wished them to understand that they need not expect pay for being flogged when they deserved it. they laughed at the idea, and separated." just here the writer will give one other incident, related of yallop, an indian belonging to the same tribe, as stated by rev. mr. condon, of the dalles:-- "yallop was requested to remain at the house of mr. joslin during the absence of the family, one cold day, and see that nothing was disturbed, with the understanding that he was to go into the house and make himself comfortable till the family returned. on coming home they found the indian outdoors under a tree, cold and nearly frozen. they inquired the reason of his strange conduct, and wanted to know why he did not stay in the house. yallop said he went into the house and found every thing so nice and comfortable that by and by the old indian came into him again and he wanted to steal all there was in the house, and the only way he could get over that feeling was to go out under the tree in the cold." mr. hines, in speaking of this same band, says, th page: "as a matter of course, lying has much to do in their system of trade, and he is the best fellow who can tell the biggest lie, make men believe it, and practice the greatest deception. a few years ago a great religious excitement prevailed among these indians, and nearly the whole tribe, consisting of a thousand, professed to be converted, were baptized, and received into the christian church; but they have nearly all relapsed into their former state, with the exception that many of them still keep up the outward form of religion. "their religion appears to be more of the head than of the heart, and though they are exceedingly vicious, yet doubtless they would be much worse than they are, but for the"--("doubtful success," as mr. hines affirms on his th page, while here he says)--"_restraining influences_ exerted by the missionaries." mr. hines has given us an interesting history of those early missionary labors, but the greater portion of his book relates to himself,--to his travels on shipboard, and at the sandwich islands, a trip to china and back to new york, and his trip to the interior of oregon. he says: "the cayuse indians, among whom this mission is established, had freely communicated to mr. geiger, whom they esteemed as their friend, all they knew concerning it. when the indians were told that the americans were designing to subjugate them and take away their land, the young chiefs of the cayuse tribe were in favor of proceeding immediately to hostilities. they were for raising a large war party and rushing directly down to the wallamet settlement and cutting off the inhabitants at a blow. they frequently remarked to mr. geiger that they did not wish to go to war, but if the americans came to take away their lands and make slaves of them they would fight so long as they had a drop of blood to shed. they said they had received their information concerning the designs of the americans from baptiste doreo, who is a half-breed son of madame doreo,--the heroine of washington irving's 'astoria,'--understands the nez percé language well, and had given the cayuses the information that had alarmed them. mr. geiger endeavored to induce them to prepare early in the spring to cultivate the ground as they did the year before, but they refused to do any thing, saying that baptiste doreo had told them that it would be of no consequence; that the americans would come in the summer and kill them all off and destroy their plantations. "after doreo had told them this story, they sent a wallawalla chief--yellow serpent--to vancouver, to learn from dr. mclaughlin the facts in the case. "yellow serpent returned and told the cayuses that dr. mclaughlin said he had nothing to do in a war with the indians; that he did not believe the americans designed to attack them, and that if the _americans did go to war with the indians, the hudson's bay company would not assist them_. after they got this information from the emakus myohut (big chief), the indians became more calm. many of them went to cultivating the ground as formerly, and a large number of little patches had been planted and sown before we arrived at the station." mr. hines soon learned that the reports about war that had reached the lower country were not without foundation. that the indians still had confidence in mr. geiger, and that they did not wish to go to war. the reader will observe the statement of the indians after they had told mr. geiger they would fight if forced to do so. "they," the indians, "said they had received their information concerning the designs of the americans from baptiste doreo." this half-breed is also an interpreter of the hudson's bay company, and an important leader among the half-breeds--next to thomas mckay. after doreo had told them his story, the indians were still unwilling to commence a war against the americans. they sent a messenger to vancouver to consult dr. mclaughlin, just as those same indians in went to mr. mckinley, then in charge of fort wallawalla, and wanted to know of him, if it was not good for them to drive dr. whitman and mr. gray away from that station because the doctor refused to pay them for the land the mission occupied? mr. mckinley understood their object, and was satisfied that there were outside influences that he did not approve of, and told the indians, "yes, you are braves; there is a number of you, and but two of them and two women and some little children; you can go and kill them or drive them away; you go just as quick as you can and do it; but if you do i will see that you are punished." the indians understood mr. mckinley. whitman and gray were not disturbed after this. dr. john mclaughlin we believe to have been one of the noblest of men while he lived, but, like messrs. hines, white, burnett, newell, spalding, and many others, influences were brought to bear upon him that led him to adopt and pursue a doubtful if not a crooked course. it was evident to any one conversant with the times of which we are writing that there were at least four elements or influences operating in the country, viz., the unasserted or _quasi_ rights of the american government; the coveted and actual occupancy of the country by the english hudson's bay company and subjects, having the active civil organization of that government; the occupancy of the country by the american missions; and the coveted occupancy of the same by the roman jesuit missions. these four influences could not harmonize; there was no such thing as a union and co-operation. the struggle was severe to hold and gain the controlling influence over the natives of the country, and shape the settlements to these conflicting views and national and sectarian feelings. the american settler, gaining courage and following the example and the track of the american missionaries with their wives, winds his way over the mountains and through the desert and barren plains down the columbia river and through the cascade mountains,-- weary, way-worn, naked, and hungry. in one instance, with his rifle upon his shoulder, and his wife and three children mounted upon the back of his last ox, he plods his weary way through oregon city, and up the wallamet, to find his future home; and there the warm heart of the early missionary and his family is ready to feed, clothe, and welcome the wanderer to this distant part of our great national domain, in order that he may aid in securing oregon to its rightful inhabitants, and in forming a fifth power that shall supersede and drive away all foreign influences. for a time the struggle with the four influences was severe and doubtful; but men who had crossed the rocky and cascade mountains with ox-teams, were not made to give up their country's cause in the hour of danger, though britain and rome, with their savage allies, joined to subdue and drive them from it. with the british hudson's bay company, roman jesuit missions, savage indians, american missions, and american settlers the struggle is continued. chapter xli. governor simpson and dr. whitman in washington.--interviews with daniel webster and president tyler.--his cold reception in boston by the american board.--conducts a large emigration safely across the rocky mountains into oregon.--the "memorial half-century volume."--the oregon mission ignored by the american board.--dr. mclaughlin.--his connection with the hudson's bay company.--catholic cayuses' manner of praying.--rev. c. eells.--letter from a. l. lovejoy.--description of whitman's and lovejoy's winter journey from oregon to bent's fort on the arkansas river. governor simpson, of the hudson's bay company, had reached washington and been introduced to mr. webster, then secretary of state, by the british minister. all the influence a long-established and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the english government, can command, is brought to bear upon the question of the northwestern boundary. the executive of the american republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the nation. just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-visaged, vigorous, off-hand sort of a man, appeared at the department in his mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in the mountains, and on his way to washington he had not stopped for a moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. it is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and desert regions of the rocky mountains, to accomplish which was to defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the briton, "_that no power could make known to his government the purposes of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the prize they sought_." while they were counting on wealth, power, influence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of himself or of his ridiculous appearance before the great daniel webster and the president of a great nation, sought an interview with them and stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the hudson's bay company and the british government: that their representations of this country were false in every respect as regards its agricultural, mineral, and commercial value to the nation; that it was only to secure the country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in circulation by their emissaries and agents; that a wagon road to the pacific was practicable; that he had, in , in opposition to all their false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to boise; and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in , been taken to the wallamet valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot an emigration to the country that would forever settle the question beyond further dispute. he asserted that a road was practicable, and the country was invaluable to the american people. mr. webster coolly informed him that he had his mind made up; he was ready to part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in maine and the fisheries on the banks of newfoundland. there was but one other hope in this case. this old off-hand oregon missionary at once sought an interview with president tyler. he repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, we may add, total ignorance of all that related to this vast country, was of small moment. but that dr. whitman (for the reader has already guessed the name of our missionary) stood before the president of the united states the only representative of oregon and all her future interests and greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and without a parallel self-periled representative, pleading simply for delay in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country,--that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined influences brought against him,--can only be attributed to that overruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he represented, should be sustained. mr. tyler, after listening to the doctor's statements with far more candor and interest than mr. webster was disposed to do, informed him that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements from gentlemen of the hudson's bay company and the british minister, then in washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation and estimate of the value of the country to the american people. he said: "dr. whitman, in accordance with your representations and agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. an escort shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to conduct to that distant country." it is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devoted missionary's reception and treatment, on his arrival in boston, derogatory to the board whom he had served so faithfully for seven years. instead of being received and treated as his labors justly entitled him to be, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expense, and for dangers incurred without order or instructions or permission from the mission to come to the states. most of his reverend associates had, as the writer is credibly informed, disapproved of his visit to washington, being ignorant of the true cause of his sudden determination to defeat, if possible, the british and jesuitical designs upon the country; hence, for economical and prudential reasons, the board received him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, causing a chill in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his statements, and most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean labors. his request at washington to save this richest jewel of our nation from british rule is granted, while the american board of commissioners for foreign missions is appealed to in vain for aid to save the indians and the country from becoming the boast of the italian jesuit, and a prey to his degrading superstitions. the doctor's mission, with all its accumulated influence, labors, and importance, is left to be swallowed up and destroyed by the same influence that had divided and destroyed that of the methodist mission. dr. whitman disposed of his own little private property in the states, and, with the aid of his brother and brother's son, returned to missouri, joined the emigration of , and, as he had intimated to president tyler, brought on an emigration outnumbering all the hudson's bay company had brought to aid in securing the country to the british crown, proving to the american people and the world, what had long been asserted as impossible, that there was a practicable wagon road to the pacific ocean on american soil. his care, influence, aid, and attention to the emigration of , i leave with those who can speak from personal observation. their gratitude and deep sympathy for this self-devoted, faithful, and generous missionary led five hundred of them with uplifted hand to say they were ready with their own life-blood to avenge his death, and protect and defend the country. but influences, such as we have been speaking of, came in, justice was robbed of its right, and crime and murder permitted to go unpunished. the cause in which dr. whitman enlisted, labored, and fell a victim, is allowed to suffer and fall, and in a memorial volume of the american board, page , a false impression is given to the world, and a whole mission ignored. in this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up "memorial half-century volume," justly claiming much credit for the fifty past years of its labors, this board has ignored all its errors and mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to oblivion, so far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a vast indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their record, further than as "rev. samuel parker's exploring tour beyond the rocky mountains, under the direction of the board, in , , and , brought to light _no field for a great and successful mission_, but it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as having made known a practicable route for a _railroad_ from the mississippi to the pacific." this shows a want of candor and also a disposition to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the indian tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised and superseded by jesuits; giving their enemies the benefit of that influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary cause. such being the case, we are not to wonder at the cold reception of dr. whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who compassed the early destruction of that mission; and, failing to destroy the american settlement, that they should now seek to rob our national treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. after being defeated by the american settlers in the organization of the provisional government in , by the provisional army of - , they now come forward with the most barefaced effrontery and claim millions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. they have fallen to the lowest depths of crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no real value. as we said when speaking of the "combination of influences and no harmony," we believe dr. john mclaughlin to have been one of the best and noblest of men; yet the governing power of the hudson's bay company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. do you ask me how i know this? i answer, by the oaths of good and true american citizens, and by my own personal knowledge. these depositions or statements under oath but few of the readers of this history will ever see. in this connection we will give part of one deposition we listened to and penciled down from the mouth of the witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of dr. mclaughlin from the fall of till his death. this witness, in answer to the inquiry as to what dr. mclaughlin told him about the hudson's bay company's encouraging the early settlement of oregon, said dr. mclaughlin _had not encouraged the american settlement of the country_, but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must have suffered had he not furnished supplies on a credit; that he could have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there were those above him who _strongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the country by american citizens_, and thus give to the united states government an element of title to the country; the united states government could not have a title to the country without such settlement, and these persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the hudson's bay company's house in london; that he ascertained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still continued to furnish the supplies, because, _as a man of common humanity_, he could not do otherwise; and he resolved that he would continue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it; that the company's managing and controlling office in london did finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already stated, and for reasons indicated; that he represented to them the circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man of _common humanity it was not possible for him to do otherwise than as he did_; that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it aided in the american settlement of the country, but that this he could not help, and it was not for him but for god and government to look after and take care of the consequences; that the bible told him, "if thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he is naked, clothe him;" that these settlers were not even enemies; that in thus finding fault with him they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, "i do not know as that was the exact expression or word") _for doing what any one truly worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do_, and that he immediately concluded by indignantly saying, "_gentlemen, if such is your order, i will serve you no longer_," and from that day oregon secured a warm and faithful friend in that old white-headed man, and he a base and infamous enemy in those who claimed the title of the honorable hudson's bay company, who in are claiming all the credit and pay for this old man's generous and noble deeds. the readers of our history will excuse this interruption in the order of events, or rather the introduction of this testimony at this time in our sketches, for we shall still have to speak of dr. mclaughlin as the head of the hudson's bay company, and continue him as a representative of that influence, as also connected with the roman catholic efforts in the country; for while we condemn and speak of base and infamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the noble. we have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plans, the vast influence used, and efforts made, _to prevent the american settlement of this country_, which shall be brought to light as we proceed. one other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above referred to. dr. mclaughlin informed his attorney "that he had proposed to the company's authority in london, that if they would allow him to retain the profits upon the supplies and advances made as above mentioned to the settlers, he would very cheerfully personally assume the payment to the company of all the sums thus advanced, but this the company declined to do." the witness said: "my memory is not very distinct, at least, not so much as it is as to the statement above made, but my recollection is that he also informed me that the company, although it refused to permit him to retain the profits above mentioned, did hold him responsible for every dollar of the advances he made, and i do know that he regarded and treated the debts thus owing by american citizens as debts owing not to the hudson's bay company, but to himself individually." dr. mclaughlin charges ingratitude upon those who were able to, and did not pay him, and were guilty of denouncing him as an aristocrat. he was no aristocrat, but one of the kindest, most obliging, and familiar men; yet his tall, erect, and noble frame, a head covered with white hair, a long white beard, light complexion, rather spare but open countenance, with a full light blue or gray eye, made the coward and the mean man hate him, while the truly noble man would love him for his generous and unbounded benevolence. like dr. whitman, the influences around him weighed heavily upon his soul; he keenly felt the pain of ingratitude in others; he felt it from the hudson's bay company, whom he had faithfully served, and from the persons he had befriended. an attempt was made by a member of the company, who had previously sworn to the justness of their infamous claims, to excite the sectarian prejudice of the witness against dr. mclaughlin on his cross-examination, by handing to the company's attorney the following questions to be asked the witness:-- _ques._--"do you not recollect that dr. mclaughlin told you that sir george simpson's complaint against him was his allowing a credit of ten thousand pounds sterling to bishop blanchet, of the catholic mission, without any security?" _ans._--"this is the first time i have heard of that transaction." _ques._--"do you not know from what dr. mclaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the catholic mission while in charge of the company's business?" _ans._--"i do not." in reference to the last two questions and answers, in looking over the items of account against our government, something over this amount is stated as an item of claim for improvements and a catholic church building and two schoolhouses at vancouver, as having been made by the hudson's bay company for the catholic missions and the benefit of the company's business, which are still standing and in possession of the priests and nuns of that order. this matter should be closely investigated. we have abundance of other evidence to show the intimate and continued connection of the jesuit missions with the company, and we look upon this attempt to change the responsibility of that connection from the company to dr. mclaughlin's individual account, as among the basest of their transactions. the jesuitical catholic concern was a child of their own, and one they are still nursing in all their vast dominions. they made use of dr. mclaughlin as long as they could, and when they found he was inclined to favor the american settlement of the country, he fell under the displeasure of his superiors and was called to an account. these facts explain the careful and repeated injunctions, and positive directions given to the early missionaries not to interfere with the hudson's bay company's trade, _and by no means to encourage the settlement of white men about their stations, compelling those white men to become subject to, and connected with, the missions_. they also explain the reasons for the extreme caution exercised by the company over the supplies granted to the american missions. they invariably limited them to the smallest possible necessity, and by this means sought to prevent the settlement of the country. it also explains fully the complaint of rev. mr. griffin in his effort for an independent mission, and shows conclusively the continued effort of the company to check as much as possible the progress of the settlement, as also the desperate effort they made in to destroy the missions and all american settlements; and more than this, it explains the continued wars with all the indians who have ever been under the influence of the company, or their _pet child, the jesuit missions_. the hudson's bay company had no fault to find with dr. mclaughlin, except in his refusing to carry out their base designs upon the american settlers and for the assistance he rendered upon his own responsibility to the naked and starving immigrants that grant, at fort hall, with the indians along the route, had combined to deceive and rob, while on the way to the country. this old, white-headed man, who had served them for forty years, _was compelled_, in maintaining his honor as a man possessing one noble feeling of humanity, to leave their service. what think you, kind reader, of the hudson's bay company's kindness and generosity to the american settler, when this same company held this old faithful servant of theirs individually responsible for every dollar, principal and profits, of the supplies his generous heart, claiming to be humane, was induced to advance to the early settler in the hour of his greatest need? will you vote and pay a tax to pay claims of such a company, when one of the managing partners is still base enough to say, "it was a neglect of the company's agent, after dr. mclaughlin's decease, that they did not present their accounts for payment to the doctor's heirs or administrator before the year's notice was up. it was now too late, and it was lost to the company unless they could get it allowed by the united states government?" we justly deprecate piracy, slavery, highway robbery, and indian massacres. in what light shall we hold a company and government, who have pursued a course directly and indirectly calculated to produce all these, and with the uplifted hand say they are entitled to pay for such conduct? but we must still refer to dr. mclaughlin as representing the hudson's bay company, as we proceed with our history of events, agencies, men, and things occurring in . dr. whitman is on his way back to oregon with eight hundred and seventy-five persons, with all their equipments and cattle. simpson is foiled and disappointed at washington. hines and dr. white are among the upper columbia indians. dr. mclaughlin and the french-canadians and priests are in commotion about the effort to organize the settlement into a provisional government, and the influence the americans appear to be gaining over the indians. piopiomoxmox (yellow serpent) has returned and reported to the cayuses the result of his visit to dr. mclaughlin, and the determination of the company that, in case of a war with the americans, "_they would not aid the americans_, but let them take care of themselves." the old indian chiefs had advised the young men to wait and see what the future designs of the americans were; while the jesuits had been careful to impress upon the savage mind their peculiar sectarian notions and prejudices, as illustrated by the religious instructions given by the priests to the cayuses. the rev. h. k. w. perkins called at young chief's (tawatowe) lodge, and was informed on entering, that they had not yet had their morning prayer. the chief caused a bell to be rung, at the sound of which all his band came together for devotion. tawatowe then said to mr. perkins: "we are catholics, and our worship is different from yours." he then fell upon his knees, all the rest kneeling and facing him. the chief had a long string of beads on his neck to which was attached a brass cross. after all were knelt, they devoutly crossed themselves, and commenced their prayer as follows: "we are poor, we are poor," repeating it ten times, and then closing with "good father, good son, good spirit," and then the chief would slip a bead on the string. this was continued until all the beads were removed from one part of the string to the other. when this mock devotion closed, tawatowe said: "this is the way in which the priest taught us to worship god;" but elijah (a boy that had been educated at the methodist indian school) said that "tawatowe and his band prayed from the head, but we [meaning his own wallawalla tribe] pray from the heart." since writing the above, we have found in the _missionary herald_ of december, , page , a letter from rev. c. eells, formerly of the spokan mission. in speaking of dr. whitman's visit to the states, he says: "mr. walker and myself were decidedly opposed, and we yielded only when it became evident that he would go, even if he became disconnected with the mission in order to do so. according to the understanding of the members of the mission, the single object of dr. whitman in attempting to cross the continent in the winter of - , amid mighty perils and sufferings, was to make a desperate effort to save this country to the united states." we are not much surprised at mr. eells' ignorance of influences operating in this country. his fears and caution have made him unreasonably timid. he is always so fearful that he will do or say something wrong, that the saving of this country to our government, and an attempt on the part of his associates to counteract roman catholic superstitions and maintain the influence of the protestant religion on our western coast, are opposed by him and his equally timid associate. he has not the frankness or courage to state the whole truth in the case, as developed in mr. treat's remarks, who, after giving mr. eells' letter, says: "_it was not simply an american question, however_;" it was at the same time a protestant question. he [dr. whitman] was fully alive to the efforts which the roman catholics were making to gain the mastery on the pacific coast, and he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interests of the hudson's bay company, with a view to this very end. the danger from this quarter [which messrs. eells and walker could never see, or, if they did, were too timid to speak or act] had made a profound impression upon his mind. under date of april , , he said: "in the autumn of , i pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations." it is in reference to the facts above quoted from dr. whitman's letter--made in our presence to those timid associates--that we say they were cowards in not speaking and acting as they should have done at that time, and since his death. the following letter from general a. l. lovejoy gives further proof of dr. whitman's efforts to save oregon to his country:-- portland, oregon, november , . _william h. gray, esq.:_ my dear sir,--your note of the th ult., making inquiries touching the journey of the late dr. marcus whitman to the united states from this coast in the winter of and ' , and his reception at washington, and by the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from home. true, i was the traveling companion of the doctor in that arduous and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, through a hostile indian country, as well as suffering much from the intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the rocky mountains in midwinter. previous to our leaving wailatpu, i often had conversations with the doctor touching the prospects of this coast. the doctor was alive to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country properly represented at washington, and, after some arrangements, we left wailatpu, october , , overland, for the eastern states. we traveled rapidly, and reached fort hall in eleven days, and remained only a day or two and made some few purchases; took a guide and left for fort wintee, as the doctor changed from a direct route to one more southern through the spanish country, _via_ taos and santa fé. on our way from fort hall to fort wintee we met with terribly severe weather; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much time. after reaching fort wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started on our journey for fort macumpagra, situate on the waters of grand river, in the spanish country. here again our stay was very short. we simply made some few purchases, took a new guide, and left for taos. after being out some four or five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. a deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost impossible to reach it. after reaching the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared off intensely cold. it was with much difficulty that we made our way up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather. our next effort was more successful, and after spending several days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further. this was a terrible blow to the doctor. he was determined not to give it up without another effort. and we at once agreed that the doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new guide, and that i should remain in camp with the animals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide. we were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows at rather a snail's pace. nothing occurred of much importance, other than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed us, the grand river, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third across. the current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream remained open, although the weather was intensely cold. this stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its present condition. but the doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. he mounted his horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. away they went completely under water--horse and all; but directly came up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream--leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his side. the guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed the doctor's example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire. with our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached taos in about thirty days. we suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of provisions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach. we remained at taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and left for bent's fort, on the headwaters of the arkansas river, where we arrived about the third day of january, . the doctor left here on the th, at which time we parted, and i did not meet him again until some time in the month of july, above fort laramie, on his way to oregon with a train of emigrants. the doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at washington and by the board of missions at boston. the doctor had several interviews with president tyler, secretary webster, and many members of congress, touching the interests of oregon. he urged the immediate termination of the treaty with great britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws of the united states, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast. he felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want of knowledge concerning oregon, and the wants of this country, though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed anxious to obtain every information which he could give them; and i have no doubt, the doctor's interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of oregon and the entire coast. but his reception at boston was not so cordial. the board censured him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the year. the doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens to emigrate to the pacific coast. after his exertions in this behalf, he left for independence, missouri, and started for oregon with a large emigrant train some time in the month of may. with his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of october (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground. the indians were very hostile about the doctor's leaving at the time he did, and i have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his destruction--the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, mrs. whitman, and many others--were then sown by those haughty and savage cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward. as to your fourth inquiry relative to the cayuse war. it is a long time since these events took place; and most of them are on record, and have passed into the history of the country; so that i would not like to make many statements from memory, although i was an adjutant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to equip the first company, which was dispatched to the dalles the day after the sad news of the massacre reached oregon city. there being no supplies at oregon city suitable to fit out this company, the commissioners proceeded at once to fort vancouver to procure supplies for an outfit. the hudson's bay company refused to let us have any thing on account of the government; but would on our joint and several note, to the amount of $ , , which was cheerfully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed on to its destination, and reached the dalles in time to prevent further bloodshed at that place by the red devils. yours, with great respect, a. l. lovejoy. w. h. gray, esq., astoria, oregon. chapter xlii. assembly of the nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--mock fight.--council with the indians.--speeches by yellow serpent, tilokaikt, the prince, and illutin.--the secret of the whole difficulty.--john, the kanaka.--a cow for a horse.--killing of a medicine woman. we will return to rev. mr. hines' narrative of his trip among the cayuses, may , . "as the indians refused to come together unless ellis and his men came down to meet us, we informed them that we would go up and see ellis in his own country; but being suspicious that we intended to prevent his coming down, they were much opposed to our going. explaining to the chiefs the object of our visit, they seemed to be satisfied." we have, in this short statement of mr. hines, an important fact. the cayuse indians had been instructed what to do; they were not to be diverted by any arrangements of the sub-agent. notwithstanding, the agent and mr. hines had learned that ellis was coming with several hundred warriors, they knew not for what purpose, some saying to make war upon the cayuses, and they had determined to prevent the meeting of the two tribes if possible. during their absence the cayuses all collected not far from dr. whitman's, and were waiting the arrival of the nez percés. on the d of may the nez percés, some six hundred strong, with a thousand horses, arrived on the plain. some three hundred of the cayuses and wallawallas uniting formed a grand indian cavalcade on the plain in front of dr. whitman's house, when a grand display of indian horsemanship commenced, such as advancing in mock fantastic fight, with discharges of blank cartridges, wheeling and running in all directions, till the indians had nearly worked themselves into a real fight and a great excitement. ellis said that he thought the cayuses were determined to have a fight in earnest. tawatowe, the _catholic_ chief, as he approached them appeared quite angry and disposed to quarrel. seeing the excitement increasing, and fearing that it might end seriously unless the attention of the indians could be drawn to some other subject, mr. spalding, who was present, gave notice that all would repair to dr. whitman's house for _tallapooso_ (worship). but tawatowe came forward in a very boisterous manner and inquired what we had made all this disturbance for. the american party, followed by several hundred indians, repaired to the station and engaged in religious exercises, when the excitement subsided for the night. on may , the chiefs and principal men of the three tribes assembled at the station to hear what the self-constituted united states indian commissioner and his secretary of state had to say. "they were called to order by tawatowe, who by this time had got over his excitement, and then was placed before them the object of our visit. they were told that much had been said about war, and we had come to assure them that they had nothing to fear from that quarter." if dr. white was no more explicit in setting forth the object of this visit to the indians than mr. hines is in giving the account of it, there certainly was room for a misunderstanding between him and the indians. he said "the president of the united states had not sent him [dr. white] to make war upon them, but to enter into arrangements with them to regulate their intercourse with the white people. we were not there to catch them in a trap, as a man would a beaver, but to do them good; and if they would lay aside their former practices and prejudices, stop their quarrels, cultivate their lands, and receive good laws, they might become a great and happy people; that in order to do this _they must all be united_." exactly what the hudson's bay company wished to have done to aid them in crushing the american settlement and preventing further american emigration to the country. as a reason for their being united, mr. hines says, - th pages: "they were told they were few in comparison to the whites, and if they were not all of one heart they would be able to accomplish nothing. the chiefs should set the example and love each other, and not get proud and haughty, but consider the people as their brothers and their children, and labor to do them good, that the people should be obedient, and in their morning and evening prayers they should remember their chiefs. "ellis remarked that it would not be proper for the nez percé chiefs to speak until the cayuse people should receive the laws. the cayuse chiefs replied: 'if you want us to receive the laws, bring them forward and let us see them, as we can not take them unless we know what they are.' "a speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws. they were told that they would soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the people; that they should not go here and there and spread false reports about war; and that this had been the cause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among them during the past winter." with the information which mr. hines has already given us in the first part of his ninth chapter, we would suppose he would avoid this apparently incorrect statement to the indians of the cause of the difficulties then existing. he and dr. white appear to have acted under the same influence with dr. mclaughlin, and to have carried all their acts and counsels to the one object, which was to combine the indians, and divide and destroy the settlement. he tells us, in continuation of the proceedings of this council, that "the laws were then read, first in english, and then in nez percé." "yellow serpent then rose and said: 'i have a message to you. where are these laws from? i would that you might say they were from god. but i think they are from the earth, because, from what i know of white men [a term claimed by brouillet as belonging to the hudson's bay company and frenchmen], they do not honor these laws.' in answer to this, the people were informed that the laws were recognized by god, and imposed on men in all civilized countries. yellow serpent was pleased with the explanation, and said that it was according to the instructions he had received from others, and he was glad to learn that it was so, because many of his people had been angry with him when he had whipped them for crime, and had told him that god would send him to hell for it, and he was glad to know that it was pleasing to god. "tilokaikt, a cayuse chief, rose and said: 'what do you read the laws for before we take them? we do not take the laws because tawatowe says so. he is a _catholic_, and as a people we do not follow his worship.' dr. white replied that this did not make any difference about the law; that the people in the states had different modes of worship, yet all had one law. "a chief, called the prince, arose and said: 'i understand you gave us liberty to examine every law,--all the words and lines,--and as questions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. the people of this country have but one mind about it. i have something to say, but perhaps the people will dispute me. as a body, we have not had an opportunity to consult, therefore you come to us as in a wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we can not speak because we have no point before us. the business before us is whole like a body; we have not dissected it. and perhaps you will say it is out of place for me to speak, because i am not a great chief. once i had influence, but now i have but little.'" this was one of the principal chiefs of the tribe that assisted in taking fort wallawalla and tying mr. pambrun to compel him to give more goods for horses and furs. "he was about to sit down, but was told to go on. he then said: 'when the whites first came among us, we had no cattle; they have given us none; what we have now got we have obtained by an exchange of property. a long time ago lewis and clarke came to this country, and i want to know what they said about us. did they say they found friends or enemies here?' being told that they spoke well of the indians, the prince said: 'that is a reason why the whites should unite with us, and all become one people. those who have been here before you have left us no memorial of their kindness, by giving us presents. we speak by way of favor; if you have any benefit to bestow, we will then speak more freely. one thing that we can speak about is cattle, and the reason why we can not speak out now is because we have not the thing before us. my people are poor and blind, and we must have something tangible. other chiefs have bewildered me since they came; yet i am from an honorable stock. promises which have been made to me and my fathers have not been fulfilled, and i am made miserable; but it will not answer for me to speak out, for my people do not consider me as their chief.' [this was just what mr. pambrun, of the hudson's bay company, had done to this indian chief to break his power and destroy his influence with his tribe and his people. but let us hear him through.] 'one thing more; you have reminded me of what was promised me some time ago, and i am inclined to follow on and see, though i have been giving my beaver to the whites and have received many promises, and have always been disappointed; i want to know what you are going to do?' "illutin, or big belly, then arose and said that the old men were wearied with the wickedness of the young men; that if he was alone he could say 'yes' at once to the laws, and that the reason why the young men did not feel as he felt, was because they had stolen property in their hands, and the laws condemned stealing. but he assured them that the laws were calculated to do them good and not evil. "but this did not satisfy the prince. he desired that the good which it was proposed to do them by adopting the laws might be put in a tangible form before them. "he said that it had been a long time since the country had been discovered by whites, and that ever since that time people had been coming along promising to do them good; but they had all passed by and left no blessing behind them." this chief said that "the hudson's bay company had persuaded them to continue with them, and not go after the americans; that if the americans designed to do them good, why did they not bring goods with them to leave with the indians? that they were fools to listen to what _suapies_ (americans) had to say; that they would only talk, but the company would _both talk and give them presents_." this indian, as his speech shows, was shrewd, and thought he was certain to obtain his object, either from the hudson's bay company or the americans. he had been humbled by the company, and an offer to buy him back had been made. he bid for a higher price with the americans. in doing so, he naturally exposed the secret influence of the company, which is given in this book of mr. hines', as a matter of course, and he passes along without note or comment upon what he saw, and heard. "in reply to the last indian speech, dr. white told the indians that he did not come to them as a missionary or as a trader." to ellis and lawyer, who called on them in the evening to have a talk, "they said they expected pay for being chiefs, and wanted to know how much salary dr. white was going to give them. ellis said he had counted the months he had been in office, and thought that enough was due him to make him rich. they left at a late hour without receiving any satisfaction. in the council, efforts were made to induce the nez percés to unite under one chief in the fall of . thomas mckay had promised these chiefs large salaries and many presents that dr. white and his government would give them as an inducement to form a union, knowing that white had not the ability or means to make good his promises to them, and in this way any influence as an agent of the american government he might have would be lost in this tribe. "ellis was a hudson's bay indian, educated at the red river settlement. they left this private interview with white without any satisfaction, showing that the policy of the company was producing its legitimate effect upon ellis's mind. the lawyer, however, understood the matter in its true light. he explained to us the whole transaction, and the promises of mckay from the company. he thought dr. white was foolish to let mckay talk so much for him and the american government. "some hundreds again assembled the next day (may ) to renew the business relative to laws; but the first thing investigated was the shooting of john, the kanaka, by the indian. john had gone to a lodge the day before, and in a dispute in a trade he had dared the indian to shoot him. the indian had seized his gun and fired it at john's head, making considerable of a hole in the scalp, but none in the skull. the indian fled, but was brought back and found guilty and kept till the laws were adopted for sentence and punishment, and finally punished with forty lashes on the bare back. "the indians continued to speak in reference to the laws. their speeches were grave, energetic, mighty, and eloquent, and generally in favor of receiving the laws. after all had spoken it was signified that they were ready to vote whether they would take the laws or not, and the vote was unanimous in the affirmative. having adopted the laws, it was now necessary to elect their chief, according to the provisions of the laws, and tawatowe was nominated to the highest chieftainship. some were opposed; a majority were in favor, and while the question was pending [this indian had not consulted his priest, or he would have declined at once on this first proposition to elect him chief], tawatowe arose and said, 'my friends, i rise to speak to you, and i want you all to listen.' he then adverted to his past history, and told them how much he had suffered in consequence of their divisions and quarrels. tawatowe joined his influence with the prince to get more pay from the hudson's bay company for horses and furs, hence his tribe were encouraged to quarrel with and disrespect him. when we first arrived in the country he was seldom invited to the fort, and received no presents from the company. he inquired of his people if they would lay aside all their past difficulties and come up and support him if he would accept of the chieftainship. "it was now time to close for the day, and the vote being put, tawatowe was declared duly elected to the high chieftainship of the cayuse tribe. "dr. white bought of mrs. whitman a fat ox and presented it to the indians. mrs. w. gave them a fat hog, which they butchered and feasted upon at night. "may .--a number of the chiefs came early in the morning at mr. hines' request, to settle a difficulty concerning some horses which they gave to rev. jason lee when he first came to oregon in , mr. lee having requested mr. hines to come to some arrangement with them if possible. after a long talk we succeeded in settling with them by proposing to give them a cow for each horse that they had given to mr. lee. we found that the indians always expected to be well paid for a present." the jesuit missionaries and the hudson's bay company had represented to the indians that mr. lee's receiving their horses and not making them any presents was the same as stealing from them, and in this way the american missionary was regarded as having stolen the indians' horses. in the conversations and talks the indians had with dr. whitman about the land the mission occupied, the horses given to mr. lee were generally mentioned. dr. whitman was anxious that some arrangement should be made to settle that matter as soon as he learned the facts in the case. the indians, as per arrangement with mr. hines, did receive a cow for each horse given, and thus the matter was satisfactorily settled. the indians having again assembled, tawatowe came forward and said that he had made up his mind that he could not accept of the chieftainship, in consequence of the _difference of his religion_ from that of most of his people. here is jesuitism and hudson's bay, combined with ignorance and religious bigotry, and shows the influence then operating upon the savage mind. this indian declared a reason why he could not accept the chieftainship, which, four years later, would have fixed at once a crime upon that sect, without a shadow of doubt in their favor. as it was, the plan was deeper, and a protestant indian, or one that favored the protestant cause and american missions, a younger brother of tawatowe is selected. tawatowe resigned, and his brother five crows is elected the american head chief of the cayuse tribe, with the approval of the sub-agent of the united states. bear these facts in mind as we proceed, that you may fully understand the deep-laid plots of the foreign influence then operating in the country to secure the whole or a large portion of it for themselves and their own government. in connection with this we will give one other incident as related by mr. hines on his tour among the indians; to show the shrewdness, as also the long premeditated baseness of the hudson's bay company in their efforts to get rid of all american missionaries and settlers, and to bring on a war with the indians. mr. hines and party returned to the dalles, and from there mr. hines embarked on one of the hudson's bay company's boats with mr. ogden for vancouver. a short distance below the dalles they were driven ashore by a wind storm. while there, mr. ogden told the following story of the killing of a medicine woman, or doctress:-- "mr. ogden related some of his wonderful adventures among the indians, with whom he had resided more than thirty years. he was an eye-witness to a remarkable circumstance that transpired at the dalles during one of his voyages up the columbia. "he arrived at the dalles on the sabbath day, and seeing a congregation of some three hundred indians assembled not far from the river, he drew near to ascertain the cause, and found the rev. h. k. w. perkins dispensing to them the word of reconciliation through a crucified redeemer. there was in the outskirts of the congregation an indian woman who had been for many years a doctress in the tribe, and who had just expended all her skill upon a patient, the only son of a man whose wigwam was not far distant, and for whose recovery she had become responsible by consenting to become his physician. all her efforts to remove the disease were unavailing; the father was doomed to see his son expire. believing that the doctress had the power of preserving life or inflicting death according to her will, and that instead of curing she had killed his boy, he resolved upon the most summary revenge. leaving his dead son in the lodge, he broke into the congregation with a large butcher-knife in his hand, and, rushing upon the now terrified doctress, seized her by the hair, and with one blow across her throat laid her dead at his feet." this story is a very plausible one, as much so as the one mr. hines tells us on the th page of his book, about smith, sublet, and dripse's partner. there is an object in telling this story at this time to mr. hines, as much so as there was in a letter written by james douglas, esq., to s. n. castle, esq., and published in the march number of the _friend_, at honolulu, sandwich islands, which we will give in due time. the reader will observe in these sketches that our effort has been to speak of all the principal events and prominent and prospective influences in our early history, as in the year in which they occurred. in attending to other duties we have not been able to keep as close to dates and chronological order as we could wish; still, with patience and perseverance we can restore the "lost history" of our early settlement upon this coast, so that the future historian can have the material before him for an interesting chapter in the history of our country. we have, in addition to personal and public duties, to wade through an immense amount of what is called oregon history, to gather up dates and events that have been given to the public at different times, without order, or apparent object, only to write a book on oregon. we have no hesitancy in saying that rev. g. hines has given to the public the fullest and best book, and yet there is but a single chapter that is useful to the historian. rev. samuel parker has many scientific and useful statements and observations, but all come in before our civil history began to develop itself. chapter xliii. the legislative committee of nine.--hon. robert moore, chairman.--description of the members.--minutes of their proceedings.--dr. r. newell, his character.--two specimens of his speeches.--the dark clouds. in the people of oregon showed signs of life, and sprang into existence as an american territory with their provisional government, which we have allowed to be silently forming in the wallamet valley, while we have traced the operations of the hudson's bay company, and dr. whitman to washington; and also dr. white and mr. hines among the indians, all over the country. this will enable the reader to understand the strong influences operating against the american settlement; and if he will go with us, we will introduce him to the first legislative committee of nine, and tell him just what we know of their proceedings all through their deliberations. the record shows no instruction from the settlers, as to when or where the committee should meet to prepare the laws, to report at champoeg, only, that they were limited to six days, and to be allowed $ . per day, and that the money be raised by subscription. every member at once subscribed to the full amount of his own per diem pay, and in addition to this, mr. alanson beers, rev. j. l. parish, and dr. babcock subscribed the full amount of the board of the whole nine, and the methodist mission furnished without charge the use of their granary at the old mission, as the first council chamber on this western coast. the building was a frame some sixteen by thirty feet, one and a half stories high, boards upright, with one square room in front, and the balance used for a granary, from which it derived its name; the upper part was for storing and sleeping use. the square room was used for schoolhouse and church, and now, for a legislative hall. we will enter this hall and introduce you to an old gray-headed man with a fair complexion, bald head, light eye, full face, frequent spasmodic nodding forward of the head, and a large amount of self-importance, not very large intellectual developments, with a superabundance of flesh, sitting by a square-legged table or stand, in a chair with square posts, and strips of rawhide for bottom; dressed in fustian pants, large blue vest, and striped shirt, and a common brown coat, who, on motion of mr. hill, was chosen speaker of the house, and hereafter will be known in our history as hon. robert moore, esq. the first difficulty the committee found was to organize a government without an executive. they could organize a legislative body, and appoint all the committees and officers and draft all the laws necessary, but the folly and absurdity of the effort without an executive, was so apparent, that the first thing decided upon, was, shall we have an executive head, called a governor, or a committee with executive powers! this was a difficult question, under all the votings and the discussions that had taken place. the committee were fully aware of all the opposition they must contend with. the judgeship had passed by vote of the people at champoeg from a member of the methodist mission to mr. a. e. wilson, an intelligent, unassuming, and excellent young man, who came to the country in the employ of mr. cushing, and had become a settler. the committee were well assured that they could eventually secure the methodist mission influence, yet at this time it was extremely doubtful, and they feared that it would, as in the previous effort of , go against them, with that of the catholic mission and the hudson's bay company. an executive committee consisting of three men would form a council that could act in any emergency, and at the same time enable the methodist mission to be represented by one of their members in the executive council. alanson beers was a good, honest, faithful, and intelligent christian man, acting with heart and soul with the interests of the settlement and the american cause. the settlers could rely upon him. david hill was a resident of hillsborough, tualatin plains, and was known to be decidedly opposed to the company, and not any too favorable to the catholic and methodist missions. he could be relied upon so far as the outside settlers were concerned, and robert newell could represent the rocky mountain men and such of the canadian-french hudson's bay company, and roman catholics as were disposed to join our organization. it was in consequence of his contending so strongly for the hudson's bay company's rights, interests, and privileges, at champoeg, on the th of july, that he was dropped, and joseph gale (who was one of the ewing young party to bring cattle from california to the wallamet settlement) elected in his place. with the understanding as above indicated, the legislative committee, consisting of hon. robert moore, david hill, robert shortess, alanson beers, w. h. gray, thomas j. hubbard, james a. o'neil, robert newell, and william dougherty, with the uplifted hand solemnly declared before god that they would faithfully perform the duties assigned them by the people of this settlement, at champoeg, on the d day of may, a.d. , so far as they understood the duties thus assigned them. w. h. gray then by request administered an oath to the speaker elect, that he would faithfully and impartially discharge the duties of his office as presiding officer of the present appointed legislative committee of the people of oregon, so help you god; to which beers said, amen. the question arose as to the appointment of a clerk for the committee, when the members agreed, if necessary, to pay his expenses per diem, if no other means were provided. george w. le breton, a young man of active mind, ready with the pen, useful and agreeable, and practical in his conversation, having come to the country as an adventurer in a vessel with captain couch, was chosen secretary and duly qualified by the speaker. the records of the proceedings, as published, seem to have left out the preliminary part of this legislative committee's proceedings. this is owing to the fact that the compiler had no personal knowledge of them, and perhaps sought information from those as ignorant of the facts as himself; hence the meager and unsatisfactory document given to the country. most, or all of the proceedings thus far mentioned were with closed doors, as will be seen by the record published. it was not deemed important by messrs. newell, o'neil, and hubbard, to have any record of our daily proceedings, only the result or report. messrs. shortess, beers, gray, dougherty, and hill thought it best to keep a record, which was commenced. "wallamet, may , .--the legislative committee met, and after the preliminary discussions above alluded to, came to order by electing robert moore, esq., chairman, and g. w. le breton, secretary. "on motion of w. h. gray, a committee of three was appointed by the chairman to prepare rules and business for the house. this committee (messrs. gray, shortess, and newell), at once, in a hasty manner, prepared eight rules, and suggested the business proposed for the committee as a whole to perform. the rules were taken up and adopted with scarcely a single objection. up to this time no one except members of the committee had been allowed a place in the house as spectators. "on motion, it was decided that the committee sit with open doors. o'neil, hubbard, and dougherty favored the closed-door sessions, as they did not want to expose their ignorance of making laws. newell thought we had better make as little display as possible, for it would all be known, and we might be ashamed of what we had done. "shortess, hill, gray, and beers were willing that all our efforts to make laws for ourselves should be fully known, and were ready to receive instructions and advice from any source. the deliberations of the committee, they were confident, would not prevent opposition or aid the opposers of our proposed organization. "on motion, a judiciary committee was appointed by the speaker or chairman, consisting of messrs. beers, hubbard, and shortess. "on motion, a committee of ways and means was appointed, consisting of messrs. shortess, o'neil, and dougherty." the minutes at this stage show that there was a doubt as to the disposition of the speaker, mr. moore, to place the best men as chairmen of the several committees. mr. moore had peculiar notions of his own about land claims, and had placed upon the committee, i think, robert newell, as favoring his and dr. mclaughlin's pretensions to the entire water privileges at wallamet falls, which resulted in the appointment as above stated. the record seems to convey the idea that the first appointment was conferred by vote. this was not the case. it was the final action that was repeated and entered. "on motion, a committee, consisting of hubbard, newell, and gray, was appointed on military affairs." we have not the original documents to refer to, but are of the impression that considerable correction was made in the first day's journal, and that more should have been made at the time. there was a little feeling on the part of the speaker and the writer as to the necessity of an extended minute, and a disposition on the part of mr. le breton to do as little writing as possible, not for want of time and material, but, from the deep interest he took in the discussions, he seemed to forget his work. i am not prepared to think the compiler has abridged the minutes, yet such may be the fact. "on motion, messrs. shortess, dougherty, and hill were appointed a committee on private land claims. "on motion, messrs. gray, dougherty, and beers were appointed a committee on districting the territory into not to exceed five districts." this committee, it seems by the motion, was to be appointed by the chairman or speaker. "adjourned to o'clock, a.m., may , . "the house was called to order by the chairman, and mr. gray appointed secretary, _pro tem._ the session was then opened with prayer by a. beers. the minutes of yesterday's session were then read, corrected, and accepted." the house then adjourned for one hour and a half to prepare business, at the expiration of which time they were called to order by the chairman. the judiciary committee reported progress. the military committee reported in part; also committee on districts. "reports accepted. "it was moved that there be a standing committee on finance, which was lost, as the vote at champoeg had directed that the finance of the government should be by subscription and voluntary contribution. "adjourned to . p.m. "house called to order by speaker. "on motion, house went into committee of the whole upon reports of committees, gray in the chair. it was soon found that the business before the committee of the whole was not in a shape to be properly acted upon, and that by an open and informal meeting of the members, it could be brought into shape for action, or rather that the several members of the different committees had not had a full expression upon the reports that were before them, and these expressions could be shortened by separate committee consultation and agreement among the members of the several committees; hence an adjournment of one hour was agreed upon. "at the close of the hour the house met and agreed, went into committee of the whole as to the number of districts. the report of the committee accepted, as amended in committee of the whole." the question arises here why did not this committee on districts, and the whole legislative committee, specify all north of the columbia river? it will be remembered that the hudson's bay company, with all the influence and votes they, with the priests, could collect, had met the settlers at champoeg on the d of may previous, and opposed the entire organization; and the french priest had sent to the legislative committee a protest against any organization; at least the districting committee was aware that such would be the case, as the protest already given was in the hands of le breton, the secretary of the committee, and of the whole house. in specifying the districts beyond the limits named, or north of the columbia, the additional votes and personal influence of the company would be thrown against us. the district committee contended that that influence and vote would defeat us, and make us an english or hudson's bay company settlement. we could, without the interference of the company, manage our own affairs with such of the french settlers as chose to remain and vote with us. such as did not like our laws could have a place to which they could continue their allegiance. besides, we were confident we should receive a large immigration in the fall, and in that case we could extend our settlements and districts and laws to that section of the country. another prominent, and perhaps the most prominent reason of all was, we were afraid to attempt to enforce any laws we might wish to adopt, or think necessary among ourselves, upon the servants of the company. we did not acknowledge their right to enforce any english laws over us, and we, as the writer thought then, and still thinks, wisely concluded if they would not openly interfere with us, we would not openly interfere with them, till we were strong enough to outnumber and control them, as will hereafter be clearly demonstrated. the journal of the proceedings of that committee shows that there were frequent short adjournments. these moments were all occupied in discussing and agreeing upon some report that was soon to be acted upon, and in coming to a unanimous vote as to the final result; there was but one thought and but one object with the majority of the members of the legislative committee. that thought and object was, to establish the provisional government they had undertaken to organize. they felt that union in their action was absolutely necessary, as the opposing elements were so strong, that without it we must fail, and subject ourselves and the settlement to the worst possible tyranny and humiliation from dr. white and the hudson's bay company. after the second recess, during the second day, the report of the military committee was before the house and instructions asked. newell was opposed to any military arrangements at all. hubbard was undecided. gray insisted on carrying out the instructions and ideas of the meeting of the d of may in regard to military officers that had been appointed at that meeting, and in preparing rules to govern them in organizing and drilling the men. he was unwilling to leave the military power without any responsibility to any one but themselves; hence instruction was asked, and given, to proceed as indicated in the meeting at champoeg, and prepare a military law, to be included in the articles of organic compact. "may , .--house met pursuant to adjournment. session was opened by prayer. minutes of yesterday's session read, corrected, and accepted. "robert newell moved, and was seconded, that a committee be appointed to prepare a paper for the signature of all persons wishing an organization." the reader is already informed of the appearance of the french protest, and that it was in the possession of le breton. it is possible that newell may have received it from the french priest. the writer has never been able to learn the exact facts in the case. at all events newell's resolution shows, that however willing and ready he was to commence the organization of an american government with his _adopted_ countrymen, he is now in doubt as to the propriety of the step he, with others, had undertaken. he presents a resolution to get up a committee to prepare a paper to circulate among the people, to find out who were in favor of the organization we were then attempting to bring into shape, under the instructions already received. perhaps the reader will understand mr. newell better if he is more fully informed as to his real genealogy, as there has always been a little doubt whether he belonged to the american or british nation. from the best information we could get about him, he was formerly from cincinnati, ohio, and the rocky mountains. from the earliest history we have of him, he has claimed to be an american, and represented the interests of a foreign monopoly, under a religious belief that he was conscientiously right in so doing. by keeping himself talking strong american sentiments to americans, and acting strongly anti-american while in the mountains and in the settlement, he succeeded in obtaining and holding positions to benefit the trade of the hudson's bay company; also a place in the legislative committee, and in the settler's government, to shield and protect those who were seeking the destruction of all american trade and influence in the country. he was a man of quite ordinary ability, yet smooth and insinuating in his manners, with a great abundance of plausible stories, to make a stranger believe he was learned in a profession. his real sentiments could never be learned except by his vote; his thoughts only read by his acts, which always tended to complicate and confuse legislation. this probably arose from a disposition to seek popularity and places he was incompetent to fill; as, also, from the title he assumed in early life, it naturally made him a hypocrite in action as well as profession. he had not the moral principle requisite to make known the truth, and to assume his proper position and be regarded as a plain man without a title. as plain bob newell he could be respected for his natural and genial talent. as _dr._ newell he assumes an air to correspond with the title, and shows the hypocrisy of his life. he was at this time, and has continued to be, a faithful representative of the hudson's bay company and jesuit interests in the country, for which service they should enter his name upon their calendar of saints. as a public man, we are not aware that he ever originated a single act or law; but as representing a clique, or the interests of his masters, he has always been ready to do his utmost in every possible way. at the time we were called to vote upon mr. newell's first resolution, his position was fully known to but few, yet enough was understood of his duplicity to reject his proposition at once, and the house proceeded to amend its rules and add a ninth to those already adopted. the report of the military committee was recommitted with instructions for further notion. mr. hubbard was considerably under the influence of newell, and in consequence of this fact the military rules or laws were remodeled in committee of the whole. newell and hubbard were disposed to defeat it altogether as unnecessary, as intimated in the tenth proposition in the french priest's address. in fact, mr. newell acted all through the proceedings of the legislative committee upon the ideas contained in that address, and opposed all measures looking beyond the suggestions contained in it. at this point, the judiciary committee, consisting of beers, hubbard, and shortess, reported in part on the executive power, and opened the eyes of dr. newell to the awful responsibility and to a full realization of the fact that a majority of the committee were in favor of an organization, and a real, actual american government. he took the floor and commenced: "wall, reelly now, mr. chairman, this 'ere report is a stumper, i see from the report of this 'ere committee that you are going on a little too fast. i think you had better find out if we can carry this thing through before we go too far. we have a good many people that don't know what we are about, and i think we had better adjourn before we go too far." in the midst of this speech, which was a repetition of the reasons for getting up the paper to find out who were favorable to our proposed government, the house was so uncourteous as to adjourn and leave the balance of dr. newell's speech unrepeated. suffice it to say, that in those short adjournments as noted in the oregon archives, nearly or quite all the little differences of opinion were quickly explained and understood by a majority of the members. the exact subjects that were before them at the several meetings we have no documents to indicate, and we can only be governed by such documents as we have, to wit, the record and our own memory. newell was the only prominent opposer of the report of the judiciary committee, which was prepared by robert shortess, to whose memory we are indebted for a remarkable speech of hon. mr. robert newell on that occasion. mr. shortess says the discussion was on the question of who should be deemed voters. most of the committee were in favor of universal suffrage, and, as dr. newell had a native wife, naturally supposed he would be quite as liberal as those who had full white families; but the doctor gave us one of his "stumpers," or, as he calls it, "_big fir-tree speeches_," by saying: "wall, now, mr. speaker, i think we have got quite high enough among the _dark clouds_; i do not believe we ought to go any higher. it is well enough to admit the english, the french, the spanish, and the half-breeds, but the indian and the negro is a little too dark for me. i think we had better stop at the half-breeds. i am in favor of limiting the right to vote to them, and going no further into the dark clouds to admit the negro." we confess that till mr. shortess reminded us of this speech, and the manner of its delivery, it had escaped our memory, and that, without it, mr. newell could scarcely receive his proper position in the history of our early struggle for american liberty upon this coast. his position and the patronage he received from the hudson's bay company were sufficient for him to work effectually in their interests through all our struggle. "at the evening session of may , the committee on ways and means were instructed to prepare a subscription for presenting at the general meeting, to procure funds to defray the expenses of the government, after spending a short time in committee of the whole. "adjourned till next day. "may , .--house met pursuant to adjournment. opened with prayer. moved that the minutes of the th be accepted. taking the whole subject of the organization into consideration, gray presented the following resolution that a committee of three be appointed to prepare and arrange all the business that has been done, or may be done hereafter at this session, revising statutes of iowa, etc., report at the next session of the committee, and request the clerk to copy the same. "resolution adopted. "messrs. gray, beers, and o'neil were appointed; these three living within fifteen miles of each other, it was thought could meet and superintend and revise the whole proceedings, and get them in shape for the public meeting. "committee of ways and means reported a subscription, which was accepted, and the military committee reported in part, which was accepted. "adjourned to p.m. "at p.m. house met. the judiciary committee reported in full. report accepted." on the th page of the archives, and in reference to the proviso in the fourth article of the organic law, the record does not give us the fact. the proviso referred to was prepared but not included in the original act, as reported and read at champoeg, but was adopted at champoeg. the report was duly referred to the revising committee, and the proviso left in the hands of le breton to be withheld or presented, as the occasion might require, in the final action of the people. the large pretensions to lands by the methodist and catholic missions were fully understood by the entire committee. they wished to curtail them as much as possible, and were fully aware that any direct action to this end would bring the whole influence of both missions against them. chapter xliv. fourth of july, .--oration by mr. hines.--meeting of july .--debate on the land law.--how the jesuits and the hudson's bay company secured their land claims.--speech of the rev. g. hines against the proposed executive committee.--the committee supported by o'neil, shortess, and lee.--w. h. gray closes the debate.--the report of the committee adopted.--committee appointed to report to congress, another to make a digest of territorial laws, and a third to prepare and administer an oath of office. on the th of july our national anniversary was observed, and an oration was delivered by the rev. g. hines. the committee favored the selection of mr. hines as orator, that they might gain his views, and be ready to meet him on the main questions that would be brought up on the fifth. in this, however, we failed, as he dwelt principally upon the subjects of temperance, the glorious deeds of our forefathers on the other side of the rocky mountains, and the influences and blessings of the day. no englishman, or foreigner, could have taken any exceptions to his sentiments or language. on the th, dr. babcock, chairman of the meeting of may , being absent, the meeting was called to order by g. w. le breton, one of the secretaries of the may meeting. on motion, the rev. gustavus hines was elected president of the convention by acclamation. r. moore, esq., chairman of the legislative committee, presented his report, which was read by secretary le breton, and on motion accepted. rev. l. h. judson moved that the report of the committee on ways and means be accepted. this motion brought the land law up for discussion. the legislative committee as a whole reported that law entire, to the proviso in the fourth article. upon the first part of that article a discussion arose between mr. newell and the members of the methodist mission, as to the right of any single individual to hold a claim of acres upon a city or town site, or extensive water privilege. mr. moore agreed with mr. newell on that question, as he claimed one side of the wallamet river at the falls, and dr. mclaughlin the other. the methodist mission also claimed a right to the east side of the wallamet, and the milling company claimed the island, upon which they were erecting mills. mr. newell opposed the fourth article, to favor dr. mclaughlin; the methodist mission and milling company favored the article on the ground that it secured them in their rights, and prevented a monopoly of that water-power by any single individual. rev. jason lee was anxious to secure the rights and claims of the methodist mission. so far as the water privilege and town sites were concerned, there were no fears on the part of the committee, but in reference to the large claims of the methodist mission, there were fears that mr. lee and mr. hines would oppose our whole effort, and combine the influence of their mission against the organization. to satisfy rev. jason lee, le breton presented the proviso as contained in the fourth article, which removed his objection. the committee were well assured that the jesuit missions would claim the same right to land, and in this way, the one mission would be induced to give up to curtail the other. this occurred as anticipated, only the methodist mission held on to their claims, and attempted to maintain them publicly, while the jesuits did the same thing silently, and by having their lands recorded in the supposed names of their members, or priests, the same as the hudson's bay company recorded all their improvements and forts in the names of their different servants, so as to hold them for the company; the company and the jesuits having, as they supposed, secured their own claims to land in the name of their respective servants, joined with the new immigrants, in condemning the large pretensions of the methodist mission, and in this way prejudiced the minds of the settlers against it for doing, openly, just what they had done in the names of their servants, secretly. on the final vote there were but few dissenting voices, except upon the adoption of the proviso. it may be asked why the land law was brought up first. the minutes as recorded on the twenty-third and twenty-fourth pages of the oregon archives, show that mr. judson moved the adoption of the report of the committee on ways and means. this was all the minute that was made, as the business and discussion progressed. the report on the land law was deemed, by the committee, to be of the first importance, as all were personally interested in the law about land claims; and upon the discussion of that report, they could learn the result of the whole effort, and the feelings of the people as to the permanence of the proposed government. the notice of the report of the committee on ways and means, on page , and of the proviso, is entered, to show that the amendments alluded to were made. we are of the opinion, that had mr. le breton lived to copy those minutes, he would have so changed them. he says such amendment and proviso were adopted. to this fact we have affirmed under oath as being a part of the provisional law adopted at that meeting. this brings us to the first clause of the organic law, as adopted by the people in mass convention. the preamble and first article were adopted on motion of joseph mclaughlin, the second son of dr. john mclaughlin, who took an active part in favoring the organization, against the wishes and influence of his family. the second article was read, and, on motion of l. h. judson, was adopted. the third, on motion of c. mcroy, and the fourth, on motion of joseph holman, were also adopted. on motion to adopt the fifth article, "on the executive power," it was plain to be seen that the rev. mr. hines was swelling and becoming uneasy, in proportion as the rev. jason lee appeared to be satisfied with the proceedings. he hesitated to put the motion, called robert moore, the chairman of the legislative committee, to the chair, and commenced:-- "mr. president, gentlemen, and fellow-citizens,--the legislative committee which you appointed to prepare certain laws, and perform a certain duty, have assumed to present for your approval something they had no right, in all the instructions given them, to present. they have commenced a course which, if not checked, will lead to the worst possible form of despotism. grant them the privilege which they now ask, of imposing upon this settlement, upon you and me and our families, this _hydra-headed monster_ in the shape of an executive committee, and we have but the repetition of the roman triumvirate--the cæsars upon the throne. we may be told by them, in excuse for the violation of plain and positive instructions, that they found it difficult to proceed with the organizing of a temporary government without an executive; and here they have brought before you this _monstrosity_--this _black bear_--this _hydra-headed monster_, in the shape of an executive committee; and ask you to adopt it, as necessary to preserve your civil liberties and rights. "gentlemen and fellow-citizens,--you have but to look to past history, to warn you of the dangers of so palpable a violation of instructions on the part of public servants. you instructed them to do a certain work, to prepare certain laws. if they could not do as instructed, let them resign and go home. so far as they performed the duties assigned them, we can approve of their acts; but when they attempt to force upon us what we have not asked of them, but said to them we do not want this monstrosity with three heads, yet they persist in saying we do; and have gone on and made their laws to correspond with this absurd and outrageous thing they call _executive committee_. is it wise, is it reasonable, that we should submit to it? what assurance have we that the next legislative committee, or body we may appoint, following the example set by this one, will not give us a king or emperor, and tell us it is necessary to complete our organization?" many of the persons present at champoeg on the th of july, , will recollect this speech, and the strong and emphatic manner in which it was delivered. why mr. hines did not move to strike out the executive clause has always been a mystery to us. when he had resumed his seat as president of the convention, mr. o'neil made a few remarks, explaining the position of the committee. mr. shortess followed, denying the assumption of power attributed to the committee, or a disposition to go beyond their instructions, and urged the necessity of a head or some controlling influence somewhere. could we rely upon captains mccarty, or mckay, or smith to call out their companies; or major howard? should the military control the civil power? "the thing is absurd," said shortess. rev. jason lee could not see the proposed executive head of the proposed provisional government in the light mr. hines did. if it was thought necessary to have a government at all, it was necessary to have a head, and an executive, or the laws were of no effect. it was arranged with the legislative committee, that gray should meet hines on this question, and make the last speech in favor of the executive department. hence o'neil and shortess both spoke in favor of it. dr. babcock was opposed, on account of its going beyond present necessities, and looking too much like a permanent and independent government; whereas we only wished to form a temporary one. he thought with mr. hines, that the committee had gone beyond their instructions in providing for this executive power, still he was willing to abide the decision of the people. there was a little uncertainty us to mr. lee's final vote. dr. babcock was clearly against us. mr. hines made but the one speech. from the course the debate had taken, gray had no fears as to the final result, and waited until it was evident that no more opposing speeches would be made when he commenced:-- "mr. president and fellow-citizens,--the speech which we have just listened to, from our presiding officer, is in the main correct. it is true that the legislative committee were not instructed to bring before you an executive department in the laws and government you proposed to form, when you appointed your committee to prepare those laws. it is also true, that when that committee met, they found that they could not advance one step in accomplishing the work you instructed them to perform, without some supervising influence, or power, somewhere; in short, without a head. their instructions were against a governor. they have provided an executive committee, in place of a single man for governor. this executive head is to act in the place of senate, council, and governor. this provision is before you for your approval or rejection. with this executive committee our organization is complete; without it we have no head; no one to see that our laws are executed, and no one to grant a reprieve or pardon in case a law should be enforced against the life or property of any one, for the violation of any law, no matter what the circumstances connected with that real or supposed violation might be. the pardon and mercy part of our law is in that '_horrible hydra-headed monster_' that the gentleman spoke about, and warned us against; and instead of its being as black as his '_bear_,' it becomes light and mercy to the erring and the ignorant. as to the example set by your committee for future despots to rob us of our liberty, and place over us a king or an emperor, you and i have no fears so long as we elect our own legislative bodies. "now, fellow-citizens, let us look calmly at our true situation. we are two thousand five hundred miles from any point from which we can receive the least assistance by land; and seventeen thousand miles by water. a portion of our community are organized and ready to protect themselves, and to defend all their rights and interests. another organization of a religious character is in our midst,--i should say, two. they each have a head--an executive. how is it with us? who is our head in all that pertains to our civil liberty, rights, and property? it is possible the gentleman may wish us to remain as unprotected, as helpless and exposed to all the dangers that surround us on every hand, as we have heretofore been. if he does, you, fellow-citizens, i am sure, do not wish to add to his feebleness by destroying the organization you have commenced, because he is afraid of what some cæsar did in rome some centuries past. we are acting for ourselves and those immediately dependent upon us for protection. in union there is strength. i believe you are fully satisfied that your committee have acted honestly, and, as they thought, for the good of all they represented. if such is the case, you will approve of their acts, and our organization will be complete as they have prepared it for this meeting." on the question being taken, there were but two or three votes against the executive, or fifth section. mr. lee informed the writer that he saw plainly enough that the meeting was determined to have a government of some kind, and that probably the executive committee was the best at first. this point gained, the remainder was soon disposed of. the marriage fee was changed, in the seventeenth article, from three dollars to one dollar. the resolution referred to as the nineteenth was: "_resolved_, that a committee of three be appointed to draw up a digest of all the laws and proceedings of the people of this territory, in relation to the present provisional government, and the reasons for forming the same; and forward said digest and report to the congress of the united states for their information." rev. jason lee, rev. gustavus hines, and mr. c. m. walker were chosen that committee, and instructed to have access to all public documents, and to call upon any individual for any information they might deem necessary in carrying out their instructions. that committee, so far as performing their duty and carrying out the wishes of the people were concerned, did the same as the reverend legislative committee did in ; they neglected the thing altogether, and paid no attention to the object of the resolution. still, at the present day, when the same reverend gentlemen are charged with having done all they could against the early settlers' government, they attempt to repel the charge, and take great credit to themselves for the perseverance of others in securing permanent laws and protection for themselves and the settlements. messrs. beers, hill, and gale, were chosen by ballot as the first executive committee. hugh burns, who had been chosen at the may meeting as justice of the peace, had resigned, and robert moore was chosen to fill his place. the committee had prepared a full list of the laws of iowa, to recommend for the adoption of the people, which was presented and read, some slight amendments made, and the list adopted. the report of the legislative committee was adopted as a whole; and on motion it was "_resolved_, that the president of the convention assisted by the rev. messrs. lee, clark, and leslie, be a committee to draft and administer an oath of office to the civil officers elected on the d of may, , and that said officers be required to subscribe to the same; and administer the oath to the supreme judge, who shall hereafter qualify all civil and military officers to be elected by the people." at this point, a question arose in the mind of the last-named committee, whether they would proceed that night to administer the proposed oath, or defer it till some other time. there were some earnest and determined men in that convention, who were not to be defeated at the last moment by the disposition of these reverend gentlemen to delay the concluding ceremony of drafting and administering the oath of office to the persons the people had chosen. to relieve them of all doubt as to the wish of the convention (although it was then nearly dark), it was moved and carried, "that the committee to qualify officers proceed to the performance of their duty, as far as practicable, this evening." judge wilson was not present. rev. jason lee noticed that mr. beers received the smallest number of votes given for any member of the executive committee. this to him, and probably to messrs. leslie and hines, was unaccountable; but not so to us, who understood the general feeling of opposition against the rule of the missionaries and their large claims to land; as also the secret prejudices excited against them by the hudson's bay company and the jesuits, who attributed the entire government movement to them, while the organization was that of the settlers unaided by any mission, except individual members of the protestant missions. this was probably the reason for the proposition to delay qualifying the officers elected, and carrying out the decided wish of the convention. this fact simply shows a reluctant assent to the organization by the principal members of the missions. the french address showed the feelings of the french and catholics, while the hudson's bay company stood entirely aloof from it, and expected to defeat the whole movement by the influence of such men as the rev. g. hines, dr. white, robert newell, and the indians. we have two copies of the organic laws adopted by the people at champoeg; one published by charles saxton in , and the other by the compiler of the oregon archives in . that published by mr. saxton corresponds nearer with our own recollections of the facts of the case; hence we will copy them as given by him. chapter xlv. organic laws.--resolutions.--districts.--militia law.--land claims.--certificate. the legislative committee recommend that the following _organic laws_ be adopted:-- we, the people of oregon territory, for purposes of mutual protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations, until such time as the united states of america extend their jurisdiction over us:-- section i. _be it enacted by the free citizens of oregon territory_, that the said territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be divided into not less than three, nor more than five, districts; subject to be extended to a greater number when an increase of population shall require. for the purpose of fixing the principles of civil and religious liberty as the basis of all laws and constitutions of government that may hereafter be adopted, _be it enacted_, that the following articles be considered articles of compact among the free citizens of this territory. article . no person demeaning himself in a peaceable or orderly manner shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments. art. . the inhabitants of said territory shall always be entitled to the benefit of the writ of _habeas corpus_ and trial by jury, of a proportionate representation in the legislature, and of judicial proceeding according to the course of common law. all persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof shall be evident, or the presumption great. all fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or unnatural punishments inflicted. no man shall be deprived of his liberty but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land; and should the public exigences make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. and in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in said territory, that shall in any manner whatever interfere with, or affect, private contracts, or engagements _bona fide_ made and without fraud previously formed. art. . religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, _schools_ and the means of education _shall forever be encouraged_. art. . the utmost good faith shall always be observed toward the indians, their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent, and in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars, authorised by the representatives of the people. but laws, founded in justice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made, for preventing injustice being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship. art. . there shall be _neither slavery nor involuntary servitude_ in said territory, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. section ii. article . _be it enacted_ by the authority aforesaid, that the officers elected on the d of may instant shall continue in office until the second tuesday of may, , and until others are elected and qualified. art. . an election for civil and military officers shall be held annually upon the second tuesday in may in the several districts, at such places as shall be designated by law. art. . each officer heretofore elected, or that shall hereafter be elected, shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, take an oath or affirmation to support the laws of the territory, and faithfully discharge the duties of his office. art. . _every free male descendant of a white man_, inhabitant of this territory, of the age of twenty-one years and upward, who shall have been an inhabitant of this territory at the time of its organization, shall be entitled to vote at the election of officers, civil and military, _and be eligible to any office_ in the territory; _provided_, that all persons of the description entitled to vote by the provision of this section, who shall emigrate to this territory after the organization, shall be entitled to the rights of citizens after having resided six months in the territory. art. . the executive power shall be vested in a committee of three persons, elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, who shall have power to grant pardons and reprieves for offenses against the laws of the territory, to call out the military force of the territory, to repel invasions or suppress insurrections, to take care that the laws are faithfully executed, and to recommend such laws as they may consider necessary to the representatives of the people for their action. two members of the committee shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. art. . the legislative power shall be vested in a committee of nine persons, to be elected by the qualified electors at the annual election; giving to each district a representation in the ratio of its population, excluding indians; and the said members shall reside in the district for which they shall be chosen. art. . the judicial power shall be vested in a supreme court, consisting of the supreme judge and two justices of the peace; a probate court and justice court. the jurisdiction of the supreme court shall be both appellate and original; that of the probate court and justice court as limited by law; _provided_, that individual justices of the peace shall not have jurisdiction of any matter or controversy when the title or boundaries of land may be in dispute, or when the sum claimed exceeds fifty dollars. art. . there shall be a recorder, elected by the qualified electors at the annual election, who shall keep a faithful record of the proceedings of the legislative committee, supreme and probate courts; also record all boundaries of land presented for that purpose, and brands used for marking live stock; procure and keep a record of the same; and also record wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing required by law to be recorded. the recorder shall receive the following fees, viz.: for recording wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing, twelve cents for every hundred words; and for every weight or measure sealed, twenty-five cents. for granting other official papers and the seal, twenty-five cents; for services as clerk of the legislature, the same daily pay as members of the legislature; and for all other services required of him by this act, the same fees as allowed for similar services by the laws of iowa. art. . there shall be a treasurer, elected by the qualified electors of the territory, who shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, give bonds to the executive committee in the sum of fifteen hundred dollars, with two or more sufficient sureties, to be approved by the executive committee of the territory, conditioned for the faithful discharge of the duty of his office. the treasurer shall receive all moneys belonging to the territory that may be raised by contribution, or otherwise, and shall procure suitable books in which he shall enter an account of his receipts and disbursements. art. . the treasurer shall in no case pay money out of the treasury but according to law, and shall annually report to the legislative committee a true account of his receipts and disbursements, with necessary vouchers for the same, and shall deliver to his successor in office all books, moneys, accounts, or other property belonging to the territory, as soon as his successor shall become qualified. art. . the treasurer shall receive for his services the sum of five per cent. upon all moneys received and paid out according to law, and three per cent. upon all money in the treasury when he goes out of office, and two per cent. upon the disbursement of money in the treasury when he comes into office. art. . the laws of iowa territory shall be the laws of this territory in military and criminal cases, _where not otherwise provided for_; and where no statute of iowa territory applies, the principle of common law and equity shall govern. art. . the law of iowa regulating weights and measures shall be the law of this territory; _provided_, the supreme court shall perform the duties required of the commissioners, and the recorder shall perform the duties of the clerk of the county commissioners, as prescribed in said laws of iowa; and proved, that sixty pounds avoirdupois shall be the standard weight of a bushel of wheat, whether the same be more or less than two thousand one hundred and fifty and two-fifths cubic inches. art. . the laws of iowa respecting wills and administrators shall be the laws of this territory in all cases not otherwise provided for. art. . the laws of iowa respecting vagrants is hereby adopted as far as adapted to the circumstances of the citizens of oregon. art. . the supreme court shall hold two sessions annually, upon the third tuesdays of april and september, the first session to be held at champoeg upon the third tuesday of september, , and the second session at tualatin plains, upon the third tuesday of april, . at the sessions of the supreme court the judge shall preside, assisted by two justices; _provided_, that no justice of the peace shall assist in trying any case that has been brought before the court by appeal from his judgment. the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction in cases of treason and felony, or breach of the peace, and in civil cases where the sum claimed exceeds fifty dollars. art. . all male persons of the age of sixteen years and upward, and all females of the age of fourteen years and upward, shall have the right to marry. when either of the parties shall be under twenty-one years of age, the consent of the parents, or guardians of such minors, shall be necessary to the validity of such matrimonial engagement. every ordained minister of the gospel, of any religious denomination, the supreme judge, and all justices of the peace, are hereby authorized to solemnize marriage according to law, to have the same recorded, and pay the recorder's fee. the legal fee for marriage shall be one dollar; and for recording, fifty cents. art. . all offices subsequently made shall be filled by election and ballot in the several districts upon the day appointed by law, and under such regulations as the laws of iowa provide. * * * * * . _resolved_, that a committee of three be appointed to draw up a digest of the doings of this territory with regard to an organization, and transmit the same to the united states government for their information. . _resolved_, that the laws of iowa--as laid down in the "statute laws of the territory of iowa, enacted at the first session of the legislative assembly of said territory, held at burlington, a.d. - , published by authority in dubuque, russell & reeves, printers, ;" certified to be a "correct copy," by william b. conway, secretary of iowa territory--be adopted as the laws of this territory. * * * * * the legislative committee recommend that the territory be divided into four districts, as follows:-- first district, to be called the _tualatin district_, comprising all the country south of the northern boundary line of the united states, west of the wallamet or multnomah river, north of the yamhill river, and east of the pacific ocean. second district, to be called the _yamhill district_, embracing all the country west of the wallamet or multnomah river, and a supposed line running north and south from said river, south of the yamhill river, to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, or the boundary line of the united states and california, and east of the pacific ocean. third district, to be called the _clackamas district_, comprehending all territory not included in the other three districts. fourth district, to be called the _champoeg district_, and bounded on the north by a supposed line drawn from the mouth of the haunchauke river, running due east to the rocky mountains, west by the wallamet or multnomah river, and a supposed line running due south from said river to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, south by the boundary line of the united states and california, and east by the summit of the rocky mountains. the legislative committee also recommend the above districts to be designated by the name of "oregon territory." the legislative committee recommend that a subscription paper be put in circulation to collect funds for defraying the expenses of the government, as follows: we, the subscribers, hereby pledge ourselves to pay annually to the treasurer of oregon territory the sum affixed to our respective names, for defraying the expenses of government; _provided_, that in all cases each individual subscriber may, at any time, withdraw his name from said subscription upon paying up all arrearages, and notifying the treasurer of the colony of such desire to withdraw. _militia law._ article . the militia of this territory shall be arranged into one battalion, consisting of three or more companies of mounted riflemen. art. . that in case of the vacancy of the office of major by death or otherwise, it shall be the duty of the executive committee to appoint another whose duty it shall be to serve in the place of such removed officer, until the annual election. art. . that when a portion of country is so distant, or so situated, that in the opinion of the executive committee it would be inconvenient for persons residing therein to belong to an organized company, they shall be organized as a separate company under the command of a captain appointed by themselves, and give due notice to the major of the battalion, and be subject to the same laws and regulations as the other companies of the battalion. art. . that all companies shall meet once in each year for company inspection upon the last tuesday in september, well mounted, with a good rifle, or musket, and accouterments for company inspection and military exercise. art. . it shall be the duty of the major to notify each captain of a company to notify each member of his company of the day and place of each annual meeting of his battalion and company at least six days previous to such time of meeting. art. . it shall be the duty of each and every male inhabitant, over the age of sixteen years and under sixty, that wishes to be considered a citizen, to cause himself to be enrolled, by giving his name to the proper officers of the militia, and serve under the same, except such as are hereafter excepted. art. . that fines shall be laid upon all who fail to adhere to the commands of the executive committee, and the same shall be expended for ammunition and arms, without delay, and persons appointed to take charge of the magazine wherever the executive committee shall direct its location. art. . it shall be the duty of the executive committee to appoint a surgeon to the battalion, who shall serve in his profession when so ordered by the executive committee. art. . it shall be lawful for any commissioned officer in case of invasion, or insurrection, to order out the militia under his command, provided he has sufficient reason for so doing, and give immediate notice thereof to the executive committee. art. . the militia of this territory shall, with the advice and consent of the executive committee, be subject to the call of the authorized agents of the united states government until she may send troops to support the same. _land claims._ article . any person now holding or hereafter wishing to establish a claim to land in this territory, shall designate the extent of his claim by natural boundaries, or by marks at the corners and upon the lines of said claim, recorded in the office of the territorial recorder, in a book to be kept by him for that purpose, within twenty days from the time of making said claim; _provided_, that those who shall be already in possession of land shall be allowed one year from the passage of this act, to file a description of their claims in the recorder's office. art. . all claimants shall, within six months from the time of recording their claims, make permanent improvements upon the same, by building or inclosing, and also become occupant upon said claims within one year of the date of such record. art. . no individual shall be allowed to hold a claim of more than one square mile, or acres, in a square or oblong form, according to the natural situation of the premises, nor shall any individual be able to hold more than one claim at the same time. any person complying with the provisions of these ordinances shall be entitled to the same process against trespass as in other cases provided by law. art. . no person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city or town lots, extensive water privileges, or other situations necessary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing operations; _provided_, that nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to affect any claim of any mission of a religious character made prior to this time, of extent not more than six miles square. approved by the people, as per minutes, wallamet, july , . a true copy from original papers. attest george w. le breton, recorder. _certificate._ this certifies that david hill, alanson beers, and joseph gale were chosen the executive committee of the territory of oregon, by the people of said territory, and have taken the oath for the faithful performance of the duties of their office as required by law. george w. le breton, recorder. wallamet, oregon territory, july , . chapter xlvi. description of the state house.--conduct of the french settlers.--arrival of dr. whitman's party of immigrants.--prosperity of the settlers.--change in the policy of the hudson's bay company.--their exorbitant claims. a primitive state house was built with posts set upright, one end in the ground, grooved on two sides, and filled in with poles and split timber, such as would be suitable for fence rails; with plates and poles across the top. rafters and horizontal poles held the cedar bark, which was used instead of shingles for covering. it was twenty by forty feet. at one end, some puncheons were put up for a platform for the president; some poles and slabs were placed around for seats; three planks one foot wide and about twelve feet long, placed upon a sort of stake platform for a table, for the use of the legislative committee and the clerks. perfect order and decorum prevailed throughout the proceedings. the bolder and more independent portion of the french settlers participated in this convention, and expressed themselves pleased with the result. they looked to this organization to relieve them from british tyranny; while by far the greater number of them kept aloof and refused to have any thing to do with, or to submit to, the organization. this arose from the advice they had received from the company, and the instructions of the priests who were among them, as in the case of dr. white's effort to get a few of them to go with him to the interior, on the report of threatened indian difficulties. the hudson's bay company, as indicated in a communication to the executive committee, felt themselves abundantly able to defend themselves and their political rights. this year, through the influence and representations by letters, reports, and the personal efforts of that devoted friend to oregon, dr. marcus whitman, an immigration of eight hundred and seventy-five persons arrived in the fall, notwithstanding that deceitful servant of the hudson's bay company, grant, at fort hall, did all he could, under the instructions of the company, to induce as many as possible to go to california, by telling them all the frightful stories he and his men could invent, of their danger, and the difficulties they must encounter in getting through to the settlement on the wallamet. this company brought with them thirteen hundred head of cattle. the immigration of amounted to one hundred and thirty-seven men, women, and children, a limited supply of cattle, and a number of wagons to fort hall, where they were induced to abandon most of them, through the false statements of the man in charge. the immigration of , under the guidance of dr. whitman, brought most of their wagons, teams, and cattle through all safe. they opened the road to the columbia, and the trail through the cascade mountains, which was only an obscure indian trail quite difficult to pass in , on account of brush, logs, and fallen timber. our population, all told, now amounted to not far from twelve hundred. among the immigrants of and ' there were many excellent families, and intelligent, industrious, noble-hearted young men; with a full proportion of miserable scoundrels. most of the families soon found locations, and having some little means, with the assistance they could obtain from the methodist mission, and such as was brought by captain couch in the brig _maryland_, and the barks _lausanne_ and _toulon_, by captain crosby, sent by mr. cushing of newburyport, soon commenced permanent improvements. the winter was mild and the larger portion of them were prosperous and happy in their new homes. the provisional government was formed and put in operation in july previous to the arrival of the large immigration of . supplies of flour, sugar, and tea had been sent from the settlement to meet such as might be in want on their way into the wallamet valley. from the time it was known that dr. whitman had safely arrived in washington, and the boundary line was not settled, the whole policy of the hudson's bay company changed. advances of outfits were made to such men as hastings and his party, burnett, and other prominent men. employment was given to a select few, and every encouragement and inducement held out to assist as many as could be prevailed upon to go to california; while those who contemplated making oregon a permanent home were denied supplies or employment, especially those who had asked the protection of the american government. those who proposed going to california could readily get all the supplies they required of the company by giving their notes payable in california. it was well understood by most of them when they gave their notes that they never expected to pay them. two of them informed us that they did not intend to pay if they went out of the country, as they understood it as equivalent to hiring, or giving them their outfit to induce them to leave. this last remark applies particularly to the immigration of , and the company that went to california with mr. hastings in the spring of . this policy continued up to - , when the company found themselves, as they supposed, through the influence of their jesuit missions and indian allies, prepared to fully maintain their licensed mercantile privileges, but found themselves confronted by an army of five hundred brave and determined men, and an organization sufficiently strong and united to compel them to again change their policy, though not their secret hatred of what they termed american intrusion upon their imaginary rights in the country. in the seventeenth page of their memorial, they assert, "and they had therein and thereupon a right of trade which was virtually exclusive.----and such right of trade, and the control, possession, and use of said territory, for the purposes thereof, independent of their foreign commerce and the sale of timber, exceeding in total value the sum of two hundred thousand pounds sterling ($ , . )." this statement is made in behalf of that company as their profits in trade before and up to , which, together with the declaration of dr. mclaughlin and mr. douglas, as found in chapter fifty-four, addressed to our executive committee under date march and , , is sufficient to indicate the true policy of the company, which will be more fully developed as we proceed. chapter xlvii. actions speak louder than words.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to discourage immigration.--account of the two jesuits, f. n. blanchet and p. j. de smet.--protestant missionaries discouraged.--important position of the rev. g. hines.--recall of the rev. jason lee.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to prevent emigration to the territory.--statement of general palmer.--indian combinations.--the donner party.--mr. mcbean's character.--extent of oregon at this time. reaching thoughts by actions. this the historian of the times has a right to do; and by comparing the act and result, he can arrive with almost mathematical certainty as to what the thought was that originated the act, and produced the result. but we are not confined to this mode of reasoning. we have their own, and the statements of those favorable to them, to substantiate our conclusions. st. the inadvertent statement of f. ermatinger, one of their chief traders, in , that in case the american government attempted to take this country, the hudson's bay company would arm their eight hundred half-breeds, and with the aid of the indians, drive back any force that could be sent across the continent to take it. their navy could defend the coast. the jesuits could influence the indians. d. the arrangements made to bring to the country the red river immigrants in . d. the stationing of a ship of war at vancouver to protect the company. th. the building of bastions at fort vancouver, and strengthening that post in - . th. the refusal of mr. douglas to furnish supplies to the provisional troops, sent to punish the parties engaged in the wailatpu massacre. th. the supplying of indians, by mr. ogden, with a large amount of war material, and his avowal not to have any thing to do with american difficulties. th. the letters and correspondence of sir james douglas. th. the positive statements of william mcbean. th. the statements of vicar-general brouillet. th. the correspondence and letters of bishop blanchet. th. the testimony they have produced in support of their claims. th. the designs of the british government as indicated by james edward fitzgerald. th. the sending of american immigrants from fort hall and oregon to california. th. the attempt to supply the indians in the interior, by the aid of romish priests, with a large amount of ammunition. th. the implacable hatred implanted in the mind of the indian against americans, through the influence of the hudson's bay company and the jesuit missionaries brought to the country for that purpose. th. the strict rules of the company, and the continued effort to enforce those rules to the destruction of life and property. we now come to the thoughts which originated and caused the foregoing acts. _these american missionaries have done more to defeat us, to settle the country, and defer the establishment of the boundary line, than all other efforts and causes combined._ we must make another effort to destroy their influence, and drive them and their settlements from the country; and thus secure it to the british crown, for the use of the company, at the risk of a war between the two countries. it will be remembered that messrs. lee, parker, whitman, spalding, gray, and other missionaries, had their passports from the secretary of war of the united states, giving them permission to travel through, and settle as teachers in, the indian country; and that all military officers and agents of the government were instructed to facilitate their efforts, and, if at any time it was necessary, afford them protection. these passports had been duly presented to the hudson's bay company at vancouver, and had the effect to prevent a direct effort to destroy or drive them from the country, as they had done to all who preceded them. hence, an extra effort must be made to get rid of this american missionary influence, and the settlements they were gathering around them. we will now proceed to give historical facts as connected with results. two intelligent, jovial, yet bigoted priests had been brought to the country by the company. they had traveled all through it, and had actually discovered the pure silver and golden ores of the rocky mountains, and carried specimens to st. louis and to europe. these priests fully understood the licensed rights of the hudson's bay company, and the efforts they were making to secure it to the british crown. they were also assured that, in case the american protestant influence could be driven from it, the papal would become the prevailing religion, as in california and mexico. they knew that the english episcopal effort was an early and utter failure, and that no renewed effort would be made in their behalf by the company, and that they were then using their influence to drive the wesleyan missionaries from moose factory. hence, they and their associates entered upon their work with a zeal and energy only equaled by him who was their first victim. f. n. blanchet visited canada, new york, and rome, and was made bishop of oregon. his associate, p. j. de smet, gathered his priests and nuns, returned to the country, and entered vigorously upon their missionary work, having the substantial aid of the hudson's bay company, and the personal assistance of its members. their churches, nunneries, and schools sprung up as if by magic in french prairie, oregon city, vancouver, the dalles, umatilla, pen d'oreille, colville, and st. marie. the protestant missions in the country were greatly annoyed by the unreasonable and threatening conduct of the indians about their stations. they were demanding unreasonable pay for the lands upon which the stations were located, and paying but little or no attention to their american teachers. the american missionaries were becoming disheartened and discouraged, and were beginning to abandon their stations. rev. a. b. smith, of the nez percé mission, dr. richmond, from nasqualla, rev. messrs. kone and frost, from clatsop, and mr. edwards had left the country. rev. daniel lee, rev. h. k. w. perkins, mr. brewer, and dr. babcock, had all become dissatisfied, and thought they had found a plausible excuse for leaving. a simple statement of a man in the employ of the hudson's bay company had more influence with them than their missionary vows and obligations to the churches that sent them out. they were not satisfied with leaving themselves, but made charges against the purest and best man of their number, simply because that, while he was absent from oregon in - , influences were brought into the country by the company, with the intent to defeat them, and destroy all protestant missions,--applying the same policy to destroy the harmony and usefulness of the american missions, that they had used to destroy the power and influence of the indian tribes; which was to divide them up into factions, and get them to quarreling among themselves, as in the case of rev. j. s. griffin and party. this would destroy their influence, and help to break up their settlements. the rev. mr. hines, with all his wisdom, sound judgment, and experience, became, unwittingly, an important instrument and apologist in this deep-laid scheme to rid the country of protestant missionaries and american settlements. he was led to join his influence against his truest and best friend, who is called home and superseded, and the mission stations abandoned and broken up. mr. hines, on pages - of his book, says: "with regard to the objections against mr. lee, arising from his not furnishing the board with the desirable report concerning the disbursement of the _large appropriations_, it should be observed that no such charge of delinquency appears against him, up to the time of the appointment of the great re-enforcement." dr. white was known to be a bitter enemy of rev. jason lee, and a willing tool of the hudson's bay company. mr. hines, as his book, and the letters he wrote to dr. white and the indian department at washington, show, was favorable to the proceedings and policy of dr. white and the hudson's bay company. we understand, through rev. mr. geary, that mr. hines attributed to mr. lee's advice expenditures for buildings that were the pet objects of mr. hines himself; and thus rev. j. lee, to gratify the wish of others, yielded his own convictions of right, and in this way became an object of censure, which was the cause of his removal. the "changes inconceivably great with respect to the indians of oregon," which, rev. mr. hines says "took place betwixt the time the great re-enforcement was called for, and the time of their arrival in the columbia river," were brought to bear, and had their influence and effect, upon _him_, in his umpqua missionary trip, in his trip to the interior, in his representations to his missionary board, in his opposition to the provisional government, and had their influence upon his missionary brethren. these men, mr. hines included, instead of studying the true interests of the country,--their obvious duty to the churches that sent them out, and the cause they represented,--were flattered and cajoled by the artful members of a foreign monopoly, and made to believe they had talents superior to the field in which they were placed by the influence and advice of the superintendent, mr. lee, forgetting the changes above intimated, and having no suspicions that a secret foreign influence was working to bring about the utter failure of their indian missions; nor supposing that the brightest and best talents would secure the most attention, and the surest effort to render them dissatisfied. the whole statement about mr. lee's recall, and the reasons assigned, appear to us to be unjust (though, perhaps, not intended) to the character of mr. lee. it was after the great re-enforcement spoken of, that the large expenditures referred to were made; hence, mr. hines' excuse confirms the charge, and he only attempts to change the responsibility to another; while mr. lee, like dr. mclaughlin, is suffered to fall by the influence of his professed friends. the jesuit priests, co-laborers with the hudson's bay company, did not hesitate to poison the minds of all who would listen to them against the protestant missionaries and all their efforts; neither did they hesitate as to the means, so long as a certain object was to be accomplished. le breton, lee, and whitman must fall by their influence. the character of others must suffer by their malicious slanders and false statements. see brouillet, pages and , in which he attempts to show that dr. whitman and others were in the habit of poisoning melons to prevent the indians from stealing them, while the fact is, the doctor encouraged the indians to come and get melons to eat freely, in order to induce them to cultivate for themselves; and we are certain that no one at the station at that time thought of putting poison into melons. as we said, we are reading thoughts by words and acts, so as to arrive at a correct conclusion as to the thought that caused the act. the american missionaries and settlements must be driven from the country. to do this, the indians that have heretofore been kept at war among themselves, must now be united. some changes must be made; grant, of the hudson's bay company, must occupy fort hall, and do all he can to turn immigrants to california, and rob such as persist in coming to oregon. general palmer says in his journal, page : "while we remained at this place (fort hall) _great efforts_ were made to induce the immigration to pursue the route to california. the most extravagant tales were related respecting the dangers awaiting a trip to oregon, and the difficulties and trials to be surmounted. the perils of the way were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey to oregon almost impossible. for instance, the two crossings of snake river, and the crossings of the columbia and other smaller streams, were represented as being attended with great danger. also, that no company heretofore attempting the passage of these streams, succeeded but with the loss of men, from the violence and rapidity of the currents, as also that they had never succeeded in getting more than fifteen or twenty head of cattle into the wallamet valley. "in addition to the above, it was asserted that three or four tribes of indians in the middle regions _had combined for the purpose of preventing our passage through their country_. in case we escaped destruction at the hands of the savages, that a more fearful enemy--famine--would attend our march, as the distance was so great that winter would overtake us before making the cascade mountains. on the other hand, as an inducement to pursue the california route, we were informed of the shortness of the route when compared with that to oregon, as also of the many other superior advantages it possessed." it is not our intention to go into the history of california, but give what strictly relates to oregon and her people in those early times. in the paragraph we have quoted from general palmer's journal, the reader will see a fiendish, a damning policy; and if our language has any severer terms to express evil motives and intentions, let him use them, as belonging to the course pursued by that organization yclept honorable hudson's bay company, in attempting to prevent the settlement of oregon, and sending whole families to starve and perish, and become cannibals in the mountains of california, rather than tell the truth, and aid them in getting to oregon; as will be seen by the following extract from the _gold hill_ (nevada) _news_, concerning the horrible sufferings of "the donner party:"-- "the world perhaps never produced a sadder and a truer story, nor one which will be so long remembered by many whose fortunes were cast on the pacific slope in the early days of its settlement by the americans. we personally knew one of the families that perished among the donner party, and on reading the interesting letter in the _union_ it awakened in our memory a little incident in connection with this sad calamity, which happened in the state of illinois twenty years ago last april. at that time we were publisher of a newspaper in putnam county, illinois. oregon and california were beginning to attract the attention of the western people; and in the spring of a party of about fifty persons, farmers with their families, and young men, was made up in that county destined for oregon. when the day of departure arrived, the whole party assembled in a village called magnolia to agree upon camp regulations, appointment of officers, etc. as a journalist, we attended that meeting and published a full account of its proceedings. among the party was 'uncle billy graves' and his family, consisting of father, mother, two daughters, and a son, the ages of the children ranging from fifteen to twenty years. uncle billy graves was a well-to-do farmer, with every thing comfortable about him; and, having already reached the age of threescore, it was a matter of surprise to many that he should sell his farm and start off to make a new home in such a far-off and wild country as oregon then was. but the country in illinois was getting too thickly settled for the old man, and he longed for the wild adventures of the far west. he pleaded and persuaded us to go with him, and to bring our office along, as oregon would some day be a great country, and we would have the credit of having been the first to publish a newspaper in it. but circumstances over which we had no control prevented us, although we certainly had the will and the wish just as uncle billy graves advised. we remained in illinois, and the graves family joined with the overland party for oregon. letters written by the party during the summer were published in our paper. the last one written by any of the graves family was dated at fort laramie, and this was the last heard of the old farmer. he joined the donner party, which separated from the emigration to oregon at fort hall, near the headwaters of the columbia, and wending his way westward toward california, before its gold-fields were known in the world, he perished in the mountains, and his good old wife perished with him. the son and daughters of the graves family were among the persons who were rescued by the relief party of sailors and others who were sent out by the benevolent americans at sutter's fort and san francisco. a long letter written by one of the graves girls was published in our paper in the year , and which contained a full and sad account of the awful sufferings of the party. we shall never forget the manuscript of the letter. it was blotted all over with the tears which the poor girl shed while describing the sufferings of her famishing parents, their death, and the flesh of their dead bodies furnishing food for their starving children! horrible! horrible! let the bleached bones and skulls of the donner party be gathered together and decently buried, for they once belonged to good christian people." the indians also have become deeply interested in their schemes to prevent the settlement of the country. we are told by mr. hines, on page , that they sent one of their chiefs on snow-shoes, in the winter of - , to excite or induce the buffalo indians to join them to cut off the immigrants that were expected to come to the country with dr. whitman. mr. mckinley, a professedly warm friend of dr. whitman, was removed from having charge of fort nez percés, and william mcbean, who (mr. roberts, an old clerk of the hudson's bay company, says) "is one of the d----dest scoundrels that ever lived," put in his place. the reader will not forget that we are speaking of events and movements in a country where an indian in a canoe or on horseback or snow-shoes was our swiftest messenger, and that its boundaries included what is now the state of oregon, the territories of washington, idaho, and montana, besides vancouver island and british columbia. the hudson's bay company was a powerful and unscrupulous monopoly, and the only representative of a vast empire on this western part of our continent. to possess the whole, or a valuable part of it, was an object worth using the influence they had spent years of labor and thousands (not millions, as they claim) of dollars to secure. the time has now arrived when all is at stake. _the american missionary societies have accomplished what american commerce and fur traders have failed to do._ the trouble is now between a "_squawtocracy of british skin traders_" and italian and belgian jesuits on one side, and american missionaries and settlements on the other. the traders and jesuits have nearly overcome the american missionary influence. the settlements are organized. the old policy to get rid of all opposition fur traders, destroy indian influence, and break up missions, must be tried, to prevent and destroy the settlements. the thoughts expressed in this chapter have carried us in advance of the date of culminating events; hence, we must return, in order that we may bring them in the order of their occurrence. chapter xlviii. .--the settlements alarmed.--indian attack.--death of g. w. le breton.--meeting at mr. la chapelle's.--volunteer company formed.--the _modeste_ in the columbia river.--the legislative assembly.--names of the members.--peter h. burnett.--mr. david hill.--oregon social standard.--m. m. mccarver.--"old brass gun."--a. l. lovejoy.--daniel waldo.--thomas b. keizer.--black act.--prohibitory liquor law. .--march th of this year found our settlements alive and in great alarm. the indians in the vicinity of oregon city had made an attack upon the town on the th instant, and three white men had been wounded and one indian killed. g. w. le breton was wounded while attempting to take the indian that commenced the attack, by a ball entering and breaking his arm, from the effect of which he died some twelve days after, and was buried at vancouver, where he had been taken for surgical treatment. the other two received slight flesh wounds, although one proved fatal--probably made by a poisoned arrow. the indians commenced the fight in open day, and continued it till their leader was taken by le breton, after his arm was broken. the indian was placed under guard, and, on attempting to make his escape, was killed. those who were with him, and took part in the fight, fled into the thick wood back of the town, and escaped. this account, which we have received from other sources, will be seen to differ slightly from the one already given by dr. white in his letter to the secretary of war. a proclamation was issued by the executive committee, calling for an organization of the military forces in the settlement. it appears, from the record of those times, that but one company was organized in champoeg district. the proceedings of that meeting, as noted by the writer, and signed by the secretary, gives the fullest account we have, and properly belongs to the history of the times. the attempt to destroy the people and town at wallamet falls was made on the th of march; the news was conveyed to the old mission and salem on the th; notices were immediately sent to the american population to meet on the th, with arms, to organize for defensive or offensive measures. in the mean time, each individual and family took such precautionary measures as were thought advisable, keeping guard over their separate and individual possessions. most of the french or hudson's bay company's servants showed no alarm on the occasion, and very few of them turned out, or paid any attention to the military call, though the meeting was at the house of a frenchman. the citizens of champoeg having met on march , at the house of mr. la chapelle, in accordance with the proclamation issued, the meeting was called to order by one of the executive committee, and the proclamation read. upon the suggestion of the executive, w. h. wilson was chosen chairman of this meeting, and t. d. keizer, secretary. the object of the meeting was briefly explained by one of the executive committee, hon. a. beers, and the chairman. information was called for concerning the depredations committed at wallamet falls on the th instant. mr. beers presented an official letter from hon. d. hill, one of the executive committee, which was read. statements were made by mr. garrison respecting accounts received from other sources, and a letter was presented by the united states sub-indian agent, from a. l. lovejoy, esq., respecting the affair of the th, which was read. statements were made by hon. a. beers concerning the steps they had taken, and the orders they had issued. on motion, the united states sub-indian agent was requested to give his views and advice on the subject. he accordingly related his proceeding in reference to the matter; said he was unprepared to give advice, or suggest what was best to be done in the present case. he was fully aware of the defenseless state of the colony and the dangers to which it was exposed. he knew the character of the indian that was killed to be of the vilest kind, and that he had threatened and attempted the lives of citizens before. the agent said he had made an unsuccessful attempt to take him, and have him punished by the cayuses, to avoid the danger that might result from the whites punishing him themselves. this renegade had attempted to induce the indians at the falls to burn the town; and, failing in this object, he returned across the river. the citizens attempted peaceably to take him, but in the affray three whites were wounded, and one indian killed. the agent thought a more efficient organization of the territory necessary. some remarks were made by w. h. gray, and a resolution offered as follows:-- _resolved_, that in view of the facts presented, we deem it expedient to organize a volunteer company of mounted riflemen, to co-operate with other companies, to bring to justice all the indians engaged in the affair of the th of march, and to protect our lives and property against any attempt at future depredations. carried unanimously. whereupon w. h. gray presented some articles of compact as the basis of an organization of a volunteer company, which, on motion, and with warm expressions of approbation from the united states sub-indian agent, were adopted, and immediately subscribed to by nineteen volunteers. the articles of compact allowed the company to elect a captain, lieutenant, and ensign, as soon as twelve men should be enlisted, so the company proceeded, by nomination, to elect their officers, to wit: for captain, t. d. keizer; first lieutenant, j. l. morrison; for ensign, mr. cason. the captain gave notice to the company of his acceptance of the appointment, requesting them to meet at the oregon institute, armed and equipped, on the th inst., for company drill. on motion, the following resolution was adopted, viz.:-- _resolved_, that this meeting recommend to our fellow-citizens of this territory, to organize volunteer companies in their respective districts forthwith; and to rendezvous at the oregon institute, on saturday, the d instant, at m. moved, that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and as much of them as is deemed proper be transmitted to other districts. carried. on motion, adjourned. w. h. wilson, chairman. t. d. keizer, secretary. it will be seen by dr. white's statement, that the indian killed was a renegade from the cayuse or upper country indians. he was doing all he could to excite the indians and get them to join in a general combination to destroy the american settlements in the wallamet valley. dr. white, as he stated to the meeting, had now reached the utmost limit of his authority and influence. he knew not what to do. he was too big a coward to propose any bold measure, and too mean to be trusted by the settlers; hence, if the reader will carefully study the proceedings of this meeting, he will find a firm and steady influence, on the part of the settlers, leading on through all the dangers and excitements of the occasion. the proposed company was at once organized and elected its officers. gray accepted the office of first sergeant in the company, which was soon filled up and drilled, and all were mounted on good horses. this soon became known throughout the settlements, and had the effect to frighten the indians and keep them quiet, so that no further disturbance was made in the settlements of the wallamet. it also had the effect to secure in the columbia river the presence of the _modeste_, a war vessel of the english government, which became _absolutely necessary_ (ironically speaking) to protect the property and interests of the hudson's bay company from the threatened depredations of the indians about their posts at vancouver, as they were represented to be becoming far more hostile than formerly. the company had found that, since the americans began to settle in the country, these indians had become more dangerous and hostile to them; and as their people were scattered more extensively over the indian country, it was absolutely necessary to have their principal depot more strongly fortified and protected, not against indians, for they, by the course already pursued by that company, were fast melting away. their country had been "hunted up" and made destitute of fur-producing animals by the advanced prices they had given in - , and now starvation was their only portion, unless the american settlers would share with them what they produced from the soil. this indian difficulty was only an attempt to bring on an indian war in the wallamet to see how strong the settlements were, what means of protection they possessed, and what their offensive measures were likely to be. this opened the eyes of sir james douglas to the natural weakness of fort vancouver. the _modeste_ was ordered to the river, and other preparations were made to defend that establishment from an attack of the american settlers. they found from the results of what occurred on the th of march, that there _was a real substantial power in the country_, and an influence of combination that they did not dream of; hence they found themselves, with all their indian combinations, the weaker power. we will now leave the honorable hudson's bay company under the protection of the guns of her majesty's ship _modeste_, the fort being repaired, bastions built, and all other protective and defensive measures completed, while we look after the election and proceedings of the legislative assembly of . the members elected from tualatin district (since divided into washington, multnomah, columbia, clatsop, and tilamook counties) were peter h. burnett, david hill, m. m. mccarver, and mr. gilmore. clackamas district, including all of washington territory, idaho, montana, and half of the eastern part of the state of oregon, was represented by a. l. lovejoy. champoeg district, including marion, linn, baker, douglas, and jackson counties, was represented by daniel waldo, from missouri, thomas d. keizer, from arkansas, and robert newell, from the rocky mountains. peter h. burnett was a lawyer from missouri, who came to oregon to seek his fortune, as well as a religion that would pay the best, and give him the most influence; which in the legislative committee was sufficient to induce that body to pay no attention to any organic law or principle laid down for the government of the settlements. in fact, he asserted that there were no constitutional provisions laid down or adopted by the people in general convention at champoeg the year previous. mr. burnett was unquestionably the most intelligent lawyer then in the country. he was a very ambitious man--smooth, deceitful, and insinuating in his manners. on motion of mr. lovejoy (another lawyer), the several members were excused from producing their credentials, and on motion of the same gentleman, the house proceeded to elect a speaker. m. m. mccarver was duly elected. the journal of the proceedings of this legislative committee shows that no regard was paid to any previous laws, or constitutional provisions. david hill, of tualatin district, was from ohio. he was a tall, slim man, of sallow complexion, black hair, with strong prejudices, having no regard for religion or morality. he left an interesting wife and family in ohio, and passed himself off in oregon for a widower or bachelor. he was favorable to all applications for divorces, and married a second wife, as near as we could learn, before he obtained a divorce (if he ever did) from his first wife. he early took an active part in the provisional government, and was a decided opponent of the hudson's bay company, as also of all missionary efforts in the country. this rendered him popular among the settlers, and secured his election as a representative for that district for several years, although his education was quite limited. as a citizen he was generally respected. though intimately acquainted with two of his sons, we could never learn that he was any thing but kind and affectionate as a husband and father. the fact of his leaving a wife and young family in ohio, coming to oregon, and remaining for years without making any provision for them, is evidence of guilt in some one. the friends of his wife and family spoke of them as being highly esteemed by all who knew them. but it is of his public acts, as connected with the history of oregon, that we wish particularly to speak. the social standard adopted by the people of oregon was peculiarly adapted to favor men of mr. hill's morality, and aid them in rising from the effect of any former misconduct they may have been guilty of in any other country. this standard was, to receive as fellow-citizens all who came among us; to ignore their former actions, and give them a chance to start anew, and make a name and character in the country. there must be something noble and generous in a people occupying a new and wild country, as oregon was in those days, that would lead them to adopt a standard for common action and citizenship, so peculiarly republican and in accordance with the most liberal and enlightened christianity. to this spirit of toleration and benevolence must be attributed, under an all-wise providence, the complete success and stability of the first civil government formed on this coast. hence, as we have before said, we shall deal with men, morals, and politics as they belonged to oregon at the time of which we are writing. m. m. mccarver, from having acted as commissary in the black hawk war, in iowa, was called general. this title secured to him considerable influence, and many favors from the hudson's bay company. general mccarver was a man of common education, making large pretension to political knowledge, without much judgment or understanding of political economy. he was an intolerable debater, and acquired, among the lobby members of the legislature, the name of "_old brass gun_." in his political course, he strove hard for popularity, and attempted to secure places of honor for personal promotion. he was what would be considered a _simon pure_ pro-slavery democrat. like the silly moth in the fable, he fluttered around the shadow of dr. white, the sub-indian agent, and assisted him in insulting the legislative committee of , and attempted to get his name before the congress of the united states as an important and influential man, which was divulged and defeated by another member of the same committee, though in a cowardly and dishonorable manner. we are not aware that general mccarver ever originated any important measure, or performed any extensive or important service in the country. his political schemes were generally so supremely selfish that they died still-born. mr. gilmore, from the same district, was a substantial farmer. he neither said or did much, and but little is known of him. a. lawrence lovejoy, formerly from massachusetts, was a man of medium size, light complexion, light hair, rather impetuous and dogmatical in his conversation. he crossed the mountains with the immigration of to dr. whitman's station; from that place he attempted to return to the united states with dr. whitman. as near as we can learn, he became utterly exhausted by the time they reached bent's fort on the arkansas river, and was left there by the doctor. in the summer of he returned to oregon and pursued his profession of law. in oregon he has always acted with the radical democratic party, rather doubtfully on the pro-slavery platform. he was the first regular nominee for governor of oregon. george abernethy, the secular agent of the methodist mission, was run as an independent candidate, and, with the assistance of peter h. burnett, mr. russell, and his friends, who bolted the general convention, was elected governor, though at the time he was on a visit to the sandwich islands. a large number of political friends still adhered to mr. lovejoy, and made a second attempt to elect him governor. mr. abernethy was again the opposing candidate. it appeared in the canvass of that year, that the hudson's bay company generally voted for mr. lovejoy; but the personal kindness of mr. abernethy to a priest traveling up the wallamet, induced him to tell his people to vote for mr. abernethy, and by this vote he was elected, although a fair majority of the votes of the american settlers was given for mr. lovejoy. mr. lovejoy, like many of us, leaves but little usefulness or philanthropy to record, that his talents and position should have led him to aspire to. as a citizen and neighbor, he is kind and obliging, as a lawyer not above mediocrity, and it is generally understood that he makes no pretensions to religion. daniel waldo, formerly of missouri, was a plain, substantial farmer, and the first man who ventured to experiment upon the hills, or upland portions of oregon. he had owned extensive tracts of land on the banks of the missouri, a large portion of which had been washed away by the floods, which cause continual changes along the banks of that river. in coming to oregon, he had made up his mind to take the hills, if there were any in the country. he did so, and has proved by his experiment the value of a large portion of country that was before considered worthless for cultivation. from the time mr. waldo arrived in the country he became an enthusiastic admirer of oregon. soon after he had located in the hills bearing his name, an old acquaintance of his, and also of his brother in missouri, came to oregon on a visit, and was about to return to the states. he paid mr. waldo a visit, and after chatting awhile and looking over his farm, on which we could not see a single rail, except a few he had in a corral, his friend (colonel gilpin) said to him: "what shall i say for you, to your brother in missouri?" "tell him," said waldo, "that i would not give the bare idea of owning a section of land in oregon for all i own in missouri [which was then two sections, , acres], and that i would not give a section of land here for the whole state of missouri." such men gave a good report of oregon, and it is to such that the country is indebted for her stability and prosperity. mr. waldo's experiment has shown the capacity of the country for settlement to be more than double what it was previously considered, and while some of those who laughed at him and called him an enthusiast here had their farms, cattle, and houses swept away by floods, he has remained in the hills uninjured and secure. thomas d. keizer, from arkansas. of this man's early history we have learned but little. it seems that, for some cause, he and his family were compelled to leave the state. their story is that a gang of counterfeiters was exposed by them, and in consequence of their becoming informers they were surrounded by a mob and compelled to leave. on first arriving in the country they were not scrupulous as to the rights of their neighbors, or those of the oregon institute, or mission claims. they found themselves comfortably housed in the first buildings of the oregon institute, and occupied them till it suited their pleasure to leave, and to find other quarters upon land claimed by the mission. as was to be expected, mr. keizer was inclined to do all he could to curtail the mission and institute claims, he being the gainer by curtailing the claims of others. as a politician, he considered all little dirty tricks and slanders against an opponent justifiable. in religion he professed to be a methodist. robert newell has been previously described. such being the composition of the legislative committee of oregon in , it is not surprising that interests of classes and cliques should find advocates, and that the absolute wants of the country should be neglected. the whole time of the session seems to have been taken up in the discussions of personal bills. the question of convention of the people was before this session and was lost. there was one inhuman act passed by this legislative committee, which should stamp the names of its supporters with disgrace and infamy. we find its inception recorded on the th of july, the sixth day of the session. on motion, the rules were suspended for the special purpose of allowing hon. p. h. burnett to introduce a bill for the prevention of _slavery in oregon_, without giving previous notice; which was received and read first time. it was read a second time next day in the forenoon, and in the afternoon of the same day the bill to prevent slavery in oregon, _and for other purposes_, was read a third time, and on the question, "shall the bill pass?" the yeas and nays were demanded, when the vote stood: yeas, burnett, gilmore, keizer, waldo, newell, and mr. speaker mccarver-- ; nays, lovejoy and hill-- . the principal provisions of this bill were, that in case a colored man was brought to the country by any master of a vessel, he must give bonds to take him away again or be fined, and in case the negro was found, or came here from any quarter, the sheriff was to catch him and flog him forty lashes at a time, till he left the country. these six solons, who got up and carried through this measure, did it for the good of the black man of course, as one of the first principles laid down by the people the year previous in the organic law, and unanimously carried, was: "that slavery, except for the punishment of crime, whereof the parties shall have been previously convicted, shall never be tolerated." the principles of burnett's bill made it a crime for a white man to bring a negro to the country, and a crime for a negro to come voluntarily; so that, in any case, if he were found in the country, he was guilty of a crime, and punishment or slavery was his doom. mr. burnett claimed great credit for getting up a prohibitory liquor law, and made several speeches in favor of sustaining it, that being a popular measure among a majority of the citizens. at the adjourned session in december, we find the executive urging the legislative committee to adopt measures to secure the permanent interests and prosperity of the country, also to amend their act relative to the corporal punishment of the blacks, and again urging the calling of a convention of the people. chapter xlix. message of the executive committee.--observations on the message.--generosity of the hudson's bay company.--the methodist mission.--the oregon printing-press association.--george abernethy, esq. _to the honorable the legislative committee of oregon:_ gentlemen,--as the expectation of receiving some information from the united states relative to the adjustment of the claims of that government and of great britain upon this country, was the principal cause of the adjournment of this assembly from june last to this day, we feel it our duty to communicate such information as we have been able to collect on the subject, and likewise to recommend the adoption of further measures for the promotion and security of the interests of oregon. the lines defining the limits of the separate claims of the united states and great britain to this portion of the country had not been agreed upon when our latest advices left the united states, and as far as we can learn, the question now stands in the same position as before the convention in london, in . at that time, the united states government proposed to draw the division line on the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude from the lake of the woods to the pacific ocean. to this great britain would only consent in part, that the line should run on the forty-ninth parallel from the lake of the woods to the dividing ridge of the rocky mountains; and it was finally agreed upon, between the parties, that all the country lying west of the rocky mountains, and on the pacific ocean, should, with its harbors, bays, and rivers, remain open for ten years to the vessels, subjects, or citizens of both countries. but it was at the same time expressly understood, that the said agreement was not to be construed to affect or prejudice the claims of either party, or any other power, to any portion of said country. before this agreement expired, another convention was held in london, in , by the two contracting powers, by which the former treaty was extended, with the provision, that when either of the parties thought fit, after the th of october, , to abrogate the convention, they were at liberty to do so, by giving twelve months' notice to the other contracting party; but nothing in the treaty of was to be construed so as to affect, in any manner, the claims which either of the contracting parties, or any other power, might have to any of the country lying west of the rocky mountains. the subject has again been called up for investigation by the two powers, and a negotiation was begun at washington in the early part of the present year, but was for the time being suspended on account of a disagreement between the parties; and notice of the abrogation of the convention of had not been given by either party when our latest information left the united states. and we find that after all the negotiations that have been carried on between the united states and great britain relative to settling their claims to this country, from october, , up to may, , a period of nearly twenty-six years, the question remains in the following unsettled position, viz.:-- neither of the parties in question claim exclusive right to the country lying west of the rocky mountains, between the parallels of forty-two degrees and fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude, and bordering on the pacific ocean; but one claims as much right as the other, and both claim the right of joint occupancy of the whole without prejudice to the claims of any other state or power to any part of said country. we have submitted to you this information, gentlemen of the assembly, for two reasons:-- st. to correct an error that occurred in our last communication to this body relative to the claims of the united states and great britain to this country. d. that you may bear in mind, while legislating for the people of oregon, the position in which this country stands with regard to those claims. we would advise that provision be made by this body for the framing and adoption of a constitution for oregon, previous to the next annual election, which may serve as a more thorough guide to her officers, and a more firm basis of her laws. it should be constructed in such a manner as would best suit the local situation of the country, and promote the general interests of the citizens, without interfering with the real or pretended rights of the united states or great britain, except when the protection of life and property actually require it. we would suggest for your information that this government has now in its possession notes given by different individuals residing in the country, amounting to $ , . , most of which are already due. these notes are a balance in favor of ewing young, of oregon, deceased, intestate, a.d. , after all legal dues, debts, and damages are paid, that have come to the knowledge of the administrator or probate courts of oregon up to this date. we would, therefore, advise that these claims should be collected and appropriated to the benefit of the country, the government being at all times responsible for the payment of them to those who may hereafter appear to have a legal right to the same. we would again call your attention to a measure recommended in our last communication, to wit, the expediency of making provision for the erection of a public jail in this country. although the community has suffered very little as yet for the want of such a building, and perhaps another year might pass without its being occupied, which it is hoped may be the case, yet we are assured that it is better policy to have the building standing without a tenant than a tenant without the building. and in order to promote industry and the peace and welfare of the citizens of oregon, this government must be prepared to discountenance indolence, and check vice in the bud. we would now recommend to your consideration the propriety of making provision for filling public offices which now are or may become vacant by resignation or otherwise, previous to the next annual election. we would recommend that the act passed by this assembly in june last, relative to blacks and mulattoes, be so amended as to exclude corporal punishment, and require bonds for good behavior in its stead. we consider it a highly important subject that the executive of this government should have laws which may direct them in settling matters relative to lands reserved by indians, which have been, or may hereafter be, settled upon by whites. we would also recommend that provisions be made for the support of lunatics and insane persons in oregon. with regard to the state of the treasury, we would refer you to the treasurer's report to this assembly. we are informed that the number of immigrants who have come to this country from the united states during the present year amounts to upward of seven hundred and fifty persons. we would recommend that the act passed last june, defining the northern boundaries of tualatin and clatsop counties, be so explained as not to conflict with the act passed in this assembly in june, , extending the limits of oregon to fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude. and we would suggest, in conclusion, that to preserve the peace, good order, and kind feeling, which have hitherto existed among the inhabitants of this country, depends very much upon the calm and deliberate judgment of this assembly, and we sincerely hope that oregon, by the special aid of divine providence may set an unprecedented example to the world of industry, morality, and virtue. and although we may now be unknown as a state or power, yet we have the advantages, by the united efforts of our increasing population, in a diligent attention to agriculture, arts, and literature, of attaining, at no distant day, to as conspicuous an elevation as any state or power on the continent of america. but in order to carry this important measure, and arise to that distinguished station, it becomes the duty of every citizen of this country to take a deep interest in its present and future welfare. as descendants of the united states and great britain, we should honor and respect the countries which gave us birth; and, as citizens of oregon, we should, by a uniform course of proceeding, and a strict observance of the rules of justice, equity, and republican principles, without party distinction, use our best endeavors to cultivate the kind feeling, not only of our native countries, but of all the powers or states with whom we may have intercourse. signed, osborne russell, p. g. stewart. executive committee of oregon. dated, wallamet falls, dec. , . to the honor of the country, peter h. burnett's negro-whipping law was never enforced in a single instance, against a white or black man, as no officer of the provisional government felt it incumbent upon himself to attempt to enforce it. the proposed constitutional revision was also strongly recommended by the executive committee, and the legislative committee went through the farce of calling a convention, and increased the number of representatives, and called it a legislature. in fact, the whole proceedings seemed only to mix up and confuse the people; so much so, that some doubted the existence of any legal authority in the country, and the leading men of the immigration of denounced the organization as a missionary arrangement to secure the most valuable farming lands in the country. the hudson's bay company, under the guidance of james douglas and p. s. ogden, carried forward their plans and arrangements by placing men at their posts along the line of the immigrant route, who were doing all they could, by misrepresentation and falsehood, to deceive and rob those who were journeying to this country. but, says the sycophant, the early settlers of oregon are greatly indebted to the hudson's bay company for supplies of goods and provisions sent to aid the starving immigrants. general palmer tells us (page ) that flour at fort hall, when he came along, was twenty dollars per one hundred pounds; cattle were from five to twelve dollars per head. they could not be prevailed upon to receive any thing in exchange for their goods or provisions, except cattle or money. two to four cows, or two yoke of oxen for a hundred pounds of flour is _great generosity_, and renders the man who gives his last cow or ox to the company, under great obligations; as much so as the early settlers and the company's servants were in taking care of their cattle for the little milk they could get from them, the company claiming the cow and increase, and pay for any animal lost. this was hudson's bay company's generosity to the early settlers! they found that through the influence of burnett, newell, pomeroy, and a few other americans, they could accomplish more than by direct opposition, and therefore began to change their course, and manifest approval of the provisional government; so much so, that ermatinger, a member of the company, was elected treasurer in , in opposition to p. foster, who served in . during the summer of , rev. george geary arrived in the country, "clothed with discretionary power," and had the destiny of missionaries, laymen, property, and all, put into his hands. he superseded mr. lee. mr. hines returned from the sandwich islands, and they proceeded at once to dispose of the missionaries and property of the methodist mission. the stations at clatsop, nasqualla, and the dalles were given up. that at the dalles was sold to the american board, that on clatsop to rev. j. l. parish, while the station at nasqualla was abandoned by rev. j. p. richmond, who, with rev. messrs. kone and frost, had become dissatisfied with their indian missionary labors, and returned to the states. rev. messrs. d. lee and h. k. w. perkins, dr. babcock, and mr. brewer had all made up their minds to leave the country. these missionaries, having enlisted in a cause surrounded, at the time of their engagements, with all the romance of early missionary life in the far west, as soon as they reached their field of labor, had found that romance and real life among the indians did not accord with the feelings of their proud and supremely selfish hearts. they were not satisfied with silently withdrawing from the country, and encouraging others more capable and better adapted to the missionary work to come to it; but they joined with dr. white, a bitter enemy of rev. j. lee, and succeeded in obtaining the latter gentleman's removal from the superintendency, and, through rev. messrs. geary and hines, the abandonment of their indian mission. as an outside eye-witness of these transactions, we will state frankly our impressions as to the general closing up of the methodist missionary labors among the indians. the special and general watchfulness of the hudson's bay company, and their influence over the leading members of the mission, and the effort they made to counteract the moral and civil improvement of the indians, was brought to bear both directly and indirectly upon the superior and subordinate members, the same as it had been upon the members of the missions of the american board, and caused a division in sentiment as to the usefulness and results of missionary labor, and thus crippled their efforts, and caused many of them to join with dr. white, and complain of superintendent lee, as an excuse to abandon the missionary work. while these influences were working their intended results upon all the american missionaries, the jesuits, having explored the country, under the patronage and by the assistance of the hudson's bay company, were making extensive preparations to occupy it with their missionaries, who were then being collected, and sent from belgium and canada to oregon, under the direction of that arch-jesuit, p. j. de smet, and bishop blanchet. by the time they arrived, the methodist indian missions were all disposed of; thus enabling the jesuits to fix their undivided attention and combine their united influence against the missions of the american board, which all admitted were accomplishing a noble work among the tribes of their charge. as mr. fitzgerald says: "but the company not only get rid of missionaries as soon as they can do so without dangerous unpopularity, but they obstruct them in the performance of their duties while in the country." (see page of his work.) this opposition to the missionaries was not caused by the indians, but the personal opposition of the company, as proved by sir j. pelly's answer to the question, "have you found a disposition on the part of the natives to receive moral and religious instruction." "very great. there were a couple of young lads sent from the columbia district, to whom the names of pelly and garry were given; these lads were revered by the natives, when they returned, for the religious instructions they were enabled to give." (see page , of the work above quoted.) one congregational and five methodist ministers have left the country with their families. five jesuit priests and as many nuns are coming to it. eight hundred emigrants are plodding their way over the mountains and plains with ox-teams, to find a home in this country. the sub-indian agent has worked himself quiet. the indians are waiting orders, watching the immigration, and getting ready to strike at the proper time. mr. lease had brought a band of five hundred head of california cattle to the country and disposed of most of them to the hudson's bay company. the oregon printing-press association was formed, and about eighty shares, at $ each, were subscribed, and the money sent to new york for press, type, and paper, by george abernethy, esq., who, after the provisional organization in , became a valuable supporter of all the best interests of the country. his integrity of character, consistent piety, and unbounded generosity, but few will question. from his position, and connection with the methodist mission, he has suffered much pecuniary loss, from men who were ever ready to take undue advantage of a confiding and generous disposition. as a public officer he always held a negative position, the tendency of which was to hold all in suspense, and wait for some future action, or to be carried forward by events that might occur. he could not be called a leader in any civil, religious, or political measure, yet he truly represented, in his public capacity, the organization of which he was a member. so far as he was capable, he held in abeyance all laws and measures, to what he considered would be the policy of the united states government at some future time. the natural result of this position was, to accomplish nothing definitely. hence we find in all his public acts, this tender spirit, and want of decided action. mr. hines started for the united states by way of china. the property of the methodist mission was distributed, and the settlers had increased; while the hudson's bay company were busily preparing to defend their assumed rights by arming their forts and indians in a manner so as not to excite suspicion, or alarm the american settlements. chapter l. dr. white's report.--seizure and destruction of a distillery.--homicide of joel turnham.--state of the territory.--trials of dr. white.--the liquor law.--revenue act.--case of the negro saul.--the indians kill an ox.--other indian difficulties.--indian expedition to california.--death of the indian elijah.--state of the territory.--claim of the hudson's bay company on the north bank of the columbia.--letter of peter h. burnett.--the nez percés and cayuses.--extract from the report of the united states senate. we give the following extracts from dr. white's indian report and proceedings in oregon, that the reader may be informed as to what he claimed to be his influence, and also the way he maneuvered with the indians and settlers; with his full account of the killing of the young indian elijah in california. the letters from the different missionaries show the condition of the american missions at the time. mr. lee and the jesuit missionaries did not deem him the proper agent to report to. notwithstanding, in his report, given in a previous chapter, he attributes to the jesuit missionaries improvements wholly made by the americans, not from ignorance of the fact, but from personal prejudice. it will be seen that the committee in congress, to whom his report and petition was referred, deemed it equitable and just on general principles, and allowed it. wallamet, november , . sir,--the hudson's bay ship _columbia_ sailing in a few days, _via_ sandwich islands, for england, by the politeness of her owners i have the honor of again addressing you, and certainly under circumstances most favorable and gratifying. since my last, forwarded in march, aside from two or three incidents of an unpleasant nature, the colony and country have been in a state of unusual quietness, and the season has been one of great prosperity. the legislative body, composed of nine members, met on the th of may, at the falls at wallamet, and closed their short but effective session in nine days; having passed, in due form, twenty-five bills, most of which were of importance to us in the regulation of our intercourse. a few of these laws i transmit to you, and would here remark, the taxes were in general cheerfully paid. the liquor bill is popular, and the laws of oregon are honored. the liquor act not coming in force under sixty days from its passage, a few individuals (having clandestinely prepared, before its passage) improved this favored moment to dispose of all they could with any hopes of safety. of this i was immediately notified, and hastened in from the tualatin plains, all the mischief, "as heretofore," being done in and about the town at the falls of the wallamet. liquor was in our midst, as was but too manifest from the noisy, vulgar, obscene, and even diabolical expressions of those who had previously ever conducted themselves in a quiet and orderly manner. this was perplexing and exciting, as all professed ignorance; and many opinions prevailed regarding the amount manufactured, and the number interested, and especially regarding the seat of mischief or point where distilled. i resolved, at whatever danger or cost, to nip this in the bud, procured the call of a public meeting at once, and had the happiness to receive the following expression from all but one convened:-- "_resolved_, that it be the sense of this meeting, that dr. white, in his official relation, take such assistance as he may require, and forthwith search out and destroy all intoxicating liquor that may be found in this vicinity or district of country. "p. g. stewart. "executive chairman. "john e. long, "secretary." i started with ten volunteers early the ensuing morning, and found the distillery in a deep, dense thicket, eleven miles from town, at three o'clock, p.m. the boiler was a large-size potash kettle, and all the apparatus well accorded. two hogsheads and eight barrels of slush or beer were standing ready for distillation, with a part of one barrel of molasses. no liquor could be found, nor as yet had much been distilled. having resolved on my course, i left no time for reflection, but at once upset the nearest cask, when the noble volunteers immediately seconded my measures, making a river of beer in a moment; nor did we stop till the kettle was raised, and elevated in triumph at the prow of our boat, and every cask, with all the distilling apparatus, was broken to pieces and utterly destroyed. we then returned, in high cheer, to the town, where our presence and report gave general joy. two hours after my arrival, i received from james connor, one of the owners, a written challenge for a bloody combat; which ended last week in his being indicted before the grand jury, fined $ , and disfranchised for life. six weeks since, an unhappy affray occurred between one joel turnham, late from missouri, and webley hauxhurst, of wallamet, and serious threats passing from the former, a warrant was issued, and turnham, resisting with a deadly weapon, was shot down by the officer; for which he comes before the grand jury to-morrow. turnham expired at once, being shot with three mortal wounds through the neck and head, but with singular desperation fought and resisted to the last. so far as i understand the public expression, all unite in acquitting the officer, who has ever been a harmless, quiet, good citizen; while turnham was regarded as a most desperate and dangerous character all abroad, having left missouri under circumstances most unfavorable to his reputation and quiet here, where he has been particularly sour, irritable, and quarrelsome; and was the more obnoxious as he was reputed brave and generally too stout for his antagonist. november .--since penning the last, the grand jury have unanimously declared no bill; and here allow me to say, having accompanied judge babcock to four of the courts embraced in the circuit of five counties, i have not seen in any country such uniform decorum and quietness as has prevailed throughout at these courts. much of this mildness, sobriety, and good order, is doubtless attributable to the absence of all intoxicating drinks. the laws of this country, framed to meet present circumstances, are taking deeper and stronger root continually. and some are already suggesting, "notwithstanding our infancy," whether, if longer left without a mother's protection, it will not be well to undertake to run alone. the resources of the country are rapidly developing, and the expectations of the people are generally high; the mildness of the climate and the strength of the soil greatly encourage the large immigration of last year. for the last twelve months, mercury has ranged from to ; four-fifths of the time from to ; making an agreeable summer and mild winter, grazing being good throughout; so much so that the jaded and worn-down animals of the poor immigrants fatted up greatly to their surprise, before spring, without feeding or the least attention. crops of all kinds usually good, even to indian corn, and cheerfulness prevails throughout since harvesting. as statements have been made in the states derogatory to our soil, allow me to say, it is believed, with the same cultivation, no country produces better wheat, oats, peas, barley, potatoes, or any crop save indian corn, for which the nights are generally too cool for a heavy growth. the wheat crops, being never injured by the frosts of winter or the rains of summer, as in the states, are remarkably sure; nor as yet have our crops been disturbed by flies or insects. wheat crops are heavy, as you will judge when i assure you, from simply turning over the prairie in june, scattering the seed in october, and then with no further trouble than passing the harrow over it, ten acres upon my plantation grew five hundred and forty-one bushels and a half. the river flats, containing much alluvial deposit, are very rich; the plains beautiful and verdant, being admirably watered, but generally sparsely timbered; the high lands well timbered and watered in many parts, the soil tolerable, producing herbage for an abundance of deer, elk, mountain sheep, etc. the entire wallamet and umpqua valleys, capable of sustaining a population of several millions, it is generally believed can not be excelled, as a whole, for richness of soil, variety, grandeur, or beauty of scenery; nor, considering the latitude, can be equaled in mildness, equability, and agreeableness of climate. since last writing, abundance of limestone has been found at the mouth of the columbia, and likewise in this valley, conveniently obtained, and proves of an excellent quality. the rev. mr. de smet arrived here in august last, bringing, as a part of his cargo, six priests and as many nuns, fine, hale-looking girls, very acceptable just now, particularly as the methodist mission is breaking up, and the half-breed canadian daughters are rapidly multiplying. having no pilot or chart to depend upon, and his commander a stranger, he sailed in through the south channel, greatly to the surprise and alarm of all on shore, but without injury or difficulty, not once touching, and reporting abundance of water for the heaviest burden ships. the sands are supposed to have changed and improved the channel; but of this i know nothing, and am not a little skeptical. i am induced to attribute their success more to the fine day and small vessel than change of the sands in their favor since captain wilkes left. captain couch, however, who has now been passing in and out here for the last five years in the service of mr. cushing, of newburyport, pronounces it a better port to enter than theirs, and says, with pilots, there will be little difficulty or danger. our exports are wheat, beaver, salmon, and lumber, for which, in return, we obtain from the sandwich islands, sugar, molasses, tea, coffee, and other commodities brought there from china, england, and america. we are much in want of a currency and market, american merchants being as yet a slender reliance; and in view of the large immigrating parties of each year, we should be greatly distressed for necessary articles of wearing apparel, but for the most commendable spirit of accommodation on the part of the hudson's bay company. could some arrangement be entered into for us to supply the navy of the pacific with bread, beef, pork, fish, etc., we would thereby be much improved in our condition. this might, and perhaps ought to be done, in view of the encouragements held out for our people to emigrate to this country. should it not be convenient for our ships of war to come to the columbia for such supplies, they could be shipped to the sandwich islands, if required. but more of this another time. having just taken the tour of the colony for the purpose of attending the courts and visiting the schools, it affords me pleasure to say i felt amply rewarded. i found throughout health, cheerfulness, and prosperity, and, certainly, most surprising improvements for the short time since the settlers commenced. the decorum of the courts i have spoken of, and now have only to speak of the schools and indians, and i am done, fearing i have already wearied your patience. for the want of means, the methodist manual labor indian school has lately been broken up, and this is now occupied as a boarding-school for white children of both sexes. the school is yet small, but well conducted, and promises usefulness to the colony. the school at the falls of the wallamet and tualatin plains, and likewise the one under the direction of rev. mr. blanchet, catholic clergyman, are all small,--numbering from fifteen to thirty only,--but are all well kept and doing good. i feel solicitous on this subject, and am saying and doing what i can to encourage education, but, like all other new countries, the people need and require their children much at home. since the unhappy affair last spring, the indians have been unusually quiet, and the summer has been spent without alarm. i sent my interpreter, mr. lee, to the wallawallas six weeks since, to make some presents to the chiefs, as a safe conduct to the immigrants down to this place, but having, as yet, nothing from him of interest, i addressed a line to mr. j. b. littlejohn, who is just down from there, and received the annexed reply; all other statements are corroborative:-- "wallamet, november , . "dear sir,--it is with the utmost pleasure i undertake to give you what information i am able to do. i have resided with the missionaries of the american board for two years past; i have known their hearts, and am well acquainted with all they have done. their influence among the indians is by no means small, or their efforts vain, as their condition is very much improved, both in a spiritual and temporal point of view. and, dear sir, your efforts among and for them have been much to their advantage, and at the same time not to the disadvantage of the missionaries, but greatly to increase their usefulness among them. i have no doubt you have labored with this motive in view. the indians are becoming civilized as fast or faster than any tribes concerning whom i am informed. their anxiety for cattle, hogs, and sheep is very great; leading them to make most commendable efforts to obtain them, and their efforts are by no means vain. they have purchased a good number from those who are emigrating to this country, by exchanging their horses for cattle. thus, while their horses have been very useful to the immigrants, they have greatly benefited themselves. they are enlarging their farms yearly,--improving much in fencing, etc. quite a number of families are enabled to live from what they raise on their farms, the milk of their cows, and their beef. there is perfect quietness existing between them, and i have no doubt this state of things will continue to exist. many things that are interesting might be written, but time does not allow me to say more at present. "i am, dear sir, yours with the greatest respect, "j. b. littlejohn." thus far the indians have kept their treaties of amity with me astonishingly well, and it is thought we have now as much to hope as fear from them, if we succeed in keeping out liquor, which, by the grace of god, not few of us are resolved to do, though we do not pass unopposed, nor slightly opposed; and had it not been for that most salutary liquor law, and the hearty co-operation of some of the friends of temperance with your agent, liquor would have already made ruinous havoc among us. the methodist mission, though we have not agreed on all subjects, has behaved very properly on this. and to it, in connection with the honorable hudson's bay company, will the colony be lastingly indebted for its commendable efforts. since my first arrival, i have not received a line from the department save my last year's report. as my condition is peculiar, and not a little embarrassing, i should feel greatly obliged for an expression and further instruction from the department. i have had, as may well be judged, much to contend with, in the midst of lawless indians of so many different tribes, and lawless whites of so many nations,--some bred upon old whale-ships, others in the rocky mountains, and hundreds on the frontiers of missouri. i have at times waded in deep perplexing difficulties, but am now greatly relieved by the colonial government, which as yet is well administered. by reason of this i now have less to do, and sail in smoother seas, meeting with less opposition than heretofore, my proper official relations toward the whites and indians being better understood. i have the honor to be, etc., e. white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war, washington. _an act to prohibit the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits._ _whereas_ the people of oregon, now occupying one of the most beautiful and interesting portions of the globe, are placed in the most critical and responsible position ever filled by men, owing, as they do, important duties to themselves, to their country, to posterity, and to mankind, as the founders of a new government and a young nation; and whereas the introduction, distillation, or sale of ardent spirits, under the circumstances in which we are placed, would bring withering ruin upon the prosperity and prospects of this interesting and rising community, by involving us in idle and dissolute habits, inviting hither swarms of the dissipated inhabitants of other countries, checking immigration, destroying the industry of the country, bringing upon us the swarms of savages now in our midst, interrupting the orderly and peaceable administration of justice, and, in a word, producing and perpetuating increasing and untold miseries that no mind can rightly estimate; therefore, _be it enacted by the legislative committee of oregon as follows:--_ section . that if any person shall hereafter import or introduce any ardent spirits into oregon, with intent to sell, barter, or trade the same, and shall offer the same for sale, barter, or trade, he shall be fined the sum of fifty dollars for each and every such offense, which may be recovered by indictment or by trial before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. sec. . that if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, or trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly, to any person within oregon, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, barter, or trade, to be recovered by indictment in the circuit court, or before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. sec. . that if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in oregon, he shall be subject to be indicted before the circuit court as for a nuisance; and if convicted, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars, and the court shall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute. sec. . that it shall be the duty of all sheriffs, judges, justices, constables, and other officers, when they have reason to believe that this act has been violated, to give notice thereof to some justice of the peace or judge of a court, who shall immediately issue his warrant and cause the offending party to be arrested, and, if such officer has jurisdiction to try such case, shall proceed to try such offender without delay, and give judgment accordingly; but, if such officer shall not have jurisdiction to try the case, he shall, if the party be guilty, bind him over to appear before the next circuit court of the proper county. sec. . that all sales, barters, or trades, made under color of gifts or otherwise, with intent to evade this act, shall be deemed a violation of the same, and all fines and penalties recovered under this act shall go into the general treasury, and all officers receiving the same shall pay over to the sheriff, whose duty it shall be to pay the same into the treasury. sec. . that this act shall not be so construed as to prevent any practicing physician from selling such liquors for medicine, not to exceed one gallon at one time. sec. . that the clerk shall make out a copy of this act and put the same up in oregon city as early as practicable. sec. . that this act shall take effect within sixty days from and after its passage. passed th june, . m. m. mccarver, speaker. attest: j. e. long, clerk. _an act to provide for ways and means._ _be it enacted by the legislative committee of oregon as follows:--_ section . that in order to raise a revenue for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the government, there shall be levied and collected a tax of one-eighth of one per cent. upon the following property, at a fair valuation, to wit: all merchandise brought into this country for sale; improvements in town lots; mills; pleasure-carriages; clocks; watches; horses; mules; cattle and hogs. sec. . every male citizen over the age of twenty-one years, being a descendant of a white man, shall be subject to pay a poll-tax of fifty cents. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the collector of revenue to require of each and every merchant of oregon to give him a statement of the amount of all merchandise on hand, in writing, to be stated upon oath or affirmation, which oath or affirmation the collector shall administer; and said collector shall collect and receipt for the tax upon such merchandise, which receipt shall serve said merchant for a license for the next year, commencing from the time given; and that, when a merchant shall wish to renew his license, he shall give a similar statement of all merchandise received by him for sale in the preceding twelve months, and the collector shall only require him to pay tax upon the amount of said imports. sec. . that any person refusing to pay tax, as in this act required, shall have no benefit of the laws of oregon, and shall be disqualified from voting at any election in this country. sec. . that the sheriff shall serve as _ex officio_ collector of the revenue, for which he shall receive, as a compensation for his services, ten per cent. upon all moneys collected as revenue. sec. . that the sheriff, before entering upon the duties of his office as collector of the revenue, shall enter into bond, with two or more good and sufficient securities, in a sum not less than five nor more than ten thousand dollars, to be approved by the executive, which approval shall be written upon the back of said bond, and the said collector's bond shall be filed in the office of the clerk of the court. sec. . that the collector shall pay over to the treasury, on the first monday in each and every month in the year, all moneys that may be in his hands, and get the treasurer's receipt therefor. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the tribunal transacting county business to require the collector to settle with said court at each and every regular term of the court in clackamas county. sec. . the collector of the revenue shall make full payment into the treasury on or before the first monday in december in each year. sec. . the revenue of oregon shall be collected in specie or available orders on solvent merchants in oregon. sec. . that all acts and parts of acts contrary to this act be, and the same are hereby, repealed. sec. . this act to take effect from and after its passage. m. m. mccarver, speaker. attest: j. e. long, secretary. _oregon territory, tualatin district, united states of america, may , ._ charles e. pickett, plaintiff, in the name of oregon territory, threatening to incense the indians, _against_ saul, a man of color. complainant's oath and warrant issued, directed to j. l. meek, sheriff, and summons for three witnesses, viz.: james conner, william hill, and mr. bird. may .--sheriff made his return with defendant and witnesses, and jury of good and lawful men, viz., philip foster, w. c. dement, j. w. nesmith, john mccaddan, c. spencer, and s. w. moss, being duly sworn, returned a verdict of guilty of the charges alleged to him, and signed their names, viz.: philip foster, j. w. nesmith, william c. dement, john mccaddan, chauncey spencer, and s. w. moss. two witnesses, viz., william hill and mr. bird, of lawful age, being duly sworn, did depose and say: that the threats in the deposition of charles e. pickett were correct; and that the indians had come in a menacing manner; and that saul said he would stand for the indians' rights; and that he (saul) was armed and prepared to do so; and that the indians would burn and destroy his house and property. the charges being of a higher character than the oregon laws have cognizance of, judgment is, that the united states sub-indian agent, dr. elijah white, is the proper officer to take cognizance of him; and he, saul, a man of color, be forthwith delivered into said agent's hand; which was forthwith done. robert moore, justice of the peace. the criminal was received and kept in custody for some weeks; but having no prison-house or jail to lodge him in, and the captain absolutely declining taking him on board his vessel, after the storm had blown over i suffered and encouraged him to leave this place, and stop with one of the mission families for the present, at the mouth of the columbia. though unsuccessful in getting employment as i had hoped, he remains in that vicinity with his indian wife and family, conducting, as yet, in a quiet manner, but doubtless ought to be transported, together with every other negro, being in our condition dangerous subjects. until we have some further means of protection, their immigration ought to be prohibited. can this be done? e. white, sub-agent. territory of oregon,} } _ss._ district of tualatin.} charles e. pickett, being duly sworn, says, that saul (a man of color), of said territory, has threatened to incense the indians against his person and property, to destroy the same; and that he, the said charles e. pickett, verily believes that, unless measures are taken to prevent him, there are sufficient grounds to apprehend that he will carry those threats into execution. sworn to and subscribed this st day of may, , before me, robert moore, j. p. we, the jury, find the prisoner guilty of the charges alleged against him. philip foster, j. w. nesmith, wm. c. dement, john mccaddan, chauncey spencer, s. w. moss. * * * * * oregon, wallamet valley,} april , .} ----starting too late, and the winter rains setting in earlier than usual, subjected the immigrants to incredible suffering and hardships, especially from the dalles of the columbia down to the wallamet valley; but our early and delightful spring is exerting a cheering and most salutary influence upon their hitherto depressed spirits. they have, bee-like, been hived up in oregon city during the winter, and are now swarming, to the entire satisfaction of the first occupants of the hive, it not being wide and large enough for such an unexpected increase. the last immigration, numbering about a thousand, are generally pleased with the country, and are setting about their spring work with becoming spirit and fortitude. the indians of this lower country, whose national honor and dignity are laid in the dust, are looking upon the rapid growth and increased strength of the whites with sorrowful countenances and sad hearts. the present state of things between us and them is peculiar, critical, unenviable, and dangerous, at least, so far as peace and property are concerned. for instance, in proof: soon after i sent my last dispatches, the chief of the tualatin plains, whose orderly conduct and that of his clan did honor to the nez percé laws, and the engagement we had mutually entered into, called on me, desiring my offices in procuring the mending of his gun. this being done, he invited me to come and see him and his people; said all was not right at his lodge; his tribe was divided, and all was not right; his influence was waning, and some of his people were becoming very bitter toward the americans. observing anxiety and mental reservation, i endeavored to draw out the secret, reminding him of the frequent communications he had brought me from the rev. messrs. clark and griffin, bearing such satisfactory testimony to their previous quiet, orderly, and proper conduct, etc., but all i could learn was, "things are not right with us, and we are miserable." the _camass_, their principal dependence for food, was cut off last season by reason of drought; and the deer are hunted so much by the late hungry western immigrant riflemen, that they have become wild, poor, and few in number. the chief left. a few days after, i learned they had killed an ox and ate it, belonging to a neighboring white man. the owner was excited, and applied to one of the executive; a proclamation was issued, the military was called out (if it be lawful to call it such), and ample preparations made to avenge this national insult, and seek redress for this astounding loss. the army collected upon the opposite bank of the river, about six miles from the position occupied by the enemy, talked bravely, long, and loud, but the river was a little too high to cross that day; appointed another, the river being lower; none of the warriors appeared; nor could the executive, or owner, simply for the want of a few gallons of alcohol, obtain the necessary assistance to avenge the horrid wrong, and perform a brilliant military exploit. the chief, in his embarrassment and distress, came to me as usual for sympathy and succor. my coldness and look of severity (for which heaven forgive me!) keenly afflicted him. after a deep sigh and painful pause, peculiar to a wounded or injured indian, he slowly rose, gently smiting his breast, and said, "dr. white, i am a true man, and carry an honest heart. do you remember my coming to get my gun mended last fall? do you remember my words, that all was not right with our people, and my inviting you to come and see us? we had just before killed that old ox, and were then eating it." i inquired, "had you any thing to do with it personally?" "yes, i helped to kill it, and, with my family, took and ate one-half of the animal. you saw the condition of my gun;--our provisions were out; i and others had hunted for two days,--our hunger was great. we held a council; and, hoping for success, i promised, on condition nothing was caught till the setting of another sun, we would kill the first animal we met. i traveled far, and wearied myself till evening; shot often but killed nothing;--we met this poor old ox, which our people would scorn to kill or eat but in case of extreme hunger;--my word was passed to my people; i could not go back from my word; i helped to kill and butcher the ox, and joined in eating him; and now my peace is gone. i am ashamed to see a white man's face; they look cold on me and shake the head;--i can not bear it--i can not live so; i come to you to help me, for i am told they want to kill me. i do not want such feelings to exist; nor do i want to be hunted as a bear or wild beast, for slaughter. i stand here a wisher of peace, willing to have you dictate the terms; but wish to have it remembered that we were distressed with hunger." "suppose," said i, "the owner should require your rifle and four horses?" "you stand to judge between us, and i shall abide your decision." "but you have broken your engagement and forfeited confidence, and i fear it can not be settled, and some think you have killed before." "dr. white, i am a true man, and lie not. i, nor my people, can not be so accused justly; this is injurious; none can meet my face and say it." i wrote, through him, to the owner, praying, as it was the first offense so far as we had the least evidence, and especially in view of our critical situation and his general good behavior, that he would fully indemnify himself; and then, in view of what i knew of the condition of his gun, and the probability that it was induced by hunger, to settle it; and requested him to assure the chief that he was convinced from my letter and all the circumstances, in connection with his past good conduct, that it must have been brought about by hunger. the advice was rejected, as the laws of the organization now had cognizance of the offense, and he wished to see them faithfully enforced. public opinion became divided, and no judicial expression being made, and the poor chief becoming excessively tired of being held by public opinion in durance vile, came to see me a second time. i wrote again, and learned it was settled by the chief and his people paying his rifle and eight horses. if this be correct (as i fear it is), i abominate the act and dread its prejudicial influence. week before last a hungry and mischievous lodge killed a cow. they were pursued by a party of whites, overtaken, and, in attempting to take them, the indians fired upon the whites, killing one horse, and wounded another. the fire was returned; one indian killed, and a second wounded. thus ended this affair, which creates very little excitement among whites or indians. the most painful circumstance that has occurred lately, transpired last fall at california. the cayuses, wallawallas, and some of the chiefs of the spokans, entered upon the hazardous but grand and important enterprise of going directly through the indian country to california, with a view of exchanging their beaver, deer, and elk skins, together with their surplus horses, for neat stock. as they had to travel through an extensive country inhabited by the savage and warlike klamaths and shastas, where smith, turner, and so many other white parties had been defeated, we are at a loss to conclude whether their valor is more to be commended than the rashness of their stupendous enterprise to be censured. they were well mounted and equipped; the chiefs clad in english costume, and the residue attired in dressed skins, molded according to their several tastes. the journey of seven or eight hundred miles, after some fighting, watching, and much fatigue, was accomplished, and their numbers not lessened. taking their own statement, their reception was cordial, and the impression made upon the whites by these distant and half-civilized people, upon an errand so commendable, was most favorable. the treating and salutations being over, the trade commenced in good faith, and to mutual satisfaction. all moved on well, till, on an excursion to procure elk and deer skins, they met a marauding band of mountain freebooters; fought them, and, being victorious, took a prize of twenty-two horses, all previously stolen from the whites. on returning to the settlements, the spaniards laid claim to the animals. the chiefs remonstrated, and said, agreeably to their customs, the horses were theirs. the spaniards explained their laws, and showed the animals not to be vented, _i.e._, bearing a transfer mark, and told the indians they must give them to the rightful owners, as all americans and others did. the indians seemed grieved and rather incensed; said in their country six nations of people were on terms of amity, and that in case any one of these six nations stole a horse, the tribe was responsible for the safe delivery of that animal to the rightful owner; but in case the blackfeet or other formidable enemy steal or capture, the properly is supposed lost, without redemption; and as we have captured these horses at the hazard of our lives, from your long openly declared enemies, we think they ought in justice to be ours. the spaniards condescended to offer ten cows for the redemption of the horses; the chief not replying, five more were added; he still remaining moody and without replying, the negotiation unhappily broke off. a day or two after, an american, seeing his mule among the number captured, told the indians it was his mule, and have it he would. "will you?" said a young chief by the name of elijah heading; and stepping into the lodge, he immediately loaded his rifle, came out and observed significantly, "go now and take your mule." the american, much alarmed, remarked, "i hope you are not going to kill me." "no! i am going to shoot yonder eagle" (perched upon a neighboring oak). not liking the appearances, the man left without attempting to obtain his mule. a day or two after, the indians left their encampment and walked down to the fort of captain sutter to church; and from the best information we have obtained (all being _ex parte_), the following appears to be near the truth: after service elijah was invited into another apartment, taking with him his uncle, a brave and sensible chief of the age of five and forty; while there, in an unarmed and defenseless condition, they commenced menacing him for things alleged against the river indians of this upper country, in which none of them had any participation; called them indiscriminately dogs, thieves, etc. this american then observed: "yesterday you were going to kill me; now you must die"--drawing a pistol. elijah, who had been five or six years at the methodist mission, and had learned to read, write, and speak english respectably, said, deliberately: "let me pray a little, first;" and kneeling down, at once commenced; and while invoking the divine mercy, was shot through the heart or vitals dead upon the spot. every measure, as the indians say, was taken to cut them all off by the spaniards, who brought out the cannon, with other fire-arms, and hotly pursued them, and tried to prevent their escape by checking and interrupting their passage across the ferries, etc. but at length they all arrived safely, after manifest suffering, leaving the herds they had paid for in california. they met three americans on the way as they left the california settlements and had them in their power, but instead of revenging the death of elijah, they mounted each on a horse of their own, and sent them on, telling them to go to the fort and acquaint the people that they could not kill innocent white people in their power and lodge. taking for truth an indian report, this horrible affair creates considerable excitement, and there is some danger of its disturbing the friendly relation that has hitherto existed between us here, and all those formidable tribes in the region of wallawalla and snake river. they had no sooner arrived, than ellis, my interpreter, the high chief of the nez percés, was deputed to come down and learn our opinions regarding the affair. they could not have sent a better agent, the whites all giving him a handsome and cordial reception. from wallawalla, he accompanied mr. grant, the chief trader at fort hall, down to vancouver. he called on dr. mclaughlin, whose great experience and address were serviceable. he spoke touchingly of the violent death of his own son upon the northwest coast, and left the impression that he could not avoid sympathizing with the father and friends of the deceased young chief. mr. douglas, too, an early friend, patron, and favorite of ellis, aided much in convincing him that all the good and virtuous could not avoid the most painful regrets at so melancholy a circumstance, which must have occurred by reason of the difference in their customs or laws, imperfectly understanding each other, or from some, as he would charitably hope, excusable circumstance. under the influence of this salutary language and interview, ellis arrived at my residence, in wallamet, about the st instant, having, a short time before, got a hasty communication, written in excitement, from dr. whitman, who was under serious apprehensions that it might be avenged upon some of the whites of the upper country. be assured i was happy to see this my most faithful friend and interpreter. sir, pardon me for saying--isolated as we are here, agitated as we have a thousand times been by faithless savages and still more faithless whites, responsible, yet powerless and defenseless, in our unsettled state of things--to meet with this honest man, this _real_ friend, though an indian, gave me hearty pleasure. his thorough education at red river molded him into more of the white man than indian. his prudence and good management with his tribe sanctioned the choice that had been made, and all the whites spoke handsomely of his kind offices and obliging deportment, while immigrating through his country. being satisfied of the safety and policy, i feasted him, and took at once unobserved measures to have him invited to every respectable place abroad, where the ladies and gentlemen received him so cordially, and feasted him so richly and delicately, that he almost forgot the object of his embassy, and, i verily believe, thought extremely highly of the whites of wallamet, however ill he might have thought of the conduct of the californians. being anxious to make this visit useful to him and his people, as well as pleasant, after spending a few days in visiting the schools, as well as the principal inhabitants and places of interest, i showed him my little library; told him to make himself at home; put on my farmer's garb and commenced working upon my plantation. he soon came out, accompanied by a wealthy cousin, and begged for tools to assist me. i loaned them, and found he was much at home in their use. he spent with me a sufficient length of time to convince me of the truth reported concerning his cheerfulness in labor, as well as his knowledge, application, and assiduity in business. he spoke sensibly of the advantages of industry, and the astonishing change that had been effected among his people by the cultivation of the soil; assured me that every family or lodge now raised an abundance for home consumption, besides having considerable quantities to barter with the whites. he says he raised, himself, the past season, six hundred bushels of peas, with a fine crop of wheat, potatoes, beans, etc.; spoke properly of its moral and social effects. wars were no longer talked of, and the chase was nearly abandoned; the book and the bible consumed their leisure moments. polygamy, once so common, was now done away with, except in two solitary cases, and not a lodge of his people but observed the sabbath, and regularly attended morning and evening devotion. this was only corroborative of what i had previously heard from other sources. he spent ten days with me in the most cheerful, agreeable, and profitable manner, and at the close i felt myself the happier and better for the visit; nor did i marvel that his influence was increasing and the prospects of his people brightening. pardon me, for, in thinking of his visit and dwelling upon his excellences, i had like to have forgotten his agency. learning from dr. whitman, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and accomplished young chief, and perhaps more especially by the loss they had sustained; and then, after suffering so many hardships and encountering so many dangers, losing the whole,--i apprehended there might be much difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much stress upon the restless disaffected scamps late from wallamet to california, loading them with the vile epithets of "dogs," "thieves," etc., from which they believed, or affected to, that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us responsible. he assured me that the cayuses, wallawallas, nez percés, spokans, ponderays, and snakes were all on terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for raising about two thousand warriors of these formidable tribes and marching to california at once, and, nobly revenging themselves on the inhabitants by capture and plunder, enrich themselves upon the spoils; others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished first to learn how it would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the affair. a third party were for holding us responsible, as elijah was killed by an american, and the americans incensed the spaniards. ellis reminded me at the same time of the ill-success the chiefs met with in trading off their ten-dollar drafts for herds with the immigrants; which drafts i had sent up by mr. lee, my interpreter, to secure peace and safety while the immigrants were passing through their country, the year before so many having been pillaged and robbed of their effects, through the inattention of the chiefs. sir, how this affair will end is difficult to conjecture; the general impression is, that it will lend to the most disastrous consequences to the californians themselves, or to the colony of the wallamet valley. my principal fear is, that it will result in so much jealousy, prejudice, and disaffection, as to divert their minds from the pursuit of knowledge, agriculture, and the means of civilization, which they have been for such a length of time so laudably engaged in obtaining. should this be the case with these numerous, brave, and formidable tribes, the results to them, and to us, would be indeed most calamitous. to prevent such a result, i wrote, through ellis, a long, cordial, and rather sympathizing letter to the chiefs of these tribes, assuring them that i should at once write to the governor of california, to captain sutter, and to our great chiefs respecting this matter. with a view to divert attention, and promote good feeling, i invited all the chiefs to come down in the fall, before the arrival of the immigrants, in company with dr. whitman and mr. spalding, and confer with me upon this subject; at the same time, as they had been so unfortunate, to bring along their ten-dollar drafts, and exchange them with me for a cow and calf each, out of my own herds. i likewise wrote them, that on condition they would defer going to california till the spring of , and each chief assist me to the amount of two beaver skins, to get a good manual labor literary institution established for the english education of their sons and daughters (a subject they feel the deepest interest in), i would use every measure to get the unhappy affair adjusted; and, as a token of my regard for them, would, from my private funds, give the chiefs five hundred dollars, to assist them in purchasing young cows in california. i likewise proffered, as they are so eager for it, to start the english school next fall, by giving them the services of mr. lee, my interpreter, for four months, commencing in november next. ellis more than properly appreciated my motives and proffers, and said he was of the full belief the chiefs would accede to my proposition; spoke of the importance of the english school, and of the strong and general desire to obtain it. he left in high hopes of a continuance of peace and onward prosperity to his people. a few days later brought me into another excitement and difficulty at vancouver. two young men, named in mclaughlin's communication to this government (a copy of which, marked a, together with a reply, accompanies these dispatches), crossed the columbia river, and, unobserved, in the midst of a little thicket something over half a mile from fort vancouver, felled some timber, threw up a few logs in the shape of a hut, intending soon to finish it, put up a paper upon a contiguous tree, stating that they had commenced and intended to establish a claim agreeably with ----; here the note ended. some one about the establishment, observing the paper and commencement of the hut, reported it to the governor, who sent down at once and had all the timber removed from the vicinity, the tree felled, and that, with the paper likewise, removed. they had hardly cleared the ground when the claimants arrived with a surveyor, and commenced surveying off a section of land, embracing the post first commenced upon. they were inquired of, at the instance of governor mclaughlin, as to their object and intentions. they at once laid down the chain, dropped all business, and walked up to the fort. several respectable and influential american citizens happened to be present on business, who, with myself, were respectfully invited to hear the discussion. williamson, a modest and respectable young man, demeaned himself with propriety; but alderman, his associate, a boisterous, hare-brained young fellow, caused me (as occasionally others do) to blush for american honor. his language was most severe, and, but for the sake of the country's quiet, could not have been endured; the governor and mr. douglas displaying their usual calmness and forbearance. i heard the discussion for two hours; and, becoming satisfied that no possible good could grow out of it, remarked that with the cheerful consent of both parties i would give my sense of the matter. each readily consenting, i thought best to come up on the blind side of alderman; treated his measures with less severity, and himself with more consideration and respect, than he anticipated; then spoke of greenough's construction of the treaty between the two governments (which i happened to have with me); of the immense district of country dependent upon this establishment for supplies in beef, pork, etc., and as evidence that they had no more land contiguous than was necessary for their purposes, spoke of the number of cattle and other stock that had died of starvation during the last winter; dwelt upon the importance of union and good feeling among all the whites, surrounded as we were by savages, in our weak and defenseless condition, and especially of the propriety of establishing correct precedents in our unsettled state, regarding land claims; and, without advising particularly either party, took my seat. williamson and alderman soon manifested a desire for a private interview, which resulted in a suspension of hostilities for the present, and probably an abandonment of the claim. now, my dear sir, suffer me to write a few things concerning this country, which seemed to me strongly to demand the speedy attention of the members of our government. take fifty men from the colony, of the most intelligence, firmness, and prudence, and anarchy and confusion follow. suffer a free introduction of ardent spirits, and desolation, horror, dismay, and bloodshed ensue. never were a people more illy prepared for self-government, nor more unfavorably circumstanced to succeed,--aside from the single fact of the absence of all intoxicating drinks. sir, too great a portion of our population comes from the western suburbs of civilization, for one moment's safety to us in our present condition. i know not but i have as much patience as most men, but am heartily tired of this state of things. nor would i run the risk again, by land and water, from whites and savages, for the safety and quietness of the colony and country, for all the wealth of earth. i have not shrunk from toil, danger, nor hardships, and though alone-handed and unsustained, black-balled and traduced, astonishing to say, my measures have yet succeeded. i think of the past with a clear conscience, yet at present, at peace as we are, i look upon our critical condition with an anxious, aching heart, feeling that the members of our government err exceedingly toward their citizens in oregon. as i have so often said of this lower country, with its beauty, excellence of soil, and mildness of climate, it might be rendered the paradise of earth; but, sir, every thing is jeoparded by the tardiness of our government measures; not only the poor, injured natives, but the whites generally, have become wearied to impatience in waiting for an expression from our government, and disaffection, with a want of confidence, is taking the place of previous warm feeling and strong attachment. i regret this exceedingly, but feel it my duty to speak out in truth and distinctness upon this important point. i have said and done what i could to keep up confidence and hope; but already demagogues are haranguing in favor of independence, and using the most disparaging language regarding the measures of our government as a reason for action. these are but the beginnings, and, though i am glad to say such sentiments do not generally obtain, yet they are more favorably listened to this year than last; their natural results and practical tendency you will readily perceive. your annual report of reached me only a few days since, having been broken open on the way, then put into the hands of indians, and forwarded to me through that channel. and while i have to regret never having received any thing from your pen, be assured i am not insensible to the honor done me, in speaking as you did of my report, through yours of to the secretary of war. i feel any kind expression from home the more sensibly, from the torrent of opposition i have been forced to meet and contend with here; but am happy to observe that my influence is increasing, and my measures are being better understood and appreciated. influence here is most important; i felt this strikingly a few weeks since. three among the most correct and sensible men of the colony formed a co-partnership to enter largely upon the brewery business. they had already taken some steps; and as the business promised to be lucrative, the probabilities were against me in attempting to dissuade them from their purpose. i visited them, labored calmly, honestly, and faithfully, and felt the difference dealing or talking with men of sense and principle, over many with whom i have to do in oregon. the interview broke up most agreeably, not an unpleasant sentence having passed; the gentlemen engaging to give me their decision very soon. this was communicated to me two days after, in a delicate and handsome manner, which was entirely to my wishes, the business being altogether abandoned. this was most gratifying to me, as from such a quarter should beer be introduced, it would be impossible for us to prevent the introduction of stronger drink into the colony and country, which, of all others, is most illy prepared to receive it. the colony, now numbering about four thousand, is in a most flourishing state, and i am doubtful if any like number are more pleased or better contented in our wide domain. the schools of the country during the last winter have been well sustained; i have contributed to each, as was necessary, from ten to fifteen dollars, to pay rents, etc., and to encourage them forward in their laudable struggle to educate their rising families. i attended the examination of the methodist institute school a few weeks since, and was most agreeably impressed regarding the institution. the pleasant deportment and improved manners of the young ladies and gentlemen of the school, saying nothing of their astonishing advancement in the different departments of literature, was a cause of the highest gratification. i have nowhere attended an examination, taking all things into the account, more creditable to the principal or institution. i have called for a report, but am sorry it has not yet come to hand. the branches taught are rhetoric, grammar, geography, arithmetic, reading, writing, and spelling. the most enlightened and best disposed are using their influence to strengthen the organization, and perfect the laws of the colony. many are favorable to the adoption of a constitution, by calling a convention for that purpose the present season. this being the most enlightened sense, and meeting with little opposition, i am of the opinion it will prevail. should this be effected, the constitution, accompanied with a petition, will probably be forwarded by a delegate from this country to washington city the coming winter. as the friends of the constitution generally wish best to the country, and desire to have every thing so conducted as not to embarrass, but to meet with acceptance at home, i am solicited to be said delegate, and represent the wants of oregon. a circulating medium is greatly needed; however, the enterprise and onward march of this people can not easily be repressed. through the auspices of the hudson's bay company almost every man, requesting and needing it, is helped to sufficient means to commence upon his section of land; and, certainly, by far the greater number give evidence of well-placed confidence. the prairies are dotted over with houses, and the fruitful fields are spreading out widely all around us. moral and religious influence, i regret to say, is waning; yet it is gratifying to observe an increasing interest upon the subject of schools and education; and i am happy to say we have now eleven schools this side the mountains, most of them small, to be sure, but they are exerting a salutary and beneficial influence. pardon the length and want of interest of my report. did not duty hold me here, or had i funds appropriated to travel abroad to explore this delightful region of surrounding country, from what i learn of vague reports i have little doubt but much interesting, curious, and important information might be collected. but here i am, doomed to sit, watch, and sometimes almost _fight_ for peace between whites and indians--the question of right and wrong becoming more and more complicated continually; while here, allow me to say, the settling these difficulties necessarily costs me not a little. i believe most fully, in making a settlement with an indian or tribe, to have it a happy, earnest, and hearty one; and, in order to effect this, they require a present as a seal. and, sir, this is my principal means of usefulness or influence over these poor, and, in many instances, injured natives. their seeming confidence and regard makes one the more patient and cheerful in doing for them; nor can i complain, as so many east of the mountains have been obliged to, of violated faith on the part of the indians. from all i can learn, on much of which little reliance is to be placed, there appear to be about forty-two thousand indians in the territory, allowing it to extend to ° ' north latitude. mr. lee's (my interpreter) report accompanying this you will observe. i would have accompanied him but for the season of the year, and the prevalence of the dysentery, which is sweeping off the poor natives of this lower country. this gave rise to dr. long's bill, which, i hope, will be honored, as it was a work of humanity as well as policy. i directed it, as i could not possibly attend to those and these at the same time, there being forty miles between us. i hope, providence permitting, to have the pleasure of seeing you and the other gentlemen of the departments, at washington, in a few weeks, or months at longest, after this reaches, and of explaining my accounts and reasons for expenditures. i had not expected to draft on the department this spring; but there were no other means of settling with governor mclaughlin, for the want of a circulating medium through which to operate. inclosed is a letter from peter h. burnett, esq., which i proposed forwarding in my last dispatches, but received too late for transmission. with great respect, i am, dear sir, your most humble and obedient servant, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. _to the citizens of oregon:_ gentlemen,--we take the liberty of informing you that a person named "henry williamson," some time about the th of february, this year, took the liberty of erecting on the premises of the hudson's bay company a few logs, in the form of a hut, and wrote a notice upon an adjoining tree that he had taken a section of land there. this was done without our knowledge or consent, within a few hundred yards of a house occupied by one of the hudson's bay company's servants, and within the limits of their improvements. as soon as we were informed of that proceeding, we had the tree cut down and the logs removed, in order to prevent any future difficulty with a person who had, in a manner so unjustifiable, intruded on the hudson's bay company's premises. the hudson's bay company made their settlement at fort vancouver under the authority of a license from the british government, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty between great britain and the united states of america, which gives them the right of occupying as much land as they require for the operations of their business. on the faith of that treaty, they have made a settlement on the north bank of the columbia river; they have opened roads and made other improvements at a great outlay of capital; they have held unmolested possession of their improvements for many years, unquestioned by the public officers of either government, who have, since the existence of their settlements, repeatedly visited it; they have carried on business with manifest advantage to the country; they have given the protection of their influence over the native tribes to every person who required it, without distinction of nation or party; and they have afforded every assistance in their power toward developing the resources of the country and promoting the industry of its inhabitants. the tract of land they occupy, on the north bank of the columbia river, is indispensable to them as a range for their flocks and herds, but otherwise of little value, being in part inundated every summer by the waters of the columbia, and in part unimprovable forest land. occupying the said tract of land by the authority of law, and under the protection of the british government, they can not submit to the infringement of rights so acquired; and we, as their representatives, are bound to use every means sanctioned by the law which governs us against all trespassers on their premises, until otherwise directed by orders emanating from the hudson's bay company. permit us to assure you, gentlemen, that it is our earnest wish to maintain a good understanding, and to live on friendly terms with every person in the country. we entertain the highest respect for the provisional organization; and knowing the good it has effected, as well as the evil it has prevented, we wish it every success, and hope, as we desire, to continue to live in the exercise and interchange of good offices with the framers of that useful institution. the advantages of peace and harmony, of the support and maintenance of established rights, must be as evident to every member of the community as the evils flowing from a state of lawless misrule. with these considerations before us, we feel confident that every person who desires the well-being of the country, who wishes to see it prosperous and flourishing, will unite in putting down every course which may have a tendency to disturb the public peace, and in promoting, by every means in his power, the cause of justice, obedience to the laws, and mutual accommodation. with a fervent prayer to the divine bestower of all good for the happiness and prosperity of every individual in the country, we have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servants, john mclaughlin. james douglas. * * * * * vancouver, march , . gentlemen,--i am sorry to inform you that mr. williamson is surveying a piece of land occupied by the hudson's bay company, alongside of this establishment, with a view of taking it as a claim; and as he is an american citizen, i feel bound, as a matter of courtesy, to make the same known to you, trusting that you will feel justified in taking measures to have him removed from the hudson's bay company's premises, in order that the unanimity now happily subsisting between the american citizens and british subjects residing in this country may not be disturbed or interrupted. i beg to inclose you a copy of an address to the citizens of oregon, which will explain to you our situation and the course we are bound to pursue in the event of your declining to interfere. i am, gentlemen, your obedient humble servant, j. mclaughlin. william bailey, osborne russell, p. g. stewart, executive committee of oregon. [the above documents must be considered a full declaration of war by the hudson's bay company, as all future operations of theirs were merely preparatory to the final consummation and attack that was made through the cayuses. the answer of our executive committee acknowledged treaty rights that did not exist, as neither the sovereignty of the soil, nor the boundary line, were settled, hence the joint occupancy of both as per treaty was good.] * * * * * oregon city, march , . sir,--we beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letters,--one dated th of march, and the other th of march,--accompanied with an address to the citizens of oregon. we regret to hear that unwarranted liberties have been taken by an american citizen upon the hudson's bay company's premises, and it affords us great pleasure to learn that the offender, after due reflection, desisted from the insolent and rash measure. as american citizens, we beg leave to offer you and your much esteemed colleague our most grateful thanks for the kind and candid manner in which you have treated this matter, as we are aware that an infringement on the rights of the hudson's bay company in this country, by an american citizen, is a breach of the laws of the united states, by setting at naught her most solemn treaties with great britain. as representatives of the citizens of oregon, we beg your acceptance of our sincere acknowledgments of the obligations we are under to yourself and your honorable associate for the high regard you have manifested for the authorities of our provisional government, and the special anxiety you have ever shown for our peace and prosperity; and we assure you that we consider ourselves in duty bound to use every exertion in our power to put down every cause of disturbance, as well as to promote the amicable intercourse and kind feelings hitherto existing between ourselves and the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, until the united states shall extend its jurisdiction over us, and our authority ceases to exist. we have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servants, osborne russell. p. g. stewart. john mclaughlin, esq. * * * * * tualatin plains, november , . dear sir,--your communication of the th october, , was duly received, and a press of business has delayed my reply till now. in relation to the subject of inquiry contained in your letter (being the natural resources of oregon), i can truly say that i entertain a very high opinion of the great and decided advantages bestowed by nature upon this most interesting and beautiful portion of our globe. our facilities for commercial enterprise are most decided, as the rapidly increasing commerce of the great pacific lies at our very door. the climate of this country is more _equable_, subject to fewer extremes than any, perhaps, in the world. i have been here about one year, and have found it most delightful, and i can truly say that it is the most healthy country i have ever lived in. during the present year, i have scarcely heard of a case of fever in the whole country. the timber of oregon is indeed most superior, and constitutes a large portion of its wealth; and we have not only the tallest, finest timber in the world, but we have everywhere water power to any desirable extent, suitable for propelling all kinds of machinery. the soil of this country is most excellent, and can be prepared and cultivated with less labor than that of any other country. wheat is the great staple of the world, and as a wheat-growing country, this ranks in the very first class. the crop is not only of the _best quality, but is always large, and there is no such occurrence as a failure of the wheat crop_. for potatoes, melons, turnips, and garden vegetables generally, our soil is superior. indian corn does not succeed well, and in fact we have no use for it, as our cattle live all the year upon the natural pastures of the country. since i have been here, i have been myself engaged in farming occupations, and i have been astonished at the very small amount of labor required to cultivate a farm. potatoes are planted, and nothing more is done to them until they are ready for digging, when they are not dug, but generally turned up with the plow. peas are sown broadcast, like wheat, and are neither staked nor cultivated, and produce in great abundance. plowing is done here from the month of september until july, and wheat is sown from october to may, and potatoes are planted in march, april, and may. a team of two horses, with a very light, easy plow, can break prairie land, but a team of two yoke of oxen is most generally used. i am informed that timothy, clover, and blue grass all grow well in the soil of oregon. for pasturage this country is pre-eminent. horses, cattle, and sheep require neither feed nor shelter, and keep fat all the year round. hogs are raised here with partial feeding, and pork is generally fattened upon wheat, and finer pork i never saw anywhere. i omitted to mention in its appropriate place that our harvesting commences about the th of july, and continues throughout the month of august; and during the present year we had no rain from about the st of july to the th of october, so that we had the finest weather for saving our crops imaginable. one thing that strikes the beholder of this country with greatest force, is the unsurpassable beauty of its scenery. we have snow-clad mountains, beautiful valleys, pure, rapid streams running over pebbly beds, with numerous cascades and waterfalls, and trees of superior grandeur and beauty. the government of oregon has grown up from necessity; and perhaps no new organization has been adopted and sustained with so much unanimity and good order. every circumstance has tended to strengthen it. i attended the last term of the circuit courts in most of the counties, and i found great respect shown to judicial authority everywhere, and did not see a _solitary drunken juryman, or witness, or spectator_. so much industry, good order, and sobriety, i have never observed in any community. our population seem to be exceedingly enterprising, and is making rapid progress to comfort and wealth. as yet, we have had no murders, no robberies, thefts, or felonies of any kind, except one assault with intent to kill. our grand juries have exhibited very laudable assiduity in discharging their duties, and criminals here will meet with certain and prompt punishment. nature has displayed here her most magnificent powers, and our country has its full share of natural advantages. our prospects are most brilliant. if we can keep out intoxication, _and we will do it_, half a century will not roll away before there will exist in oregon one of the most industrious, virtuous, free, and commercial nations in the world. i have already protracted this communication beyond its appropriate length, and will now close it by subscribing myself, yours, etc., peter h. burnett. dr. e. white. * * * * * wallamet, oregon, april , . sir,--i have the honor and happiness of informing you, and through you, if it be your pleasure, the american public, that measures have been taken by myself and the citizens in this colony, to open a wagon route through from the upper part of this valley, the present season, directly to fort hall, or green river; the pilot returning and escorting the immigrants through the much shorter, easier, and every way more advantageous route. the immigrants will thereby be enabled to bring with them their herds, wagons, and all their effects at once directly into the heart of the wallamet valley; saving thereby an immense amount of toil, hardship, and suffering, saying nothing of the necessary destruction and increased danger of the other route. your humble and obedient servant, e. white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. the messenger is leaving. * * * * * oregon city, march , . _dr. e. white:_ sir,--in compliance with the request you made to me, that i should notice and communicate to you whatever i might deem of interest during my visit, in your employ, to the various indian tribes east of the cascade mountains, bearing to them presents with admonitions and advice from you in order to secure the safety and peace of the immigrants in their passage through their country, the following is submitted:-- . _the nez percés_.--your acquaintance with this promising people renders it unnecessary for me to speak of their general character. i would simply remark, that their anxieties to become a civilized and literary nation have suffered no abatement since i left them in march last, after passing the winter with them most pleasantly, as teacher, in the employ of rev. h. h. spalding, missionary. ellis, with most of the chiefs, was absent, having gone to meet the immigrants, then in the vicinity of fort boise, with a view to furnish them provisions, and trade them horses for cattle. you are aware of their eagerness to obtain domestic stock with all farming utensils, which i regard as one of the most interesting facts connected with indian affairs west of the rocky mountains. avarice is doubtless the ruling passion of most indians, and forms a capital upon which those engaged in indian affairs may operate for good or evil. with the nez percés, it has thus far been turned to good account, effecting results as beneficial to the whites and more salutary to the natives themselves, on this side the mountains, than has been effected on the other side by military force. such is the prevalence of this "love of gain" among the indians, that all efforts to control them by motives held out to any other passion, must prove ineffectual, at least, while we are unable to awe them by martial parade. the individual difficulties existing between james, timothy, and others, in relation to their claims on the valley, about the clearwater mission, are, for the time, put to rest, by the promise that you will visit them soon, and have the matter properly adjusted. their crops this year have been abundant, and they have furnished the immigrants large supplies of provisions, which, i am happy to say, were bartered in good faith, and the trade conducted with much amity and good feeling on both sides, while i have to regret that ellis and his people were unable to procure cattle to any extent worthy of notice. the presents were received, and the advice heard with a most respectful attention. . _the cayuses_ are also manifesting a spirit of enterprise, highly commendable. they too, have raised much grain and potatoes, and are trading freely with the immigrants. a number of their chiefs and principal men were absent at the time, having gone, in company with a party of wallawallas, to california, with horses to trade for cattle. they have since returned, and i sincerely regret to learn the failure of this, their first expedition of the kind. the spaniards and other whites treated them badly; murdered one of the most promising young men of the wallawallas, and the party returned without effecting the object of their trip. what influence this affair will have upon the conduct of these two tribes in reference to the next immigration passing through their countries, time alone must determine. the lawless bands along the river, from fort wallawalla to the dalles, are still troublesome to the immigrants; and the immigrants are still very imprudent in breaking off into small parties, just when they should remain united. the indians are tempted by the unguarded and defenseless state of the immigrants, and avail themselves of the opportunity to gratify their cupidity. here allow me to suggest a thought. these robbers furnish us a true miniature likeness of the whole indian population, whenever they fail to obtain such things as they wish in exchange for such as they have to give. these are robbers now, because they have nothing to give; all others will be robbers when, with what they have to give, they can not procure what they wish. i am satisfied of the correctness of this conclusion, from all that i have witnessed of indian character, even among the praiseworthy nez percés. and should the government of the united states withhold her protection from her subjects in oregon, they will be under the necessity of entering into treaty stipulations with the indians, in violation of the laws of the united states, as preferable to a resort to force of arms. hitherto, the immigrants have had no serious difficulty in passing through the territory of these tribes; but that their passage is becoming more and more a subject of interest to the indians, is abundantly manifest. they collect about the road from every part of the country, and have looked on with amazement; but the novelty of the scene is fast losing its power to hold in check their baser passions. the next immigration will, in all probability, call forth developments of indian character, which have been almost denied an existence among these people. indeed, sir, had you not taken the precaution to conciliate their good feelings and friendship toward the whites, just at the time they were meeting each other, it is to be doubted whether there had not been some serious difficulties. individuals on both sides have been mutually provoked and exasperated during the passage of each immigration, and these cases are constantly multiplying. much prudence is required on the part of the whites, and, unfortunately, they have very little by the time they reach the columbia valley. some of the late immigrants, losing their horses, and very naturally supposing them stolen by the indians, went to the bands of horses owned by the indians and took as many as they wished. you are too well acquainted with indians to suppose that such a course can be persisted in without producing serious results. i am aware that this is looking at the dark side; but sir, perhaps it is wisdom to look at that side when it is more than half turned toward us, if, by looking, we can find some way to turn it back again. i look to ellis, and the speedy action of the general government of the united states, as the brightest features in the prospect now before us. your knowledge of my situation and circumstances render any apology unnecessary for this imperfect scroll. i remain, your humble servant, h. a. g. lee. dr. e. white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. * * * * * oregon territory, july , . _to the hon. the secretary of the war department:_ dear sir,--i beg leave, most respectfully, to submit a few thoughts for your consideration, relative to the course pursued by dr. e. white, our late indian sub-agent, now on the eve of leaving us. i would not venture to intrude upon your time, but for the reason that i am aware that dr. white leaves with an anxious and laboring mind, in view of the state of his finances, fearing, perhaps, a proper consideration might not be given to the situation and circumstances in which he has been placed in this isolated portion of our wide domain. i consider it but justice to dr. white, to say, having crossed the mountains with him, that he exerted himself, and did much toward raising the first party that were of a sufficient number to travel independent of the trading companies to the mountains; thereby opening the way, and making the first track to oregon; and since his arrival, by his promptness, decision, and firmness, we have been saved from the baneful influence and degradation of ardent spirits here, in our infant colony; and by his kind, conciliatory measures, active charity, and judicious conduct among the indians, he has done much for them, and probably, in several instances, fended off the arrow of savage warfare. the indefatigable perseverance, expense, and time dr. white has been at in ferreting out a road across the cascade mountains,[ ] which will intersect the old wagon road in the vicinity of fort hall, cutting off some two or three hundred miles of the worst portion of the road, entirely avoiding the columbia river, and the dangers incident to these waters, by an inexperienced, worn-out, and fatigued immigration. by this new route, the immigrants will find themselves greatly relieved, and saved from immense trouble, as they will as readily reach the head of the wallamet settlement, as they would, by the old, reach wallamet; avoiding the difficulties and dangers of the snake and columbia rivers. in conclusion, allow me to observe that the sacrifice one is obliged to make in funds of this country, to render them specie, or available drafts, is immense; and it is almost impossible to do it at all, to any amount. consequently, the doctor finds himself very much embarrassed in his financial concerns, being obliged to draft on his government for his entire expenditures in his official capacity. be pleased to accept, etc., my dear sir, while i remain yours, with due regard and great respect, a. lawrence lovejoy. [footnote ] the cascade ridge of mountains was found to be high and difficult to pass; and it is doubtful with me if the immigrants succeeded in crossing over with their wagons and effects, into the valley of the wallamet. * * * * * oregon, august , . the following resolution was introduced and adopted in the house of representatives of oregon territory, this day:-- _resolved_, that this house recommend to the favorable consideration of the government of the united states, the just claims of dr. elijah white, sub-indian agent, to remuneration for the heavy expense by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern pass through the cascade mountains. m. m. mccarver, speaker. attest: j. e. long, clerk. * * * * * washington city, dec. , . _hon. w. medill:_ dear sir,--allow me to say a word in behalf of my friend, dr. elijah white, indian agent in oregon, who desires to arrange at the department the accounts of his four years' service in that territory. dr. white, with whom i passed the winter of upon the wallamet, has had unnumbered difficulties surrounding him, and has performed his duties with great delicacy and happy success. my conviction is, that he has performed services in oregon, both to whites and indians, equal to those of several agencies combined, on our western frontier, at a very inadequate compensation, and with very stinted means. all whom i heard comment upon the administration of his office have accorded to him great praise for ardor and industry; and those among whom he has officially acted will be gratified to hear that he has met a generous reception at the department. yours, with great respect, william gilpin. * * * * * war department, } office of indian affairs, jan. , . } sir,--the secretary of war is desirous that you should return to your agency as early as practicable, and has authorized me to say that the department will allow to you the sum of three hundred dollars ($ ) to defray your expenses there. instructions in relation to your duties will be given you when you reach this city, or will be forwarded to you at such place as you may designate. an immediate reply will be expected. very respectfully, your obedient servant, w. medill. dr. elijah white, lansingville, tompkins co., n. y. since the above requirement i have been detained here waiting the action of congress upon the following bill, to release me from the responsibilities of my government protested drafts, which, from the rapid influx of white population to that distant indian country, the necessities of my position have compelled me to incur. i am now out of employment, and on heavy expenses, and under obligation, from important engagements, to leave for oregon soon, in order to reach my destination this fall. should the following report of the senate committee prove satisfactory, and all be persuaded that i have acted correctly, and expended no more than the honor of our government and the necessities of my position required, i will feel greatly obliged if congress, "now so much relieved from heavy national and public affairs," will take up my bill and pass it through informally, as these protested drafts crowd and embarrass me much. the indian department have reconsidered the case, and, as the report of the committee will show, done for me what they felt authorized to do; and i now most respectfully pray your honorable consideration to the payment of the residue, that i may go back to the land of my adoption unembarrassed, and happy in the consideration that our congress will do right. and that any small presents, and other reasonable expenses to conciliate indians where our citizens are settling on their unbought lands, will be cheerfully met. should any member desire an explanation, please drop me a note, and i will call at the moment required. only pray act, and let me be off; for i thirst to be on the prairies of the far west, making my way to the valley of the wallamet. * * * * * the documents from the legislature of oregon arrived and defeated the doctor. the following extract is from the report of the senate committee on indian affairs on the petition of dr. white:-- "your committee finds this first charge to be the amount actually and necessarily expended by the petitioner, and believes it to be moderate and equitable, and that it ought to be allowed. "the second charge appears equally just, and to have been made in compliance with the instructions of t. hartley crawford, superintendent of indian affairs, of february , , and enforced by the resolution of the oregon legislature, expressing the hope that congress will reimburse the expenses of the petitioner thereby incurred. "the third charge is for moneys actually paid under the specified heads by the petitioner, and for which drafts are now under protest, being disallowed by the department. these accounts, your committee finds, have been suspended by the department under a decision made to restrict the petitioner to the amount allowed by law to sub-agents, viz., $ , per annum in all. your committee believes that these amounts are equitably and justly asked, and should be granted by congress, although the committee approves of the decision of the department, and thinks, in cases like the present, that such extra allowances should be made only by congress. "your committee has had a variety of testimony before it, showing that the affairs of his position have compelled the petitioner to transact and regulate indian relations among ten large tribes, and many more smaller ones, speaking different languages, and for the most part warlike, excitable, and suspicious people. the indian population, among whom he has been the only official organ, amounts to twenty-five thousand souls. the petitioner has been left to support himself by his solitary energies and exertions, without the aid of troops, annuities, or the awe which the power of the government exercises over indians to whom it is known. the prices of all articles (especially provisions), and the wages of interpreters and assistants, and the means of traveling and transportation are very high, and difficult to be procured. "your committee believes that the petitioner would be left without any compensation for four years of arduous, harassing, and vexatious services, unless the relief for which he prays be extended to him by congress. "the committee, therefore, reports the accompanying bill, and recommends its passage, as sanctioned by the equity and justice of the case, and according with the uniform policy and practice of the congress of the united states in similar cases." we wish to state that the reason for quoting dr. white's report so extensively is from the facts embodied in it, wholly independent of his self-lauding statement. did we not know that mr. cornelius rogers and mr. h. a. g. lee were his advisers and interpreters, we would not quote him as at all reliable in any of his indian councils or proceedings. chapter li. .--public meetings to elect delegates to convention.--candidates for governor.--members elected to the legislative committee.--oath of office.--mr. applegate's announcement.--dr. mclaughlin's amphibiousness.--description of the members of the legislative committee.--business of the session.--ermatinger's election contested.--mr. garrison's resolutions.--anti-slavery resolution.--organic law revised.--improvements and condition of the country. .--public meetings had been held in most of the districts, and nominations made for the legislative committee. delegates were elected to meet at champoeg in convention, to nominate candidates for governor, supreme judge, and territorial recorder. in this convention a. l. lovejoy, george abernethy, o. russell, and dr. bailey were candidates for governor. after several ballotings, mr. lovejoy received a majority of the votes, and was declared the regularly nominated candidate. mr. russell's friends were dissatisfied, and in the final vote at the june election, joined with mr. abernethy's friends and elected him, although he was absent from the country. this left the old executive committee in power until after the meeting of the legislative committee, and revision of the organic laws, which was the first business the committee attended to, and submitted the amended organic compact to the people for their approval. the members elected were:-- from clackamas county: h. a. g. lee, w. h. gray, h. straight. from champoeg county: r. newell, j. m. garrison, m. g. foisy, and b. lee. from yamhill county: jesse applegate and a. hendricks. from tualatin county: m. m. mccarver, j. w. smith, and david hill. from clatsop county: john mcclure. the oath administered to this legislative committee shows the feelings of the mover (mr. applegate) toward the hudson's bay company. oath of office.--"i do solemnly swear that i will support the organic laws of the provisional government of oregon, so far as the said organic laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of the united states, or a subject of great britain, and faithfully demean myself in office. so help me god." in starting from missouri to come to this country in , mr. applegate announced to his traveling companions, as we have been credibly informed, that he meant to drive the hudson's bay company from the country. to reach the country independent of them, he had sold or mortgaged his cattle to get supplies at wallawalla. on arriving at vancouver, he found dr. mclaughlin to be much of a gentleman, and disposed to aid him in every way he could. the doctor advised him to keep his cattle and gave him employment as a surveyor, and credit for all he required. this kind treatment closed mr. applegate's open statements of opposition to the company, and secured his friendship and his influence to keep his missouri friends from doing violence to them. he carried this kind feeling for them into the legislative committee. at this point the amphibious disposition of dr. mclaughlin (a term applied to the doctor, by a member of the company, for his supposed friendship to the american cause) began to develop itself; and in proportion as he favored american interests he fell in the estimation of the company and the english government. the oath of office presented by mr. applegate, and supported by messrs. newell, foisy, mccarver, garrison, smith, and hendricks, shows that these men were favorable to a union with the company or the english party in the country. this would have been right and honorable, had there been a corresponding honorable confidence on their part; but, as the sequel will show, this was not the case. they were willing to favor our organization and give it a _quasi_ support while it served their purposes and afforded them an opportunity to work for its final overthrow. as a citizen, mr. applegate has been one of our best; as a politician, he has acted on the old whig platform, that, with him, has never been revised. though half the american continent has been changed since he adopted it, yet his political creed is the same as that announced by hamilton in the _federalist_. my first impression of him was, that he was better versed in the principles of that party than in those of religion, or the general interests of a new country. the fact that the hudson's bay company, or rather dr. mclaughlin, early secured his personal friendship, was the cause of his losing caste among his missouri friends, and also among the larger portion of the settlers that the company were not disposed to favor. in his legislative capacity he was invaluable. his mind was clear and distinct, and he was generally correct in his conclusions. though not a good debater, yet his mathematical calculations, and straight lines, always came close to the mark. he was kind and obliging to a friend or favorite, but severe on his enemies. mr. abijah hendricks, from the same county, was a plain farmer, who followed the lead of mr. applegate, causing him to always count two in any vote. mr. j. h. smith, of tualatin county, was also a plain farmer, and generally voted with mr. hill. mr. m. g. foisy, from champoeg, a frenchman, followed the lead of mr. newell. mr. barton lee was of the independent democratic pro-slavery school, generally voting against mission interests, from personal prejudice, and was equally ignorant of and prejudiced against the hudson's bay company; following the lead of h. a. g. lee. j. m. garrison was a perfect weathercock, and none could tell from his speeches or actions what his vote would be. h. straight, of clackamas county, was a man of strong prejudices and but little legislative ability, pro-slavery in sentiment, and strongly opposed to the company and mission influences. he generally voted with mr. hill, of tualatin district. john mcclure, of clatsop county, a man of fine appearance and generally respected for his age, but, as a politician, having no influence--merely occupying a place. he was of the pro-slavery school--extremely bitter and sarcastic in his conversation against all who fell under his displeasure, yet liberal to personal friends, and kind to strangers; but severe alike on the hudson's bay company and religious societies. he was inclined in his own religious ideas to romanism. h. a. g. lee was a young man of talent, firmness, and unimpeachable character. he acted with caution, and generally right. he was not a verbose, but a conclusive debater. in short, the words of a debate were uttered by mccarver, and the conclusions and final action followed lee, who was always ready, with applegate and gray, to do his full share of writing and labor. as we have before stated, the first business of this legislative committee was, to revise and prepare an organic law, which could be submitted for the adoption of the people. the whole number of voters was about eight hundred. while this was being done by a special committee consisting of h. a. g. lee, newell, applegate, smith, and mcclure,--one from each county represented,--another special committee, consisting of gray, applegate, h. a. g. lee, mcclure, and d. hill, were appointed to draft a memorial and petition, to be forwarded to the congress of the united states, setting forth the condition, situation, relations, and wants of this country. these two objects occupied the greater portion of the time of this legislative committee, during their session of eleven days. on the third day of the session, the question as to the legality of allowing francis ermatinger to hold the office of treasurer came up, and it was finally decided that there were not sufficient grounds for contesting the election. ermatinger was then a member of the hudson's bay company, and so was dr. mclaughlin. hill and straight were the only two who voted against ermatinger's holding that office. i have no doubt, from the feeling and influence just then operating among the officers and servants of the company and english colonists (which subsequent events have proved), that they were laboring to divide the american influence, by coming in and appearing to act with us. ermatinger was popular among the americans, and received the entire french vote, and was declared duly elected by the legislative committee. on the fifth day of the session, j. m. garrison (i think he was called rev. in those days) brought in a set of resolutions which speak for themselves. "on motion of mr. garrison-- "_resolved_, that whereas the people of oregon, assembled _en masse_, did, on the d day of may, , resolve that no tax should be levied upon this people, confirming the same by the adoption of the report of the committee of ways and means, adopted by the legislative committee and referred to the people _en masse_, and by them enacted on the th day of july, ; therefore, "_resolved_, that this house has no right to levy a tax of any kind, without the consent of the free voters of this territory previously obtained. "_resolved_, that all acts and parts of acts on that subject passed by the legislative committee were contrary to the express resolution and action of the people." these resolutions were referred to committee of the whole, where they found a silent grave. dr. white by this time is coming up for a big splurge. our young friend h. a. g. lee proposes to make him the bearer of our memorial to congress, by introducing a resolution, "that the clerk be required to furnish to dr. e. white a copy of the memorial to congress, as soon as it shall be properly signed, as per resolution of yesterday." this resolution elicited a little discussion, and a statement that dr. white was not to be trusted with any public document to the government, as he would more than probably change, or so arrange those documents as to secure his own personal ends, whatever they might be. by those unacquainted with dr. white this was considered strange and unreasonable prejudice against him; so that on the final question there were but gray, hill, and straight who voted against placing the documents in his hands. on the last day of this session mr. applegate introduced a test question on the subject of slavery, precisely the same as that introduced by garrison four days previous. "_resolved_, that this government can recognize the right of one person to the services of another only upon _bona-fide_ contract made and entered into, and equally binding on both parties." _yeas_--applegate, gray, smith, mccarver, garrison, hill, h. a. g. lee, hendricks, and foisy-- . _nays_--straight, b. lee, and mcclure-- . we must now adjourn our legislative committee a few days, and see what is going on outside. the organic laws of the people first adopted at champoeg, july , , had been revised, and unanimously adopted by the legislative committee, and submitted for the vote of the people, july , . on page of mr. hines' book, he says: "in the spring of a new legislative committee was elected, which embraced two or three lawyers, who arrived in the country the previous fall. this committee passed a vote recommending several important alterations in the organic laws, which were found to be, in their practical operations, somewhat defective. as the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the legislative committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain the will of the people in relation to the proposed alterations and amendments. this election took place, and resulted in the adoption of the organic laws, with the proposed alterations and amendments, by an overwhelming majority. the principal alterations thus effected relate to the three powers of government,--the legislative, executive, and judicial. instead of a committee of nine, whose acts were to be confirmed or rejected by a subsequent vote of the people, the legislative power was vested in a house of representatives, to consist of not less than thirteen nor more than sixty-one members, possessing all the powers usual to such bodies. instead of a committee of three, the executive power was vested in one person, to be elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, and possessing the powers common to the governors of the different states." we are unable to understand mr. hines when he says, "as the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the legislative committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain the will of the people." this statement shows the ignorance of mr. hines as regards the organic laws adopted by the people of champoeg. mr. saxton, who was in the country at the time, and took copies of those laws attested by mr. le breton (which have already been given), found an organic law with an executive, legislative, and judicial department, the same as the committee of , and all that was requisite was to revise, select out, and define the powers and duties of the several departments. as a matter of policy, and to harmonize and consolidate, as much as was possible, all the conflicting interests and influences in the country, the presence of british subjects was admitted, their treaty rights were acknowledged by our laws, and they were admitted to a voice and representation in the provisional government. the liberal course pursued by the legislature of has fixed the deep stain of ingratitude and infamy upon the british subjects who participated in our organization, and received its benefits and protection, till they had completed their arrangements for its destruction, just as slavery grew under the fostering care of a liberal and generous government, and then attempted to crush and destroy its protector. from a review of mr. hines' book, i find that he was on a tour from oregon to new york by way of china, during and . this will account for his want of information regarding the political events that were taking place during that time; and also shows the views he entertained on leaving the country. dr. mclaughlin had completed his saw-mill and flour-mill at oregon city. the milling company had also put up mills at that place which were now in successful operation, and the country generally was in a prosperous condition. dr. whitman had much annoyance and difficulty with the indians on account of interference and tales told them by old toupin, doreo, gervais, the priests, and others who were jealous of his labors and success among them. he had purchased the dalles station of the methodist mission, and engaged mr. hinman to occupy it until other arrangements could be made. mr. spalding was engaged in improving his farm, also printing books in the nez percé language on his small press, and translating and printing portions of the bible, for the use of the natives. he had a saw-mill and grist-mill at his station; and about three hundred of his indians, and one hundred at dr. whitman's, were cultivating patches of ground. messrs. walker and eells were staying at cimakain, ready to depart any time, as stated by mr. brouillet. on page of his narrative, he says: "a missionary of the spokans, writing to dr. whitman, as early as , has said: 'the failure of this mission is so strongly impressed upon my mind, that i feel it necessary to have cane in hand, and as much as one shoe on, ready for a move. i see nothing but the power of god that can save us.'" _query._--where did rev. vicar-general brouillet get this letter, and for what purpose did he preserve it? did he find it among dr. whitman's papers, when he was hunting them over to find the vial of poison to show the indians as per deposition in the case? brouillet continues: "these facts and statements prove clearly, i think, that there existed among the indians, long before the arrival of the bishop of wallawalla and his clergy, _strong causes of dissatisfaction against the protestant missionaries and the americans in general, and that they formed a leaven that had been fermenting several years_." this statement of vicar-general brouillet is unquestionably true, but, unfortunately for him, he is standing on the outer line of the circle, and has no personal knowledge of inside influences; hence he reasons from effect and guesses at the cause. he is anxious to so arrange cause and effect, as to remove suspicion of crime from a sect, and thereby involves his friends and himself, and furnishes the strongest proof of the complicity and guilt of both in the crime alleged against them. the "leaven" that had been fermenting is just what we are bringing to light. the hudson's bay company were repairing and strengthening their forts, under the plea that they wished some bastions from which they could salute her majesty's ships on their arrival and departure from the river; at the same time they were laboring to secure political influence in the settlements, through their american dupes and tools. while combining the indian tribes, they were encouraging jesuitical religious teachers among them; and while preparing for self-defense, they were dividing the settlement into parties and factions. the methodist mission influence was but little, and mission credit was worse than greenbacks in . as to commerce, it was nearly or quite under the control of the hudson's bay company, also the market value of all produce in the country. chapter lii. .--second session of the legislative committee.--mr. mccarver removed from the office of speaker.--mr. applegate's resolutions.--protest of gray, foisy, and straight.--a legislative incident.--law against dueling.--dr. white addresses the legislature.--resolutions.--dr. white denies the right of the settlers to organize a provisional government.--mccarver signs documents without authority.--resolutions by the house on the subject.--impertinent letter from dr. white to the house.--white cornered by president polk.--incidents in white's temperance movements.--proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of debts.--the currency act.--adjournment of the legislature in august.--meets again in december.--proposal to locate the capital. the legislative committee, at their second session, august , , met under the revised and amended organic law, which had been previously adopted by the people by a majority of two hundred and three. there were between two and three hundred votes against the revision or amendments. many voted against it, on account of its allowing the hudson's bay company's english and french followers an equal voice with the americans and others, and on account of its allowing the legislature the power to _regulate_ the introduction, manufacture, and sale of liquors. mccarver claimed that he was speaker of the house, under the organic law as revised. this caused some discussion and voting and the introduction of a resolution requesting him to resign his position as speaker, which he declined to do. gray moved that the vote electing him speaker of the house be reconsidered. mccarver then proceeded to organize the house, to suit his views of matters, by appointing new committees, and went forward as if no previous committees had been appointed. when his appointments were all made, gray inquired if, in the opinion of mr. speaker mccarver, the house was properly organized. he replied that it was. gray then appealed to the house, and was sustained, mccarver having denied his own position by appointing new committees. on motion of mr. straight, mr. mccarver was removed from his office as speaker, and robert newell elected _pro tem_. applegate, for reasons never fully explained, introduced two resolutions, which show either a short-sighted view of matters, or a foolish policy on his part, to wit:-- "_resolved_, that the people of oregon are not, in the opinion of this house, morally or legally bound by any acts of the officers or agents of the people not expressly authorized or sanctioned by the instrument in virtue of which they had their official existence. "_resolved, further_, that this house can not assume, in behalf of the people, the payment of any debt, or the refunding of any funds borrowed, or otherwise unlawfully contracted or obtained, without first obtaining the consent of the people." on motion, the vote referring said resolution to committee of the whole was reconsidered, when the rules were suspended, the resolution read a second time, and referred to committee of the whole. on the fifth day of the session, the resolutions of mr. applegate were called up, and messrs. applegate, garrison, hendricks, hill, h. lee, b. lee, mcclure, and smith voted for, and foisy, gray, straight, and mccarver against. newell asked to be excused. these resolutions had the effect, designed or not, to destroy the credit of the provisional government. on the sixth day of the session, gray, foisy, and straight presented, and, on motion, were allowed to enter, their protest against their adoption, as follows:-- "_whereas_, a resolution, with a preamble, containing a direct and positive censure upon the proceedings of the oregon government, was introduced into this house by jesse applegate, asserting that this house, and the people of oregon, are not morally or legally bound for any act of said government, to the payment of any debts contracted, or unlawfully borrowed, except they had previously obtained the consent of the people. "_and whereas_, from the wording of said resolution, two constructions may be placed upon it; the one amounting to a repudiation of all debts heretofore contracted, or money borrowed; the other implying a want of confidence in the agents and officers of this government; therefore, "we, the undersigned, decidedly and solemnly protest against the adoption of any such resolutions or expressions by this house, as they not only do no good, but tend to great evil, in destroying the confidence of the people in the agents and officers of this government, without sufficient cause. "w. h. gray. "m. g. foisy. "h. straight. "oregon city, aug. , ." _the effect of these resolutions_ was at once manifest. measures were taken to procure the launch of the _peacock_ (which had been left in the care of dr. mclaughlin by captain wilkes), for a pilot-boat at the mouth of the columbia. the doctor informed the committee that he was not authorized to give it in charge of any irresponsible parties, without an order from as high authority as that from which he had received it. hence the launch was allowed to rot upon the beach at astoria; mr. mcclure, from that place, being one who voted to repudiate responsibility on the part of the provisional government. on the th of august, in the midst of business under the order of the day, mr. applegate came in, apparently under considerable excitement, and in quite an earnest manner asked that the rule be suspended, to allow him to present _a bill to prevent dueling_. no immediate or pressing reason was assigned, but from the earnest manner of mr. applegate, and from what a number of the members knew, or pretended to know, the rule was suspended, mr. applegate's bill to prevent dueling read first time; rule further suspended, his bill read by title second and third time and passed, and on his further motion, a special messenger, p. g. stewart, esq., was sent with it to the governor, for his approval and signature; and in half an hour's time from its introduction and reading in the house it became a law in this vast country, bounded by the russian possessions on the north, the rocky mountains on the east, california on the south, and the pacific on the west. not long after this _telegraphic_ law on dueling was passed, it was discovered that a young man by the name of holderness had considered himself insulted and slandered by some report said to have originated with dr. white. holderness was about to send him a challenge, or at least there was a prospect that they might fight, if either of them had the courage to do so. this law gave the doctor an honorable excuse to decline the challenge, and have holderness indicted and punished for sending it. this matter was engineered through so handsomely by mr. applegate, that dr. white expressed himself _highly gratified and pleased_. on the next day, the th, mr. applegate was honored with an important dispatch from dr. white, which he presented in due form, together with a resolution of thanks to dr. white, and an order was entered on the journal to have the doctor's communication filed for publication. this was not exactly what the doctor wanted, as the sequel will show. he had found that applegate had the talent and influence requisite to carry through the resolutions necessary to accomplish his purposes. he, having spent a part of the summer in running about the wallamet valley, made a trip over to the coast, and one into the cascade mountains; wrote a journal of these trips, and presented it to the house through mr. applegate. after white's journal was read, applegate presented a resolution, that the thanks of this house are due to dr. e. white and his party for their meritorious exertions to find a passage through the cascade mountains, and that his account be filed for publication. on motion, _white was allowed to address_ the house, which he did in his usual self-lauding, plausible manner, insinuating the great labor and benefit he had done, in keeping the indians quiet and in exploring the country. his chaff and bombast secured the co-operation of robert newell and mr. applegate. on the th, mr. applegate informed the house that he had in his possession several official documents, belonging to dr. e. white, which he was requested to lay before the house. the report and documents were received. on motion of mr. applegate-- "_resolved_, that, whereas the adoption of the amended organic law by the people of oregon was an act of necessity rather than choice, and was intended to give to the people the protection which, of right, should be extended to them by their government, and not as an act of defiance or disregard of the authority or laws of the united states; therefore, "_it is further resolved_, st. that, in the opinion of this house, the congress of the united states, in establishing a territorial government, should legalize the acts of the people in this country, so far as they are in accordance with the constitution of the united states. d. that dr. elijah white, sub-indian agent of oregon, be requested to furnish a copy of the amended organic law to the congress of the united states. d. that these resolutions be indorsed on said copy, with the vote of this house adopting the same." on the adoption of the above, the vote was unanimous, which vote was taken by yeas and nays; and, on motion, the house decided that the members should not sign their names to said resolutions. it will be seen by the statement of applegate in the first part of this resolution, or preamble, that he wished to deny an attempt to resist the government of the united states on the part of the people and provisional government; and the fact that dr. white had allowed him to examine his official papers, and present them to the legislative committee, shows the manner he was working with applegate to get documents, resolutions, and papers from the legislature into his hands; also the desperate effort there was made to get a unanimous vote favoring white as the bearer of those documents. dr. white had from the first _denied the right_ of the settlers to organize a provisional government unless they would elect him as their governor. applegate is caught in his trap, as we shall see, and from that day he began to lose his influence, and soon found that he had committed an egregious mistake, notwithstanding he had obtained a unanimous vote, to place those documents in dr. white's hands. in order to head off mccarver, the house had voted that the members should not sign their names to the resolutions. mccarver could not withstand the temptation to get his name as speaker of the oregon legislature before the congress of the united states; so, as soon as the documents came into white's hands, he went to the clerk and attached his name as speaker of the house. newell was not quite satisfied, or rather dr. white was not; so he got newell to present a resolution, as follows:-- "_resolved_, that this house recommend to the favorable consideration of the congress of the united states the just claims of dr. e. white, sub-indian agent, for a remuneration for the heavy expenses by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern passage through the cascade mountains." in the afternoon session the resolution of mr. newell was called up, and, on its final passage, the yeas and nays were demanded, and were as follows:-- _yeas_--messrs. applegate, foisy, hendricks, h. lee, mcclure, newell, straight, and the speaker-- . _nays_--messrs. gray, garrison, hill, b. lee, and smith-- . so the resolution was passed. dr. white waited for the passage of this resolution (keeping quiet as to mccarver's signing the others in violation of the order of the house), and as soon as it was safely in his pocket, left for vancouver, on his way to the states. white had no sooner gone, than it leaked out that mccarver had signed the documents, and white _had broken the seals, and destroyed private letters intrusted to him_ to convey to the states, and had made garrison his confidant respecting breaking open and destroying the letters. here was a muss on hand such as none but white and mccarver could "_kick up_." applegate was too much excited and insulted by these men to say any thing; but he presented through b. lee a resolution as follows:-- "_resolved_, that m. m. mccarver has been opposed to the organic law, as adopted by the people of oregon; and, contrary to the voice of this house in regular session, clandestinely, and in a manner unworthy the confidence reposed in him, placed his name to a copy of those laws transmitted to the united states, thereby conveying a false impression; and did, also, sign his name to two resolutions, contrary to a direct vote of this house; therefore, "_it is further resolved_, that we disapprove of the course he has pursued, and feel ourselves under the humiliating necessity of signifying the same to the united states government, by causing a copy of this resolution to accompany those documents." which was received, and referred to committee of the whole. in the afternoon, dr. j. e. long, clerk of the house, a. l. lovejoy, smith, and hill were called before the house, and put on oath, to state what they knew of the matter. mr. applegate was chairman. the committee rose and reported that they had been engaged in investigating the subject referred to in mr. b. lee's resolution, but had not adopted the resolution. mccarver had been allowed to explain his course. on motion of mr. applegate-- "_resolved_, that, whereas a copy of the organic laws of oregon, together with some resolutions, intended to be sent to the united states, have not been attested and dispatched according to the directions of this house; therefore, "_resolved_, that the clerk dispatch for them a messenger, to vancouver, with authority to bring said documents back, and that he deliver them to the secretary, and that the expenses incurred be paid by the members of this house who voted for the resolution." on the adoption of which the yeas and nays were called, and were as follows:-- _yeas_--messrs. applegate, gray, b. lee, mcclure, and newell-- . _nays_--messrs. hill, smith, and straight-- . so the resolution was adopted. messrs. foisy, garrison, hendricks, and the speaker were excused from voting. on motion, the house went into committee of the whole, mr. applegate in the chair. the committee rose, and reported, that the resolution of b. lee having been under consideration, was laid upon the table. it is but justice to state that the clerk of the house, j. e. long, favored dr. white's and mr. mccarver's course, and allowed mccarver to sign the documents he well knew the house did not wish him to sign. a majority of the house were inclined to believe that white had been slandered; and had mccarver allowed the documents to go as per vote, white's designs, as stated by his opponents, would not have been revealed; so the messenger was sent for the documents on account of mccarver's course. august , .--the house met pursuant to adjournment. the rules were suspended to allow the introduction of resolutions, when, on motion of mr. mcclure, it was "_resolved_, that, whereas the speaker of this house has signed certain documents, ordered to be sent to the united states by a vote of this legislature, from a mistaken sense of duty, and not from contumacy or contempt for this house; therefore, "_resolved_, that m. m. mccarver, said speaker, have leave of absence, for the purpose of following dr. e. white to vancouver; and this house enjoins that said speaker erase his name from said documents, to wit, the organic laws, and two resolutions in favor of dr. e. white." on motion of mr. applegate, it was "_resolved_, that it was not the intention of this house, in passing resolutions in favor of dr. e. white, to recommend him to the government of the united states as a suitable person to fill any office in this territory; and, "_be it further resolved_, that the clerk of this house forward, by some suitable person, an attested copy of this resolution, to the united states government." the house appointed j. m. garrison, speaker, _pro tem_. mccarver, being thus plainly invited, left the house, and found that the clerk's messenger had already gone for the documents. he returned in the afternoon and induced mr. smith, from tualatin, to present the following resolution:-- "_resolved_, that the vote requiring the speaker to go in quest of dr. e. white, for the purpose of erasing his name from certain documents in his possession to be by him conveyed to the united states, be reconsidered, and the speaker restored to the chair." on the th of august, the arrival of a letter from dr. e. white was announced, which was read, as follows:-- august , . _to the hon., etc.:_ gentlemen,--being on my way, and having but a moment to reflect, i have been at much of a loss which of your two resolutions most to respect, or which to obey; but at length have become satisfied that the first was taken most _soberly_, and, as it answers my purpose best, i pledge myself to adhere strictly to that. sincerely wishing you good luck in legislating, i am, dear sirs, very respectfully yours, e. white. on the th, on motion of mr. applegate, it was "_resolved_, that the secretary be requested to forward to the united states government, through the american consul at the sandwich islands, a copy of the articles of compact, as adopted by the people of oregon territory, on the last saturday of july, a.d. ; and that the same be signed by the governor, and attested by the secretary; also, all resolutions adopted by this house relative to sending said documents by e. white, late indian agent of this territory; also, a copy of the letter of e. white, directed to this house." these documents and papers, with depositions respecting white's opening and destroying private letters, were prepared, duly signed, and sent on to the sandwich islands by captain couch, of the _lausanne_, and reached washington just in time for president polk to refuse white an important commission in new mexico. the president, on receiving the documents and learning of white's course, asked an explanation, which he at first declined to give, on account of an attempt, as he alleged, of _some low blackguards in oregon to slander him_. the legislative documents were referred to, when he found he was cornered, and left the president's house without his appointment. thus ended, for a time, the official course of a base and unprincipled man, who seemed only to live and move for selfish ends. his influence as a missionary, and as an officer of the government, were alike vile and unprincipled. he sought friends and partisans only to deceive and betray them. applegate, mccarver, garrison, lee, mcclure, and newell were compelled to acknowledge his deception. in fact, no one but the hudson's bay company could make any use of him, and with them he was considered an irresponsible man, and only useful as a tool to combine the indians, and divide and destroy the influence of the settlement, as he had done that of the methodist mission. the history of dr. white, as connected with pacific city and spiritualism, and his secret agency under president lincoln's administration, are of small moment when compared with the moral blight he fixed on the cause of missions and religion, in his early relations in oregon. all who have ever attempted to associate with him, or assist him, have been made to feel his immoral influence. he made great professions of sustaining the temperance cause, while acting as indian agent, and still allowed the hudson's bay company to do as they pleased with their liquors, without a single word of complaint or remonstrance to the american government, while he pursued a high-handed and injudicious course toward the american citizen in his efforts to prevent the introduction or manufacture of liquors in the country. in his zeal, he hoarded a vessel of which captain j. h. couch was master, and asserted his right to search and seize all the liquors he had on board. captain couch, knowing his rights and duties better than the indian agent did his, ordered his men to get ready a couple of swivels he had on board, ranging them fore and aft along the vessel. he then said to mr. indian agent. "if you are able to take my ship, you can search and seize her, and not otherwise." the doctor found he was dealing with the wrong person, and left, to visit mrs. cooper, who had recently arrived in the country from sydney, new south wales, with a supply of liquors. he succeeded in getting a dram from "old mother cooper," as she was called, and inquired if she had any more like it. the old woman had by this time a suspicion of his object, and informed him that, if she had, he could have no more. soon after, he learned that dick mccary had put up a teapot distillery somewhere near his own house. he then got a party of men and went down and destroyed the whole concern, except the kettle, which answered for a bell, upon which he beat and drummed on his way back to oregon city, and then took an adz and stove a hole in it, thus destroying it. if this had been done on the ground, no exceptions would have been taken to it; but white's proceedings disgusted the friends of temperance so much, that a few days after, when newell presented a communication from him to the legislature, with a bill to prevent the sale of liquor, it was defeated-- for and against. the governor, having confidence in the morality and honesty of the people, suggested in his message the repeal of all laws for the collection of debts. he seemed to be of the opinion, that as they had lived and prospered under the mission and hudson's bay company's rule without any such laws, the same rule would apply to a more numerous and civilized community. he was sustained in his opinion by applegate, hendricks, h. lee, b. lee, and newell-- ; foisy, gray, garrison, hill, mccarver, mcclure, straight, and smith-- , were of a different opinion. this vote seemed to annoy applegate, as he had taken an active part in shaping the governor's suggestions into a bill to prevent litigation, and he seemed to insist upon the experiment being tried in a more extensive manner in the government of oregon. it is due to this legislative body and to the governor to state, that none of them had ever had any experience in law-making until they found themselves in a country where there were no laws, and where the representatives were without law-books (with the single exception of a copy of the statutes of iowa) to guide them. they had to originate, revise, and do as the majority thought best, in all the laws presented. that they were adapted to the time and the people then in the country there can be no question. this shows the innate love of law and order in the american people, as also a disposition to abide by and sustain right principles, though not immediately in the presence of prisons and punishment. had there been no foreign influences in the country, it would, perhaps, have been safe to risk the governor's suggestion, and applegate's experiment. i arrive at this conclusion from my experience in four times crossing the continent, and in visiting the early mining regions of california, british columbia, and oregon. in all american caravans and mines, the company and miners make their own laws. in british mines, the government makes the laws, and the revenue officers enforce them. so with the hudson's bay company and roman missions: the committee in london, and the pope in rome, give their subjects certain laws by which to be governed; and whenever those laws come in conflict with the more liberal american idea of government, there is opposition; for the disposition to oppress and the desire to be free can never harmonize. with the one is organized wealth and superstition, backed by irons, flogging, and ignorance. with the other is liberty and the love of right, sustained by intelligence, honesty, and virtue. no one acquainted with the early history of the people of oregon can fail to admire their virtue and stability, and the firmness they displayed in maintaining their natural rights. we have already explained the secret influences that were combined to hold them in a state of half-savage and half-religious or ecclesiastical vassalage, till some action should be taken by the united states government. this state of things did not accord with the feelings of a great majority of the people. they had ruled their own individual actions too long to submit quietly to any religious or political power, in which they had no voice. hence they were ready for any mutual organization, that was of their own choice and creation. they adopted a system of currency suitable to the time and country. this system became necessary, from the known disposition of the hudson's bay company to oppress and force payment, in what did not then exist in sufficient quantity to meet the wants of the settlement; besides, they held the commercial power; and here again protection was required. the two petitions to the congress of the united states of and state their policy as to internal matters. the first section of this currency law is:-- "_be it enacted by the house of representatives of oregon territory:_ st. that, in addition to gold and silver, treasury drafts, approved orders on solvent merchants, and good merchantable wheat at the market price, delivered at such place as it is customary for people to receive their wheat at, shall be a lawful tender for the payment of taxes and judgments rendered in the courts of oregon territory, and for the payment of all debts contracted in oregon territory, where no special contracts have been made to the contrary. " d. the personal estate of every individual, company, body politic or corporate, including his, her, or their goods or chattels, also town or city property, or improvements claimed and owned in virtue of occupancy, secured and allowed by the treaty between great britain and the united states, shall be subject to execution, to be taken and sold according to the provisions of this act; excepting, that wearing-apparel shall not be considered as any part of the estate of any defendant or defendants in execution; and no land claim or improvement upon a land claim, held according to the laws of this territory, shall be subject to execution; and no stay upon execution shall be permitted or allowed, except by the consent of the party in whose favor the execution has been issued, nor for any time other than the time agreed upon by the parties. " d. specifies that personal property shall be sold previous to town lots. " th. exempts (if a family) one bible, one cow and calf, one horse, or yoke of cattle, five sheep, five hogs, household and kitchen furniture not to exceed in value thirty dollars, one stove fixed up in the house, one bed for every two in the family, farming utensils not to exceed in value fifty dollars, one month's provisions for all the family, all mechanics' necessary tools, and all the books of private libraries not to exceed one hundred dollars' worth." who says we were not willing to give a poor family a good show to start with in oregon in ? " th. fifteen days' notice of any sale was to be given. " th. no property was to be sold for less than two-thirds its appraised value." on the second section of this act, there was a long and animated discussion, newell and garrison claiming that we had no right to subject the property of the hudson's bay company, and the methodist and other missions, to our laws; mccarver and hill, that we ought to exempt town sites and lots from execution. on its final passage, the vote was applegate, foisy, gray, hendricks, mcclure, smith, straight, and h. lee-- , for; garrison, hill, b. lee, newell, and mccarver-- , against. this body adjourned _sine die_ on the th of august, , and in consequence of there being no provision made for a new election in the amended organic compact, they were again called to meet on tuesday, december , , in accordance with the organic law, to arrange and fill up any deficiencies in the offices and laws. applegate had resigned. there were present, foisy, garrison, newell, and barton lee from champoeg; gray and straight from clackamas; hill and mccarver from tualatin; and mcclure from clatsop. there were absent, from yamhill, hendricks; from tualatin, j. m. smith; and from clackamas, h. a. g. lee. newell, of champoeg, was elected on the final vote as speaker; dr. j. e. long, clerk. jefferson's manual, which had for the first time strayed across the rocky mountains, was presented to the house, and used to govern its proceedings, so far as it was applicable. i think it must have come into the multnomah circulating library, in part payment for a share in that institution. gray moved its adoption to govern the proceedings of the house, which was considered organized by the election of speaker, clerk, and sergeant-at-arms. on the second day all the members were present except applegate. the governor was called upon to issue his warrant to fill the vacancy, which he did. i think, however, that no election was held, as no representative appeared to claim the seat. an effort was made to locate the seat of government, but failed, on account of dr. mclaughlin not having put in his bid in time to have it considered by the house; and a remonstrance was got up by ermatinger and the hudson's bay company's influence, with sixty names attached, against locating it at all. this was in accordance with the short-sighted policy of dr. mclaughlin, aided by the influence secured over the people by such men as ermatinger, long, newell, and mccarver, who had become a resident of clackamas, while he represented tualatin county. chapter liii. the liquor law.--amended act of .--message of the governor on the same.--repeal of the prohibitory and passage of the license law.--letter of james douglas.--reply of mr. samuel parker.--dr. tolmie's resolution on the judiciary.--the governor's veto of the license law.--immigration for oregon and california in .--arrival of the brig henry.--the oregon printing association.--the _spectator_, the first newspaper in oregon.--w. g. t. vault, first editor.--h. a. g. lee, second editor.--g. l. curry, third editor.--judge wait, fourth editor. _the liquor law._--peter h. burnett framed a law on this subject, which was revised by newell in the summer of , and lost on the final vote. in december, , gray, from committee on ways and means, reported a bill on ardent spirits, expressing the views, and gaining the approval of a decided majority of the people. governor abernethy, in his annual message the next year, expressed an opinion that this law required some amendment, but, by combining the whole liquor influence in the country, the law was repealed, and a license law substituted, by a two-thirds vote over his veto; while, at the same time, nearly two-thirds of the voters of the territory voted to _prohibit_ the sale of liquor, instead of to _regulate_ it, as expressed in the organic law. the law, as reported by the committee of ways and means, was passed december , , by the following vote: gray, garrison, hendricks, h. lee, b. lee, mcclure, and mccarver-- , for; foisy, hill, straight, and newell-- , against. on the th, the monday following this vote (hendricks and barton lee having been treated and tampered with), on motion of b. lee-- "_resolved_, that the house now reconsider the vote on the final passage of the bill on ardent spirits." _yeas_--hendricks, hill, b. lee, smith, straight, and newell-- . _nays_--foisy, gray, garrison, h. lee, mccarver, and mcclure-- . so the motion to reconsider was lost, and the bill published in the first newspaper ever published on this coast, as provided for in the bill itself, which is as follows:-- _amended act of ._ section . that if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, give, or trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly, to any person within the territory of oregon, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, trade, barter, or gift, to be recovered by indictment in the county court, or before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. sec. . that if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in oregon, he shall be subject to indictment before the county court, as for a nuisance, and if convicted, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars, and the court shall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute. sec. . whenever it shall come to the knowledge of any officer of this government, or any private citizen, that any kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured in oregon, they are hereby authorized and required to proceed to the place where such illicit manufacture is known to exist, and seize the distilling apparatus, and deliver the same to the nearest district judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be immediately to issue his warrant and cause the house and premises of the person against whom such warrant shall be issued to be further searched, and in case any kind of spirituous liquors are found in or about said premises, or any implements or apparatus that have the appearance of having been used, or constructed for the purpose of manufacturing any kind of spirituous liquors, the officer who shall have been duly authorized to execute such warrant shall seize all such apparatus, implements, and spirituous liquors, and deliver the same to the judge or justice of the peace who issued the said warrant. said officer shall also arrest the person or persons in or about whose premises such apparatus, implements, or spirituous liquors are found, and conduct him or them to said judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be to proceed against such criminal or criminals, and dispose of the articles seized according to law. sec. . all the fines or penalties recovered under this act shall go, one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other half to the officers engaged in arresting and trying the criminal or criminals, and it shall be the duty of all officers into whose hands such fines and penalties may come, to pay over as directed in this section. sec. . this act shall not be so construed as to prevent any practicing physician from selling such liquors for medicines, not to exceed half a pint at one time. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the secretary to publish this act in the first newspaper published in oregon. i, john e. long, secretary of oregon, do hereby certify that the foregoing act on ardent spirits is truly and correctly revised by me. john e. long, secretary. it will be seen in the final vote, that foisy at first voted against this bill; but hendricks and b. lee changed their vote and foisy changed his; thus the liquor law remained as it was, and was published february , , and remained in force till saturday, december , . on december of that year, the governor called the attention of the legislature to this law, in the following language:-- "the act passed at the last session of the legislature, entitled 'an act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent spirits in oregon,' is one i should recommend for revision; there are several points that are thought to be defective. the organic law provides that the legislature shall have power to pass laws to regulate the introduction, manufacture, or sale of ardent spirits. it is held that the power to prohibit the introduction, manufacture, or sale is not granted by the organic law. another objection is that the fines collected under the act shall go, one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other half to the officers engaged in arresting and trying: in fact, making the witnesses and judges interested in the case. the fourth section makes it the duty of any officer, or any private citizen, to act whenever it shall come to their knowledge that any kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured in oregon. it would be much better if it were made the duty of the sheriff of each county to act, whenever he should be informed that any liquor was being made or sold in his county, and authorize him to raise a sufficient _posse_ to aid and assist him in enforcing the law. we have, as a community, taken a high stand in the cause of temperance; among our earliest efforts may be found the abolishing of ardent spirits from our land, and to this, in a great measure, may be attributed our peace and prosperity. no new country can be pointed out where so much harmony prevailed in its first settlement as in this: laws, we had none, yet all things went on quietly and prosperously. i have no doubt if ardent spirits are kept within their proper bounds, we shall continue prosperous. "it is said by some we have no right to say what a man shall make or what he shall not make; yet, we find, in all large cities, certain manufactories are forbidden to be carried on within the limits of the city, because they annoy the inhabitants, and hence are declared to be public nuisances, and by law are compelled to be removed; and, if the city increase and extend to the place where they are relocated, they are removed again. intoxicating drink is an enormous public injury and private wrong; its effects, in every way, shape, and form, are evil, and therefore should be restrained within proper limits by law. it deprives the wife and children of the inebriate of the support and protection they have a right to expect from him; it deprives the community of the labor which constitutes a nation's wealth, for it is a well-known fact that a nation's wealth is made up of individual labor, and every day, therefore, lost by the laborer, caused by the effects of alcoholic drink, is a loss to the community at large. persons who have become habitually addicted to ardent spirits, hearing that we had excluded the poison from our land, and, believing they never could be free if they remained near its influence, have left their homes and crossed the rocky mountains to escape the ruin that threatened them. shall _they_ be disappointed? during the last year, persons taking advantage of the defect in our law, have manufactured and sold ardent spirits. we have seen the effects (although the manufacture was on a small scale) in the midnight carousals among the indians in our neighborhood, during their fishing season, and while they had property to dispose of; and, let me ask, what would be the consequences if the use of it should be general in the country and among the different tribes of indians in the territory? history may, hereafter, write the page in letters of blood! and what are the consequences, as presented to us in the history of older countries, of an indiscriminate use of ardent spirits? almshouses, hospitals, prisons, and the gallows. i would, therefore, recommend that but one person, and that person a physician, be authorized to import or manufacture a sufficient quantity to supply the wants of the community for medicinal purposes; to dispose of no liquor except when he knows it to be necessary, or on an order from a regular physician, stating that the person applying stands in need of it for medicinal purposes; and to physicians to be used in their practice; the person so empowered to import, manufacture, and sell, to keep a record of the quantity manufactured or imported; also, a record of the quantity sold, or disposed of, and to whom, and name of physician on whose certificate given. this would be attended with but little trouble, and might be required to be given under oath. many articles require alcohol to dissolve them; this could be done by taking the article to the person appointed and having the alcohol put into the ingredients in his presence. section fifth i would recommend to be altered, so that the fines should go one-half to the informer, and the other half into the treasury. i would recommend that the penalties be increased. if the indiscriminate sale of liquor be admitted an evil, no good citizen can wish to be engaged in it. why should the majority suffer to benefit a few individuals? "i have said more on this subject than i should have done, did i not fear an attempt will be made to break down the barriers raised by the early settlers of this land. much of our prosperity and happiness as a community depends upon your action in this matter." i am inclined to think that the governor was misinformed or mistaken in the statement that liquor had been manufactured in the settlement otherwise than by drugs and a composition called _rot-gut_, which there were men in the country base enough to produce. had the governor been more energetic and taken the matter in hand, no manufacturing of liquors would have been allowed. he seems to have thrown himself back upon the faults of the law as an excuse for not seeing that it was executed as it should have been, and as it was executed in other places. some of this drugged liquor was brought to astoria by one george geere, of dr. white notoriety, and the citizens of clatsop plains being notified of the fact, came over prepared for a fight, and found geere, with his liquors, his pistols, and a seven-shooter rifle. they took him and his pistols and rifle, also his two kegs, and several bottles of liquor. the liquor they turned out on the ground,--took geere before esquire tibbetts, and gave him a jury trial before six men of his own choice, who found him guilty. he was fined one hundred dollars and costs of suit, which was all given, by unanimous consent, to the county. when such a man as governor abernethy could excuse himself from acting and enforcing a law, because he thought the distribution of the fines imposed made the officers and witnesses interested persons, it is not surprising that men of no principle should engage in destroying their fellow-men. the fact is, that the men whom the people had honored and trusted with their legal and executive duties were destitute of the firmness requisite to the position they occupied, with some few honorable exceptions. the people generally were in advance of their leaders in sustaining good and wholesome laws, hence but few cases of lawsuits or quarrels occurred. we will now give what we conceive to be the cause of the failure of the law. by a reference to the organization of the house in december, , it will be seen that the hudson's bay company was represented by messrs. dr. w. f. tolmie, chamberlain, mcdonald, newell, and peers. the liquor interest was represented by messrs. boon, hall, hembree, looney, meek, summers, straight, t. vault, williams, and the speaker. six of the last-named representatives should have been fined for violations of the law on a small scale, and all of the first on a large scale, as connected more or less with the hudson's bay company, and selling and giving to their men and indians. while the hudson's bay company yielded a _quasi_ assent to the organization, and had their representatives in the legislature, they were using their influence to curtail the privileges of american citizens. they were ready to vote against the manufacture and sale of liquors, while they were constantly bringing it to the country in their ships, and distributing it to suit their trade. the composition of the house was peculiarly american and antagonistic to the hudson's bay company. any measure that gave to the company any advantage, such as it was urged the prohibitory law did, could not stand. hence the friends of prohibition had to yield the point, on the ground of self-defense for national rights, and not from a disposition to consider the law unjust or improper. in other words, they licensed and sustained a great evil, to combat a privilege of equal evil, claimed and used by a foreign monopoly in our midst. when we take into account the facts as stated by the governor in his message, the actual condition of the country, the temporary nature of our government, and all the combinations that were forming at the time the license law was passed, i think all will join with me in condemning the course of the men who cursed the country with such a law. it is asserted that the organic law provided that the legislature should _regulate_ this traffic. very true; which they did by placing it in the hands of the practicing physician, where it belongs, and nowhere else. but these wise solons of came to the conclusion that three, two, or one hundred dollars was ample pay to the country for the loss of any man in it. that for three hundred dollars the whole country might be filled with poisonous _rot-gut_, and for two hundred the wholesale business might go on, while for one hundred the miserable victims of the business could be turned loose to degrade themselves and blight the hopes of kindred and friends. i can count a hundred victims who have lost one hundred dollars' worth of property for every dollar received by the territory, besides their own lives, in consequence of this traffic. i can count five hundred families that have suffered poverty and want, insult and abuse, purely chargeable to this _regulating_ law of these men. we read in histories of the church, that the pope of rome sold indulgences to commit certain sins which by the common law would be considered crimes, such as adultery, theft, and even murder. the price of the indulgence was according to the crime to be committed. this law proceeds upon the principle of the amount of profits in the business, while its nature and effect upon the community is lost sight of. or, in other words, the government sells the indulgence to commit the crime proposed by the manufacturer or wholesale and retail dealer. while the former law admitted that liquor as a medicine might be useful, and placed it in the hands of the practicing physician, the license law puts each seller under a one thousand dollar bond to keep a quiet house. they were ready to license _hells_ all over the land, provided the keepers would bind themselves not to violate the sanctity of the sabbath. the morality and political economy of the business is forced to be satisfied with the amount paid as per law provided. this act, as a matter of course, opened all the liquor shops of the hudson's bay company and of all the unprincipled men in the country. to give a better idea of this liquor question, a letter of james douglas, found in no. , volume , of the _oregon spectator_, june , , is given. mr. parker, in his stump speech, alluded to the liquor law, and asserted that it was daily violated by the hudson's bay company. mr. douglas attempts to refuse the charge and sustain the law. the italics in the following letter are the author's:-- "mr. editor,--in mr. parker's address to the electors of clackamas county, delivered at the meeting lately held in oregon city, as reported in the _spectator_ of the th of may, i observe that he is pleased to point out mr. douglas, a judge of the county court, who, he understood, was in the habit of selling ardent spirits. this may have suited mr. parker's purpose, while attempting to establish a position which appears to be a favorite with him, 'that the oath of office binds a man to do just as he pleases!' as it can not, however, be supposed that i admire the mode of illustration he has chosen, and as i also happen to entertain a _very different opinion_ touching the force and propriety of that oath, i hope it will not be considered a breach of courtesy on my part, to offer, through the medium of your respectable paper, a direct and _unqualified denial of this charge of rum-selling_, in the only sense it is plainly meant to be received, and can be considered at all applicable to the subject in question. as a particular favor, i ask mr. parker to bring forward a single proof in support of the assertion he has so wantonly advanced. i refer him to all his fellow-citizens. i ask him to search the country from one extremity to another, and to put the question to each individual member of the community with the absolute certainty that not one person will be found who ever purchased ardent spirits from mr. douglas. a stranger in the country, evidently unacquainted with its early history, mr. parker may not have been informed that the members of the hudson's bay company have for many years past uniformly discouraged intemperance" (by a regular daily allowance of liquor to their men, as we shall see mr. douglas says) "by every means in their power, and have also made great and repeated pecuniary sacrifices to prevent the sale of ardent spirits in the country: an article, moreover, which forms no part of their trade, either with the white man or the indian." (see mr. dunn's book, in which it is asserted the company sells to indians, and fitzgerald, page ). "mr. parker does not indeed pretend to speak from his own personal experience of the fact, but on the authority of others; and should any doubt still linger in his mind with respect to the correctness of what i have just said, he may perhaps have no objection to seek other means of arriving at the truth; suppose, for instance, he was to try the experiment of negotiating a purchase, i venture to predict he would soon be convinced that mr. douglas is not in the habit of selling ardent spirits. "but let us inquire a little further into this matter. what could have induced a person of character to hazard an observation in public, which, he must know, would, if false, be as openly exposed. mr. parker must have had some grounds for his assertion; he may possibly have heard, or he may have supposed that her majesty's ship _modeste_ was daily receiving supplies at fort vancouver. if, with reference to these supplies, he had told his hearers that her majesty's ship _modeste_, now stationed at fort vancouver, had, with other supplies for ship use from the stores of the hudson's bay company, received several casks of rum; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had stated that a _small allowance of spirits is daily served out to the crews_ of the company's vessels; and that other classes of the company's servants, according to long-accustomed usage, receive, on certain _rare occasions_, a similar indulgence, he would have told the _plain and simple truth_, and his statement would not this day have been called in question by me. "these acts, which i fully admit, and would on no account attempt to conceal, can not by the fair rules of construction be considered as infringing upon any law recognized by the _compact which we have agreed to support_, in common with the other inhabitants of oregon. [the same argument is used to justify mr. ogden in furnishing powder and arms to the indians at the commencement of the cayuse war.] "the framers of these laws, with a decree of wisdom and foresight which does them honor, never entertained the idea that a person, in becoming a member of the compact, thereby relinquished his _distinctive national character_. "on the contrary, _british subjects_ and citizens of the united states, casting aside every shadow of illiberal prejudice, extended to each other the right hand of good-fellowship, for the purpose of mutual protection, to secure the peace and promote the prosperity of the country, until protected by their respective governments. the compact was formed and perfected upon that principle, and can rest with security upon no other foundation. "we are pledged, and do faithfully intend to support the organic laws. they do not bind us to violate pre-existing engagements with our servants, nor to withhold from the officers of our government supplies of whatsoever kind the company's stores can provide. _in the high character of the latter we enjoy the fullest security against abuse to the detriment of the country._ with all other parties we have most rigidly, and shall continue to enforce the prohibitory statutes of oregon. my wish in addressing you, mr. editor, is to set mr. parker right in respect to this matter of rum-selling, and the people may rest assured that if my wishes could influence the community, there would never be a drunkard in oregon. "james douglas." mr. parker's answer, which, like the letter of mr. douglas, is addressed to the _spectator_, says:-- "mr. editor,--our friend mr. douglas, in the _spectator_ of the th instant, denies, in the most unqualified terms, the charge of rum-selling at vancouver, and challenges me to the proof of the assertion, by calling individually on all of our fellow-citizens for testimony; and no other alternative is left me but to proceed in accordance with his request; he will, i am sure, pardon me if i seek this among the highest authorities, and i will produce one at least whose veracity will not, i am sure, be called in question by our friend. "when i, in my speech, adverted to the fact that rum was sold at vancouver, contrary to law, the statement was based on the thousand-tongued rumor, and i so qualified my remarks. but in mr. douglas's confession, found in the paper alluded to, the matter of doubt is settled, and we are now furnished with the authority of no less a personage than mr. douglas himself. hear his testimony. 'if,' says he, 'with reference to these supplies, he had told his hearers that her majesty's ship _modeste_, now stationed at fort vancouver, had, with other supplies for ship use from the stores of the hudson's buy company, received _several casks_ of rum; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had stated that a _small allowance of spirits is daily served out to the crews_ of the company's vessels; and that other classes of the company's servants, according to long-accustomed usage, receive, on certain rare occasions, a similar indulgence, he would have told the plain and simple truth,' etc. "these facts, mr. douglas, who has charge of the trading-post at vancouver, fully admits, and upon his testimony in the matter i place the most implicit confidence. it was not my intention to charge our friend with having kept a tippling-shop at vancouver, and i wish to correct such, if any there are, who may have come to such a conclusion; but i confess, i had not supposed that the law in relation to ardent spirits (and which may be found in the first number of the _spectator_) had been so wantonly disregarded. we know, from personal observation, that rum in considerable quantities had found its way among our citizens from some quarter, and the disclosure here made furnishes a key to the mystery, and we are now broadly told that _casks of this article_ have been furnished to her majesty's officers stationed in oregon, but that _in their high character we enjoy the fullest security against its abuse, etc._ "and now, my dear sir, having heard much of the hollow and ceremonious professions and hypocritical grimaces of courts, and men in high places, and disgusted with every thing that savors of aristocratical or monarchical parade, and smitten with the love of republican simplicity and honesty, i can not admit that rank or men in high places are guaranteed against our laws, nor are they so framed as to justify such a conclusion. raised as i was under these simple institutions, which tend to bring all on an equality, i can not perceive those _high guaranties_ or _pledges_ which are said to emanate from rank or station in high places in society. with us, men give pledges of honor and character, alone from their moral conduct; and the bacchanalian carousals (one was a most disgraceful drunken row kept up for several days by the officers of the _modeste_, in honor of the queen's birthday) which came off in the tualatin plains on vancouver rum, last winter and spring, at the expense of the good morals of our farming community, gave me abundant and additional evidence to admire our simple and republican usages, while it serves as a moral worthy the consideration of a prince, or the strongest appendage of nobility. our laws make no distinction in favor of the officers on board of her majesty's ship _modeste_, nor of the hudson's bay company's servants. if their ships visit our ports, our laws will protect them, and, according to the usages of all nations, we expect them to submit to their provisions; but should these officers, through the plenitude of their power, determine to disregard our laws, it certainly could find no justification with one filling the high judicial station which mr. douglas occupies. he has sanctioned our law-making authority by accepting one of the highest judicial offices under our organization. according to his own confession, he has disregarded the law, not only by giving in small quantities, but by selling ardent spirits by the cask; nor can he find justification by dealing it out under pre-existing contracts to the servants of the company. to admit that principle, dealers in this article would only be required, when the prohibitory law was about being passed, to contract for the supply of all their old customers, and thus defeat the object and intention of the law by a pre-existing contract. and as for the argument of long-existing usages, that pays the poorest tribute of all. why, the very toper may plead his long indulgence in the use of this article, with as much propriety. i should not have noticed the subject again, but for my anxious desire that the matter should be fairly placed before the public. "samuel parker." these two laws, and the two communications we have given, place the temperance question fully before the reader. the communication of mr. douglas shows the position and feelings of the english and the hudson's bay company in relation to our laws, as also the liberty they claimed to violate them whenever it suited their interest or their convenience. mr. douglas says, "_with all other parties we have most rigidly, and shall continue to enforce the prohibitory statutes of oregon._" it also shows another fact. _"the modeste, now stationed at fort vancouver," is our_ (the company's) protection, and you must not attempt to enforce a law upon english subjects, or english ships that enter the rivers or ports of the country. to say that many of us did not feel keenly this _taunt_, and almost despair of securing this vast country from the rapacious mouth of the crouching lion, whose drunken, beastly representatives were distributing their rum to every family that would receive them, would not be true. when their representatives entered our legislative councils, the most stupid of its members understood their object. they wished to make laws for americans. their own people needed no laws, and no other government than such as was provided for them by the hudson's bay company. the reader is already informed how those laws were enforced. dr. tolmie, who at the present time ( ) stands at the head of the company in vancouver island and british columbia, presented the following resolution to the house on the sixth day of the session, showing the true position of the english element:-- "_resolved_, that the judiciary committee be discharged from further duty, as the present legislature deems it inexpedient to organize the judiciary at the present time, in any manner different from the present organization." by a reference to the journal of the house, we find dr. tolmie to be a member of the judiciary committee. four days after, we find this same gentleman presenting another resolution:-- "that the legislature deems it inexpedient, at the present time, to legalize the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits." _yeas_--_chamberlain_, _mcdonald_, and _tolmie_-- . _nays_--boon, hall, hembree, lounsdale, looney, meek, _newell_, _peers_, summers, straight, t. vault, williams and the speaker-- . hudson's bay company men in _italics_; doubtful, in small capitals. on the motion of newell to lay the bill to regulate the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits on the table, it stood: _yeas_--chamberlain, hall, lounsdale, looney, mcdonald, newell, and tolmie-- . _nays_--boon, hembree, meek, summers, straight, t. vault, williams, and the speaker-- . peers absent. on the final vote to carry this bill over the veto of the governor, we find hall, lounsdale, and looney changing their votes in favor of passing the bill over the veto, which is as follows:-- oregon city, dec. , . gentlemen,--i return to your honorable body the act entitled "an act to regulate the manufacture and sale of wine and distilled spirituous liquors," with my objections to the same. previous to our organization as a provisional government, public sentiment kept liquor from being manufactured or sold in this territory. heretofore, every act of the legislature has been, as far as ardent spirits were concerned, prohibitory in character. the act lying before me is the first act that has in any manner attempted to legalize the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits. at the session of the legislature in june, , an act was passed entitled "an act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent spirits in oregon," and, as far as my knowledge extends, the passage of that act gave satisfaction to the great majority of the people throughout the territory. at the session of december, , several amendments were proposed to the old law, and passed. the new features given to the bill by those amendments did not accord with the views of the people; the insertion of the words "give" and "gift," in the first and second sections of the bill, they thought was taking away their rights, as it was considered that a man had a right to give away his property if he chose. there were several other objections to the bill, which i set forth to your honorable body in my message. i would therefore recommend that the amendments passed at the december session of be repealed; and that the law passed on the th of june, , with such alterations as will make it agree with the organic law, if it does not agree with it, be again made the law of the land. it is said by many that the legislature has no right to prohibit the introduction or sale of liquor, and this is probably the strongest argument used in defense of your bill. but do you not as effectually prohibit every person who has not the sum of one, two, three hundred dollars to pay for his license, as does the law now on the statute-book? are not your proposed fines and penalties as great or greater than those of the old law? where, then, is the benefit to the people? there is no doubt in my mind, but that the law will be evaded as easily, and as often, under the new law, as it was under the old, and, in addition to this, there will be the legal manufacturers, importers, and sellers, who will be able, under the sanction of law, to scatter all the evils attendant upon the use of alcoholic drinks. we are in an indian country; men will be found who will supply them with liquor as long as they have beaver, blankets, and horses to pay for it. if a quantity should be introduced among the wallawallas, and other tribes in the upper country, who can foretell the consequences; there we have families exposed out, off from the protection of the settlements, and perhaps, at the first drunken frolic of the indians in that region, they may be cut off from the face of the earth. but we need not go so far; we are exposed in every part of our frontier, and when difficulties once commence, we can not tell where they will cease. it has been proved before the house of commons that one-half of the insanity, two-thirds of the pauperism, and three-fourths of the crimes of great britain may be directly traced to the use of alcoholic drink. the testimony of our most eminent judges in the united states shows that the same proportion of crime is attributable to ardent spirits in that country. statistics might be produced, showing the enormous evil and expense of an indiscriminate use of liquor. as to revenue, the small amount received for licenses, instead of being a revenue, would be swallowed up in the expenses attending trials for crimes, etc., caused by the crime of these licenses. but, leaving all other countries out of view, let us consider our own state. surrounded by indians, no military force to aid the executive and other officers in the discharge of their duties, not a solitary prison in the land, in which to confine offenders against the laws, and consequently no way of enforcing the penalties of the law, i think these things should call for calm and serious reflection, before passing your final vote on this bill. my opinion is, the people are opposed to legalizing the introduction and sale of liquor in this land. i may be mistaken, and therefore should be in favor of the old law, or something similar should be adopted, of referring the whole matter to the polls at the next general election. if the people say "no liquor," continue to prohibit; if they say, through the ballot-box, "we wish liquor," then let it come free, the same as dry-goods, or any other article imported or manufactured; but, until the people say they want it, i hope you will use your influence to keep it out of the territory. it is with regret that i return any bill unsigned, but i feel that we both have duties to perform, and when we think duty points out the way, i trust we may always be found willing to follow it. geo. abernethy. to the hon. the legislature of oregon territory. on motion of mr. hall, the communication was laid on the table. afternoon session.--at two o'clock the house met. a call of the house was made, and the sergeant-at-arms dispatched for the absent members, who, after a short absence, returned, and reported that the absentees had been notified, and were now present. thereupon, the further call of the house was dispensed with. the house then reconsidered the bill to regulate the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits, and, after some deliberation, the question being put upon the passage of the bill, it was decided affirmatively, by the following vote:-- _yeas_--messrs. boon, hall, hembree, lounsdale, looney, meek, summers, straight, t. vault, williams, and the speaker-- . _nays_--messrs. chamberlain, mcdonald, newell, peers, and dr. w. f. tolmie-- . * * * * * at st. josephs, elizabethtown, iowa point, council bluffs, and the nishnabatona, were wagons for oregon and california. allowing five to the wagon gives us about , souls that crossed the missouri at these points. the quantity of loose stock was estimated at , head. from independence, missouri, for oregon, men, women, children, and wagons. from independence, for california, men, women, children, oxen, and wagons. total, , souls, as stated in mr. saxton's pamphlet, . the larger portion of this immigration found their way into oregon, notwithstanding the hudson's bay company and mr. hastings did all they could to turn them to california. a statement by mr. s. k. barlow shows that wagons, , head of horses, mules, and horned cattle, and some head of sheep passed on his road; seven more teams passed after this report was made. besides the number that came over the mount hood or barlow road, there were some persons, with wagons, who attempted to come in on the applegate route, and a number came down the columbia river. this year, on the st of february, the brig _henry_, captain kilborn, started from newburyport for oregon, with eight passengers, including women and children; also the _angelo_, captain hastings, from boston, made the attempt, but failed. the brig _henry_ arrived late in . on thursday, february , , the first newspaper published on the pacific coast was issued from the press of the oregon printing association, at oregon city. the originators of the printing-press association were the same that started the multnomah circulating library, the wolf association, and the provisional government, in - . _constitution of the oregon printing association._ preamble.--in order to promote science, temperance, morality, and general intelligence,--to establish a printing-press to publish a monthly, semi-monthly, or weekly paper in oregon,--the undersigned do hereby associate ourselves into a body, to be governed by such rules and regulations as shall from time to time be adopted by a majority of the stockholders of this compact, in a regularly called and properly notified meeting. _articles of compact._ article . this association shall be known by the name of the "oregon printing association," and shall hold an annual meeting at oregon city, on the first tuesday of december of each year. art. . its officers shall be a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, and a board of three directors, who shall be elected annually by ballot, and shall hold their offices until their successors are elected. art. . it shall be the duty of the president to preside at all the meetings of the association, to sign all certificates of stock, and drafts upon the treasurer for the payment of funds, and to preside at the meetings of the board of directors. art. . it shall be the duty of the vice-president to perform the duties of the president in case of his absence, by death, or by removal from office. art. .----the secretary to attend, and keep a record of all the meetings of the association, and of the board of directors, and to publish the proceedings of the annual and special meetings of the association, and such portions of the proceedings of the board of directors as the board shall direct from time to time; to give one month's notice of all special meetings of the association. art. . it shall be the duty of the treasurer to take charge of the funds of the association, and keep an account of all moneys received and disbursed, and pay out the same in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the president, and signed as per third article of this compact; to give such security to the president as shall be deemed sufficient by the board of directors for the faithful performance of his trust; to report the state of the treasury to the board of directors quarterly, and to pay over to his successor in office all funds of the association. art. .----the officers and board of directors to manage and superintend, or procure a suitable person to do so, the entire printing and publishing association; to employ all persons required in the printing or editorial departments of the press; to publish a full statement of their proceedings semi-annually; to draft and adopt such by-laws as may be deemed proper for their government, provided no by-law contravenes the spirit of these articles of compact; to declare a dividend of any profits arising from the printing establishment as often as they shall deem it expedient; to fill any vacancy that may occur in their number; three of whom shall constitute a quorum, and be competent to transact business. art. . _the press owned by or in connection with this association shall never be used by any party for the purpose of propagating sectarian principles or doctrines_, nor for the discussion of exclusive party politics. art. . the stock of this association shall consist of shares, of ten dollars each, payable in cash or its equivalent. art. . for every ten dollars paid to the treasurer of the association, the payer thereof shall receive a certificate for the same, signed by the president and countersigned by the secretary; and for every such certificate, the holder thereof, or his agent, on presenting to the board of directors satisfactory evidence that he is such, shall be entitled to one vote in all the annual and special meetings of this association; shall receive _pro rata_ of all moneys that may accrue from the profits of the printing establishment, and be allowed to transfer his stock to any one, by certifying and indorsing his name upon the back of his certificate. art. . these articles, _except the th_, may be altered or amended at any annual or special meeting of the association, provided that the proposed amendment shall have been published in at least two numbers of the paper published by order of the association. _officers of the association_, w. g. t. vault, president. j. w. nesmith, vice-president. john p. brooks, secretary. george abernethy, treasurer. john h. couch, } john e. long, } directors. r. newell, } the first editor of this paper was w. g. t. vault. a man more unfit for the position could scarcely have been found in the country. he professed to have been an editor of a paper in arkansas, and blew and swelled like the toad in the fable, and whined like a puppy when he gave his valedictory, in the fifth number of the _spectator_. he says: "we have among us a class of _mongrels_, neither american nor anti-american, a kind of foreign, hypocritical go-betweens,--as we would say in the states, _fence men_,--whose public declarations are, 'all for the good of the public, and not a cent for self.' the political sentiments of the conductors were at variance with his." mr. t. vault was led to believe that mr. newell was his only friend, from the fact that he was absent from the meeting of the board when his successor was appointed; and complains of dr. long and j. w. nesmith. newell and long acted together. h. a. g. lee, who succeeded t. vault as editor, was far better qualified for the position, though he did not suit this same board of directors, as newell was the maneuvering spirit. lee was too strongly american in his sentiments, and too intelligent to be a dupe of the influence of which t. vault complained. mr. douglas declares the position of the english element in the tenth number of the _spectator_. mr. s. parker answers him in the eleventh number; and mr. lee, in the fourteenth number, tenders his thanks to the board for relieving him. the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth numbers, each "run itself," as the expression is. on the eighteenth number, g. l. curry, esq., took charge, to the twenty-sixth number, which completed the first volume of the paper. he continued his editorial position till the twenty-fourth number of the second volume, when he brought his duties to a close by publishing a set of resolutions calculated to injure j. q. thornton, who had gone on to washington to have a history of the country published, and, as was supposed, to secure the best federal appointments for himself and his friends. one-half of the legislators believing that unfair and improper means had been used by mr. thornton and his friends, the other half not caring to vote against mr. thornton's proceedings, being, perhaps, his real friends, the resolutions were lost by a tie vote. mr. curry, as editor of the _spectator_, took sides against mr. thornton, and in favor of the objectionable resolutions, and published them under an editorial article, notwithstanding he had been requested, as he admits, not to publish them. judge a. e. wait succeeded mr. curry in the editorial department of the paper, and, by a foolish, vacillating course, continued to hold his position so as to please the hudson's bay company and the roman catholic and methodist influences in the country. the paper, by this means, became of little value to its patrons and the country, and soon getting involved in its financial affairs, it was sold and lost financially to the original proprietors. chapter liv. the whitman massacres.--narratives of, by j. b. a. brouillet and j. ross browne.--extract from the new york _evangelist._--statements of father brouillet criticised.--testimony of john kimzey.--dr. whitman at umatilla.--returns home. we have before us two works purporting to give a true and authentic account of the whitman massacre,--the one prepared by a jesuit priest, j. b. a. brouillet; the other by one j. ross browne, special agent of the united states revenue department. as this part of our history was written before that of j. ross browne (purporting to be an official report to the th congress, st session, house of representatives, executive document no. ) came into our hands, it is proper that we should give this report a passing notice. mr. browne, upon the second page of his report, says: "in view of the fact, however, that objections might be made to any testimony coming from the citizens of the territory, and believing also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practicable, _unprejudiced statements_, i did not permit myself to be governed by any representations unsupported by _reliable_ historical data." one would naturally conclude, from such a statement, that a candid, unprejudiced, and truthful report would be given; but, to our astonishment, we find that fifty-three of the sixty-six pages of this official document are an exact copy of the rev. j. b. a. brouillet's work, thus indorsing, and placing in an official document, one of the most maliciously false and unreliable accounts that a prejudiced and deeply implicated sectarian could give, claiming such to be "_reliable historical data_,"--thus showing both his prejudice and ignorance in the conclusion he arrived at as to the causes of the indian wars. had j. ross browne been willing to lay aside his unreasonable sectarian prejudice, and listen to the positive testimony then in the country, he could easily have learned who were the prime cause of all the indian wars in it; or, had he made himself familiar (as he flippantly claims to have done) with the history of the english and american people, the policy of the english political and sectarian powers, and the commercial policy of the hudson's bay company, he would have escaped the folly of placing in an official document such palpable errors, and showing such willful ignorance of the subject he was commissioned to investigate. he says, on page , "it was a war of _destiny_,--bound to take place whenever the causes reached their _culminating point_." the "_destiny_" and culminating point of that war was fixed by the hudson's bay company and the jesuit priests, as also the second and third wars with the indians that followed, as we shall show by positive testimony of witnesses who are unimpeachable. had j. ross browne carefully examined the tissue of statements prepared by father brouillet, he could have found statements like this on page ( of j. r. b.), "_i knew that the indians were angry with all americans_;" page ( of j. r. b.), "_all that i know is that the indians say the order to kill americans_ has been sent in all directions." there was but one party in the country that could issue such an order, which brouillet well knew, and the testimony we shall give will prove. on his third page, he says: "the same primary causes existed in every case,--encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race." he then refers to the agitation of the oregon question in the senate in - ; to mr. thurston's course as a delegate; the treaties with the indians, etc.,--showing conclusively the sources of his information, and his ignorance of the causes he professed to give a truthful and impartial account of,--barely alluding to the unwarranted assumptions of the british hudson's bay company of an exclusive right to trade with the indians. in fact, the whole report appears to be a studied effort to cover the prime causes of the difficulty, and of the indian wars he was commissioned to investigate and report upon. it is not surprising that with the foreign emissaries then in the country, and the stupid ignorance or malicious bigotry of the united states agent, that such reports should be made; but that the government should adopt, and act upon, or publish them, is indeed surprising; unless, as the history of the late rebellion shows, it was the design of those agents to involve the whole nation in an ultimate dismemberment, and distinct, separate nationalities, under the auspices of african, indian, and religious slavery. we regret the necessity of prefacing a chapter in this work with so severe a stricture upon a government official, yet his report is so manifestly false and malicious, and without the evidence of truth or candor toward the protestant missionaries, to whom is due, more than to any other influence, the settlement of the country by the american people,--that, in justice to them, and the truth of history, we can say no less, while we proceed with the account of the murder of dr. whitman and those at his station. the necessity and importance of an extended and particular account becomes still more important from the fact that the roman jesuits in the country have succeeded in placing through such an agent their false account of the massacre in a permanent government document,--thus slandering not only the dead, but the living, whose duty it becomes to refute such vile slanders by publishing the whole truth in the case. besides, the very rev. j. b. a. brouillet, in a second edition of his false and absurd production, refers to this report of j. r. browne as additional official evidence of the truth of his own false statements, previously made through such agents, and such men as sir james douglas,--compelling us, in vindicating the truth of history, to place before the reader more of the statements of parties implicated than was our original design. since this work has been in press, we have an article in the new york _evangelist_ of th of january, , from the pen of rev. mr. treat, d.d., containing a brief statement of the whitman massacre, and the following as the result of the investigations as had in several religious bodies in oregon; the conclusion is as follows:-- "it so happens, however, that men who are more competent to adjudicate the case have not hesitated to do so. the congregational association of oregon adopted a report in june last, which condemns the 'prominent and absolute falsehoods' of father brouillet's pamphlet, and expresses the belief, 'from evidence, clear and sufficient to them, that the roman catholic priests did themselves instigate violence to the missions, resulting in massacre.' similar action was taken by the old school presbytery, the cumberland presbytery, and the u. p. presbytery. the methodist conference, composed of more than seventy preachers, and under the presidency of bishop kingsley, adopted a comprehensive and able report, which was published at portland, september , , in which the massacre at wailatpu is declared to have been 'wholly unprovoked by dr. whitman or any other member of the mission,' and to have arisen from the policy of the hudson's bay company 'to exclude american settlers,' and the 'efforts of roman priests directed against the establishment of protestantism in the country.' it is believed that the other evangelical denominations in oregon have spoken with the same distinctness and the same confidence. "valuable testimony is borne to the character of the missionaries who survived dr. whitman, and who have been residents of oregon to this day, as also to the fidelity and success of their labors, but there is not space for it in the present article. suffice it to say, that, while the motives of hon. j. ross browne, in appending father brouillet's pamphlet to his 'letter,' and the reasons of the house of representative for publishing the same, are open to grave suspicion, facts and opinions have been elicited, which throw additional light upon the manifold bearings and uses of the missionary enterprise." on page of rev. j. b. a. brouillet's "protestantism in oregon" and page of j. ross browne's report, we find, under date of september , , that "the right rev. bishop blanchet arrived at old fort wallawalla (now called wallula), where he was cordially received by mr. mcbean, clerk in charge of said fort. he was accompanied by the superior of oblates and two other clergymen. he had the intention of remaining but a few days at the fort, for he knew that tawatowe (or young chief), one of the cayuse chiefs, had a house which he had designed for the catholic missionaries, and he intended to go and occupy it without delay; but the absence of the young chief, who was hunting buffalo, created a difficulty in regard to the occupation of the house, and in consequence of it he had to wait longer than he wished." the house here spoken of was erected during the summer of , before any catholic missionaries were thought of, at least among the indians, or by the american missionaries, and it was late in the fall of that revs. blanchet and demerse passed down the columbia river. these first missionaries of the society of jesus, wishing to do mr. p. c. pambrun, then clerk of the post, a special favor, baptized the infant son of the young chief, for whose benefit and occupation, mr. pambrun said, the company had ordered that house to be built. if it was designed for these priests, who was the designer? mr. brouillet, in his narrative, says:-- "on the d of september, dr. whitman, on his way from the dalles, stopped at fort wallawalla. his countenance bore sufficient testimony to the agitation of his heart. he soon showed by his words that he was deeply wounded by the arrival of the bishop. 'i know very well,' said he, 'for what purpose you have come.' 'all is known,' replied the bishop; 'i come to labor for the conversion of the indians, and even of americans, if they are willing to listen to me.' the doctor then continued, in the same tone, to speak of many things. he attributed the coming of the bishop to the young chief's influence! made a furious charge against the catholics, accusing them of having persecuted protestants and even of having shed their blood wherever they had prevailed. he said he did not like catholics----that he should oppose the missionaries to the extent of his power.----he spoke against the _catholic ladder_![ ] and said that he would cover it with blood, to show the persecution of protestants by catholics. he refused to sell provisions to the bishop, and protested he would not assist the missionaries unless he saw them in starvation." [footnote ] a picture explaining the principal points of catholic faith. it is barely possible that dr. whitman said all that this priest says he did. in that case, did he forfeit his own and the lives of all that fell with him? this narrative of _protestantism_ reveals a dark page in our history,--one that should be thoroughly investigated as well as understood by all. on the th page, d of ross browne's report, this priest says:-- "after such a manifestation of sentiment toward catholics in general and priests in particular, the bishop was not astonished in hearing some hours after that dr. whitman, on leaving the fort, went to the lodge of piopiomoxmox (yellow serpent); that he had spoken a great deal against the priests; that he had wished to prevail upon this chief to co-operate with him, in order that by the aid of his influence with the cayuses, des chutes, and dalles indians, he might be enabled to excite these nations against them, etc." that dr. whitman did as he is represented to have done no one acquainted with him will believe for a moment. but bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy is evidence conclusive that he and his priests had done exactly what they here say dr. whitman attempted to do. "during the months of october and november," brouillet says, "the doctor came to the fort several times to render his professional services to mrs. maxwell and mr. thomas mckay; he was a little more reserved than at the first interview, but it was always visible enough that the sight of the bishop and his clergy was far from being agreeable to him." it will be remembered that mr. brouillet is giving this narrative and speaking of a man whose blood had been shod in the cause of "_protestantism in oregon_," as he calls the title of his work, which he is writing to correct the impression that he and his associates were in some way concerned in bringing it about. in his allusions and statements, he seems to be anxious to prove that dr. whitman and all protestants and americans in the country are guilty of the crime laid to the influence of the priests, and by giving these statements expects everybody will believe _them_ to be wholly innocent. j. ross browne, in his report, d page, agrees with this priest, and refers to supposed transactions (_that did not occur_) in . at that time there was not a band or tribe of indians west of the rocky mountains but was ready to give land to any white man that would come and live in their country. this land question, as stated by brouillet and ross browne, or the "_encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race_," had no part in the matter. it was a foreign national question, as we have already shown, and we now propose to quote these statements from his narrative, to show the intimate connection there was between the jesuit priests, the hudson's bay company, the indians, and the whitman massacre. according to brouillet, the bishop and his priests remained at fort wallawalla from the th of september till the th of october (fifty days), enjoying the hospitality of mr. mcbean, and seeing dr. whitman occasionally, till, on the th, the young chief arrived. "the bishop wished to know of him if he wanted a priest for him and his young men, telling him that he could only give him one for the whole nation, and if the cayuses wished to avail themselves of his services _they would do well to come to an understanding together concerning_ the location of the mission. the chief told the bishop he wished a priest, and that he could have his house and as much land as he wanted." so far this statement bears the natural impress of truth, but mark the words here put into the chief's mouth, "_but as a means of reuniting the cayuses_ who had been heretofore divided, and in order to _facilitate their religious instruction_, he suggested the idea of establishing the mission near dr. whitman's, at the camp of tilokaikt." the previous history of this chief, as given by revs. hines, perkins, and dr. white, all goes to prove that he never made such a suggestion, and no one acquainted with indian character will believe for a moment that he did. but the suggestion was without doubt made to him to impress upon his mind the importance of uniting with other bands of his tribe to get rid of dr. whitman, as shown by this priest in the council that was held on the th of november, by special request of the bishop sent to tilokaikt on the th october, purporting to be by request of the young chief. the dates show, as per brouillet, that the young chief was with the bishop on the th; on the th the bishop sent for tilokaikt; and on the th of november the council was held, "at the bishop's request," who opened the meeting in the fort. at this meeting the proposition is said to have been made to the bishop to give him dr. whitman's station, first driving him away. says t. mckay, in his statement to acquit these priests, speaking of this meeting on the th of november: "one of the chiefs told the bishop that they would send the doctor off very soon; they would give him his house if he wished. the bishop answered that he would not take the doctor's house, that he did not wish him to send the doctor away, and that there was _room enough for two missions_." this was, as understood by the indians, "the bishop intends to have a place near dr. whitman's, and he wishes us to dispose of the doctor in some way so that he can have a place where all the cayuses can be instructed together in his religion." in accordance with the understanding had with the bishop and cayuses in this council on the th, this priest says (see p. of brouillet, of j. r. browne): "on the th of november i went by order of the bishop to wailatpu to look at the land which tilokaikt had offered; but he had changed his mind, and refused to show it to me, saying that it was too small. he told me that he had no place to give me but that of dr. whitman, whom he intended to send away. i declared to him a second time the same as the bishop had done at the meeting, that i would not have the place of dr. whitman. i then went immediately to the camp of young chief, to notify him that i would take his house, since i was unable to procure a place from tilokaikt." he further says he returned to the fort on the th, and on the th, an associate, rev. mr. rousseau, left with his men to repair the house, which was ready by the th, and on the th of november the bishop and his party started for the house, said to have been designed for them (of which there is no doubt). on their first arrival at wallawalla, it would have been the wiser course for them to have accepted of it, instead of attempting, through the influence of the company, to get possession of dr. whitman's station, or the consent of the indians, as they say they did, to locate near the station. but we have positive proof of the design of mr. mcbean, the agent of the company, and the bishop, as given in the testimony of mr. john kimzey. he says: "on my way to this country with my family last fall ( ), i called at fort wallawalla to exchange my team and wagon for horses. there were at the fort two roman catholic priests. during my stay of about two days, mr. mcbean, in the presence of my wife, said, '_the fathers have offered to purchase dr. whitman's station_, but dr. whitman has refused to sell.' he said they had requested the doctor to fix his own price and they would meet it, but the doctor had refused to sell on any conditions, i asked him who he meant by the fathers? he said '_the holy fathers, the catholic priests._' he said the _holy fathers_ were about to commence a mission at the mouth of the umatilla,--one in the upper part of the umatilla, one near dr. whitman's station, _if they could not get hold of the station_, one in several other places which i can not name. they hired mr. marsh, whose tools i brought, to do off a room for the priests at the fort. he said, '_dr. whitman had better leave the country or the indians would kill him; we are determined to have his station._' he further said, 'mr. spalding will also have to leave this country soon.' as i was about leaving, mr. mcbean said: 'if you could pass as an englishman, the indians would not injure you; if they do disturb you, show them the horses and the marks, and they will know my horses; show them by signs that you are from the fort, and they will let you pass.' the indians noticed the marks on the horses and did not disturb me. "john kimzey." "subscribed and sworn to before me, at my office in tualatin plains [now washington county], this th day of august, . "david t. lenox, justice of the peace." this is fully confirmed by the oath of r. s. wilcox, as having heard the statement from mr. kimzey the night after he left the fort, in camp at the mouth of the umatilla, before the same justice of the peace. mr. wilcox says mr. kimzey was much alarmed, and really believed that it was the design of the priests' party to kill dr. whitman and drive the american missionaries out of the country. his reply was, "the catholics have not got that station yet." had we not the best english testimony, fitzgerald's, and the statements of p. j. de smet and hoikin in their letters to their missionary society in brussels, to show the connection of the hudson's bay company with this transaction, the facts above stated would fasten the conviction of a strong and outspoken determination to overthrow the protestant missions. it will be remembered that these threats and efforts to get rid of dr. whitman were made before the appearance of any sickness or measles among the cayuses. mr. brouillet, on the th page of his narrative, says, "but i affirm that such a demand has never been made to dr. whitman by any one of us." we are not disposed to dispute mr. brouillet's affirmation, be it true or false. the truth is all we seek to know. the reader will not be particularly interested in the long details of statements made by this priest to show that they had no part in bringing about the destruction of the protestant missions and the whitman massacre. mr. mcbean and sir james douglas have written extensively, together with p. h. burnett, esq., and this rev. vicar-general brouillet, to show that nobody is responsible for that crime but the missionaries who were murdered and the indians, while rev. messrs. griffin and spalding have attempted to fasten the whole crime upon the roman priests alone. it appears from mr. spalding's account that he met mr. brouillet and the bishop at wallawalla on the th of november, and had a sectarian discussion with them, which he thought was friendly, yet from the fact that this priest barely alludes to the visit, and not a word of the discussion is mentioned, we infer that mr. spalding had the best of the argument, and that he was entirely mistaken as to the friendly manner in which they could conduct their missions in the same section of country. we will not attempt to reconcile the conflicting statements of these missionary parties, but will collect the most reliable facts and particulars of the tragic events in which these parties and the whole country became so deeply involved,--a part of them so strongly implicated. that the massacre was expected to take place in a short time, and that all the americans at the station, and all in any way connected with, or favoring, the protestant missions and american settlements in the country, were to be included in the ultimate overthrow of those upper, or middle oregon missions, there can be no doubt; as shown in the quotations we have given from our english hudson's bay company's historian and sir edward belcher, and the efforts of the company to colonize the country with english subjects from red river, instead of encouraging them to come direct from england. it appears from the dates and accounts we have, that dr. whitman was sent for to visit five crow's lodge on the umatilla, not far from the house to be occupied by the bishop and his priests; that mr. spalding accompanied the doctor to visit some of the protestant indians in that vicinity; that the same day (the th of november), the bishop and his priests started from wallawalla to go to their station and occupy the house of young chief. they arrived at their places and learned that dr. whitman and mr. spalding were in the neighborhood. on the next day, sunday, th, dr. whitman made a short call on them, and hastened home to attend on the sick about his place. while at the lodge of a french half-breed named nicholas finlay, the indians were holding a council, to decide and arrange the preliminaries of the massacre, with joe lewis, a canadian-indian, and joe stanfield, a frenchman. of this last-named man, mr. brouillet says: "as to joseph stanfield, i admit that he was born and has been educated a catholic." he lays great stress on the fact that this fellow had been tried and acquitted. he says: "why should we pretend now to be more enlightened and wiser than the tribunals have been, and judge him more severely than they have done." dr. whitman arrived at his station about twelve o'clock at night, attended upon the sick, and retired. that night an indian had died. in the morning, the doctor, as usual, had a coffin and a winding-sheet prepared, and assisted the friends in burying their dead. he observed, on returning to the house, that but two or three attended at the grave. as he returned, great numbers of indians were seen gathering about the station; but an ox had been killed, and was being dressed, which was supposed to be the cause, as the indians on such occasions always collected in great numbers, and often from a distance. chapter lv. occupations of the victims immediately before the massacre.--description of the mission buildings.--the doctor called into the kitchen to be murdered.--joe lewis, the leader in the massacre.--the scene outside.--the doctor's house plundered.--mrs. whitman shot.--brutalities to the dead and dying.--escape of some and murder of others.--safety of the french papists and the servants of the hudson's bay company.--fate of joe lewis. joseph stanfield had brought in the ox from the plains, and it had been shot by francis sager. messrs. kimball, canfield, and hoffman were dressing it between the two houses; mr. sanders was in the school, which he had just called in for the afternoon; mr. marsh was grinding at the mill; mr. gillan was on his tailor's bench in the large adobe house, a short distance from the doctor's; mr. hall was at work laying a floor to a room adjoining the doctor's house; mr. rogers was in the garden; mr. osborn and family were in the indian room adjoining the doctor's sitting-room; young mr. sales was lying sick in the family of mr. canfield, who was living in the blacksmith shop; young mr. bewley was sick in the doctor's house; john sager was sitting in the kitchen but partially recovered from the measles; the doctor and mrs. whitman, with their three sick children, and mrs. osborn and her sick child, were in the dining or sitting room. the mission buildings occupied a triangular space of ground fronting the north in a straight line, about four hundred feet in length. the doctor's house, standing on the west end, and fronting west, was × feet, adobe walls; library and bedroom on south end; dining and sitting room in the middle, × ; indian room on north end, × ; kitchen on the east side of the house, × , fireplace in the middle, and bedroom in rear; schoolroom joining on the east of the kitchen, × ; blacksmith shop, feet east; the house called the mansion on the east end of the angle, × feet, one and a half stories; the mill, made of wood, standing upon the old site, about four hundred feet from either house. the east and south space of ground was protected by the mill-pond and wallawalla creek--north front by a ditch that discharged the waste water from the mill, and served to irrigate the farm in front of the doctor's house, which overlooked the whole. to the north and east is a high knoll, less than one-fourth of a mile distant; and directly to the north, three-fourths of a mile distant, is mill creek. in a military or defensive question, the premises could be easily protected from small-arms or cavalry. while the doctor was sitting with his family as above stated, several indians, who had come into the kitchen, came to the door leading to the dining-room, and requested him to come into the kitchen. he did so, taking his bible in his hand, in which he was reading, and shut the door after him. edward sager sat down by his side and asked for medicine. tilokaikt commenced a conversation with him, when tamsaky, an indian, called the murderer, and the one that told the bishop at wallawalla he would give him the doctor's station, came behind him, and, drawing a pipe tomahawk from under his blanket, struck the doctor on the back of his head. the first blow stunned him and his head fell upon his breast, but the second blow followed instantly upon the top of his head, and brought him senseless but not lifeless to the floor. john sager, rising up, attempted to draw a pistol; the indians before him rushed to the door by which they had entered, crying out, "he will shoot us;" but those behind seized his arms and threw him upon the floor; at the same time he received shots from several short hudson's bay muskets, which had been concealed under their blankets. he was cut and gashed terribly with knives, his throat was cut, and a woolen tippet stuffed into it,--still he lingered. in the struggle, two indians were wounded, one in the foot, the other in the hand, by each other. mrs. whitman, as soon as the tumult commenced, overhearing and judging the cause, began in agony to stamp upon the floor and wring her hands, crying out, "oh, the indians! the indians! that joe (referring to joe lewis) has done it all!" mrs. osborn stepped into the indian room with her child, and in a short time mr. osborn and family were secreted under the floor. without coming into the other rooms, the indians left the kitchen, to aid in the dreadful destruction without. at this moment mrs. hays ran in from the mansion-house, and, with her assistance, mrs. whitman drew her dying husband into the dining-room, and placed his mangled, bleeding head upon a pillow, and did all her frightful situation would allow to stay the blood and revive him, but to no purpose. the dreadful work was done. to every question that was put to him, he would simply reply, "no," in a low whisper. after receiving the first blow, he was probably insensible. about this time, mr. kimball ran into the room through the kitchen, and rushed up-stairs with a broken arm hanging by his side. he was immediately followed by mr. rogers, who, in addition to a wounded arm, was tomahawked in the side of the head and covered with blood. he assisted mrs. whitman in making fast all the doors, and in removing the sick children up-stairs. joe lewis, a roman catholic indian, is asserted, by those who have traced his course, to have come from canada with the party of priests and french that crossed the plains in , and by whom it is affirmed the measles were brought into the immigrant trains that year. the priests' party brought him to boise, and there left him to find his way to dr. whitman's. he attempted to make arrangements with an immigrant family to come to the wallamet, but was afterward furnished with a horse and supplies, and traveled with a cayuse indian. while at boise, making his arrangements with the immigrant family, he told them there was going to be a _great overturn at dr. whitman's and in the wallamet_. how or what the overturn was to be, the party did not learn, but supposed it might be from immigration or some change in the government of the country. he arrived at dr. whitman's apparently destitute of clothes and shoes. he made himself at home at once, as he could speak english, french, and a little nez percé. he had been at the station but a few days, before the doctor and the two sager boys learned that he was making disturbance among the indians. the doctor finding some immigrant families who wanted a teamster, furnished him with shoes and a shirt, and got him to go with them. he was gone three days, and the second night ran away from the man he had agreed to go with, and returned about the station. he spent most of his time in the lodge of nicholas finlay, the common resort of stanfield and the indians engaged in the scenes we are relating; and was the leader in the whole affair. he was seen several times approaching the windows with a gun, but when mrs. whitman would ask, "joe, what do you want?" he would ran away. the scene outside, by this time, had attained the summit of its fury. the screams of the fleeing women and children, the groans and struggles of the falling, dying victims, the roar of musketry, the whistling of balls, the blows of the war-club, the smoke of powder, the furious riding of naked, painted indians, the unearthly yells of infuriated savages, self-maddened, like tigers, by the smell of human blood,--the legitimate fruits of romish superstitions faithfully implanted in the savage mind. mrs. whitman remained by the side of her husband, who was pale and gasping in death. two americans were overpowered and cut down by the crowd under her window, which drew her attention, and gave an opportunity for an indian, that had always been treated kindly by her, to level his gun. his victim received the ball, through the window, in her right breast, and fell, uttering a single groan. in a few moments she revived, rose and went to the settee, and kneeling in prayer was heard to pray for their adopted children (the sager family, who had lost father and mother in crossing the plains, now again to be left orphans), and for her aged father and mother in the states, that they might be sustained under this terrible shock (made a thousand-fold more so by the infamous account of it given by sir james douglas in his sandwich islands letter), which the news of her fate must occasion. soon after this she was helped into the chamber, where were now collected mrs. whitman, mrs. hays, miss bewley, catharine sager, messrs. kimball and rogers, and the three sick children. they had scarcely gained this temporary retreat, when the crash of windows and doors, and the deafening war-whoop, tore the last hope from their fainting hearts. the rooms below were plundered of their property,--the furniture dashed to pieces and cast out. joe lewis was seen to be among the foremost to dash in the windows and bring out the goods. here a deed was perpetrated similar to that of the refined and christian catholic people of burgos, in spain, when they murdered and cut up their governor for attempting to obey the law and take an invoice of church property. the cayuse indian tilokaikt went into the room where the doctor lay yet breathing, and with his hatchet deliberately chopped his face terribly to pieces, but left him still alive. some indian, also, cut the face of john sager while he was yet alive. about this time, joe lewis went into the schoolroom and sought out the children, who were hid in the upper loft, and brought them into the kitchen to be shot. as francis passed by his mangled, gasping brother, he stooped and took the woolen tippet from the gash in his throat, when john attempted to speak, but immediately expired. upon this, francis turned to his sister and said, "i shall soon follow my brother." the children were kept in this painful position for some time. eliza spalding was among them, and understood every word spoken by the indians, who, having finished their terrible slaughter without, were filling the room and the doorways, with their guns pointed at the heads and hearts of the children, constantly yelling, "_shall we shoot?_" eliza says her blood became cold, and she could not stand, but leaned over upon the sink, covering her face with her apron, that she might not see them shoot her. from this place they were removed out of the door by the side of the indian room, just before mrs. whitman was brought out to be shot. immediately after breaking into the house, the indians called to mrs. whitman and mr. rogers to come down, and on receiving no answer, tamsaky (the indian who was the most anxious to have the bishop and his priests take the doctor's place), started to go up-stairs, but discovering the end of an old gun (placed there by miss bewley), he desisted, and entered into conversation with those above. he urged them to come down, assuring them that no one should hurt them. mrs. whitman told him she was shot, and had not strength to come down, besides she feared they would kill her. tamsaky expressed much sorrow on learning that mrs. whitman was wounded, and promised that no one should be hurt if they would come down. mrs. whitman replied, "if you are my friend, come up and see me." he objected, and said there were americans hid in the chamber with arms to kill him. mr. rogers, standing at the head of the stairs, assured him there were none, and very soon he went up and remained some time, apparently sympathizing with the sufferers, assuring them that he was sorry for what had taken place, and urged mrs. whitman to come down and be taken over to the other house where the families were, intimating that the young men might destroy the house in the night. about this time the cry was heard from joe lewis, "we will now burn." mrs. whitman was assisted down by mr. rogers and mrs. hays; on reaching the lower room, becoming faint, she was laid upon a settee, and taken through the kitchen over the dead body of young sager, and through a crowd of indians. as the settee passed out of the door, the word was given by the chief not to shoot the children. at this moment mr. rogers discovered their treachery, and had only time to drop the settee, raise his hands and exclaim, "o my god!" when a volley of guns was fired from within and without the house, part at mrs. whitman and part at himself. he fell upon his face, pierced with many balls. an indian seized francis sager from among the children, and joe lewis drew his pistol, and with the expression, "_you bad boy,_" shot him. all manner of indian brutality and insult were offered to the mangled bodies while they lay groaning and dying, till night closed upon the scene, and the indians retired to finlay's and tilokaikt's lodges to consult as to further outrage upon the still living and helpless victims. the canadian-indian, joe lewis, was as active in abusing the helpless girls as he had been in selecting the children of the hudson's bay company's servants to be protected and sent away from such as were to be abused and slaughtered. mr. kimball, the three sick children, and catharine sager remained in the chamber all night. mr. osborn lay under the floor of the indian room till the indians retired. he then made his escape to the fort at wallawalla, with his family. the three men at the beef found themselves surrounded, and in the midst of a volley of balls from pistols and guns pointed at them. all three were wounded, but neither fell. they fled as best they could: mr. kimball to the house; mr. canfield to the blacksmith shop, and thence to the mansion, where he hid himself, and remained till night; then fled and reached lapwai before mr. spalding did. mr. hall wrenched a gun, which had missed fire, from an indian's hand, and ran for the bushes; reached the fort next morning; was put across the columbia river by mr. mcbean's order; and was lost,--starved to death, or murdered by the indians, we know not which. mr. gillan was shot upon his bench. mr. marsh was shot at the mill; ran a short distance toward the doctor's house and fell. mr. saunders, hearing the guns, rushed to the door of the schoolroom, where he was seized by several indians, who threw him upon the ground amid a shower of balls and tomahawks. being a strong and active man, he rose, though wounded, and ran some rods, but was overtaken, surrounded, and cut down. mr. hoffman was cut down, after fighting desperately with a knife, his body cut open, and his heart and liver torn out. in the midst of all this fury and savage shedding of blood, _no children or servants of the hudson's bay company, or roman catholics, or such as professed friendship for that faith_, were harmed in the least. finlay, a half-breed of the company's, who had formerly kept its horses, was stopping close to the station, assisting and counseling with the indians; joe lewis selected the two manson boys and a half-breed spanish boy the doctor had raised, and arranged to send them to the fort. whoever this indian was, or wherever he was from, he seems to have understood and acted fully and faithfully his part in the "_great overturn_" that he said, while at boise, was to take place at that station and in the lower country. how he came to know there was to be any change or overturn is yet a secret only to be guessed at. mr. mcbean says he returned to boise and fort hall; and mr. mcdonald, that he killed the guide to a company of united states troops in the mountains, and was himself shot. chapter lvi. comments on vicar-general brouillet's arguments against the whitman massacre being the act of catholics.--joe stanfield: brouillet's story in his favor.--murders on the second day.--deposition of daniel young.--more murders. vicar-general brouillet, in his narrative of "protestantism in oregon," says: "i could admit that _joseph lewis_, _joseph stanfield_, and _nicholas finlay_, who may have been seen plundering" (as proved on the trial of stanfield), "_were catholics_, without injuring in the least the cause of catholicism; because, as in good reasoning" (roman catholic, of course), "it is never allowed to conclude from one particularity to another particularity, nor to a generality; in like manner, from the guilt of three catholics it can not be reasonably concluded that other catholics are guilty, nor, _a fortiori_, that all catholics are guilty and catholicism favorable to the guilt." no man, set of men, or sect, not interested in the result of a measure or a crime, will ever use an argument like the one we have quoted from this priest. dr. whitman and those about his station had been slaughtered in the most brutal and cowardly manner, by a band of indians that this priest, his bishop, and associates, backed by the consent and influence of the hudson's bay company, had brought about through the direct influence of these three men: all of whom knew, and consulted with the indians as to the commission of the crime. and we have the strongest reason to believe that this priest and his party were, by their conversation, instructions, and direct teachings, adding their influence and approval to that horrid transaction. besides, when the crime is committed, we find this same band of _fur traders and priests protecting, shielding, advising and assisting the murderers_ to the utmost of their power and influence, both in the country and in their foreign correspondence. if such facts do not implicate a party, we ask what will? the very book from which we are quoting, containing pages, has not a single sentence condemning the course or crime of these men, but every page contains some statement condemning spalding, whitman, or some american supposed to belong to, or in favor of, the american settlements or missions. but let us return to further particulars of this whitman massacre. we have gathered up the statements and facts on both sides of this question, and with our own knowledge, previous to and since its occurrence, we write with assurance, if not with the best judgment in selecting the facts and evidence to place the truth before the public. we were in the midst of describing that horrible scene of savage blood and carnage, when we stopped for a moment to inquire after the character of three of the prominent actors, in fact, the leaders in the tragedy. brouillet tells us (on page of his narrative, page of ross browne) in extenuation of the guilt of stanfield, that "the following circumstance, if true, speaks very highly in his favor, and shows that if he has at any time forgotten the good principles he had received in his infancy, once, at least, those principles prompted him to an heroic action. it was on the morning of the day that followed the massacre. there were several indians scattered in the neighborhood of the mission buildings, but especially a crowd of indian women was standing near the door of the house in which all the white women and children were living. stanfield, being then at a short distance from the house, tilokaikt, the chief of the place, came up and asked him if he had something in the house. 'yes,' said stanfield, 'i have all my things there.' 'take them away,' said the indian to him. 'why should i take them away? they are well there.' 'take them off,' he insisted, a second time. 'but i have not only my things there; i have also my wife and children.' 'yes,' replied tilokaikt, who appeared a little surprised, 'you have a wife and children in the house! will you take them off?' 'no,' replied stanfield, 'i will not take them away, and i will go and stay myself in the house. i see that you have bad designs; you intend to kill the women and children; well, you will kill me with them. are you not ashamed? are you not satisfied with what you have done? do you want still to kill poor innocent creatures that have never done you any harm?' 'i am ashamed,' replied tilokaikt, after a moment's hesitation. 'it is true, those women and children do not deserve death; they did not harm us; they shall not die.' and, turning to the indian women who were standing near the door of the house waiting with a visible impatience for the order to enter and slaughter the people inside, he ordered them to go off. the indian women then became enraged, and, showing them the knives that they took from beneath their blankets, they insulted him in many different ways, calling him _a coward, a woman who would consent to be governed by a frenchman_; and they retired, apparently in great anger for not having been allowed to imbrue their hands in the blood of new victims. the above circumstance was related at fort wallawalla to mr. ogden, by stanfield himself, under great emotion, and in presence of the widows, none of whom contradicted him. an action of that nature, if it took place, would be, of itself, _sufficient to redeem a great many faults_." we do not wish to question any good act this frenchman may have done; but the guilt of knowing that crime was to be committed, and that the americans were to be killed around him like the ox he had brought to the slaughter, which he knew was to be the signal for its commencement; and the manner he and his two associates conducted themselves on the ground; _the influence he had_ to stop the massacre at any time, and his _robbing the widows and orphans_ in the midst of the slaughter;--these make up a complication of crime that none but the vilest will attempt to excuse. on the th of november, mr. kimball and mr. young, a young man from the saw-mill, were killed. mr. kimball, in attempting to go from his concealment in the chamber for water for himself and the sick children, was shot by a young indian, who claimed his eldest daughter for a wife as his lawful pay for killing her father. we will now give an original deposition which explains the killing of mr. young, and also of two other young men, who escaped the first and second, and became victims of the third more brutal slaughter. _deposition of mr. daniel young relative to the wailatpu massacre._ question.--when, and in what manner, did you learn of the massacre? answer.--i was residing with my father's family at dr. whitman's saw-mill, about twenty miles from wailatpu, where we had gone for the winter. my brother, a young man about twenty-four years of age, and about two years older than myself, had gone down to the station, the tuesday before, with a load of lumber, and for provisions, and was expecting to return about the last of the week. joseph smith and family were also living at the saw-mill, except his oldest daughter, who was at the station. his family was out of flour and meat, and ours was now out of meat. on saturday evening, he proposed to me to go down the next day for provisions. i did not wish to go down; told him if he wanted provisions he could go. he said if he had a horse he would go. we offered him a horse. he still urged me to go, as there was no one, he said, to stay with his family. i went down on horseback on the sabbath, being the next sabbath after the massacre. i did not go to the place till about an hour after dark, and learned nothing of the massacre till after i had got into the house. in the room where i expected to find my brother, i found them eating supper, with several indians in the room. at the table was mrs. hays, and joseph stanfield, and mrs. hall, with the remnant of her family. about a couple of minutes after i went in, joseph stanfield left the table and went out of the house (this was some time previous to the rest leaving the table), and was gone for about three hours, i knew not where; but after he returned, he said he had started to go to nicholas finlay's, a half-breed's lodge, but had got lost. nicholas had come in about half an hour before stanfield returned. in the mean time i had learned from the indian beardy, through eliza spalding (his interpreter), of the massacre. this was in short sentences and much confused. beardy said, however, that the doctor was his friend, and he did not know of it until a good many had been killed, and he was sorry for what had taken place; he said the indians said the doctor was poisoning them, and that was the reason they did it, _but he_ (beardy) _did not believe it_. that he was there to protect the women and children, and no more should be killed. during the evening i also learned of the number that had been killed, and of those who had escaped from the place; but it was not known what had become of them. i was informed by stanfield that my brother had met an indian who had told him to go back and stay for a week, but another indian told him he could safely go on for provisions, and that he would go with him. he went on to within half a mile of the mission. the indians were said to have gone thus far with him. stanfield said he there found him dead, shot through the head near one eye, and there he buried him. _stanfield said_ also that evening that the doctor was poisoning the indians, which had caused the massacre; that joe lewis had heard from an adjoining room one night the doctor and mrs. whitman talking of poisoning them, and that the doctor had said it was best to destroy them by degrees, but that mrs. whitman said it was best to do it at once, and they would be rid of them, and have all their land and horses as their own; and that he (joe lewis) had told the indians this before the massacre. stanfield also asked me if i had heard of his being married. i told him i had heard from my brother that he was going to take mrs. hays for a wife. he said: "we are married, but have not yet slept together." i said: "yes, i understand, you pretend to be married." he said: "we are married; that is enough." i thought it strange why he was saved unless he was a catholic, and during the evening took an occasion, when i thought he would not suspect my object, to ask stanfield whether he was a catholic? he said, "_i pass for one._" i slept with stanfield that night; did not retire till late. next morning, crockett bewley, a young man about twenty-one or twenty-two, i should think, who was sick at the time of the first massacre, and whose clothes had been stolen (by stanfield), came into the room wrapped in a blanket or a quilt. _bewley seemed to speak of the doctor's poisoning the indians as something commonly reported among them_ as the cause of the massacre, but said he did not believe any thing of it, _but he believed joe lewis was one of the leaders_, and _the catholic priests were the cause of it_. stanfield replied, "_you need not believe any such thing, and you had better not let the indians hear you say that,_" and spoke in a voice as though _he was somewhat angry_. soon after this, bewley left the room; stanfield turned to me and said: "_he had better be careful how he talks; if the indians get hold of it the catholics may hear of it._" as soon as i could do it without being suspected, i sought an opportunity to caution bewley about the danger i thought he was running in speaking thus in the presence of stanfield, and asked him if he did not know of stanfield being a catholic? he said he did not. i told him he might have known it from the fact of most french being catholics. he replied he did not know of the french being catholics more than any other people. i told him to be cautious hereafter how he spoke, and he said he would. soon after the conversation with bewley, i told stanfield i must return home; he said i must not, the indian chiefs would be there after a while and would tell me what i must do; said he did not think i could get off till the next day. we now commenced making a coffin for one of the sager children that had died the night before. soon after, the chief tilokaikt came. he told me i could not go back till the next day, that he would then send two indians back with me. i told stanfield, in the chief's presence, that i had told my folks i should be back on monday if i came at all. stanfield told me in reply, that the chief says, "then you may go;" stanfield also said, "the chief says tell them all to come down and bring every thing down that is up there; we want them to come down and take care of the families and tend the mill. tell them, '_don't undertake to run away; if you do, you will be sure to be killed_;' not be afraid, for they shall not be hurt." the chief had now done talking. stanfield now told me to caution them, our people, at the saw-mill, as to _what they should say_; if they said any thing on the subject, "say that the doctor was a bad man, and was poisoning the indians." he had also before that told me the same. i got a piece of meat and asked for some salt; but he said there was none about the house; afterward i found this was not the case. i then returned home, and informed our people as to what had taken place, and my father's first reply was, "_the catholics are at the bottom of it._" mr. smith admitted it, but said, immediately, we must all become catholics for our safety, and before we left the saw-mill, and afterward, he said he believed the doctor was poisoning, and believed it from what joe stanfield had told him before about the doctor's misusing the half-breeds and children at his mission. the next day, tuesday, we went down to the mission, and arrived after dark; found the young men, bewley and amos sales, who were sick at the time of the first massacre, were both killed, and their bodies were lying outside of the door near the house where they lay during the night, and stanfield said he could not bury them until he got the permission of the indians. the next day we helped to bury them. here i would say that the two indians the chief wished to send with me, as he said, to see us safe down, as stanfield interpreted to me at the time, were the chief's sons, and he wished me to wait because edward, tilokaikt's son, had gone to the umatilla to the _great chief_, to see what to do with the two young men who were sick. this, stanfield told me, was the business which edward tilokaikt had gone for, and he would not get back so as to go with me that day. three indians, however, arrived within an hour after i got to the saw-mill, viz., clark tilokaikt, stikas and one whose name i never knew, and came down a part of the way with us next day. i learned from mrs. canfield and her daughter, that this same edward tilokaikt, after he returned from the umatilla, gave the first blow with his whip, and broke and run out of doors, when other indians finished the slaughter of the sick men. while at the station, joseph smith threatened me with the indians if i did not obey him. i felt our condition as bad and very dangerous from the indians, and feared that smith would join them. he sometimes talked of going on to the umatilla to live with them. his daughter was taken by the chief's sons (first clark, and in the second place, edward) for a wife. i told mr. smith, were i a father, i would never suffer that, so long as i had power to use an arm; his reply was, "you don't know what you would do; i would not dare to say a word if they should take my own wife." i continued to regard our situation as exceedingly dangerous till we got out of the country. after we had arrived at wallawalla, i said, in the presence of mr. mcbean, that i supposed there were present some of the indians who had killed my brother, and if i knew them i would kill them yet. mr. mcbean said, "_take care what you say, the very walls have ears._" he was very anxious to get us safe to the wallamet. q.--would you suppose one who was acquainted at that place liable to get lost in going that evening to finlay's lodge? a.--i would not. it was in sight and a plain path to it, and was not more than twenty-five yards off. q.--when did you learn from your brother that stanfield was going to take mrs. hays as a wife? a.--some two or more weeks before the massacre, something was said as to mr. hoffman taking mrs. hays. my brother says, "no, i heard joe stanfield say that he was going to take her as a wife." q.--did your brother appear to believe that this was about to take place? a.--he did, and my brother talked about it,--made us believe it was going to take place. q.--what opportunity had your brother to know about this, more than yourself? a.--he boarded at the station, and was some of the time teaming from the saw-mill, and mrs. hays cooked for him and several others of the doctor's hands, among whom was stanfield. q.--why did you think stanfield was a catholic, as a reason for his being saved? a.--because i heard dr. whitman say at the mill, that the catholics were evidently trying to set the indians upon him, but he thought he could keep it down for another year, when he would be safe. i supposed he expected safety from the government being extended over the country. q.--how did stanfield seem to know that the chief would be there after a while, and would tell you what you might do as to going back to the saw-mill? a.--i did not know. q.--why did you tell your people that you would be back on monday, if at all? a.--because we were in an indian country, and i remembered what i had heard the doctor say at the umatilla, and my brother had not returned as expected. q.--had you any means of knowing what "_great chief_," at the umatilla, tilokaikt spoke of, where his son edward had gone to learn what to do with the sick young men? a.--i had not. q.--did you know at that time that the bishop was said to be at umatilla? a.--yes. q.--did you form in your own mind, at that time, any opinion as to whom edward had gone to consult? a.--i thought the term "_great chief_" might have been put in to deceive me, as stanfield had told me, the evening before, that the catholics were going to establish a mission right away at that place, and that they would protect the women and children, and _i thought it might be the catholics_ he was consulting, or it might be some great indian chief. this talk of establishing a station there continued for more than a week after we got down to the station. after i found bewley and sales were killed, i seemed to forget much until even after i had got down, and even to the plains, when the facts again came more clearly to my recollection, and i spoke of them freely to my parents and to others. (signed,) daniel young. sworn and subscribed to, before me, this th day of january, a.d. , in tualatin plains, oregon territory. g. w. coffinbury, justice of the peace. chapter lvii. how the country was saved to the united states.--article from the new york _evening post_.--ingratitude of the american board.--deposition of elam young.--young girls taken for indian wives.--statement of miss lorinda bewley.--sager, bewley, and sales killed. in taking up our morning _oregonian_ of november , , our eye lit upon the following article from the new york _evening post_, which we feel assured the reader will not regret to find upon these pages, and which will explain the desperate efforts made to secure this country to the united states by dr. whitman, the details of whose death we are now giving from the depositions of parties upon the ground, who were eye-witnesses and fellow-sufferers at the fall of that good and noble man whose labors and sacrifices his countrymen are at this late day only beginning to appreciate. we ask in astonishment: has the american board at last opened its ears, and allowed a statement of that noble martyr's efforts to save oregon to his country to be made upon its record? it has! it has! and here it is:-- "we presume it is not generally known to our citizens on the pacific coast, nor to many people in the atlantic states, how near we came to losing, through executive incompetence, our just title to the whole immense region lying west of the rocky mountains. neither has due honor been accorded to the brave and patriotic man through whose herculean exertions this great loss and sacrifice was prevented. "the facts were briefly and freshly brought out during the recent meeting at pittsburg of the 'american board of commissioners for foreign missions,' in the course of an elaborate paper read by mr. treat, one of the secretaries of the board, on the 'incidental results of missions.' "in the year the american board undertook to establish a mission among the indians beyond the rocky mountains. two missionaries, rev. mr. spalding and dr. whitman, with their wives,--the first white women who had ever made that perilous journey,--passed over the mountains with incredible toil, to reach oregon, the field of their labor. after remaining there for a few years, dr. whitman began to understand the object of the misrepresentations of the hudson's bay company. he saw, contrary to the reiterated public statements of that company-- " . that the land was rich in minerals. " . that emigrants could cross the rocky mountains in wagons, a feat which they had constantly asserted to be impossible. " . that the hudson's bay company was planning to secure the sole occupancy of the whole of that country, by obtaining a surrender of the american title into the hands of the british government. "seeing these things, but not knowing how very near the british scheme was to its accomplishment, dr. whitman resolved, at every hazard, to prevent its consummation. he undertook, in , to make a journey on horseback to washington, to lay the whole matter clearly before our government by personal representations. being a man of great physical strength and an iron constitution, he accomplished the long and perilous journey, and reached washington in safety. the remainder of the story we will relate in the language of the boston _congregationalist_: reaching washington, he sought an interview with president tyler and daniel webster, then secretary of state, and unfolded to them distinctly what was going on. here he learned that a treaty was almost ready to be signed, in which all this northwestern territory was to be given up to england, and we were to have in compensation greater facilities in catching fish. dr. whitman labored to convince mr. webster that he was the victim of false representations with regard to the character of the region, and told him that he intended to return to oregon with a train of emigrants. mr. webster, looking him full in the eye, asked him if he would pledge himself to conduct a train of emigrants there in wagons. he promised that he would. then, said mr. webster, this treaty shall be suppressed. dr. whitman, in coming on, had fixed upon certain rallying-points where emigrants might assemble to accompany him on his return. he found nearly one thousand ready for the journey. after long travel, they reached fort hall, a british military station, and the commandant undertook to frighten the emigrants by telling them that it was not possible for them to go through with wagons; but dr. whitman reassured them, and led them through to the columbia, and the days of the supremacy of the hudson's bay company over oregon were numbered." twenty-four years after that noble, devoted, faithful servant and missionary of theirs had received a cold reproof, after enduring one of the severest and most trying journeys of several thousand miles, his board at home, and unreasonably cautious associates in oregon have consented to acknowledge that they owe to him a debt of respect for doing, without their consent or approval at the time, a noble, patriotic, and unselfish act for his country. and how shall we regard the cold indifference they have manifested to the present day, in regard to the infamous manner in which his life, and the lives of his wife and countrymen were taken, and the continued slanders heaped upon their names? have they asked for, or even attempted an explanation, or a refutation of those slanders? their half-century volume speaks a language not to be mistaken. mr. spalding, his first and most zealous associate, attempted to bring the facts before the world, but the caution of those who would whitewash his (dr. whitman's) sepulcher induced mr. spalding to give up in despair,--a poor broken-down wreck, caused by the frightful ending of his fellow-associates, and of his own missionary labors. is this severe, kind reader, upon the board and a portion of dr. whitman's associates? we intend to tell the truth if it is, as we are endeavoring to get the truth, the whole truth, and as few mistakes as possible in these pages. therefore we will copy another deposition relative to this massacre. _deposition of mr. elam young._ i met dr. whitman on the umatilla, about the st of october, . he engaged me to build a mill for him at his mission. as the lumber was not handy at the station, i moved up to the saw-mill to do a part of the work there. some time in november, my son james, who was teaming for the doctor, went from the saw-mill with a load of lumber for the mission station, and was to return with provisions for us. this was on tuesday after the murder. shortly after he had gone away, mr. smith, who was also at the saw-mill, appeared to be very uneasy; stated repeatedly that he was sure something had happened to him; said he had a constant foreboding of some evil; stated that dr. whitman was abusing the children at the mission, as he had understood by stanfield; frequently spoke against dr. whitman. the next sunday, beginning to feel uneasy, i sent my second son daniel down to the station, who returned on monday and brought the news of the massacre. _it instantly struck my mind that the catholic priests had been the cause of the whole of it._ this conviction was caused by repeated conversations with dr. whitman, together with my knowledge of the principles of the jesuits. mr. smith observed at the same time that we must all be jesuits for the time being. soon after daniel returned, three indians came up and told us we must go down to the station, which we accordingly did the next day. when we got there it was after night; we found that crockett bewley and amos sales had both been killed that day. the women told us that they had told the indians, before we came down, that we were english, and we must not contradict it. the indians soon began to question whether i was english. i told them i was of english parents, but born in the united states. a few days after we got there two young women were taken as wives for the indians, which i opposed, _and was threatened by mr. smith_, who was very anxious that it should take place, and that other little girls should be given up for wives. was employed while there in making coffins and grinding for the indians. while there, miss bewley was taken off to the umatilla. tried to comfort her as much as i could, believing she would be _safer there at the catholic station than where we were_. first ten days we were constantly told that the catholics were coming there to establish a mission. heard that mr. ogden had come up to wallawalla to rescue us from the indians. went to grinding and preparing provisions for our journey. smith and stanfield, who appeared to be very friendly with each other, had the management of the teams and loading, took the best teams and lightest loads, gave us the poorest teams and heaviest loads. on the way to wallawalla they drove off and left us. the hindmost teams had to double in the bad places. reached the fort perhaps half an hour after smith and stanfield had; met smith at the gate, who says: "well, you have got along?" "yes." "it is well you did, for the indians found out that _you were not an englishman, and were determined to have your scalp_." i asked him, "how do you know this?" to which he made no reply. went into the fort and met mr. mcbean and the priest; supposed they would all rejoice at our escape, but their manner was very cold and distant. but mr. ogden greeted us cordially. the next day the indians came into the fort in considerable numbers, and their actions were suspicious, and mr. mcbean seemed to interest himself very much in our behalf, and _told us to be very quiet and to keep in our own rooms_, and be careful what we said, as the very walls had ears. [if this does not show the sneaking dog, what does? ogden is apparently all friendship, and mcbean is all caution to the captives.] we arrived on monday, and mr. spalding on saturday after, and the next day all took boat for the lower country. q.--did your son give you any caution as to what to say when you reached the station. a.--he said stanfield said we must say the doctor poisoned the indians. q.--what did you learn about mr. rogers as having made a confession. a.--_stanfield said that mr. rogers had made a confession that the doctor had poisoned the indians._ i replied, "who knows this?" he said mrs. hays and mrs. hall heard it. i afterward asked mrs. hays if she did hear it. she replied, "_we must say so now_." i afterward, at the station, told stanfield he had better not mention that to americans, for there was not one from maine to georgia that would believe it. he replied, "we must say so." i told him i never would. q.--what conversation with the doctor led you to believe the catholics were at the bottom of the whole of it? a.--that some years before ( ) he had had difficulty with the indians, and he had found out satisfactorily where it came from, by charging the indians of having been made jealous of a certain man. i do not recollect the name, but i think he said he was from canada, and the indians acknowledged it. [the difficulty here spoken of was about the horses given as a present to rev. jason lee, on his way to wallamet. the indians had been told by the company's interpreter, old toupin, that he had as good as stolen their horses, as he made them no presents in return, and they were encouraged to make that a cause of difficulty with dr. whitman.] at that time they had knocked off his hat, etc., but other indians would obey him and pick it up, and so long as they would obey, he was satisfied of his safety; but this had long since passed off. [the writer was present, and saw the whole performance here alluded to, the particulars of which are given elsewhere]. and they were never in a better state until of late, when a body of priests and jesuits had come in, and were constantly saying in their ears that this sickness came on them by the americans; that the americans were a very bad people, that the good being had sent on them as a punishment. q.--why did mr. smith appear anxious to have the young women given to the indians? a.--i do not know, unless to appease them, and get their affection. q.--did the doctor appear to wish to remain, against the wish of a majority of the indians? a.--i heard him say repeatedly, if the indians wished him to leave he would, but a large majority said he must not, and he thought the times would soon change. i understood him to expect a change from the extension of government. q.--did your son daniel say any thing, before you moved from the saw-mill, of having cautioned c. bewley for speaking unadvisedly before joe stanfield? a.--yes, he gave that; that amounts to the same as he has given in his statement. q.--did you have any fears, while at the station, that mr. smith was liable, had the circumstances become more dangerous, to act with the indians? a.--certainly i did. q.--did you get any reason why bewley and sales were killed? a.--though i did not get it directly from them, the indian account was, the _great chief at the umatilla said their disease would spread; but i believe it was because bewley had spoken before stanfield unadvisedly_. (signed,) elam young. sworn and subscribed to before me, this th day of january, . g. w. coffinbury, justice of the peace. what shall we say of these depositions, and the facts asserted under the solemnity of an oath, the witnesses still living, with many others confirming the one fact, _that roman priests and hudson's bay men, english and frenchmen, were all safe and unharmed_ in an indian--and that american--territory, _while american citizens were cut down by savage hands without mercy_? can we regard the conduct of such men in any other light than as enemies in peace? without the aid of religious bigotry and the appeal to god as sending judgments upon them, not one of those simple-minded natives would ever have lifted a hand to shed the blood of their teachers or of american citizens. we see how faithful and persevering joe lewis, finlay, and stanfield were in their part, while the bishop and his priests, and sir james douglas, at vancouver, were watching at a distance to misrepresent the conduct of the dead, and excuse and justify their own instruments, as in mr. douglas's letters to governor abernethy and the sandwich islands; and vicar-general brouillet's narrative, with more recent proceedings, which are given in another chapter. we intended to give in this connection the account of this tragedy as given by vicar-general brouillet, but it accords so nearly with that given by sir james douglas in his sandwich islands letter to mr. castle, that the impression is irresistibly forced upon the mind that the whole account is prepared by one and the same person; hence we will not encumber our pages with more than a liberal amount of extracts, sufficient to show the full knowledge of the bishop and his priests of what was expected to take place at the whitman station, and the brutal and inhuman part they took in forcing miss bewley into the arms of five crows, after that indian was humane enough to permit her to return to the house of those, that mr. young, and all others who were ignorant of their vileness, might naturally suppose would be a place of safety from such treatment. she that was miss bewley is now dead, but she has left on record the statement of her wrongs. we give it a permanent place in our history, not to persecute or slander the jesuit fraternity (for truth is no slander), but to warn americans against placing their daughters and sons under any such teachings or influences. _statement of miss lorinda bewley._ q.--what time did the massacre commence? a.--i think half-past one. q.--who fled to the chamber? a.--mrs. hall, mrs. hays, mrs. whitman, mr. kimball, mr. rogers,--the three last wounded,--myself, catharine sager, thirteen years of age, her sisters elizabeth, louisa, and henrietta, the three half-breed girls,--miss bridger, mary ann, and helen,--last four very sick. after we got into the chamber the indians broke in the windows and doors, filled the house and broke down the stair-door. mr. kimball advised to attempt the appearance of defense at the stairway. mrs. whitman and mr. rogers said, let all prepare for death. i found an old gun, and it was held over the staircase by mr. rogers. they appeared cool and deliberate in ordering all to prepare for death, when they were breaking up the house. the appearance of the gun appeared to check the indians from coming up-stairs. a few words passed between mr. rogers and one of the indians. mr. rogers said, "the indians wish me to come down." mrs. whitman objected at first; some words passed between mrs. whitman and mr. rogers about his going down which i do not recollect; finally mrs. whitman took his hand and said, "the lord bless you; go!" and he went nearly to the bottom of the stairs, but his head was all the time above the stairs; he was not there longer than two or three minutes. a few words passed between them, but i did not understand the language. mrs. whitman said, "the indians say you have guns and want to kill us." mr. rogers says, "no, you wish to get us down to kill us." this seemed to be all they talked about. mr. rogers says to mrs. whitman, "shall we let them come up?" mrs. whitman says, "let one, tamsaky, come up." tamsaky came up and shook hands with us all, and spoke and advised us all to go down and go over to the other house, for the young men would burn the house; he led the way down while the indians were hallooing wildly in the room below, but when we had got down, the indians had gone out and were very still. while we were up-stairs the doctor's face had been cut awfully to pieces, but he was yet breathing. mrs. whitman saw him and said she wanted air; they led her to the settee and she lay down. she appeared to think then, that we were going to be spared, and told us to get all the things from the press we needed. i put a blanket i had over her, and got a sheet for myself, and we put a good many clothes from the press on the settee; mrs. hall and mrs. hays got their arms full also. mr. rogers was going to take us over to the other house, and then come back for the sick children. this was tamsaky's advice, as he said the indians were going to burn the house. it was now getting dark. mr. rogers and joe lewis carried out the settee, over the bodies of the doctor and john sager, which were dreadfully mangled; they passed through the kitchen, and through the outside door toward the end of the house occupied as the indian room. here, to our surprise and terror, the indians were collected, with their guns ready; the children from the school were huddled in the corner of the building. when the settee had gone about its length from the door, joe lewis dropped the end he was holding and the guns were immediately fired. mr. rogers had only time to raise his hands and say, "o my god, save me," and fell. i felt my fingers numb till next morning, from a ball that passed so near as to sting them. mrs. whitman received two balls when on the settee. i could not see what was done at the same time on all sides of me. on turning round i saw francis sager down bleeding and groaning. the children said an indian hauled him out from among them and joe lewis shot him with a pistol. mr rogers fell down by my feet and groaned loud. all three appeared in great agony, and groaned very loud. the indian women were carrying off things, and the indians were shouting terribly; the indians also started and cut mrs. whitman's face with their whips and rolled her into the mud. [this treatment of mrs. whitman will be explained in the statement of stikas, as given from mr. mclane's journal.] at this i attempted to escape to the other house. one of the indians from mrs. whitman caught me,--i had run about two rods,--when i screamed and he shook his tomahawk over my head, and i kept screaming, not knowing that he wanted me to hush; then a great many others came round, and pointed their guns and shook their hatchets. i finally discovered they wanted me to be still, and when i was silent, one of them led me by the hand over to the mansion. q.--was mr. rogers wounded when he started into the house? a.--yes; shot through the arm and tomahawked in the head. q.--did mr. rogers have any interview with the indians after he got in until the one on the stairs? a.--no. as soon as he got in the house was locked, and none got in after that till we were all up-stairs, when they broke the doors and windows. q.--did the indians have an interview with mr. rogers after the one on the stairs, up to the time he was shot? a.--no; the indians were not in the room, except tamsaky and joe lewis, and we were all very still and mr. rogers was all the time in my sight, except as i stepped to the bed for the sheet, and i was very quick. q.--did you hear it reported that mr. rogers said he overheard dr. and mrs. whitman and mr. spalding talking at night about poisoning the indians? a.--no; but after being taken to umatilla, _one_ of the two _frenchmen said_ that the indians' talk was that an indian who understood english overheard such conversation. q.--did you consider mr. rogers and mrs. whitman were meeting their fate like devoted christians? a.--yes. q.--when did the priest arrive? a.--wednesday, while the bodies were being prepared for the grave. the bodies were collected into the house on tuesday evening. q.--did the indians bury a vial or bottle of the doctor's medicine? a.--they said they did. joe stanfield made the box to bury it in, and the indians said they buried it. q.--why did they bury it? a.--they said _the priests said it was poison_. stanfield and nicholas were their interpreters to us. q.--how did they obtain this vial? a.--the indians said _the priests found it_ among the doctor's medicines, and showed it to them, and _told them if it broke it would poison the whole nation_. q.--was there much stir among the indians about this bottle? a.--yes, a great deal. q.--why did the indians kill your brother? a.--edward tilokaikt returned from the umatilla, and told us (after they had killed him) the _great chief told them their disease would spread_. q.--did your brother make any effort to escape? a.--he told me the night before he was killed that he was preparing to make an effort to escape. i told him he must not, he was not able to walk. he said he had that day agreed with stanfield to get him a horse, and assist him away. i said, "what will become of me?" he said, "i know you have been greatly abused, and all i care for my life is to get away, and make an effort to save you; but i may be killed before to-morrow at this time, but, if it is the lord's will, i am prepared to die." this was monday, a week from the first massacre. about three o'clock the next day my brother and mr. sales were killed, and _i have always thought that joe stanfield betrayed them_. q.--did the indians threaten you all, and treat you with cruelty from the first? a.--they did. q.--did they on tuesday assemble and threaten your lives? a.--yes, and frequently threatened our lives afterward. (see statement of stanfield by brouillet, in a previous chapter, confirming the fact of his unbounded influence over the indians.) q.--when were the young women first dragged out and brutally treated? a.--saturday night after the first massacre, and continually after that. q.--when were you taken to the umatilla? (miss bewley will answer this question after we have given vicar-general brouillet an opportunity to state his part in this tragedy.) chapter lviii. vicar-general brouillet's statement.--statement of istacus.--the priest finds the poison.--statement of william geiger, jr.--conduct of mr. mcbean.--influence of the jesuit missions. we left vicar-general brouillet and bishop blanchet and his priests on their way to their station on the umatilla, where they arrived on november . on the th, brouillet says, page : "the next day being sunday, we were visited by dr. whitman, who remained but a few minutes at the house, and appeared to be much agitated. being invited to dine, he refused, saying that he feared it would be too late, as he had twenty-five miles to go, and wished to reach home before night. on parting, he entreated me not to fail to visit him when i would pass by his mission, which i very cordially promised to do. "on monday, th, mr. spalding took supper with us, and appeared quite gay. during the conversation, he happened to say that the doctor was unquiet; that the indians were displeased with him on account of the sickness, and that even he had been informed that the murderer (an indian) intended to kill him; but he seemed not to believe this, and suspected as little as we did what was taking place at the mission of the doctor." the reader will note and remember the statement which follows: brouillet says, on the th page of his narrative, the th of j. ross browne's report:-- "before leaving fort wallawalla, it had been decided that, after visiting the sick people of my own mission on the umatilla, i should visit those of tilokaikt's camp, for the purpose of baptizing the infants and such dying adults as might desire this favor; and the doctor and mr. spalding having informed me that there were still many sick persons at their mission, i was confirmed in this resolution, and made preparations to go as soon as possible. "after having finished baptizing the infants and adults of my mission, i left on tuesday, the th of november, late in the afternoon, for tilokaikt's camp, where i arrived between seven and eight o'clock in the evening. it is impossible to conceive my surprise and consternation when, upon my arrival, i learned that the indians the day before had massacred the doctor and his wife, with the greater part of the americans at the mission. i passed the night without scarcely closing my eyes. early the next morning i baptized three sick children, two of whom died soon after, and then hastened to the scene of death, to offer to the widows and orphans all the assistance in my power. i found five or six women and over thirty children in a situation deplorable beyond description. some had just lost their husbands, and others their fathers, whom they had seen massacred before their eyes, and were expecting every moment to share the same fate. the sight of those persons caused me to shed tears, which, however, i was obliged to conceal, for i was the greater part of the day in the presence of the murderers, and closely watched by them; and if i had shown too marked an interest in behalf of the sufferers, it would only have endangered their lives and mine; these, therefore, entreated me to be upon my guard." the women that lived through that terrible scene inform us that this priest was as familiar and friendly with the indians as though nothing serious had occurred. we have seen and conversed freely with four of those unfortunate victims, and all affirm the same thing. their impression was, that there might be others he expected to be killed, and he did not wish to be present when it was done. according to the testimony in the case, mr. kimball and james young were killed while he was at or near the station. brouillet continues, on the th page:-- "after the first few words that could be exchanged under the circumstances, i inquired after the victims, and was told they were yet unburied. joseph stanfield, a frenchman, who was in the employ of dr. whitman, and had been spared by the indians, was engaged in washing the corpses, but being alone, he was unable to bury them. i resolved to go and assist him, so as to render to these unfortunate victims the last service in my power to offer them. what a sight did i then behold! ten dead bodies lying here and there, covered with blood, and bearing the marks of the most atrocious cruelty,--some pierced with balls, others more or less gashed by the hatchet. dr. whitman had received three gashes on the face. three others had their skulls crushed so that their brains were oozing out. "i assure you, sir, that, during the time i was occupied in burying the victims of this disaster, i was far from feeling safe, being obliged to go here and there gathering up the dead bodies. in the midst of assassins, whose hands were still stained with blood, and who, by their manners, their countenances, and the arms which they still carried, sufficiently announced that their thirst for blood was yet unsatiated. assuming as composed a manner as possible, i cast more than one glance aside and behind at the knives, pistols, and guns, in order to assure myself whether there were not some of them directed toward me." the above extract is from a letter addressed to colonel gilliam. the cause of the priest's alarm is explained in a statement found in the journal of mr. mclane, private secretary to colonel gilliam, while in the cayuse country, taken from the indians' statement in the winter of - . he was compelled to find the poison. brouillet says:-- "the ravages which the sickness had made in their midst, together with the conviction which a half-breed, named joseph lewis, had succeeded in fixing upon their minds that dr. whitman had poisoned them, were the only motives i could discover which could have prompted them to this act of murder. this half-breed had imagined a conversation between dr. whitman, his wife, and mr. spalding, in which he made them say that it was necessary to hasten the death of the indians in order to get possession of their horses and lands. 'if you do not kill the doctor,' said he, 'you will be dead in the spring.'" _statement of istacus, or stikas._ in the first place, joe lewis told the indians that the doctor was poisoning. tamsaky went to camaspelo and told him he wanted to kill the doctor, and wished him to help. he replied, pointing to his child, that his child was sick, and that was as much as he could attend to. tamsaky then went to tilokaikt, and he said he would have nothing to do with it. but his son and young men wished to do it, and they contended so long that at last he said: "if you are determined to do so, go and kill him." afterward, the indians presented a gun two different times to tamsaky, and told him to go and kill the doctor. he said he would not kill him. when the priests came, they got to quarreling; the catholic priests told them that what the doctor taught them would take them to the devil, and the doctor told them what the priests taught them would take them to the devil. after the priests told them that, the indians said they believed it, for the doctor did not cure them. after the doctor was killed, _the priest told the young chief_ that it was true that the doctor had given them poison; before that, the doctor had given them medicine and they died. after the massacre, all the indians went to the priest's house (an indian lodge near dr. whitman's station), and i said that i was going to ask the priest himself whether it was true or not, so that i could hear with my own ears. he (the priest) told them that the priests were sent of god. they did not know how to answer him. the five crows told me _that the priest told him the doctor was poisoning them. i then believed it._ they then went and killed the two sick men. i asked the indians, if he gave us poison, why did the americans get sick? [it is evident that this conversation took place at the camp of tilokaikt, where mr. brouillet says he spent the night of the th of november.] afterward, they went to the doctor's place, and _the priest was there too_, and they asked him where the poison was that the doctor gave them. after searching some time among the medicines, he found _a vial with something white in it_, and told them, "_here it is._" i tell you what i heard. the priest then told them that _mrs. whitman had a father in the states that gave poison to the people there_, and that he had given this to her, to poison them all; then they all believed. i told them that i did not believe that the doctor was poisoning them; i said i expected they brought the sickness with them from california, for many of them died coming from that place. joe lewis told them to make a box, and beardy buried the vial in the square box, stating, if they did not, the americans would get it and poison them all. _the head man of the priests told them all these things_, and the priest took all the best books to his house. * * * * * the above is a true extract from the journal of mr. mclane, private secretary to colonel gilliam, the same as was read in my hearing to mungo, the interpreter for colonel gilliam, when these statements were made, and he said it was true and correctly written. (signed,) l. h. judson. sworn to and subscribed before me, this th day of november, , champoeg county, oregon territory. aaron purdy, justice of the peace. * * * * * there are three important facts stated by this indian which are confirmed by other testimony. first. that the priest was upon the ground, or in at the death. second. he was ready to overhaul the doctor's medicines and hunt out some vial, and tell the indians, "_here it is,--the medicine the doctor has been killing you with._" third. that he told them it was sent to the doctor by mrs. whitman's father, who poisoned people in the states. this explains the terrible and brutal treatment of mrs. whitman's body, even after death. brouillet says, "_joseph lewis had succeeded in fixing upon their minds that dr. whitman had poisoned them_," but istacus, one of the first and most truthful indians we became acquainted with in the country, tells us that the indians did not believe joe lewis till the priest confirmed his statements, and this priest was required to show them the poison. it would not be strange, if, while he is compelled to hunt over the medicines of dr. whitman, to find any that he could call poison, and in exhibiting such evidence to the deluded murderers about him, that he should feel himself in danger, yet his whole conduct belies such a statement, for he well knew the ignorance of those about him as to any medicine he might select and call _poison_. this indian's statement also explains the killing of the two young men, sales and bewley, and that as these priests "were sent of god," the disease of these young men would spread; in other words, their testimony would convict the parties implicated. we find in this same letter to colonel gilliam, other statements that are important in the history we are giving. he says: "_i knew that the indians were angry with all americans, and more enraged against mr. spalding than any other._" if this was the case, why did they not kill him first? there is certainly some mistake in this statement of mr. brouillet, or else the indians were too hasty, which is probably the case. the indians were not quite as much "_enraged_" against mr. spalding as his reverence, who claimed to know their feelings so well. again, on the th page ( th of ross browne), in answer to mr. spalding's wild, despairing cry, "but where shall i go?" he answers: "i know not; you know the country better than i; all that i know is that the indians say _the order to kill americans has been sent in all directions_." how did this rev. father brouillet know all this? we have yet to learn that he ever gave a single american, except mr. spalding, any information respecting their danger,--which he certainly could have done with perfect safety, by sending any one or all of them a written notice of the "order to kill americans;" but instead of warning them of their danger, he was present to show to the indians a vial of dr. whitman's medicine and tell them it was the _poison_. the long list of statements collected and given to the world as reliable historical data, by this priest, and embodied in an official report by j. ross browne, do but show the active part he, with his associate priests and the hudson's bay company, took to destroy the american influence and settlements then in the country. says the historian bancroft: "it is the duty of faithful history to trace events not only to their cause, but to their authors." we will direct our attention for a short time to the proceedings of mr. mcbean in charge of fort wallawalla (or fort nez percés), in council with the indians. from the statement of mr. wm. geiger, jr., who was at dr. whitman's station during the winter of - , teaching school, we learn that the indians showed some dissatisfaction, and were called together by dr. whitman, to consult and decide what they would do. the doctor proposed to them that a majority of the tribe should let him know definitely, and a vote was taken, and but two or three were found to favor his leaving. during this council mr. geiger and the doctor learned that there had been conversation and a council with the indians at the fort, by mr. mcbean. that he had informed them of the mexican war between the united states and mexico, and of the prospect of a war between the united states and england (king george men), and that he was anxious to know which side the cayuses would take in the event of such a war. this question mr. mcbean kept constantly before the indians whenever they went to the fort. they would return to the station and say that mr. mcbean had given them more news of the prospect of war between the king george people and americans, and that he wished to know which side they would take. tamsaky, tilokaikt, and one other indian said they had told mr. mcbean that they would join the king george. some said they had told him their hearts favored the americans; others professed to be on the "_back-bone_," _i.e._, hesitating. all matters and causes of dissatisfaction between the doctor's mission and the indians were amicably settled. the doctor and mr. geiger could not see why mr. mcbean should beset the indians on that subject, unless it was to bring about what had been before, viz., to make allies of the indians in case of war. on account of this dissatisfaction, the doctor thought of leaving. mr. geiger says, "i told them i thought it their duty to remain. i thought the indians as quiet as communities in general; in old places there were more or less difficulties and excitements." in the communication signed by mr. geiger, he is asked, "what was the cause of discouragement with the doctor and mr. spalding at that time?" a.--"the influence of the roman priests, exercised in talking to the indians, and through the french half-breed, lehai, tom hill, a delaware indian, and others." q.--"what did the indians mention was the instruction they received from roman catholics?" a.--"that the protestants were leading them in wrong roads, _i.e._, even to hell. if they followed the _suapies_ (americans) they would continue to die. if they followed the catholics, it would be otherwise with them; only now and then one would die of age. that they would get presents,--would become rich in every thing." we have a statement made by brouillet as to their influence among the indians on this coast, found on the th page of his narrative, "protestantism in oregon" ( th of ross browne.) he says:-- "messrs. blanchet and demerse, the first catholic missionaries that came to oregon, had passed wallawalla in , where they had stopped a few days, and had been visited by the indians. in , mr. demerse had spent three weeks in teaching the indians and baptizing their children. in , he had made there a mission so fruitful that the protestant missionaries had got alarmed, and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his missions among them. father de smet, after visiting the flatheads in , had come and established a mission among them in ; and from that time down to the arrival of the bishop, the indians of wallawalla and of the upper columbia had never failed to be visited yearly, either by mr. demerse or by some of the jesuits, and those annual excursions had procured every year new children to the church. almost every indian tribe possessed some catholic member." we can bear positive testimony as to the effect and influence of those teachings up to among the upper columbia indians; and it is to illustrate the bearing and result of those teachings, continued for a series of years upon the savage mind, and the influence of a foreign monopoly in connection with such teachers, that we bring these statements before the reader. the vast influence wielded by this foreign fur and sectarian monopoly was used to secure oregon for their exclusive occupation. the testimony of rev. messrs. beaver and barnley, and sir edward belcher, as given by mr. fitzgerald, and that of his reverence brouillet, as found on the th page of his narrative, all affirm the close connection of these two influences. leaving out of the question the statement of many others, we have that of this priest. he says:-- "some days after an express reached us from the fort, informing us that our lives were in danger from a portion of the indians who could not pardon me for having deprived them of their victim; and this was the only reason which prevented me from fulfilling the promise which i had made to the widows and orphans of returning to see them, and obliged me to be contented with sending my interpreter" to the scene of the murder, to bring miss bewley to be treated as the evidence in the next chapter will show. chapter lix. continuation of miss bewley's evidence.--the priests refuse her protection.--forcibly taken from the bishop's house by five crows.--brouillet advises her to remain with her indian violator.--indecent question by a priest.--mr. brouillet attempts to get a statement from her.--two questions.--note from mrs. bewley.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy.--comments on the jesuits' proceedings.--grand council at the bishop's.--policy in forcing miss bewley to five crows' lodge.--speeches by camaspelo and tilokaikt.--killing of elijah and the nez percé chief commented on.--the true story told.--dr. white's report.--the grand council again.--review of brouillet's narrative.--who were the real authors of the massacre. _miss bewley's deposition continued._ q.--when were you taken to the umatilla? a.--just at night, on thursday the next week after the first massacre, having shaken with the ague that day; slept out that night in the snow-storm. q.--whose horses came after you? a.--eliza spalding said they belonged to her father; this led us to suppose mr. spalding was killed. q.--when did you leave umatilla? a.--on monday before the wednesday on which we all went to wallawalla. q.--when did you reach wallawalla? a.--on wednesday before the saturday on which mr. spalding and company arrived, and we all started the next day for the lower country. q.--where did you spend your time when at the umatilla? a.--most of the time at the house of the bishop; but the five crows (brouillet's achekaia) most of the nights compelled me to go to his lodge and be subject to him during the night. i obtained the privilege of going to the bishop's house before violation on the umatilla, and _begged_ and _cried to the bishop for protection_ either at his house, or to be sent to wallawalla. i told him i would do any work by night and day for him if he would protect me. _he said he would do all he could._ [the sequel shows that in this promise the bishop meant to implicate and involve the five crows, should a war with the american settlement grow out of the massacre.] although i was taken to the lodge, i escaped violation the first four nights. there were the bishop, three priests, and two frenchmen at the bishop's house. the first night the five crows came, i refused to go, and he went away, apparently mad, and _the bishop told me i had better go_, as he might do us all an injury, and _the bishop sent an indian with me_. he took me to the five crows' lodge. the five crows showed me the door, and told me i might go back, and take my clothes, which i did. three nights after this, the five crows came for me again. _the bishop finally ordered me to go_; my answer was, i had rather die. after this, _he still insisted on my going_ as the best thing i could do. i was then in the bishop's room; the three priests were there. i found i could get no help, _and had to go, as he told me, out of his room_. the five crows seized me by the arm and jerked me away to his lodge. q.--how long were you at the umatilla? a.--two weeks, and from friday till monday. i would return early in the morning to the bishop's house, and be violently taken away at night. the bishop provided kindly for me while at his house. on my return one morning one of the young priests asked me, in a good deal of glee, _how i liked my companion_. i felt that this would break my heart, and cried much during the day. when the two nez percés arrived with mr. spalding's letter, they held a council in the bishop's room, and the bishop said they were trying to have things settled. he said mr. spalding was trying to get the captives delivered up; i do not recollect what day this was, but it was some days before we heard that mr. ogden had arrived at wallawalla. when the tall priest (brouillet) that was at the doctor's at the first was going to wallawalla, after hearing of mr. ogden's arrival, he called me out of the door and told me if i went to the lodge any more i must not come back to his house. i asked him what i should do. he said i must insist or beg of the indian to let me stop at his house; if he would not let me, then i must stay at his lodge. i did not feel well, and toward night i took advantage of this and went to bed, determined i would die there before i would be taken away. the indian came, and, on my refusing to go, hauled me from my bed and threw my bonnet and shawl at me, and told me to go. i would not, and at a time when his eyes were off i threw them under the table and he could not find them. i sat down, determined not to go, and he pushed me nearly into the fire. the frenchmen were in the room, and the bishop and priests were passing back and forth to their rooms. when the indian was smoking, i went to bed again, and when he was through smoking he dragged me from my bed with more violence than the first time. i told the frenchman to go into the bishop's room and ask him what i should do; he came out and told me that the _bishop said it was best for me to go_. i told him the tall priest said, if i went i must not come back again to this house; he said the priests dared not keep women about their house, but if the five crows sent me back again, why come. i still would not go. the indian then pulled me away violently without bonnet or shawl. next morning i came back and was in much anguish and cried much. _the bishop asked me if i was in much trouble?_ i told him i was. he said it was not my fault, that i could not help myself. that i must pray to god and mary. he asked me if i did not believe in god; i told him i did. * * * * * we will not stop to comment on the simple narrative of this young woman. no language of mine will more deeply impress the reader with the debasing character of these "holy fathers, the catholic priests," that served the _honorable_ hudson's bay company and mother church so faithfully. it appears that miss bewley arrived at the bishop's on the th of december. on the th page of brouillet's narrative ( st of browne's) we find the following language:-- "on the th of december we had the affliction to _hear_ that one of the captives had been carried off from the doctor's house by the order of five crows, and brought to him; and we learned that two others had been violated at the doctor's house." how seriously these holy fathers were afflicted, miss bewley has told us in language not to be misunderstood. her statement continues:-- * * * * * last summer, when i was teaching school near mr. bass, the tall priest, whose name i have learned was brouillet, called on me, and told me that mr. spalding was trying to ruin my character and his, and said that mr. spalding had said that i had told him (mr. s.) that the priests had treated me as bad as the indians ever had. i told him i had not said so. he said he wanted to ask me some questions, and would send the doctor, who could speak better english; he wished me to write it; i told him i would rather not do it. when at the umatilla, the frenchmen told me that they were making arrangements to locate the priests,--two at mr. spalding's as soon as mr. s. got away, and two at the dalles, and they were going to the doctor's next week to build a house. this conversation was before mr. ogden arrived at wallawalla. q.--did dr. whitman wish to have joe lewis stop at his place? a.--he let him stop at first only because he said he had no shoes nor clothes and could not go on; but when a good many, on account of sickness, had no drivers, the doctor furnished joe with shoes and shirts, and got him to drive a team. he was gone three days, and came back, but the doctor never liked it. i heard mrs. whitman and the sager boys say that joe lewis was making disturbance among the indians. q.--did you ever hear the doctor express any fears about the catholics? a.--only once; the doctor said at the table: "now i shall have trouble; these priests are coming." mrs. whitman asked: "have the indians let them have land?" he said: "i think they have." mrs. whitman said: "it's a wonder they do not come and kill us." this land was out of sight of the doctor's as you come this way (west of the station). when the frenchman was talking, at umatilla, of going to build a house there, he said it was a prettier station than the doctor's. (signed,) lorinda bewley. sworn to and subscribed before me, this th day of december, . g. walling, justice of the peace, clackamas county, oregon territory. we have another original statement of miss bewley's, as taken by rev. j. s. griffin, which we will give as a part properly belonging to the above statement. oregon city, february , . questions to miss lorinda bewley, in further examination touching the wailatpu massacre:-- q.--did the five crows, when you were taken to his lodge from the bishop's house by an indian, send you back with your things in apparent anger, or did he appear at that time to pity you? a.--i thought at the time that i had good evidence, from his manner and behavior to me at the lodge in giving me up, that he was disposed to pity me, and not to abuse me. q.--did you anticipate that evening that he would demand you afterward? a.--no; i did not think he was disposed to. q.--what was this five crows' english name? a.--hezekiah (brouillet's achekaia). q.--did you have evidence that it was necessary for hezekiah to hold you as a wife to save you from a general abuse by the indians? a.--i was overwhelmed with such evidence at wailatpu, but saw none of it at the umatilla. q.--what was the order of conversation to you when the priest went to wallawalla, after hearing of mr. ogden's arrival? a.--i besought him to do all he could at the fort to obtain my delivery from bondage, and he said he would. a little after he called me to step out of the door from the rest, and told me if i went with the indian i must not come back to his house any more, when i burst out crying, and asked him what to do; he said i must insist or beg the indian to let me remain, or i must remain there. i begged him, as i was alone there, he would do everything in his power to get mr. ogden to take me away, whether he could obtain all the prisoners or not. q.--did you know of the priests having baptized any at the time of the burial at wailatpu? a.--i did not; but they were baptizing a great many at the umatilla, principally children; two the same day after i went there, and very frequently afterward. on christmas day they baptized many. q.--was it understood among the indians that the families at the mill were english? a.--yes, sir; and mr. smith was an englishman. q.--did the report reach the indians at wailatpu before you went to umatilla, that the indians were told at the fort wallawalla that they must not kill any more americans? a.--yes, sir. this seemed to be generally understood. q.--was it made known to you captives what edward tilokaikt was gone to the umatilla for? a.--it was made known to us, after a council, that edward was to go to the big chief at the umatilla and see what was to be done with us, and especially with the young women; and, after his return, he immediately commenced the massacre of the sick young men, and the next morning announced to us that the arrangement had been made for hezekiah to come and take his choice among the young women, and that edward and clark tilokaikt were then to take the other two. hezekiah was a chief [the one appointed by dr. white in ], and regarded by us, and i believe by others, as a single man. edward and clark were only the sons of a chief. hezekiah did not come for me himself, but sent a man [brouillet says, page (ross browne, ), the caution he received from mr. mcbean "obliged me to be content with sending my interpreter"] and a boy for the young woman that was a member of mrs. whitman's family. the contract between my mother and mrs. whitman was, that i was to continue my studies with mrs. whitman, and take part with her in the instruction and care of the children. q.--after mr. rogers entered the house wounded, and closed the doors, did he have any conversation with nicholas or the manson boys? a.--no. neither of them came into the house. lorinda bewley. rev. j. s. griffin says he is ready to testify to the fact that the above is a true statement, as made by miss bewley, and it was his own oversight at the time that her oath was not attached before a justice of the peace. there was no other person living at the time that could positively state the facts as given by miss bewley; others have given their depositions, which confirm her statements, and show them to be the simple, unvarnished truth of the whole scene that passed before her, and her treatment by those "_holy fathers, the bishop and his priests_." we are forced to confess, that, after studying and copying these old documents and papers, we dare not trust ourselves to express an opinion, lest the reader should say our feelings have overcome our better judgment. therefore we will simply ask a question or two, and let each reader answer for himself. what think you, kind reader, of the hudson's bay company and roman catholic jesuits, and priests and bishop in oregon in - ? did not dr. whitman, his wife, and all at his mission suffer, and many of them die, to save oregon as a part of the great american republic? we know that a few of the poor miserably deluded indians belonging to his mission have suffered an ignominious death by being hung like dogs (a death, of all others, the most odious to them), and for what? simply because they were deceived by those who knew at the time they were deceiving them; and who have since so managed as to deceive the christian world, and bring falsehood to cover their participation in the transaction. we would not have been so particular, nor copied documents so extensively, had we not before us a narrative of pages, written by one of these "_holy fathers_," vicar-general brouillet, purporting to give the causes both remote and immediate of this horrible massacre; giving it the title of "_protestantism in oregon_, account of the _murder of dr. whitman_, and the ungrateful calumnies of h. h. spalding, protestant missionary," in which he searches back even before the arrival of dr. whitman in the country, and cites rev. mr. parker's first supposed or imaginary statements to the indians as a cause of the massacre, which we know to be false and unfounded from the six years' early acquaintance we had with those indians; and also from the personal allusions he makes to transactions with which we were intimately acquainted, and know to be false in fact and inference. these statements of this priest and his associates, mcbean and sir james douglas, have induced us to extend the particulars of that massacre beyond our original design in giving the history of oregon. as he claims great credit for himself and associates, stanfield in particular, in burying the dead, and showing kindness to the widows and orphans, we will give another item to show the character of the _thief_, _liar_, and _accomplice_ in that massacre, whom this priest is so ready in his narrative to claim as a saint. mrs. catharine bewley says: "dr. prettyman said to me that joe stanfield told him at his own house, when the sheriff had him in custody, that 'the morning of the day when young bewley was killed, he had gone into the room and had hid every thing in the room back of the bed he was upon.' this, the doctor thought, showed that he was the cause of his being killed." under date of umatilla, december , , father blanchet, bishop of wallawalla, writes to governor abernethy as follows:-- "as soon as i had been informed what had happened, i instantly told the two chiefs near my house that _i hoped the women_ and children would be spared until they could be sent to the wallamet. they answered: 'we pity them,--they shall not be harmed; they shall be taken care of, as before.' _i have since had the satisfaction to hear that they have been true to their word_, and that they have taken care of these poor people." in father brouillet's narrative, page (ross browne, page ), he says: "on the d, the bishop called for the young chief and his brother five crows, in order to express to them how deeply he had been pained by the news of the horrible affair at wailatpu, and _to recommend to their care the widows and orphans_, as well as the men who had survived the massacre. they protested to have given no consent to what had happened at wailatpu, and promised to do all in their power for the survivors. "on the th we received the painful intelligence that two other young men, who, being sick, had been spared by the indians at the time of the first massacre, had since been torn from their beds and cruelly butchered." the positive testimony in regard to these two young men is already before the reader. _if this bishop and priest do not act and narrate falsely, we ask, what is falsehood?_ after giving a description of the grand council held at the catholic mission house by tawatowe, tilokaikt, achekaia, and camaspelo, brouillet says, on page : "before taking leave of the chiefs, the bishop said to them all publicly, as he had also done several times privately, that those who had taken american girls should give them up immediately. and then all entreated five crows repeatedly to give up the one whom he had taken, but to no purpose." how does this compare with miss bewley's testimony? we must ask to be excused from at present commenting further upon the notes and extracts from the statements of these several parties. they are before you, reader, not as fiction or imagination; they are transactions connected with the history we are writing. the statements on the part of this bishop and his priests have been published and extensively circulated, and have been believed, and have had far too much influence in encouraging and sustaining them among their deluded victims; besides mystifying, and causing a public sentiment to be generally entertained derogatory to the protestant and american missionary influence in oregon. we have given an account of this bishop and his priests on the first commencement of their missionary efforts among the cayuse indians, and have followed them through their _labors_, and their legitimate results, till we now come to the th of december, the day on which they received a wild, incoherent--not to say injudicious and foolish--letter from rev. mr. spalding, which they gave, with a flourish of trumpets and shout of triumph, on their arrival in wallamet, to be published as evidence of their extensive influence over the indians, and to destroy the influence of mr. spalding as a missionary. in this they have succeeded but too well, and for which we should look closely into their proceedings with the indians. brouillet, on the th and st pages ( st and d of browne), in speaking of the nez percés who brought mr. spalding's letter, says:-- "we had reason to be astonished at that confidence of those indians, as we had had as yet no opportunity of seeing any one of the nez percés since our arrival in the country. "the two nez percé chiefs advised the cayuses to take measures for avoiding a war with americans. they requested the bishop to write to governor abernethy, begging him not to send up an army, but rather to come himself in the spring and make a treaty of peace with the cayuses, who promised that they would then release the captives of wailatpu,--promising besides to offer no injury to americans until they heard the news from wallamet. _the bishop told them that he was glad of their proceeding, and was disposed to assist them to the extent of his power_, but that he could not write without knowing the opinion of the cayuses, and that as soon as he could learn this he would send an express below. he then encouraged them to see all the chiefs about it." from the above and subsequent statements and transactions, we have no reason to doubt the truth of the bishop's remark, "_that he was glad of their proceeding_." there can be no question that he did all he could to help the indians, and to defeat the provisional troops and government, as is proved by the evidence already given, and will be seen as we proceed. he tells the indians that he could not write, without knowing the opinion of the cayuses; he must be satisfied that they are all united, and when he has learned that fact, he can write with more assurance and effect to the governor. he extends consolation and encouragement to camaspelo on the th, and two days after convenes the council alluded to. "accordingly, on monday, th december, , at the catholic mission, the cayuses assembled in grand council held by tawatowe (or young chief), tilokaikt, achekaia (or five crows), and camaspelo, all the great chiefs of the cayuses, in presence of many other great men (second chiefs) of the nation." this council was held just three months and three days after. brouillet says that bishop blanchet met dr. whitman at wallawalla, and said to him, "all is known. i come to labor for the conversion of indians, and even of americans, if they are willing to listen to me." and we say, to crush and drive the protestant missions from the country, including their heretical settlements. we wish to give these foreign _priests_ the full benefit of their own statements, as we shall express fully our opinion of them; besides, we presume that not one in a thousand will be able to understand the wonderful workings of jesuitism among the indians and the people of our country, without extensive quotations from their books. the narrative continues: "about ten o'clock in the morning they all entered the mission house. the bishop was present, together with messrs. rousseau, leclaire, and myself [vicar-general brouillet, the writer of the narrative we are quoting from]. after a deep silence of some minutes, the bishop explained to them the object of the meeting. he began by expressing to them the pleasure he felt in seeing them thus assembled for the purpose of deliberating on a most important subject,--that of avoiding war, which is always a great evil. he told them that in matters of importance they should always hold a council and consult those who might be best able to give them good advice; that in giving their advice separately, they were liable to be misunderstood, and thereby expose themselves and their people to great misfortunes; that he was persuaded that if the chiefs had deliberated together they would not now have to deplore the horrible massacre of wailatpu, nor to fear its probable consequences." the reader can understand how sincere these "holy fathers" were in saying "horrible massacre at wailatpu," when, instead of calling on dr. whitman, as brouillet says he "cordially promised to do," he went to an indian lodge, learned of the massacre, and remained all night, writing, the indians say, this false and infamous account of the transaction, to slander the dead and clear the guilty; and the next morning baptized three of the indian children before going to the assistance of the widows and orphans. the bishop told them "that two nez percé chiefs had asked him to write to the great chief of wallamet (governor abernethy) to obtain peace, but that he could not do so without the consent of the cayuses." it will be remembered that up to the arrival of dr. white, in , as an official spy upon the proceedings of the hudson's bay company, drawing the pay of a sub-indian agent, the company had not allowed any effort to combine the indians; but on the arrival of dr. white, they at once made use of him, and also of the bishop and his priests, to form just the combinations they wished to make use of, to strike at the settlements at the proper time. tawatowe, or young chief, was, up to the time of the taking of fort nez percés, considered a head chief; but in consequence of the part he had taken in that affair his power had been broken. his brother, five crows, was advanced, and had become the favorite of dr. whitman, as well as of dr. white, and was looked upon as friendly to the mission and the american cause. _miss bewley's being forced to become his wife was a part of the scheme to involve him in the war then in contemplation, and to bring about a union of the tribe under the very plausible reason given by this "holy father," and was one of the most important measures to implicate that humane and protestant indian in the war measures now in discussion before this grand indian council at the house of the bishop._ the bishop says "that the propositions which those chiefs wished to send were these: st. that americans should not come to make war; d. that they should send up two or three great men to make a treaty of peace; d. that when these great men should arrive, all the captives should be released; th. that they would offer no offense to americans before knowing the news from below. "the bishop then desired them to speak and to say what they thought of these propositions. "camaspelo spoke first. he said he was blind and ignorant, and had despaired of the life and salvation of his nation, but that the words of the bishop had opened his eyes, consoled and encouraged him; that he had confidence, and that he approved the propositions. "the chief tilokaikt then rose to say that he was not a great speaker, and that his talk would not be long. he then reviewed the history of the nation since the arrival of the whites (french people or hudson's bay company) in the country down to the present time. he said that before they had been visited by white men the indians were always at war; that at the place where fort wallawalla now stood nothing but blood was continually seen; that they had been taught by the _whites_ that there was a god who forbids men to kill each other." "a jewel of gold in a swine's snout." this is the indian that assisted in killing dr. whitman, and engaged his attention while his companion gave the first blow; and he afterward cut the doctor's face horribly with a hatchet, while he was yet alive. but let us continue this "holy father's" lesson of peace and morality from the mouth of his converted indian, for we have every reason to believe he is now fully converted to that faith, and has given us a specimen in the practice of the religion he has just commenced to learn. he says, "that since this time they had always lived in peace, and endeavored to persuade others to do the same. he eulogized mr. pambrun; spoke of a nez percé chief who had been killed when going to the states; afterward of the son of yellow serpent, who had been killed by americans in california; said that they had forgotten all this. he spoke also of dr. whitman and mr. spalding, and finished by saying that since they had forgotten all, he hoped that the americans would also forget what had been recently done; that now they were even." this priest is careful to make his converted indian tell a plausible story, as also to eulogize mr. pambrun and the hudson's bay company, and to state that two indians had been killed while in company with, or by americans. as to the killing of the nez percé chief (so called), we knew much more of it than this priest or his indian. the nez percé was killed in open fight with the sioux, at ash hollow, on the platte river, after the party had fought three hours, and killed fifteen and wounded eight of the sioux. he was no connection of this cayuse tribe, and is only referred to for effect. the bishop makes tilokaikt tell a falsehood to shield a crime in himself and associates. the killing of elijah, the son of yellow serpent, is equally false in the statement of the fact, and relation of the circumstances. dr. white, sub-indian agent, etc., was never known to tell the truth when a falsehood would suit his plans and purposes better; as is evident in this case, which is given that the reader may judge of its truth. mr. brouillet comments upon dr. white's letter to the department at washington, april , , as follows: "after speaking of some difficulties that occurred in california between the cayuses and wallawallas on one part, and the spaniards and americans on the other, on account of some stolen horses that the cayuses and wallawallas had taken from hostile indians by fighting them [this is altogether a mistake, as the horses belonged to the americans and spaniards and they had their indians guarding them, and the party here referred to killed the guard and attempted the life of an american], mr. white passes on to relate a murder there, committed coolly by an american the fall previous upon the person of elijah, the son of yellow serpent, the chief of the wallawallas, in the following way: 'the indians had gone to the fort of captain sutter to church, and, after service, elijah was invited into another apartment, taking with him his uncle, young chief, of the umatilla river, a brave and sensible chief of the age of five and forty.'" this priest, on page (j. ross browne, page ), makes mr. mckinley say that in the fall of , the indians, a short time after their return from california, met one day at fort wallawalla, seven hundred in number, all armed, and decided to walk down immediately upon the colony of the wallamet, and that they could be stopped only by the young chief, who, by his entreaties, decided them to abandon their undertaking and to go home. we are led to inquire, why did not these indians, at this time, direct their attention to the american missions in their midst, and take their revenge then, instead of waiting three years, and then, as brouillet says, making this murder a cause of the massacre? mcbean, and bishop blanchet and his priests, were not then at the fort, nor among those indians, to aid them in avenging themselves on the innocent. but let us finish the account of this horrid transaction on the part of our countrymen, as repeated by brouillet to excuse the wailatpu massacre. he says the young chief went into the room with elijah, and "while there in an unarmed and defenseless condition, they commenced menacing him for things alleged against the river indians of this upper country, in which none of them had any participation; called them indiscriminately dogs, thieves, etc." the truth is, that this party went from the cayuse country to california expressly to steal horses and cattle. this same educated indian boy was the leader of the party in going to the fort. he and the young chief were both arrested, and tried by a military court; the chief was acquitted, upon the evidence of the american referred to, as he saved his life, while elijah was for killing him. elijah was condemned, and shot, to prevent other similar parties from disturbing the settlements and killing peaceable indians in california. this is the reason, as mr. mckinley doubtless told brouillet, why the young chief used his influence to prevent any attempt at retaliation. the narrative continues: "this american then observed, 'yesterday you were going to kill me; now you must die,' and drawing a pistol--elijah, who had been five or six years at the methodist mission, and had learned to read, write, and speak english respectably, said deliberately, 'let me pray a little first;' and kneeling down, at once commenced, and, when invoking the divine mercy, was shot through the heart or vitals, dead upon the spot. taking for truth an indian report [which in this case suited this priest and dr. white's purposes better than a true statement of the facts would], this horrible affair created considerable excitement [which, he tells us in another place, the young chief, who was present, was able to quell], and there is some danger of its disturbing the friendly relations that hitherto existed between us here and all those formidable tribes in the region of wallawalla and snake river." this indian story or tragedy is useful for three purposes. first, to show dr. white's disposition to have his importance known to the department at washington. second, to show the disposition of this "_holy father, the catholic priest_," to quote a case of the kind, to justify the whitman massacre by the indians, and deceive his readers and the world as to the real cause of that transaction; thus aiding us in bringing home the guilt of a crime where it belongs. third, to show how capable he is of misrepresenting and falsifying historical facts, to excuse a foul murder of american citizens. he continues to quote dr. white as follows:-- "learning from dr. whitman, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and accomplished young chief, and, perhaps more especially by the loss they had sustained, and then, after suffering so many hardships and encountering so many dangers, losing the whole, i apprehended there might be much difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much stress upon the restless, disaffected scamps, late from wallamet to california, loading them with the vile epithets of dogs, thieves, etc., from which they believed or affected to believe that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us responsible. he, ellis, the nez percé chief, assured me that the cayuses, wallawallas, nez percés, spokans, ponderays, and snakes were all on terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for raising a party of about two thousand warriors of those formidable tribes, and march to california at once,[ ] and, nobly revenging themselves on the inhabitants by capture and plunder, enrich themselves upon the spoils; while others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished first to learn how it would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the affair. a third party were for holding us responsible, as elijah was killed by an american, and the americans incensed the spaniards."[ ] [footnote ] brouillet, in his haste to bring dr. white to prove his statements of the causes of the whitman massacre, has forgotten that he was assured by mr. mckinley that they intended to go to the wallamet, instead of california. [footnote ] see the whole of dr. white's report, chapter , page _et seq._ the above extract is quoted by brouillet for so base a purpose, that it seems necessary, in order to correct the errors of dr. white and this priest, to give it in full. we have given the statement of mr. mckinley, as quoted by brouillet, which shows the absurdity of this whole document. if the young chief went into the room and saw elijah shot down in the brutal manner represented by dr. white, he certainly must have been a very remarkable and forgiving indian if he used his influence to prevent his tribe from seeking revenge; besides, we find in the subsequent history, that even elijah's own father did not seek to avenge his death, as stated by this priest on page of this narrative ( th of ross browne's report). he says: "and in the spring of , the wallawalla chief himself, yellow serpent, started with a party of wallawallas and cayuses for the purpose of attacking the americans in california, whom they thought unsuspicious. but having found them on their guard, and too strong to be attacked without danger, he took their part against the spaniards, offered his services to them, and fought in their ranks." this, with the statement of mr. mcbean, as will be given in his letter, shows that this very rev. father brouillet knew nothing of the subject he was writing about, and was ready to pick up any statement that might be made, without any regard to its absurdity or plausibility. i query whether there is a living man well acquainted with dr. white, who will state that he believes he would tell the truth, officially or otherwise, when a falsehood would suit his purposes better; and from a careful study of the statements and writings of this reverend priest, we are forced to the same conclusion. rev. mr. brouillet has filled four pages and a half of his narrative with the statements of william craig, in answer to questions asked by hon. p. h. burnett, all of which show that mr. craig knew nothing of the massacre only as he was told, by two indians, what some other indian said that some other indian had said. we are not surprised that mr. burnett gave up the contest with mr. spalding, after examining such a witness as mr. craig, and finding that he knew so little relative to the subject in question. suppose tom hill and the indian messenger that brought the news to mr. spalding's station told all they heard of the matter, did that make their statements true? or did the repeating of these indian statements by mr. craig make them true? rev. father brouillet has showed, in these four pages, a weakness we did not expect to find in a man with so many sacred titles to his name. in fact, the greater part of his statements are from persons who make them as coming second-hand from the indians. he makes mr. craig repent from the mouth of the indian messenger the statement first published in sir james douglas's letter to the sandwich islands; and then in conclusion says, on page :-- "now i am satisfied that every impartial and unprejudiced person, after reading attentively the above documents, will come with me to the conclusion that the true causes, both remote and immediate, of the whole evil must have been the following: st. the promise made by mr. parker to the cayuses and nez percés of paying for their lands every year, and the want of fulfillment of that promise." which promise mr. parker never made, and which the hudson's bay company and these roman priests made up to cause difficulty with the indians and american missions and settlements. " d. the death of the nez percé chief, killed on his way to the united states, when he was in company with mr. gray, and in his service." this mr. gray knows to be false, both in statement and inference, as already explained. this priest says: "the conclusion is evident, from the circumstances which preceded that death, and from the proceedings of the nez percés against mr. spalding and all the people of his establishment on account of it, and likewise from the general habit of the indians in such cases." we will here state that we were two years at mr. spalding's station, on returning from the states, and saw the whole nez percé tribe, and employed them for days and months, and worked with them, and explored their country to select farms for them, and know that the nez percés never, on any occasion, made the least disturbance about the station, or in any other place, on account of the death of that indian; and we know that neither mr. spalding nor any of the people at his place were ever confined in their houses for an hour on account of it; and we further know that the statement made by brouillet, as coming from old toupin, is false and malicious, and only shows the ignorance and malice of this priest, who has made these false statements, as he has those about the killing of elijah, to cover his own guilt in the infamous crime charged upon him and his associates. " d. the murder committed by an american in california on the person of elijah, the son of the wallawalla chief, in ." answered already. this priest says of yellow serpent: "on his way coming back from california he lost many of his people from sickness [to which istacus alludes in his reasons for not believing that dr. whitman was the cause of the indians dying by poison], so that he and his young men, when arrived at home in the fall, felt more ill-disposed than ever toward the americans." this priest's fourth reason embraces the tales told by tom hill, joe lewis, finlay, old toupin, and stanfield, which are all of the same class, and have all been learned from the same reverend teachers, and copied into sir james douglas's letter, for the benefit of the american board, going by way of the sandwich islands. his fifth reason, about the small-pox, as stated by craig--the doctor and gray's poisoning melons--the doctor being a physician, shows that he is terribly pressed for a plausible reason for the crime he attempts to excuse. his sixth reason--lack of sincerity. here he quotes mr. spalding's letter, written soon after his return home, after being exposed six days and nights to extreme fatigue, hunger, and cold,--his mind racked with anxiety and fear in regard to himself and family, and tortured with thoughts of the scene at wailatpu; being ignorant of any of the particulars of the massacre, and of the part the bishop and his priests were taking in it, he wrote as to friends whom he thought would feel for his situation. he also quotes a letter he received through p. h. burnett, signed j. magone, who says: "i recollect distinctly, however, that he (mr. spalding) was not in favor of killing all the cayuses, for he gave me names of some four or five that he knew to be friendly, and another whom i marked as questionable." (mr. s. had learned more of the particulars of the massacre.) does this letter prove that he was in favor of killing all the indians but the ones mentioned, or does it show his anxiety lest the innocent should perish with the guilty, which led him to give those names to major magone, an officer in the provisional army? we have naturally left that deep, silent grand council of indians, presided over by his reverence, bishop blanchet, and directed our attention to other important facts and statements relative to the subject of this chapter. we now have the touching appeal of edward tilokaikt, with whom the reader has become acquainted in the depositions already given. he is now brought before us in this grand council at the bishop's house (page of brouillet; page ross browne). "edward, the son of tilokaikt, then came forward, bearing in his hand the _catholic ladder_ stained with blood; he repeated the words which dr. whitman had used when he showed it to them, one or two weeks before he died: '_you see this blood! it is to show you that now, because you have the priests among you, the country is going to be covered with blood! you will have nothing now but blood!_' he then related what had passed, gave a touching picture of the afflicted families in seeing borne to the grave a father, a mother, a brother, or a sister; spoke of a single member of a family who had been left to weep alone over all the rest, who had disappeared. he stated how and for what the murder had been committed, entered into the most minute details, avoiding, however, _to give any knowledge of the guilty_, repeated the words which _joseph lewis_ said had passed between dr. whitman, his wife, and mr. spalding, and finally spoke of the pretended declaration of mr. rogers at the moment of his death: 'that dr. whitman had been poisoning the indians.'" reader, need i tell you that the language and sentiment above quoted as coming from edward tilokaikt, never entered his savage indian brain; that this speech is the carefully combined and studied production of the author of the narrative we have quoted it from? it is given in connection, repeated and combined with a little variation by every individual who makes a statement favorable to those priests; and in the whole list of statements this priest brouillet and mcbean are the only two that could write or translate the indian ideas into french or english; so that at the time these indian speeches were said to have been made, and purport to have been translated by brouillet, it is plain to be seen that he tells his own story to suit the case in hand; and the letter of sir james douglas to the sandwich islands shows this priest to be the author of the statements contained therein. these indian assemblies or councils were held to more closely unite the tribe, and give a coloring of truth to the malicious statements of joe lewis and edward tilokaikt. all these false statements were written out and sent to the sandwich islands under date, vancouver, th december, , while brouillet says this edward tilokaikt repeated them as a reason for the massacre on the th december, , eleven days before they are said to have been repeated by the indians. many important facts can only be reached by carefully studying the language of this priest, in connection with the evidence obtained from the survivors, and their subsequent conduct, and the foreign correspondence of the parties who were seeking the exclusive occupation of our country. from the statement that follows, it will be seen how careful this jesuit is to inform us that these propositions come from the nez percés. he says, on page : "after having deliberated together, the chiefs concluded by adding something to the propositions of the nez percés, insisting principally upon the reasons which they pretended ought to excuse their action, and requested the bishop to send to the governor in their name the following manifesto." before copying this important document and the letter which accompanied it to the governor of oregon, we will place before our readers the "preface" to the book in which we find it, that they may see the full object of the author of that narrative in publishing it:-- new york, june, . "the following interesting narrative was prepared by the very rev. mr. brouillet, vicar-general of wallawalla, at the time of the excitement consequent on the murder of dr. whitman by the indians, and in answer to mr. spalding, and other of dr. whitman's former associates. although the immediate occasion has passed away, it is proper, still, to put the _facts of the case_ on record; and these pages, which appeared recently in the columns of the new york _freeman's journal_, will form an interesting and authentic chapter in the history of protestant missions. "j. a. mcmasters." we will now turn to the th page of this false and malicious narrative, and find a document carefully prepared, _as stated by its author_, in grand council assembled under the eye of bishop blanchet, then bishop of wallawalla, by the very rev. mr. brouillet, etc. by a cursory glance at this narrative and document, it will be seen that it is prepared as coming from the indians for the express purpose of blackening the character of dr. whitman, his wife, mr. spalding, and mr. rogers, and of charging them with being the cause of their own murder, and the murder of all who fell at wailatpu by the hands of their own indians, the cayuses. that it embodies all the foul slanders against those missions that have been collected for a series of years, and asserts them to be true, without a single deposition or statement having been made before any court or justice of peace, known to the laws then in the country. these statements, from _preface to finis_, go upon the presumption that the title and professions of the men whose names are attached are sufficient evidence of the truth of any statements they may make, however unreasonable or false they may be. the documents above referred to are as follows (j. r. browne, page ):-- "the principal chiefs of the cayuses, in council assembled, state: that a young indian (joseph lewis) who understands english, and who slept in dr. whitman's room, heard the doctor, his wife, and mr. spalding express their desire of possessing the lands and animals of the indians; that he stated also that mr. spalding said to the doctor, 'hurry giving medicines to the indians, that they may soon die;' that the same indian told the cayuses, 'if you do not kill the doctor soon, you will all be dead before spring;' that they buried six cayuses on sunday, november , and three the next day; that mr. rogers, the schoolmaster, stated to them before he died that the doctor, his wife, and mr. spalding poisoned the indians; that for several years past they had to deplore the death of their children; and that, according to these reports, they were led to believe that the whites had undertaken to kill them all; and that these were the motives which led them to kill the americans. the same chiefs ask at present-- " st. that the americans may not go to war with the cayuses. " d. that they may forget the lately committed murders, as the cayuses will forget the murder of the son of the great chief of wallawalla, committed in california. " d. that two or three great men may come up to conclude peace. " th. that as soon as these great men have arrived and concluded peace, they may take with them all the women and children. " th. they give assurance that they will not harm the americans before the arrival of these two or three great men. " th. they ask that americans may not travel any more through their country, as their young men might do them harm. "(signed,) "tilokaikt. "camaspelo. "tawatowe. "achekaia. "place of tawatowe, umatilla, december , ." "the bishop accompanied this manifesto with a letter addressed to the governor, which concluded in these terms: 'it is sufficient to state that all these speeches went to show, that since they had been instructed by the whites they abhorred war, and that the tragedy of the th had occurred from an anxious desire of self-preservation, and that it was the reports made against the doctor and others which led them to commit this act. _they desire to have the past forgotten and to live in peace as before._ your excellency has to judge of the value of the documents which i have been requested to forward to you. _nevertheless, without having the least intention_ to influence one way or the other, _i feel myself obliged to tell you_, that by going to war with the cayuses, _you will likely have all the indians of this country against you. would it be for the interest of a young colony to expose herself?_ that you will have to decide with your council.'" reader, you now have before you a full statement of the most important facts of the whitman massacre, and of the part taken in it by "_the holy fathers, the catholic priests_," as they were styled by mr. mcbean, of fort nez percés, to mr. kimzey and his wife. the part taken by mr. mcbean, mr. ogden, and sir james douglas, will be given in another chapter. the above manifesto is given as having been made on the th of december, . on the d, three days after, when this very rev. mr. brouillet mounted his horse to go to the fort, he told miss bewley that "if she went to five crows' lodge any more she must not come back to his house." miss bewley says: "_the bishop told me i had better go._----the bishop sent an indian with me; he took me to five crows' lodge.----_the bishop finally ordered me to go._----_i found i could get no help._" these are the solemn affirmations of this intelligent young american lady, who was present at the bishop's house when this manifesto was prepared. were this bishop blanchet and his priests true and sincere in what they said, and in the advice they say they gave to the indians? we have now traced what may be termed the missionary account of this painful tragedy, as given by both parties. our readers must judge for themselves as to the guilt or innocence of all the parties involved, and also of the application to our subject of the extensive extracts we have given. we will now turn our attention to those whom we conceive to be the prime movers, and, in consequence, the most deeply implicated in this tragedy. we have had occasion to allude to the intimate connection existing between the jesuit missions in oregon and the hudson's bay company. as early as , that company brought a protestant episcopal chaplain to vancouver for political reasons, whom they soon dismissed and attempted to disgrace, as unworthy of belief in any statement he might make. soon after, in the fall of , two roman priests arrived at vancouver and took charge of the religious and literary instructions of the members of the company,--of their children and servants, and, as far as possible, of all the indians in the country; and while the company professed friendship for the american missionaries, they were active and vigilant to defeat all their efforts to enlighten and civilize the indians, enlisting sufficient american influence to distract and divide the american people, so as to cover up their main object of securing the country for british territory. this will be seen by evidence already quoted from our english authors, mr. fitzgerald and sir edward belcher, and the refusal of sir james douglas to aid the provisional government, or furnish supplies for their troops, and the fact that they did embrace every opportunity to supply the indians with guns, powder, and balls, and sought to combine the whole indian power and prejudice against the settlements. chapter lx. the hudson's bay company's and the priests' part in the massacre.--mcbean's messenger.--plot divulged to hinman, ogden, and douglas.--douglas's remark to hinman.--mcbean's letter.--his perversion of facts.--comments.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--his sandwich islands letter.--its falsehood and absurdity.--mr. hinman's letter to governor abernethy.--the dates.--assertion of robert newell.--hudson's bay company _v._ united states. we learn from mr. mcbean's letter, given below, that his horse guard and interpreter were at dr. whitman's mission and saw the dead bodies; and from indians we learn that they were kept by the rev. mr. brouillet, and took his account of the massacre (which he spent most of the night in preparing) to mr. mcbean. they also reported to him that three parties of indians were preparing and about to start, to destroy the remaining protestant missions and american settlements in middle oregon, including the station at the dalles; that the women and children were to be held as hostages, or captives for future disposal; that letters and a statement were prepared by mr. mcbean, and instructions given to his messenger that he might inform the indians on his way down to vancouver of what had happened, but he must not give any information to any american on the way, or at the dalles. we learn from the hon. a. hinman that this messenger went to him at the dalles station, and told him that he was sent by mr. mcbean to vancouver for men, to replace such as had died of sickness at fort nez percés. the messenger took dinner with mr. hinman, who went with him to the indian lodges, where the messenger told the indians of the massacre. mr. hinman procured a canoe and started with him to go to vancouver. they reached cape horn, some thirty miles above that place, and there, while windbound, he informed mr. hinman of what had occurred, making a full confession, that "the _priests_, mr. _mcbean_, and _he_ were bad in trying to deceive him and have his family and people killed by the indians;" told of his instructions, and of what was expected to be done with all the americans in the country, and that he was the bearer of letters to governor ogden from mr. mcbean. we will now go with this express to vancouver. says the hon. a. hinman, who is still alive, and has made oath to the truth of his statements: "we went first to mr. ogden's room and informed him of the massacre. he was shocked, and said: '_mr. hinman, you can now see what opposition in religion will do._' we then went to mr. douglas's room and informed him, and when mr. ogden was pacing the room, he said: '_mr. douglas, you see now what opposition in religion does._' after a moment's pause, mr. douglas replied, '_there may be other causes._'" reader, will you turn back and read over the chapter on the english hudson's bay company's effort to secure oregon, and see if there has not been a desperate effort made, since dr. mclaughlin left that company, to overcome his mistakes and his humane policy toward americans. look also at the chapter on the _english hudson's bay company's policy_ relative to rupert's land and oregon, and learn fully what mr. ogden and mr. (now sir james) douglas meant by these expressions made to mr. hinman, who says: "mr. douglas turned to me, and wished to know why i was not at home at so perilous a time. i told him i had received no letter from wallawalla, and did not learn of the massacre till below the cascades. at this he expressed surprise, and said, 'mr. mcbean ought by all means to have informed you of your danger.' "after this the express was opened, and mr. douglas read, and i listened to the account as given by mr. mcbean, and also of his account of three parties, which, mr. mcbean's letter said, indian report says are fitting out, one to the saw-mill to kill the americans at that place, and one to rev. mr. spalding's station to cut off the americans at that place, and one also to the dalles to cut off those at that station. "i said to mr. douglas, 'how is it possible that mr. mcbean could have treated me in this way? how is it possible he did not inform me?' mr. douglas, after a little pause, said, '_mr. hinman, we must consider that the poor man was in circumstances of great perplexity, and might not know what to do._'" this was not the case, for mr. mcbean did give him positive instructions, as we learn from mr. hinman's statement. he says: "after hearing this dreadful account from the canadian, i asked him why he did not inform me before i left my house. _he said mr. mcbean told him to say nothing about it to them at the dalles!_" soon after the messenger and mr. hinman left the dalles, the indians went to the station and informed p. whitman, the doctor's nephew, that his uncle and aunt, and all the americans at that place, were killed. this indian report was not credited; they could not believe that mr. mcbean would send a messenger, as he had done, and not inform them of what had actually taken place. the reader will remember the deposition of mr. kimzey in relation to mr. mcbean's statements about the "holy fathers, the catholic priests," and the subsequent instructions to him, to let the indians know he was from the fort. we will now direct our attention to the mutilated letter of william mcbean, as furnished by sir james douglas to governor abernethy, and published in the oregon _spectator_, december , :-- fort nez percÉs, nov. , . "_to the board of managers_: "gentlemen,--it is my painful duty to make you acquainted with a horrible massacre which took place yesterday at wailatpu, about which i was first apprised, early this morning, by an american who had escaped, of the name of hall, and who reached this place half-naked and covered with blood, as he started at the outset; the information i received was not satisfactory. he, however, assured me that the doctor and another man were killed, but could not tell us the persons who did it, and how it originated. i immediately determined on sending my interpreter and one man to dr. whitman to find out the truth, and, if possible, to rescue mr. manson's two sons and any of the survivors. it so happened that, before the interpreter had proceeded half-way, the two boys were met on their way hither, escorted by nicholas finlay, _it having been previously settled among the indians_ that these boys should not be killed [mr. mcbean should have added, as per my instructions]; as also the american women and children [as per joseph stanfield's direction, as he had taken mrs. hays for a wife, and several indians were to have the young women at the station for wives]. tilokaikt is the chief who recommended this measure. i presume that you are well acquainted that fever and dysentery have been raging here and in the vicinity, in consequence of which a great number of indians have been swept away, but more especially at the doctor's place, where he had attended upon the indians. about thirty souls of the cayuse tribe died, one after another, who evidently believed the doctor poisoned them, and in which opinion they were, unfortunately, confirmed by one of the doctor's party. as far as i have been able to learn, this has been the sole cause of the dreadful butchery. in order to satisfy any doubt on that point, it is reported that they requested the doctor to administer medicine to three of their friends, two of whom were really sick, but the third feigned sickness, and that the three were corpses the next morning. after they were buried, and while the doctor's men were employed slaughtering an ox, the indians came one by one to his house, with their arms concealed under their blankets, and, being all assembled, commenced firing on those slaughtering the animal, and in a moment the doctor's house was surrounded; the doctor, and a young lad brought up by himself, were shot in the house. his lady, mr. rogers, and the children had taken refuge in the garret, but were dragged down and dispatched (excepting the children) outside, where their bodies were left exposed. "it is reported that it was not their intention to kill mr. rogers, in consequence of an avowal to the following effect, which he is said to have made, and which nothing but a desire to save his life could have promoted him to do. he said, 'i was one evening lying down, and overheard the doctor telling rev. mr. spalding that it was best you should all be poisoned at once, but that the latter told him it was best to continue slowly and cautiously, and between this and spring not a soul would remain, when they would take possession of your lands, cattle, and horses.' "these are only indian reports, and no person can believe the doctor capable of such an action without being as ignorant and brutish as the indians themselves. one of the murderers, not having been made acquainted with the above understanding, shot mr. rogers." this confession is made, as the reader will notice, and attributed to mr. rogers, in order to give the coloring of truth to joe lewis's statement. there appears, as will be seen by comparing the statements of vicar-general brouillet's indian council and this of mcbean's, a little doubt which to make the author of that story. sir james douglas has adopted mcbean's statement, as the most plausible, in his report, as it is attributed to one of the _doctor's own party_. the whole thing, as will be seen by the testimony of miss bewley, is utterly false, and, as mcbean has said, only indian reports; and, we will add, told to them by _stanfield_, _joe lewis_, and _finlay_, a frenchman, an indian, and a half-breed, all under the influence, and probably in the service, of the hudson's bay company and priests. and mcbean, sir james douglas, and brouillet are more brutish than the indians, in putting such reports in circulation. if they had no confidence in them, why did they repeat them, giving them the color of truth? and why do they pretend to say "his life would have been spared," and it was only a mistake that he was shot? bewley and sales were brutally murdered the eighth day after rogers was, for bewley's saying he did not believe the stories about poisoning indians, and that he believed the priests were the cause of it. if the doctor, and mr. spalding, and mrs. whitman were the only ones they thought injuring them, why attempt to kill all the americans at the station? why make the arrangements as extensive as vicar-general brouillet tells mr. spalding they were (on page of his narrative, of ross browne's report): "_i knew that the indians were angry with all americans_, and more enraged against mr. spalding than any other;"--on th page: "i know not; you know the country better than i do. all that i know is, that the indians say _the order to kill americans has been sent in all directions_." without the history of the hudson's bay company and the northwest fur company before us, we would be quite incapable of comprehending the expressions and statements of this priest to mr. spalding. were we ignorant of that history, and without a knowledge of the statements to which they have made oath in relation to their claims against our government, we could not understand these letters of mcbean and douglas. we are also in possession of other facts, respecting the treatment of their own countrymen who have unfortunately fallen under their displeasure, which is here repeated upon dr. whitman and mr. rogers. we would cut all these communications short, and make a general statement, but we would be charged (as we have already been) with "stringing together statements without facts;" besides, all these hudson's bay documents and statements have had a powerful influence to destroy the characters of good men who are dead, and shield the vile conduct of the guilty, who are still living. so far as mcbean was concerned, he obeyed orders as implicitly as grant of the hudson's bay company did, when _he sent forty families, in , into the mountains of california, to perish in the snow with cold and hunger_. mcbean must assist in blackening the character of whitman, rogers, and spalding, to protect that of the "_holy fathers, the catholic priests_." mcbean in his letter further says: "it is well understood that eleven lives were lost and three wounded. it is also rumored that they are to make an attack upon the fort; let them come if they will not listen to reason; though i have only five men at the establishment, i am prepared to give them a warm reception; the gates are closed day and night, and bastions in readiness. in company with mr. manson's two sons was sent a young half-breed lad brought up by dr. whitman; they are all here, and have got over their fright." this portion of the letter is supposed, by mr. hinman, to have been put in by mr. douglas in place of that which related to sending parties to destroy americans at other places; and to show to the world that they were threatened by the indians, as well as the americans. the same as brouillet is careful to tell us that "he was afraid the indians would kill him," and that the priests were not safe among them. "the ringleaders in this horrible butchery are tilokaikt, his son, big belly, tamsaky, istacus [a true friend of the americans, who was only a witness of the murders], towmoulisk, etc. i understand from the interpreter that they were making one common grave for the dead. the houses were stripped of every thing in the shape of property; but when they came to divide the spoils, they all fell out among themselves, and all agreed to put back the property. _i am happy to state the wallawalla chief_ had no hand in the whole business." if this is true, the killing of the wallawalla chief's son in california could not have been one of the causes of the massacre, as alleged in the narrative of the very rev. mr. brouillet. "_they were all the doctor's own people,--the cayuses._" this we should expect, as it would enable those who wished to make their own guilt appear innocence. the doctor's people alone were to commence killing the americans. it is asserted by good authority, that a part of mr. spalding's, and the indians at the dalles, were ready to engage in the same business, from the same advice and orders. "_one american shot another, and took the indians' part to save his own life._" this statement by mcbean is made, as will be seen, to give the impression that there was a quarrel among the americans, and that they were ready to betray and shoot each other and take the part of the indians. the reader will recollect that this shooting refers to the indian joe lewis, in killing one of the sager boys, and is explained particularly by sir james douglas in his sandwich islands letter, for the information of the american board of missions. this fact goes to show that sir james had received a more particular and carefully prepared account than mr. mcbean had; while the one was a summary, the other was the particulars so arranged as to implicate dr. whitman, mr. spalding, mr. rogers, mrs. whitman, and another american, to show that they were not only ready to poison the indians, but to kill and betray each other to save their own lives; thus showing the intimate connection and complicity of sir james with the very rev. vicar-general, in giving countenance to this infamous slander, and publishing it to the world over his own signature, and using all his influence to shield and clear the instigators of the crime. it can not be urged that sir james received his particular information at some other time, for his letters to governor abernethy and the sandwich islands were dated, the one to the governor, december , , in which he says, "a copy of mr. mcbean's letter herewith will give you _all the particulars known to us_ of this indescribably painful event;" and the one to the islands, december , , in which he gives more particulars. the impression is irresistibly fixed in the mind, that mr. brouillet spent most of the night, on arriving at wailatpu (before the dead were buried), in tilokaikt's lodge or camp, arranging and writing those statements and particulars, so that sir james douglas could give his approval, and that they would go to the american board of missions and the friends of the murdered dead, with the sanction of his name, implicating the dead as having brought about this horrible massacre. another reason for this impression is, that in all the public and private correspondence between any of these parties, there is, and always has been, the most intense anxiety shown to prevent the open discussion of that transaction, as will be seen in the next paragraph in mcbean's letter, and by the promptness with which mr. ogden reported to bishop blanchet; mr. spalding's injudicious remarks to major magone on the trip down the river; the manner of mr. spalding's very unwise and imprudent letter to the bishop and his priests, was published and commented upon by them; the promptness of mr. douglas to demand an explanation of colonel gilliam's supposed statement; the refusal of the hudson's bay company to furnish supplies to the provisional troops; and the fact that the company did supply , pounds of powder, , pounds of balls and shot to the priests for the indians, with three cases containing thirty-six guns, all of which were seized by lieutenant rogers at the dalles, and should have been (but were not) confiscated. we will now ask the attention of the reader to the remainder of this (to the hudson's bay company and romanists in general) glorious news of the complete victory they had obtained over _protestantism_ and its missions in oregon. mr. mcbean, or sir james douglas, we do not know which, says: "allow me to _draw a veil over this dreadful affair_ which is too painful to dwell upon, and which i have explained conformable to information received and with sympathizing feelings. "i remain, with much respect, gentlemen, "your most obedient humble servant, "william mcbean." we can scarcely retain the expressions of whew! horrible! etc., as we give the balance of this important letter, copied and given to the public of oregon, under the eye of sir james douglas, with the-- "n. b.--i have just learned that the cayuses are to be here to-morrow to kill serpent jaune, the wallawalla chief. "w. mcb." "names of those who were killed: dr. whitman, mrs. whitman, mr. rogers, hoffman, sanders, osborn [not killed], marsh, john and francis sager, canfield [not killed], and a sailor, besides three that were wounded more or less--messrs. hall, kimball, and another whose name i can not learn. "w. mcbean." could the reader look at the exact original copy of that letter, and of that as found in the _spectator_ of december , , and hear the expressions of sentiment and feeling among a portion of the people at oregon city; and listen to some of the private consultations, and hear the opinions there expressed, he would be able to understand the impression that this, with some other letters published at that time, made upon the public mind. there was in one little council of a number of the then representatives of oregon, a disposition to let that foul murder pass, without making an effort to avenge those deaths, or punish the indians. one of that little council exclaimed with an oath, "gentlemen, we must not allow that murder to pass, without an effort to punish those concerned in it; and for one, i know that dr. whitman did not bring it upon himself. our own existence in this country is involved in the action we take in this matter. it becomes absolutely necessary that we take measures to protect ourselves and punish the murderers." fort vancouver, dec. , . "_george abernethy, esq._: "sir,--having received intelligence last night (on the th), by special express from wallawalla, of the _destruction_ of the _missionary settlement_ at wailatpu _by the cayuse indians of that place_, we hasten to communicate the _particulars_ of that dreadful event, one of the most atrocious which darkens the annals of indian crime. "our lamented friend dr. whitman, his amiable and accomplished lady, with nine other persons, have fallen victims to the fury of those remorseless savages, who appear to have been instigated to the appalling crime by a horrible suspicion which had taken possession of their superstitious minds, in consequence of the number of deaths from dysentery and measles, that dr. whitman was silently working the destruction of their tribe, by administering poisonous drugs under the semblance of salutary medicines. "with a goodness of heart and benevolence truly his own, dr. whitman had been laboring incessantly, since the appearance of the measles and dysentery among _his indian converts_, to relieve their sufferings, and _such has been the reward of his generous labors_. "_a copy of mr. mcbean's letter herewith will give you all the particulars known to us of this indescribably painful event._ "mr. ogden, with a strong party, will leave this place as soon as possible for wallawalla, to endeavor to prevent further evil, and we beg to suggest to you the propriety of taking instant measures for the protection of the rev. mr. spalding, who, for the sake of his family, _ought to abandon_ the clearwater mission _without delay_, and retire to a place of safety, as he can not remain at that isolated station without imminent risk in the present excited and irritated state of the indian population. "i have the honor to be, sir, "your most obedient servant, "james douglas." we now give sir james douglas's letter to the sandwich islands, as found in the march number of the _friend_:-- "fort vancouver, dec. , . "_s. n. castle, esq._: "sir,--it is with feelings indescribably painful that i hasten to communicate to you, _for the information of the board of missions_, intelligence of a disastrous event which lately occurred at the mission station of wailatpu. our esteemed friend dr. whitman, his amiable and accomplished lady, and nine men and youths in the mission employ, were murdered on the th ultimo by the cayuse indians, with circumstances of the most revolting cruelty. the lives of the women and children, with the exception of the lamented lady already mentioned, were spared. the mission being situated in the cayuse country, they had a peculiar interest in protecting it from harm, in gratitude for past favors, and for the blessings of religious instruction so assiduously dispensed to them and to their families; yet those very people, the objects of so much solicitude, _were alone concerned in effecting the destruction of the establishment_ founded solely for their benefit. "the cayuses are the most treacherous and untractable of all the indian tribes in this country [contradicted by mr. ogden], and had on many former occasions alarmed the inmates of the mission by their tumultuous proceedings and ferocious threats; but, unfortunately, these evidences of a brutal disposition were disregarded by their admirable pastor, and served only to arm him with a firmer resolution to do them good. he hoped that time and instruction would produce a change of mind,--a better state of feeling toward the mission,--and might have lived to see his hopes realized [had not the hudson's bay company and the roman priests determined otherwise], had not the measles and dysentery, following in the train of emigration from the united states, made fearful ravages this year in the upper country, many indians having been carried off through the violence of the disease, and others through their own imprudence. "the cayuse indians of wailatpu being sufferers in the general calamity, were incensed against dr. whitman, [by the tales of joe lewis, stanfield, and the very rev. mr. brouillet, who afterward found a vial of white powder and called it poison, and ordered the indians to bury it, as per evidence in the case] for not exerting his supposed supernatural power in saving their lives. they carried this absurdity beyond that point of folly. "their superstitious minds became possessed with the horrible superstition that he was giving poison to the sick instead of wholesome medicine, with the view of working the destruction of the tribe; their former cruelty probably adding strength to their suspicions. still some of the more reflecting had confidence in dr. whitman's integrity, and it was agreed to test the effect of the medicine he had furnished on three of their people, one of whom was said to be in perfect health." the absurdity of this statement is so palpable, and so perfectly improbable in every respect, that, with all my study of indian character, i am unable to understand why this statement is repeated by any of the parties concerned in bringing about that massacre. it can only be believed by the most stupid, as it has not the plausibility of truth in it; and mr. douglas showed a debasement of mind beyond comprehension in quoting it to his friend. we quote this whole letter, that it may be seen how low sir james felt himself obliged to descend, to make an absurdity appear reasonable. the idea is started by brouillet, increased by mcbean, and completed by douglas, who would give such accounts to the public to make others equally false appear probable. he continues:-- "_they unfortunately died, and from that moment it was resolved to destroy the mission._" but we have positive testimony that the destruction of that mission, with mr. spalding's, was determined upon, and so stated by mcbean before an indian was known to be sick in the tribe or at the station. mr. douglas says:-- "it was immediately after burying the remains of these three persons, that they repaired to the mission one after another, with their arms hid under their blankets. the doctor was at the school with the children, the others were cutting up an ox which they had just killed. when the indians were numerous enough to effect their object, they fell upon the poor victims, some with guns and others with hatchets, and their blood was soon streaming on all sides. "some of the indians turned their attention toward the doctor; he received a pistol-shot in the breast from one, and a blow on the head from another. he had still strength enough to reach a sofa, where he threw himself down and expired. mrs. whitman was dragged from the garret and mercilessly butchered at the door. mr. rogers was shot after his life had been granted to him. "the women and children were also going to be murdered, when a voice was raised to ask for mercy in favor of those whom they thought innocent, and their lives were spared. "it is reported that a kind of deposition made by mr. rogers incensed the fury of this savage mob. mr. rogers was seized, was made to sit down, and then told that his life would be spared if he made a full discovery of dr. whitman's supposed treachery. that person then told the indians that the doctor intended to poison them; that one night, when mr. spalding was at wailatpu, he heard them say that the indians ought to be poisoned, in order that the americans might take possession of their lands; that the doctor wished to poison them all at once, but mr. spalding advised him to do it gradually. mr. rogers, after this deposition, was spared, but an indian, who was not present, having seen him, fired at and killed him. "an american made a similar deposition, adding that mrs. whitman was an accomplice, and she deserved death as well as her husband. "it appears that he concluded by saying that he would take the side of the indians, and that he detested the americans. an indian then put a pistol into his hand, and said to him, 'if you tell the truth, you must prove it by shooting that young american;' and this wretched apostate from his country fired upon the young man shown to him, and laid him dead at his feet. "it was upon the evidence of that _american_ that mrs. whitman was murdered, or she might have shared in the mercy extended to the other females and children. "_such are the details, as far as known, of that disastrous event, and the causes which led to it._ "mr. rogers' reported deposition, if correct, is unworthy of belief, having been drawn from him by the fear of instant death. the other american, who shed the blood of his own friend, must be a villain of the darkest dye, and ought to suffer for his aggravated crime." there is no evidence that sir james douglas ever exerted the least influence to arrest or punish one of those murderers; on the contrary, there is evidence that the hudson's bay company assisted them and facilitated their escape from justice, and supplied the indians with arms and ammunition to carry on the war that followed. particulars of the whole truth, are given in another chapter. this letter of sir james douglas continues:-- "on the th instant, mr. ogden proceeded toward wallawalla with a strong party of the hudson's bay company's servants, to endeavor to prevent further evil. "accompanying, you will receive a copy of a letter which i addressed to governor abernethy immediately after the arrival of the melancholy intelligence at this place. "all that can be collected will be considered important by the friends of doctor and mrs. whitman in the united states, who will be anxious to learn every particular concerning their tragic fate. it will be a satisfaction for them to know that these eminent servants of god were faithful in their lives, though we have to deplore the melancholy circumstances which accompanied their departure from this world of trial. "i am, sir, your obedient servant, "james douglas." we now have before us the statements of all the parties concerned in the most inhuman and disgraceful tragedy that has darkened the pages of our history. the crime itself was most inhuman and brutal, but, being mixed with religious prejudice and sectarian hate, guided and brought about by foreign commercial influences under the direction of a british monopoly, it demands a national investigation. that sir james douglas knew more of the inception and ultimate designs of that transaction is evident from the prompt and careful manner in which he answered mr. ogden's remark, that it was brought about from religious causes; he affirmed that "_there might be other causes_;" and when he had read the dispatches, he said, "_we must consider the poor man was in great perplexity, and might not know what to do._" these two expressions of sir james douglas to mr. ogden and mr. hinman are the key that unlocks the whole mystery in this desperate arrangement to hold this whole country for the exclusive benefit of that monopoly. as to the morality of the transaction, the great sympathy of sir james and his conclave of bishops and priests, the church assumes all. the baptizing of three indian children was of more importance to the church than all the suffering widows and orphans at that missionary settlement. the particular account, as given by sir james, was of more importance than punishing the murderers, or even casting a suspicion, such as mr. ogden, his associate, had done, upon his accomplices in crime. these two letters show his duplicity, and the unblushing manner in which he gives one statement to governor abernethy, for oregon, and another for the board of missions, and how careful he is to state circumstances and false impressions as to the facts he pretends to give with so much sympathy and apparent interest in the fate of the murdered dead. there are but two other persons who have given us any information of this tragedy, on the part of the priests and the hudson's bay company. one of those was, at the time, in charge of fort nez percés. his account was sent to sir james,--mutilated, and not as carefully prepared for the people of oregon as was this one for the great world beyond. the other is prepared by the very rev. mr. brouillet, vicar-general of wallawalla, and given to the world to form an "_interesting and authentic chapter in the history of protestant missions_," and contains all the imaginary circumstantial statements of the massacre, as given over the name of james douglas, and officially in the report of j. ross browne, december , . if these statements had first appeared, as they now do, over the name and by the authority or affirmation of the very rev. mr. brouillet, etc., all the world, as j. ross browne did, would have adopted the idea of mr. ogden, and said truly this was the result of _opposition in religion_. but sir james douglas proves, by his own statements and letters, and subsequent conduct all through the war that followed, that it was not "_opposition in religion_ alone." it was a predetermined arrangement of the "_powerful company, the practical monopoly of the fur trade_," which, in , he affirmed this company held over the country in . the profits of that business were not to be lost to his powerful company by any missionary settlement in it. are we correct in these conclusions? the statements are given by the parties implicated. were we to allow our personal feelings and sectarian preferences to influence our conclusions, we would join in the general conclusion of mr. ogden; but a full knowledge of the facts forces us to believe the statement of mr. douglas as being the most correct; nevertheless, we will not abate one iota of the scathing condemnation justly due to the foreign sectarianism brought into the country to effect the object of that corporation, nor of the scorn and infamy due to the immediate controlling actors--bishop blanchet and his priests--under the garb of religion. we wish to keep as distinctly as possible before the mind the separate part each party has performed in this great drama of which we have been writing. as we have before said, there were four distinct parties or influences in the country, and the indian formed the fifth. the hudson's bay company and the roman priests combined and formed one; the missionaries with the settlers formed another; and the indian was between them. for a time, the american influence was the most prominent,--say in , , and . in , bishop blanchet was in europe, making extensive preparations for missionary operations in oregon, corresponding in extent with those made by the rev. jason lee in - . "on august , , bishop blanchet arrived in the mouth of the columbia river, in the _morning star_, captain menes, five and a half months from brest, with five priests, three jesuits, three lay brothers, two deacons, and seven nuns." in addition to these, we had, overland, eight priests and two nuns that same year. these, with the priests already in the country, gave us twenty-five of the roman clerical order and fifteen nuns. this was a powerful and extensive effort to recover the lost foreign influence in the country. how well they succeeded is now a matter of history, and will enable the reader to understand the bold and defiant attitude of mr. douglas and his efficient co-laborers, bishop blanchet and his priests, among the indians. the missionary settlement at wailatpu was the most important point in the whole upper country. the influence and position of those indians were such, that special efforts were required to commence and carry on the destruction of all american settlements in the country. we come now to the letter of hon. a. hinman, properly belonging to this chapter. fort vancouver, december , . _mr. george abernethy_: dear sir,--a frenchman, from wallawalla, arrived at my place on last saturday, and informed me that he was on his way to vancouver, and wished me to assist in procuring him a canoe immediately. i was very inquisitive to know if there was any difficulty above. he said four frenchmen had died recently, and he wished to get others to occupy their places. i immediately got him a canoe, and concluded to go in company with him, in order to get some medicine for the indians, as they were dying off with measles and other diseases very fast. i was charged with indifference. they said we were killing in not giving them medicines, and i found if we were not exposing our lives, we were our peace, and consequently i set out for this place. this side of the cascades i was made acquainted with the horrible massacre that took place at wailatpu last monday. horrid to relate! dr. and mrs. whitman, mr. rogers, mr. osborn, mr. sanders, a school-teacher, the two orphan boys (john and francis sager), together with all the men at that place,--eleven in all. some are living at the saw-mill, which is situated about twenty miles from the doctor's. a party set out for that place to dispatch them; also a party for mr. spalding's, to dispatch them; and they are not satisfied yet, but a party is said to have started for my place, and has, if true, reached them before this time. oh! had i known it when i was at home. i can neither sleep nor take any rest, on account of my family and those with them, viz., my wife and child, the doctor's nephew, dr. saffron, and mr. mckinney and wife. if i had ten men i could defend myself with perfect ease, by occupying the meeting-house, which is very roomy and close. you see my situation, as well as mr. spalding's. i have perfect confidence in your doing all you can to get a party to come up and spend the winter there, and likewise to go to the rescue of the women and children, and mr. spalding, if alive, which i think very doubtful. delay not a moment in sending a few men for my protection; a few moments may save our lives. i expect to leave to-morrow for home, and perhaps the first salutation will be a ball. my family is there, and i must return if it costs my life. we are in the hands of a merciful god, why should we be alarmed? i will close by saying again, send a small force immediately without the delay of one day. farewell. yours truly, alanson hinman. it will be seen that the main facts are given by mr. hinman, with the designs of other indian parties to cut off the americans at mr. spalding's, the saw-mill, and at the dalles, which mr. douglas omits in his letter to governor abernethy, but informs him of the indians' threatened attack upon fort nez percés (wallawalla). that part of mr. douglas's letter relating to mr. rogers' supposed statement to the indians, the brother (still living) has requested mr. douglas to explain; but no explanation has been given. we know, from the depositions given, that mr. douglas made the statement without evidence of its truth; and it is evident he is too stubborn or proud to acknowledge or explain his error. there is one other fact in connection with this transaction that looks dark on the part of sir james douglas. it is shown in the dates of the several letters. mr. hinman's is dated december ; mr. douglas's, december ; that to the sandwich islands, december . now, between the th and th are three days. in a case of so much importance, and professed sympathy,--as expressed in his letter,--how is it, that three, or even two days were allowed to pass without sending a dispatch informing governor abernethy of what had happened, and of what was expected to take place? which last he had left out of his letter, and the copy of mcbean's; but does inform him of the threatened danger to fort nez percés, as coming from mcbean. mr. douglas is prompt to urge the removal of mr. spalding, but unreasonably slow to send an express twenty or thirty miles to notify the american settlement of its danger. we wish to say, once for all, that we are not giving the private history or character of any man or set of men. their public conduct and proceedings are a part of our history. mr. douglas was, at the time we are writing, the acknowledged head of the hudson's bay company, and, as such, acted and controlled the movements of its members. bishop blanchet was the acknowledged head of the roman church, and, as such, acted with mr. douglas; for while not one roman priest, or a servant of either of these two parties were disturbed or harmed in the least, all protestant missionaries and american citizens were either killed, or driven from the upper country by order of that company. as robert newell asserts, under date of october , : "_and they could not have remained in the country a week_ without the consent and aid of that company, nor could any mission, in my opinion, in those days have been established in this (wallamet) or that (wallawalla) valley, without the aid and influence of the hudson's bay company, nor could the settlers have remained in the country as they did up to , for the same reasons." this statement is made by a gentleman who professes to know more of, and has been (without a question) more favored by the hudson's bay company than any other american in the country. if his statement is true, which we have no doubt he believes it to be, then who is responsible for all the murders of american hunters, trappers, missionaries, immigrants, and settlers on their way to our country and in it. but we will not risk our conclusions upon the statement of an individual, who is totally ignorant of the policy of the company he undertakes to defend. we have, in addition, the sworn statement of sir james douglas as to the power and influence of his company, one year previous to the cutting off of the missionary settlement at wailatpu. he says, under oath: "their posts were so arranged as to practically enjoy a monopoly in the fur trade, and they possessed an extraordinary influence with the nations west of the rocky mountains." (answer to interrogatory in claim hudson's bay company _v._ united states.) that this influence was exerted to destroy that mission there can be no question; and that the same influence has since been exerted to spread, far and wide, statements originated by them and their associates to blast the character of the dead, and destroy the influence of the living in the cause of truth, is equally true. we find it stated in brouillet's narrative that the most friendly and cordial relations existed between the hudson's bay company and his mission; so much so, that he is present by special invitation at mr. ogden's council for arranging the purchase of the captives. he informs us, on page , "protestantism in oregon," that mr. ogden told them that "the hudson's bay company had never deceived them; that he hoped they would listen to his words; that the company did not meddle with the affairs of the americans; that there were _three parties_; the _americans_ on one side, the _cayuses_ on the other, and the _french_ people and the _priests_ in the middle; the company was there to trade and the priests to teach them their duties; 'listen to the priests,' said he, several times; 'listen to the priests; they will teach you how to keep a good life; the priests do not come to make war; they carry no arms,--they carry but their crucifixes,[ ] and with them they can not kill.' he _insisted particularly_, and at several times, upon the _distinction necessary_ to be made between the affairs of the company and those of the americans." [footnote ] the oblates, who constantly carry a crucifix on their breasts, were present. the company's interests must not be interfered with. the professions of sympathy found in mr. douglas's letters are all explained, when the facts are fully developed. the complaint of the company, as stated in the memorial presented to the commissioners, april , (hudson's bay company _v._ united states, page ), states that "among these circumstances may be specified the aggressive acts and the general conduct of american citizens, and of persons acting under the authority of the united states, commencing shortly after the th of june, , and continuing from year to year, by which the rights of the claimants under that treaty were violated and denied, and their property and possessions were, in some instances, usurped and taken from them, and, in others, were necessarily abandoned. this course of conduct was, perhaps, to be expected, from the anomalous position in which the company was placed,--a foreign corporation exercising a _quasi_ sovereignty and exclusive rights over territory transferred to a power whose policy in dealing with such territory was diametrically opposed to that which the company pursued, and from which they derived their profits." this complaint demands careful consideration at the present time. the statements of mr. ogden to the indians, the memorial of the company, and the testimony it has produced in support of its claims, the statements and correspondence of the jesuit missionaries, all go to prove the settled policy of the company to maintain its "_quasi_ sovereignty" and exclusive asserted claims to the country at the time of the wailatpu massacre. that company, with less than half its then powerful influence and capital, had compelled the more powerful and active french-canadian northwest company, numerically stronger than itself, to yield and accept its terms of a union in . they had driven from the country all american traders. they had, as they vainly imagined, secured an influence in the provisional american government sufficient to control all danger from that source, while they were ready to let loose the indians upon the settlers, and prepared to supply them with the means to destroy or drive them from the country. chapter lxi. preliminary events of the cayuse war.--message of governor abernethy.--journal of the house.--resolutions.--assembling of the people at the call of the governor.--enlisting of men.--names of the volunteers.--names of the officers.--their flag.--their departure.--letter to sir james douglas.--his reply.--commissioners return.--address to the citizens.--public meeting.--report of commissioners to the legislature.--messenger sent to washington.--memorial to congress.--champoeg county tax.--strength of the settlement called for.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy. _message of governor abernethy._ oregon city, december , . gentlemen,--it is my painful duty to lay the inclosed communications before your honorable body. they will give you the particulars of the horrible massacre committed by the cayuse indians on the residents at wailatpu. this is one of the most distressing circumstances that has occurred in our territory, and one that calls for immediate and prompt action. i am aware that to meet this case funds will be required, and suggest the propriety of applying to the hudson's bay company and the merchants of this place for a loan to carry out whatever plan you may fix upon. i have no doubt but the expense attending this affair will be promptly met by the united states government. the wives and children of the murdered persons, the rev. mr. spalding and family, and all others who may be in the upper country, should at once be proffered assistance, and an escort to convey them to places of safety. i have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant, george abernethy. to the honorable legislative assembly, oregon. _journal of the house, december , _ at two o'clock the house met. the sergeant-at-arms announced a special communication from the governor, which was read by the clerk. it consisted of letters from messrs. douglas and mcbean, of the forts on the columbia, announcing the horrid murder of dr. whitman's family and others, accompanied by a letter from the governor, praying the immediate action of the house in the matter. mr. meek moved the reference of the communications to a committee of the whole house, which was lost. mr. nesmith offered the following, which was adopted:-- "_resolved_, that the governor be, and is hereby, authorized and required to raise, arm, and equip a company of riflemen, not to exceed fifty men, with their captain and subaltern officers, and dispatch them forthwith to occupy the mission station at the dalles, on the columbia river, and hold possession until re-enforcements can arrive at that point, or other means be taken, as the government thinks advisable." messrs. nesmith, reese, and crawford were appointed a committee to wait on the governor and inform him of said resolution. the communications concerning the indian depredations were referred to a committee consisting of messrs. ford, rector, and white. the committee appointed to wait on the governor concerning the resolution for raising a company of riflemen, reported that they had discharged their duty, and received, in answer, that the governor will use his utmost endeavors to accomplish the object. * * * * * the governor called the people together in the evening, and, after the statements of the object of the meeting, some forcible and earnest remarks from judge nesmith and messrs. lee, barlow, and others, the enrollment of the first company of oregon riflemen commenced. the following true and noble-hearted men sprang to arms, and, in fifteen hours from the time they had enrolled their names as defenders of oregon, were on their way to protect their own and their countrymen's lives from hudson's bay company, jesuitical, and indian savagism. we will give the names of this noble little band a place in the history of the country they were so prompt and ready to defend. they are as follows:-- joseph b. proctor, j. s. rinearson, h. a. g. lee, thomas purvis, j. magone, c. richardson, j. e. ross, isaac walgamoutts, john g. gibson, b. b. rogers, benjamin bratton, samuel k. barlow, wm. berry, john bolton, george moore, henry w. coe, william buckman, s. a. jackson, jacob witchey, john fleming, a. c. little, a. j. thomas, george westby, edward robson, andrew wise, d. averson, j. h. mcmellen, john c. danford, w. m. carpenter, lucius marsh, joel mckee, h. levalley, j. w. morgan, o. tupper, r. s. tupper, c. h. devendorf, john hiner, c. w. savage, g. h. bosworth, jacob johnson, stephen cummings, george weston. forty-two as noble and true men as ever breathed. they were soon organized under a set of energetic and brave young officers, who feared no danger, and were ready to meet in open fight the combined enemies of their country's rights upon the shores of the pacific or in the mountains or valleys of oregon. their officers were:-- _captain_, h. a. g. lee. _first lieutenant_, j. magone. _second lieutenant_, j. e. ross. _commissary_, c. h. devendorf. _surgeon_, w. m. carpenter, m. d. _first sergeant_, j. s. rinearson. _second sergeant_, w. savage. _third sergeant_, wm. berry. _first corporal_, stephen cummings. _second corporal_, j. h. mcmellen. * * * * * "at twelve o'clock on the afternoon of tuesday, the company assembled at the city hotel, where they were presented with an appropriate flag, by judge nesmith, in behalf of the ladies of oregon city, with an appropriate address. (no record of that address or of the names of the donors can be found.) captain lee, on the part of the company, made an exceedingly happy reply upon receiving the beautiful token of the patriotism of the lovely donors." in two hours after, the company started, amid the firing of cannon and the cheers of the assembled citizens. it speaks well for our city, that in less than twenty-four hours this detachment was raised and had started for the scene of action. it is to be regretted that the editor of the oregon _spectator_, at the time these deeply-interesting events were occurring, should fill the only public journal on the coast with accounts of personal piques, and allow the remarks of judge nesmith and the reply of captain lee to pass with the meager notice we have quoted; that the deeply-stirring events respecting the murder of his countrymen should find so small a place in his editorial. he tells us in this same paper that he means to keep us posted in the war news, but the next paper is filled with a personal war between himself and the directors of the printing association, about some political resolutions that did no good or harm to anybody, except to show the party spirit then existing in the country, in which he is foolish enough to engage, and degrade his noble position as a journalist and editor, which compels us to look to other sources for facts relative to the history of those times. our little army of braves were accompanied by governor abernethy and three commissioners to vancouver, where they completed their outfit before proceeding to the dalles. they arrived at vancouver on the th of december. on the th, the commissioners addressed a letter to mr. douglas, requesting him to furnish supplies, as follows:-- fort vancouver, december , . _to james douglas, esq._: sir,--by the inclosed document you will perceive that the undersigned have been charged by the legislature of our provisional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, and support in the field, a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the cayuse indians for the late massacre at wailatpu, and protect the white population of our common country from further aggression. in pursuance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate application to the honorable hudson's bay company for the requisite assistance. though clothed with the power to pledge, to the fullest extent, the faith and means of the present government of oregon, they do not consider this pledge the only security of those who, in this distressing emergency, may extend to the people of this country the means of protection and redress. without claiming any especial authority from the government of the united states to contract a debt to be liquidated by that power, yet from all precedents of like character in the history of our country, the undersigned feel confident that the united states government will consider the murder of the late dr. whitman and lady as a national wrong, and will fully justify the people of oregon in taking active measures to obtain redress for that outrage, and for their protection from further aggression. the right of self-defense is tacitly accorded to every body politic in the confederacy to which we claim to belong and in every case similar to our own, within our knowledge, the general government has promptly assumed the payment of all liabilities growing out of the measures taken by the constituted authorities to protect the lives and property of those residing within the limits of their districts. if the citizens of the states and territories east of the rocky mountains are justified in promptly acting in such emergencies, who are under the immediate protection of the general government, there appears no room to doubt that the lawful acts of the oregon government will receive a like approval. should the temporary character of our government be considered by you sufficient ground to doubt its ability to redeem its pledge, and reasons growing out of its peculiar organization be deemed sufficient to prevent the recognition of its acts by the government of the united states, we feel it our duty, as private individuals, to inquire to what extent and on what terms advances may be had of the honorable hudson's bay company, to meet the wants of the force the authorities of oregon deem it their duty to send into the field. with sentiments of the highest respect, allow us to subscribe ourselves, your most obedient servants, jesse applegate, } a. l. lovejoy, } commissioners.[ ] geo. l. curry, } [footnote ] mr. douglas's reply to the above was, in substance, _a refusal to advance the means asked for in consequence of the stringent rules laid down for his government by the home company_. he, however, upon the security of the governor and two of the commissioners, advanced the amount necessary to fit out the first company of oregon riflemen, $ . .--(see report of loan commissioners, _oregon archives_, p. .) captain lee's company received their outfit as per arrangements through the governor, mr. applegate, and mr. lovejoy, and proceeded to the dalles. the commissioners returned to oregon city, and on the th december, , addressed the merchants and citizens of oregon as follows:-- gentlemen,--you are aware that the undersigned have been charged by the legislature of our provisional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, and support in the field a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the cayuse indians, for the late massacre at wailatpu, and protect the white population of our common country from further aggression. in furtherance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate application to the merchants and citizens of the country for the requisite assistance.[ ] [footnote ] the paragraphs here omitted are the same as those addressed to the hudson's bay company. * * * * * though the indians of the columbia have committed a great outrage upon our fellow-citizens passing through their country, and residing among them, and their punishment for these murders may, and ought to be, a prime object with every citizen of oregon, yet, as that duty more particularly devolves upon the government of the united states, and admits of delay, we do not make this the strongest ground upon which to found our earnest appeal to you for pecuniary assistance. it is a fact well known to every person acquainted with the indian character, that, by passing silently over their repeated thefts, robberies, and murders of our fellow-citizens, they have been emboldened to the commission of the appalling massacre at wailatpu. they call us women, destitute of the hearts and courage of men, and if we allow this wholesale murder to pass by as former aggressions, who can tell how long either life or property will be secure in any part of this country, or what moment the wallamet will be the scene of blood and carnage? the officers of our provisional government have nobly performed their duty. none can doubt the readiness of the patriotic sons of the west to offer their personal service in defense of a cause so righteous; so it now rests with you, gentlemen, to say whether our rights and our firesides shall be defended or not. hoping that none will be found to falter in so high and so sacred a duty, we beg leave, gentlemen, to subscribe ourselves, your servants and fellow-citizens, jesse applegate, } a. l. lovejoy, } commissioners. geo. l. curry, } on the evening of the th december, , a public meeting of the citizens was called, and a public loan effected, and subscriptions commenced for the equipment and supply of the army, as will be seen by the following report of the commissioners:-- _to the honorable the legislative assembly of oregon territory:_ the undersigned commissioners appointed by your honorable body for the purpose of negotiating a loan to carry into effect the provisions of an act entitled "an act to authorize the governor to raise a regiment of volunteers," etc., have the honor to inform you, that, fully realizing the heavy responsibilities attached to their situation, and the peculiarly difficult nature of their duties, they at once determined to act with promptness and energy, and to leave no fair and honorable effort untried that might have a tendency to a successful termination of their undertaking. they accordingly proceeded to fort vancouver on the th instant, and there addressed a communication to james douglas, chief factor of the hudson's bay company, a copy of which is already given. the commissioners had anticipated the unfavorable reply of mr. douglas, as agent of the hudson's bay company, and its only effect was to heighten their zeal and to occasion them stronger hopes of a more satisfactory reliance upon the citizens generally of our common country. however, two of the commissioners, with the governor, became responsible for the amount of the outfit for the first regiment of oregon riflemen, being $ . . not at all disheartened by the unsuccessful issue of their mission, the commissioners returned to this city on the th instant, and at once entered into negotiations, the revelation of which herewith follows. the commissioners, through a public meeting held at oregon city, on the night of the th instant, addressed the "merchants and citizens of oregon," at which meeting, from citizens generally, a loan of about one thousand dollars was effected.----the commissioners are happy to state that they have succeeded in negotiating a loan of sixteen hundred dollars from the merchants of oregon city, with, perhaps, a likelihood of a further advance. the commissioners feel well assured, from the interest manifested by our fellow-citizens in the matter, and the prompt action they have proposed to take in the several counties in the territory to assist the commissioners in the successful discharge of their duties, that the government will ultimately succeed in negotiating an amount adequate to the present emergency of affairs. the commissioners would beg your honorable body, with as little delay as possible, to appoint appraisers, whose duty it shall be to set a cash valuation upon produce and other property, which may be converted into means to assist government in its present operations. therefore, gentlemen, as we believe we can no longer be useful to our fellow-citizens as a board, we hope to be permitted to resign our trust into the hands of the proper accounting officers of this government. we have the honor to remain, jesse applegate, } a. l. lovejoy, } commissioners. geo. l. curry, } it will be seen by reference to this last report of the loan commissioners, and the answer to their letter of the th december, , that sir james douglas had made up his mind to enforce "the _stringent rules_ laid down for his government _by the home company_." in other words, the time had now arrived to allow the indians and half-breeds in the country to destroy the missionary settlements that were beginning to extend beyond the wallamet valley; and in case they succeeded in defeating the provisional troops, the settlement in the wallamet would become an easy prey to the combined indian forces, while the hudson's bay company would pursue its accustomed trade without any further interference from american settlements. in addition to the proceedings above referred to, the legislative assembly, on the th of december, on motion of hon. j. w. nesmith,-- "_resolved_, that in view of our critical situation with the powerful tribes of indians inhabiting the banks of the columbia, and with whom we are actually in a state of hostilities, it is the duty of this legislature to dispatch a special messenger, as soon as practicable, to washington city, for the purpose of securing the immediate influence and protection of the united states government in our internal affairs." on the th december, cornelius gilliam was elected by the legislative assembly, colonel commandant; james waters, lieutenant-colonel; h. a. g. lee, major; and joel palmer, commissary-general, in compliance with the bill passed on the th, authorizing the governor to call for one regiment of not to exceed five hundred men. on the th, mr. nesmith presented a bill to provide for sending a special messenger to washington. on the th, on motion of mr. crawford, "_resolved_, that a delegation of three persons be appointed by this house to proceed immediately to wallawalla, and hold a council with the chiefs and principal men of the various tribes on the columbia, to prevent, if possible, their coalition with the cayuse tribe in the present difficulties." on the th, it was "_resolved_, that the commodore of the united states squadron in the pacific ocean be solicited to send a vessel of war into the columbia river for our relief, and to send such other assistance as may be in his power." a motion was adopted to appoint a committee of five to prepare a memorial to congress. on the th, an act was passed appropriating one thousand dollars to defray the expenses of j. l. meek, special messenger to washington. on the th, mr. meek resigned his seat in the legislative assembly, preparatory to leaving for the united states with dispatches and a memorial to congress. as to what those dispatches were, we have no copy or public document that gives us any information, but we presume he carried a copy of mr. mcbean's mutilated letter, and one of sir james douglas's, such as we have already given; and also the following: _memorial to congress._ "to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states in congress assembled: "your memorialists, the legislative assembly of oregon territory, would respectfully beg leave once more to lay before your honorable body a brief statement of their situation and wants. "having called upon the government of the united states so often in vain, we have almost despaired of receiving its protection, yet we trust that our present situation, when fully laid before you, will at once satisfy your honorable body of the great necessity of extending the strong arm of guardianship and protection over this remote, but beautiful portion of the united states domain. "_our relations_ with the proud and powerful tribes of indians residing east of the cascade mountains, hitherto uniformly amicable and pacific, have recently assumed quite a different character. they have shouted the war-whoop, and crimsoned their tomahawks in the blood of our citizens. the cayuse indians, after committing numerous outrages and robberies upon the late immigrants, _have, without the semblance of provocation or excuse, murdered eleven_ [seventeen] american citizens. among the murdered were dr. marcus whitman and his amiable wife, members of the american board of foreign missions. "called upon to resent this outrage, we feel sensibly our weakness and inability to enter into a war with powerful tribes of indians. such outrages can not, however, be suffered to pass unpunished. it will be the commencement of future and more extensive murders, and our hitherto peaceful settlement will become the scene of fierce and violent warfare. we do not doubt the readiness of the people of this country to defend their lives and property, and to submit to all the privations incident to a state of war in a new and remote settlement like this. circumstances warrant your memorialists in believing that many of the powerful tribes inhabiting the upper valley of the columbia have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against our settlements. the number of white population in oregon is alarmingly insignificant compared with the swarms of indians which throng its valleys. "to repel the attacks of so formidable a foe, and protect our families and property from violence and rapine, will require more strength than we possess. we are deficient in many of the grand essentials of war,--such as men, arms, and treasure; for them, our sole reliance is on the government of the united states; we have the right to expect your aid, and you are in justice bound to extend it. for although we are separated from our native land by ranges of mountains whose lofty altitudes are mantled in eternal snows; although three thousand miles, nearly two-thirds of which is a howling wild, lie between us and the federal capital, yet our hearts are unalienated from the land of our birth. our love for the free and noble institutions, under which it was our fortune to be born and nurtured, remains unabated. in short, we are americans still,--residing in a country over which the government of the united states have sole and acknowledged right of sovereignty,--and under such circumstances we have the right to claim the benefit of its laws and protection. "your memorialists would avail themselves of this opportunity to invite your attention to other subjects of deep and vital interest to the citizens of this territory. the very nature of our compact formed between the citizens of a republic and the subjects and official representatives of a monarchy, is such that the ties of political union could not be drawn so closely as to produce that stability and strength sufficient to form an efficient government. this union between the democrats of a republic and wealthy aristocratic subjects of a monarchy could not be formed without reserving to themselves the right of allegiance to their respective governments. political jealousy and strong party feeling have tended to thwart and render impotent the acts of government, from its very nature weak and insufficient." the deep, dark, and infamous schemes of a foreign monopoly and religious bigots were but just developing themselves; but, thank god, there was strength enough in the provisional government, which was formed in the face of their combined opposition. they had yielded to its power, to gain time to organize their savage hosts to crush it; calculating, no doubt, that the mexican war would prevent assistance reaching us from the united states. the indians, let loose upon the settlements, would soon clear the country. that such was the general english idea, we know from two different english subjects. the one, a chief trader in the hudson's bay company, who said all they had to do was _to organize the indians, under the direction of their eight hundred half-breeds, to drive back any american force_. the other, a gold commissioner, a mr. saunders, direct from england, in speaking of the small number of troops the english government had in british columbia, remarked to us, that if they had not troops enough to subdue the americans in british columbia, "_all they had to do was to let loose the indians upon them_." such being the facts, it is not surprising that our legislative assembly should be made to feel its weakness, under this powerful combination,--the british monopoly that had refused to furnish necessary supplies to the provisional troops sent to punish the murderers of our citizens. it was not yet apprised of the efforts made by mr. ogden to supply the indians with munitions of war, and the determination of the company not to allow itself to be considered by the indians as favoring the american settlement of the country. mr. hines' book, in which he says dr. mclaughlin had announced to those indians in "that in case the americans did go to war with them, the hudson's bay company would not assist them," had not yet been published. the memorial continues:-- "in establishing a regular form of government, creating tribunals for the adjustment of the rights of individuals, and the prevention and punishment of crime, a debt has accumulated, which, though an insignificant amount, your memorialists can devise no means of liquidating. the revenue laws, from not being properly executed, while they are burdensome to classes of our citizens and sections of country, are wholly disregarded by others, and whole counties, which for numerical strength are equal to any in the territory, and fully participating in all the advantages of our compact, have never contributed any assistance in bearing the common burdens.[ ] "to coerce obedience to our temporary government would at once destroy the great object which called it into existence,--the peace and harmony of our country. anxiously looking forward to that happy period when we should again be under the protection of our revered and parent republic, we have rather endeavored to maintain peace by forbearance, hoping that the dangers and difficulties to be apprehended from domestic discord and from the savages around us, would be postponed until we became an acknowledged people, and under the protection of our mother country. "the action of your honorable body in regard to the land in oregon would seem to justify the expectation that liberal grants would be made to our citizens; yet the uncertainty of our title, and the uneasiness which is felt upon this subject, urge to press this subject upon your attention. our citizens, before leaving their homes in the united states for oregon, have had the strongest inducements held out by congress to settle in this country, and their just expectations will not be met short of liberal donations of land. "on the subject of filling the offices that will be created in the event of the extension of the jurisdiction of the united states over this territory, your memorialists would respectfully represent, that, as the pioneers of the american population in this country, the present citizens of this country have strong claims upon the patronage of the general government, and that it would be gratifying to have them filled by our fellow-citizens; but as few of them of an equally deserving number can enjoy this mark of the approbation of our parent republic, and in view of our peculiar and difficult situation, it is the opinion of your memorialists that it will be better for the future prosperity of our country, and that the great mass of the people will concur with them in requesting that important and responsible offices created here, such as the office of governor and the several judgeships, should be filled with men of the best talent and most approved integrity, without regard to their present location." [footnote ] champoeg county being one, and represented by dr. r. newell, then speaker of the house. in relation to this last paragraph, emanating as it did from the legislative assembly of oregon, it may appear strange that a body of men possessing the talent and ability there was in that assembly, should be so liberal in requesting that most of the important federal appointments for the territory should be filled from abroad, or with strangers to the condition and wants of the people; but the fact is plainly stated, and it becomes our duty to impart such information as will explain so strange a request. no one will contend for a moment that we did not have the men who were abundantly qualified to fill those offices, for they have since been filled with far better satisfaction to the country by men who were then in it, than by those sent by the federal government; hence we are led to inquire what was the reason for this request. the general politics of the country, as intimated in the memorial, were _english aristocratic_ and _american democratic_. the parties were nearly equally divided. at the same time, there was the pro-slavery influence laboring to so mold the territory as to bring it in as a slave state, though it had started free, and upon the most liberal principles of a free government. the democratic pro-slavery influence was not strong enough to secure the federal appointments without cousining with the english aristocrats, who looked upon african slavery with abhorrence. under these circumstances, the democrats of this assembly became liberal, and naturally sought aid from that party in the united states to which the anti-slavery influence yielded, and took their chances in the federal appointments. there was also in this assembly a strong personal feeling against judge thornton, who was supposed to be in the federal capital seeking the organization of the territory, as also its governorship; and, in that case, though mr. thornton was then acting with the democratic party, should he become the governor, or one of the judges, the pro-slavery influence would be the loser. hence the "rule or ruin" party chose to make the strange request found in this memorial. the closing paragraph seems to be a flourish of rhetoric, and an appeal to _uncle samuel's_ tender feelings. notwithstanding, it took him till august , , to say that oregon should be a territory under its protection. the remainder of the memorial is as follows:-- "if it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her guardian wing over her sons and daughters in oregon, she surely will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with all the ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily thickening around them and preparing to burst upon their heads. when the ensuing summer's sun shall have dispelled the snow from the mountains, we shall look with glowing hopes and restless anxiety for the coming of your laws and your arms. "the accompanying documents will afford additional information concerning some of the subjects of which we have spoken. "to insure the speedy conveyance of these papers to the federal government, your memorialists have elected j. l. meek, esq., a special messenger to bear the same, and respectfully ask your honorable body to make him such compensation therefor as you may deem just. and your memorialists will ever pray, etc." it will be seen by a reference to the first day's proceedings of this legislative assembly that dr. newell was chosen its speaker. in tracing the history of events, we find this man always intimately in council with the english aristocratic party in the country. although he sometimes favored unimportant american measures, he seemed always to guard carefully those in any way affecting the interests of this english monopoly. champoeg, the county he in part represented, was the most numerous in population and wealth, and by reference to the _spectator_ of february , , we find the following: "_champoeg county tax._--there has been no tax for the year , received by the treasurer from champoeg county. how is this? who is to blame, and where is the honorable county court of champoeg county?" this note explains the critical relations of the country and the scheming policy of the enemy we had to contend with, as also the personal bickerings among the americans. when mr. crawford, on the th of december, introduced his resolution for a delegation of three persons to endeavor to prevent a coalition with the indians, we find this measure deferred till near the close of the session, and this honorable hudson's bay company speaker of the assembly is one of the commissioners, as we shall see hereafter. on the th of december, messrs. nesmith, rice, and rector were appointed a committee to correspond with the american consul at the sandwich islands, and also with the commander-in-chief of the army and navy on this coast, in california, soliciting help from them. on the th, the house went into secret session for the purpose of conferring with the governor, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and commissary-general, in relation to our indian difficulties. the result of that secret council was embodied in a resolution presented to the house by mr. nesmith. "_resolved_, that the executive, as commander-in-chief, has full power to adopt all measures necessary for the prosecution of the existing war, and that it is the opinion of this house, that it is expedient for the executive to issue orders for five hundred men, and trust to the patriotism of the citizens of oregon for their support in the field." it will be seen by this resolution that there was sufficient reason to justify the calling of the whole strength of the settlement into the field. the captives had reached the settlement, and his _reverence bishop blanchet_ had seen proper to inform the governor, "_that by going to war with the cayuses to get redress for the murders committed at wailatpu, he would have the whole indian combination, or confederation, against him_. this, however, he must determine with his council," which we see was done, and the american settlement and protestant missionaries gave them a cordial support. the indian combination, which, the jesuit brouillet says, dr. whitman attempted to form, is here admitted by the bishop's letter to governor abernethy to have been formed, and ready to fight the american settlement. who formed this confederation of indian tribes is no longer a doubt. but we have kept our readers too long from the proceedings of our little army, under the command of captain h. a. g. lee, which we left on its way to the dalles, to save that station from falling into the hands of the indians. chapter lxii. the cayuse war.--letter of captain lee.--indians friendly with the hudson's bay company.--conduct of mr. ogden.--his letters to mr. walker and mr. spalding.--note of rev. g. h. atkinson.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--a rumor.--the governor's reply.--another letter from sir james.--mr. ogden.--extraordinary presents to the indians of arms and ammunition.--colonel gilliam's campaign.--indian fight.--property captured.--the des chutes indians make peace.--captain mckay's company of british subjects join the army.--a nuisance.--"veritas."--nicholas finlay gives the signal for battle.--running fight.--captain mckay's company.--council held by the peace commissioners with the indians.--governor abernethy's address.--speeches of the indians camaspelo, joseph, jacob, old james, red wolf, timothy, richard, and kentuck.--letters of joel palmer, r. newell, james douglas, and william mcbean.--who is responsible for the cayuse war? if the reader has carefully perused the foregoing pages, he will be able to understand the movements of our little army in the cayuse war, as to the prime cause of which, the development of twenty-five years, and the monstrous claims of the hudson's bay company, have relieved our present history from all mystery and doubt, and have enabled us to arrange and combine the facts, without fear of a truthful contradiction. major h. a. g. lee, in a letter dated at wascopum, december , , writes:-- _to governor abernethy:_ "sir,--i reached this place on the evening of the st instant, with ten men, including mr. hinman, whom i met on his way to wallamet at wind river mountain, thirty miles below. the boats being windbound, and hearing from mr. hinman that a party of the cayuses and river indians had been down and driven off some horses from the mission, and that he had left with his family soon after, thinking it unsafe to remain longer, i was induced to lead the few men that were with me (for we had been separated by the wind and could not get together), and press to this place by land with all dispatch, to save the houses from destruction; and i am very happy to inform you that we arrived just in time, and that all is now safe. the natives immediately about this place are friendly, and hailed our arrival with much joy. seletsa professes friendship, but i shall keep an eye on him; his men have been killing cattle, and i suspect with his consent, though he promises to make them pay for them. we have been collecting the cattle and placing them below, in order to stop the slaughtering that has been carried on above. we have not yet learned the amount of mischief done at this place, but are getting things under way quite as well as i could have anticipated. mr. hinman has been of great service to me here; he leaves to-day to join his family, whom he left on the river. "we have no intelligence from wailatpu, except indian report, which, if we may credit, is awful enough. it is said, after the murder of the whites at the place, a general council had been held, and that the nez percés were present by special invitation, _i.e._, the chiefs; that it was determined to make '_a clean sweep_' of all the bostons, including messrs. spalding, eells, and walker above, and hinman here; that they had, in execution of that resolution, returned and murdered all the women and children who had been spared in the first place, with the exception of three females who had been reserved for wives. remember this is but native news. i must refer you to mr. hinman for many other items which i dare not write. "from all i can gather, the country east of the river des chutes is all an enemy's country, and our movements should be directed accordingly. can you have us two or three small guns cast at the foundery? each one would be equal in effect to fifty men. i am satisfied that the enemy is going to be much more formidable against an invading force than many in wallamet are willing to believe. _the indians are all friendly with the hudson's bay company's men, and i am truly sorry to learn that mr. ogden paid them powder_ and _ball_ for making the portage at the dalles. i hope this will be stopped, and their supplies of ammunition immediately cut off. please take some measures to effect this without delay. "mr. rogers and mr. savage return immediately from this place, feeling that the object for which they enlisted has been accomplished; and as they would have to return, according to promise, in the course of ten or twelve days, and there being no active employment for them, they are permitted to return now. you are aware that they are among my best men, and for their persevering energy, so far, they deserve the praise due to good soldiers, although they have not had the pleasure of a fight. they are therefore honorably discharged from service in the st company of oregon riflemen. "sergeant mcmellen will bear this to you and return to me as soon as possible. if he gets down in time to accompany the next party, he will be of much service to them on the river; he has few equals in the service. "while writing the above, one horse which had been stolen from the immigrants has been brought in, and others reported on the way. i think most of the property stolen near this place will be returned; that above des chutes will probably be contended for. the indians about this place are evidently terrified, and i shall avail myself of that fact, as far as possible, in furthering the object of our trip. i have no fears of an attack on this place, yet i shall be as vigilant as though an attack were certain. the boats which were windbound eight days arrived this morning all safe and well. "i remain, your most obedient humble servant, "h. a. g. lee." with the light that twenty-two years have shed upon the early history of oregon, how shall we regard the policy and practice of the professedly kind and generous chief factors of the hudson's bay company? the one, sir james douglas, attempting to deceive the american settlement and the world as to the real danger of the settlement and the cause of the massacre; the other, mr. ogden, supplying the indians on his route, and at wallawalla, with ammunition, and "_insisting_," while bargaining with the murderers for their captives, "_upon the distinction necessary to be made between the affairs of the company and those of the americans_." we undertook, in our third position, to show the influences of this hudson's bay company, as well as romanism, upon our early settlements, and the causes of the indian wars. these were backed by one of the most powerful nations then on the globe, while a handful of american pioneers found themselves involved in a savage war. _the indians were advised, aided, and urged on by the teachings of roman priests and this hudson's bay company_, sustained by the british government, with assistance pledged to them by bishop blanchet and chief-factor ogden, as he received the captives from their hands, and gave them more ammunition and guns than had ever before been given to them at any one time. he says, in a letter dated fort nez percés, december , , addressed to rev. e. walker, at cimakain: "i have been enabled to _effect my object without compromising myself or others_, and it now remains with the _american government_ to take what measures they deem most beneficial to restore tranquillity to this part of the country, and this, i apprehend, can not be finally effected without blood being made to flow freely. so as not to compromise either party, i have made a _heavy sacrifice of goods_; but these, indeed, are of trifling value, compared to the unfortunate beings i have rescued from the hands of the murderous wretches, and i feel truly happy. let this suffice for the present. "on my arrival at the dalles, mr. hinman's mission, the previous day, had been plundered of four horses in open day, and in presence of all the inmates of the mission; and on consulting me on the propriety of remaining or removing under the present distracted state of the country, _i advised him to move_, leaving a trusty indian, on whom he could rely, and who speaks the english language, to remain in charge of the establishment; and he would have started the same day i left it. i trust this arrangement will meet with your approbation; under existing circumstances, could not consistently give any other." "yours truly, "p. s. ogden."[ ] with such powerful combinations, and such experienced, wise, and reverend advisers, it is not surprising that those indians should feel themselves able to make, as captain lee says, "_a clean sweep of all the bostons in the country_." mr. ogden, in his letter to mr. walker, does not intimate that the provisional government will presume to attempt to seek any redress for the murders committed; but consoles himself with the "_happy_" thought that the difficulty is to be settled by the united states. mr. hinman he advises to leave, and to mr. spalding he sends the following letter:-- "fort nez percÉs, december , . "_rev. h. h. spalding:_ "dear sir,--i have assembled all the chiefs and addressed them in regard to the helpless situation of yourself and the rest at wailatpu, and i have got them to consent to deliver them all to me: yourself and those with you, _save the two canadians, who are safe enough among the indians_; and have now to advise you to lose no time in joining me. at the same time, _bear in mind, sir, you have no promises to make them_, or payments to make. once more, use all the diligence possible to overtake us. "yours truly, "p. s. ogden."[ ] [footnote ] copied from the original letter. we place a note of rev. g. h. atkinson, d.d., in this connection, to show the influences that have for a series of years been operating, and how careful that unscrupulous monopoly was to combine its influences, and to deal out its hospitalities, to secure a good word from a reverend protestant divine, who was connected with the united states home missionary board, whose character is unimpeachable, and to whom it refers for evidence of its generosity. we are not surprised to find doctor atkinson attempting to ease the weight of censure due to that overgrown monopoly, from the fact, that on his first arrival in the country (after the cayuse war), on one of the company's ships, unusual attention and kindness were evidently shown to him and his family by the company's agents, to gain his favorable representations of their proceedings, and a name for _honorable_ dealing and generous treatment of missionaries, as intimated in his note. doctor atkinson says:-- "the agents of the hudson's bay company in oregon furnished all the missionaries with supplies at the usual trade rates until they could supply themselves from home." in this the doctor is mistaken, as we have shown in previous pages. he continues:-- "after the death of mr. whitman and family, mr. ogden, an agent of the company, brought the rest of the mission and the american families to the wallamet valley, at considerable risk and sacrifice to himself. the guilt of the plot to massacre dr. whitman and other americans is understood to belong to the jesuits." the letters above quoted, from mr. ogden and captain lee, show the doctor's great mistake in this statement. mr. ogden ran no risk, and made no sacrifice, as the hudson's bay company presented their bills, and have been paid every dollar they had the impudence to demand of our government, for transporting the captive women and children to a place of safety, and for all the supplies they so reluctantly furnished to our provisional troops. we do not believe it is good morals, or divinity, to say nothing of politics, to praise, encourage, or warm the serpent that improves every opportunity to sting us with his poisonous fangs. that company has enjoyed the monopoly of this vast country, and prevented its settlement too long, for any one to seek its praise or favor. we have another letter from sir james douglas, which shows us more clearly the exact position of that monster monopoly. it is as follows:-- "fort vancouver, dec. , . "_to governor george abernethy, esq.:_ "sir,--a rumor having been in circulation, for some days past, that it is general gilliam's intention to levy contributions on the hudson's bay company's property, for the purpose of completing the equipment of the troops ordered out in your late proclamation, for the intended operations against the indians, i feel it my duty to communicate with you frankly on the subject, as it is most important, in the present critical state of our indian relations, that there should be an entire absence of distrust, and that the most perfect unanimity should exist among the whites of every class. from my personal knowledge of general gilliam, and his highly respectable character, i should be the last person to believe him capable of committing an outrage which may prove so disastrous in the immediate and remoter consequences to the peace and best interests of this country; _at the same time, as the representative of a powerful british association_, it becomes my duty to take instant measures for the protection of their property, until i receive, through you, a distinct disavowal of any such intention as herein stated. difficulties of that nature were certainly not contemplated by us when we dispatched a large part of our effective force into the interior for the purpose of _receiving_ the unfortunate women and children, the survivors of the massacre at wailatpu, who remained in the hands of the indians. it was never supposed that our establishment would be exposed to _insult or injury_ from american citizens, while we are _braving the fury of the indians_ for their protection." _what a powerful and noble company_, and how much "_fury of the indians_" they had to contend with, when they were handing them _guns and ammunition_ by the quantity; and all their servants and posts were unharmed by either whites or indians, during all the indian wars that have occurred on this coast. this letter continues:-- "such a proceeding would, in fact, be so inconsistent with every principle of _honor and sound policy_, that i can not believe any attempt of the kind will be made; but i trust this explanation will satisfactorily account for any unusual precaution observed in the present arrangement of this establishment. "trusting that this note will be noticed at your earliest convenience, i have the honor to be, sir, "your most obedient, humble servant, "james douglas, c. f., h. b. co." mr. douglas, in this letter, has suddenly assumed a very honorable, as well as powerful position. as to his personal bravery, there is no question; but as to truth, there is. he says, "i can not believe any attempt of the kind will be made," and then tells us not to be alarmed; or, at least, as the "_rumor_ having been in circulation," we must excuse him for his "unusual _precaution_" in his establishment, while he has deceived, and intends to continue to deceive, the governor and the settlers as to his real motives of caution, and the deep-laid schemes that he and his "_powerful british association_" are bringing about, not against the "_fury of the indians_," but against the american settlements. as was to be expected in those times, our governor and general gilliam wilted right down, and the governor wrote:-- "oregon city, january , . "sir,--i received your favor of st ultimo yesterday evening, and, in answering it, would thank you for your frankness in communicating with me on the subject. having had conversation with colonel gilliam on this subject, i can state that he has no intention of levying contributions on the hudson's bay company's property for any purpose whatever. he will probably cross the columbia river at the mouth of sandy." this was the information that mr. douglas wished to obtain, as we have since learned from one of the company's clerks, and also the extent of information received from mr. lee by his express. "i trust nothing will occur that will in any way cause distrust among the whites during this crisis. the reports from above lead to the conclusion that messrs. spalding, walker, and eells have been cut off, and the women and children, spared in the first place, have since been murdered. should these rumors prove true, we know that peace can not be restored between the indians and whites without bloodshed." as near as we can learn, governor abernethy was disposed to follow the counsels of a writer in the _spectator_, signed "veritas," which was, to wait till spring opened, and then make a decent demonstration in the summer to punish the murderers. the energy of the people overruled his tender spirit, to use no harsher term, and pushed their forces up in the winter, which allowed most of the men to return in time to secure the following harvest, and produced the desired effect upon the hudson's bay company and the indians. the governor says:-- "captain lee informs me that mr. ogden paid the indians powder and ball for making the portage. the legislature passed an act during their last session prohibiting the sale of powder, lead, caps, etc., to indians. i trust you will see the necessity of complying with this act; it will be published in the next _spectator_. "i trust the disavowal in this letter will prove satisfactory to you. i have the honor to remain, sir, "your obedient servant, "george abernethy." the next day, the th of january, mr. douglas returned a long letter, which is as follows:-- "fort vancouver, january , . "_george abernethy, esq.:_ "sir,--i have to acknowledge yours of yesterday's date, and consider it perfectly satisfactory. i place little confidence in the late reports from the dalles, and entertain sanguine hopes that they will prove unfounded. "the indians have been always paid with ammunition and tobacco by our traveling parties, for passing boats at the portages of this river, and _i can not see that mr. ogden had any reason to depart from the established practice on the occasion mentioned in your letter_, as these indians have no fellow-feelings with the cayuses." this statement of sir james is notoriously untrue; the cayuses have always had more or less trade with the dalles indians, in dried salmon, horses, etc., and have always been the superiors, and treated them as they pleased. mr. douglas has invariably cautioned us, in passing those portages, not to give ammunition, as it was against the rules of the company to do so, _except to a very few_, and in small quantities, and _that_ for packing goods by trusty indians. this sudden change from tobacco to powder is only a part of the policy now being executed. "these indians behaved in the most friendly manner, and, i am convinced, will not enter into any combination against the whites, unless there be great mismanagement _on our part_. "in fact, when we consider the object of mr. ogden's journey to wallawalla [which we consider really to have been to inform the indians, _as he did_, that the hudson's bay company would take no part in this quarrel between the indians and americans, and that the company would supply them with ammunition and aid them in the present war, we are not disposed to question but that the lives of some of the men that were left would have been taken, but we doubt if any more women would have been killed, unless the company had consented to it; but it answered for a plausible argument for sir james, who says], and that the lives of sixty or seventy fellow-creatures were, under providence, mainly dependent on the celerity of his movements, it can not be supposed he would allow any minor consideration to weigh one moment in his mind against the great object of their preservation. as he could not carry his boats over the portages of the falls without the assistance of the indians, it would have been an act of great indiscretion on his part to have _excited alarm_ and _created suspicion_ in their minds." doctor saffron, in answer to the interrogatory, "in what way did you become acquainted with the whitman massacre?" makes the following reply: "i was residing at the dalles mission when the canadian, bearing an express from fort nez percés to vancouver, came to the station and ate dinner, and with whom mr. hinman went to the lodge, and secured a canoe to assist him on his way to vancouver, and went to vancouver with him. a very short time after they were off,--i did not think they had scarcely got off before the indians came from the lodges, and told what they said the frenchman had told them, that doctor whitman was killed. the next information was from an indian lad from des chutes, who came on horseback, in great haste, and said that two cayuses were at des chutes, and had told them that dr. whitman, his wife, and all his people were killed, except the women, who had been taken for wives for the chiefs. in giving the causes which the two cayuses had given them, he spoke of the sickness, and _also that the priests had made known to them that the doctor was a dangerous medicine man to have among them_, and said something of their having said about the doctor's medicines being the cause of their dying; and also of what mr. mcbean had said of dr. whitman's determining to have all their spotted horses. i can be _certain as to the priests'_ part, but not so certain as to mcbean's part, being said by the young indian at that time, or told me afterward by other indians." dr. saffron states in this deposition that the indians were very threatening about the station, and that he thinks the reason they did not commence the massacre of all at the station was the report that mr. ogden was just below with a party. "on mr. ogden's arrival, we stated to him these things, and he informed _mr. hinman_ that we _had better get away as soon as possible_, which we did." in this letter from mr. douglas, in answer to governor abernethy, about supplying the indians with powder, etc., he says:-- "it would have been an act of great indiscretion on his part to have excited alarm and caused suspicion in their minds by withholding the compensation of two or three pounds of gunpowder and lead, which they had been _accustomed_ to receive for such service, when it was certain that the omission would be regarded as evidence of a hostile intent, and induce them to put every possible obstacle in his way, whereby the object of the journey must have been entirely defeated, and the unfortunate women and children left to their cruel fate. "to prohibit the sale of ammunition within certain districts in arms against the whites would be the proper course; but to extend the measure to every part of the country is to make the innocent suffer with the guilty, and a departure from the conciliatory course of policy which we have always found to answer best with indians; and will, i much fear, drive them to the most desperate course. i am now only expressing an opinion on what the law is reported to be, and await the next issue of the _spectator_ with some impatience, to discover its real character and value. "you may rest assured that we will do nothing improper, or which will, in any way, endanger the safety of the country. "we have not yet heard from mr. ogden since he left the dalles, but are now daily expecting to hear from him. "i have the honor to be, sir, "your most obedient servant, "james douglas." the careless reader, or one that is disposed to regard sir james douglas as an honorable, truthful, and upright man, will, on first reading this letter, in all probability, consider it a satisfactory reply to governor abernethy, and his reasons sufficient to justify mr. ogden's course at the dalles and at wallawalla. doctor saffron tells us, under oath, "on mr. ogden's arrival, we stated to him these things," about the massacre, the priests, mcbean, and the indians threatening, which mr. ogden admits in his letter to mr. walker, when he advised them to leave. he then proceeds on up the river, and does a thing which sir james says was _common_, which we know mr. douglas has said to us _was not common_, for the company to give ammunition to the indians for making those portages. on the present occasion, knowing all the facts, and the danger to the lives of all at the dalles station, mr. ogden deliberately gave (mr. douglas says, "_as usual_") an unusual amount of war material; he then proceeds to wallawalla, called the indians together, and gave them "_twelve_ common guns, _six hundred_ loads of ammunition, twelve flints, thirty-seven pounds tobacco, sixty-two three-point blankets, sixty-three common cotton shirts." and what was the service that these indians had rendered, for which these goods were given by this "_powerful organization_?" six years before, when a hudson's bay servant got into a drunken row, and was killed by an indian at the mouth of the columbia, the americans and company went in a body, and demanded and hung the murderer; but now, when dr. whitman and fifteen other _americans_ are murdered, mr. ogden goes up and pays them more _guns_, _ammunition_, _blankets_, and _shirts_, than had ever before been given to them on any one occasion. was that company weaker at this time than they had been before, that they could not manage or conquer the cayuses? sir james douglas, under oath, says the company in "_practically enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade, and possessed extraordinary influence with the natives_." and we say, the whitman massacre is the result of that influence. mr. ogden, distinctly, and at several times, insisted upon the distinction necessary to be made between the affairs of the americans and the company, and why? simply, because the company had determined to suppress and crush the american settlements, if it could be done, by the indians. they were now in a condition to furnish the indians directly, or clandestinely, through their jesuit missionaries, all the ammunition required. hence the liberality of mr. ogden, and the care of mr. douglas to catch "_a rumor_" to defend mr. ogden's course; to manifest great sympathy for the sufferers, to deceive the settlement in every way possible; and refuse, under the plea of the "_stringent rules of the home department_," to supply munitions to the provisional troops. on the d of february, colonel gilliam, with fifty of his men, arrived at wascopum, an express having been sent by major lee for him to hasten forward with his troops. on his arrival, he learned that the des chutes indians were hostile. was mr. douglas correct in his opinion? the main body of his troops having arrived on the th, he started with of his best mounted men, crossed des chutes, and ascended on its east or right bank. on the th, he sent forward major lee with twenty men to find the indians, they all having fled from their usual encampments. at twelve o'clock at night, major lee returned, having found the indians, and made the following report, which we give in major lee's own language. he says:-- "we proceeded this morning up the river some twenty miles, when we discovered a considerable party of indians with their families, removing across the plains, and evidently to station themselves higher up the cañon, which was close by. we charged upon them, killed one, took two females prisoners, and several horses; the rest escaped into the cañon, which was close by. expecting a large war party out immediately, we hastened toward camp with the prisoners, but had not proceeded far when we discovered a large party of mounted indians making after us with all possible speed; we rode down into a small cañon, turned our horses loose below us, and prepared for battle,--the indians by this time all around us on the hills, tumbling down huge stones in our midst, and annoying us much with their savage yells, some with their arms. we were fighting some two or three hours, killed and wounded, i suppose, some six or eight, as they took care to keep at a respectful distance. they drew no blood from us, and got only in return for their loss their horses which we had taken, with four or five of ours that went out with them, unperceived, through a small cañon, during the engagement. we have all returned safe, though much fatigued." on the th of this month the whole of the camp moved to the mouth of the cañon, at the meek crossing. on the th, ten a.m., as they entered the mouth of the cañon, the indians appeared on the hills immediately above, drawn up in order of battle, to about their own number. the colonel ordered his horses and train to a safe position under a strong guard, dismounted his men, ascended the hill, drove and killed, as was supposed, some twenty or thirty indians, with but one man (a spaniard) slightly wounded, capturing forty horses, four head of cattle, and three hundred dollars' worth of personal property, which the colonel had sold to the regiment, and credited to the paymaster, amounting to fourteen hundred dollars. mr. brown, first lieutenant, th company, died at vancouver. the skirmishing and battle with the des chutes indians brought them to terms, and a treaty of peace was made with them. the army was re-enforced by the arrival of captain mckay's company of _british subjects_, as claimed by a writer in the _spectator_, of february , , who says:-- "the party consisted of _two canadians_, fifty or sixty half-breeds,--all _british subjects_,--and two or three american citizens, while there is not a single frenchman in it. it is due to the _british subjects, canadians, and half-breeds_, to state, that many more would have gone, but, they know well, that winter is not the time, in this country, to go to war, and that all that can be done at this season is, to rescue the prisoners, which could be effected only by negotiation, and acquire correct information, and make all preparations necessary, so as to be able to act with the _propriety_, _decorum_, and energy which the case required. "veritas." by the statements of "veritas," the feelings of the _british subjects_ in our midst, at that time, can be seen. he evidently wished to claim credit for the british and half-breed subjects, who, in the operations of the provisional army, were found to be, to use no harsher term, a nuisance in the american camp, keeping the indians and murderers well informed as to all the movements of the army, so that while they were permitted to remain, no movement of the army produced any satisfactory results. this statement is made upon the verbal information given to us at the time, as well as from personal knowledge, and a letter of colonel waters to governor abernethy, under date, wailatpu, april , , in the _spectator_, april , . the colonel says of the indians, "they know our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they act accordingly." soon after the re-enforcement of this provisional army by captain t. mckay's _british subjects_, there was a general engagement or battle. it commenced while the army was on the march in the open rolling prairie, between mud spring and the umatilla. nicholas finlay, of the whitman-massacre notoriety, met the scouts and officers, and while there was a consultation, or parley, it appears he prolonged it, to give time for the main body of the indians to surround the troops; he then turned his horse, rode a short distance toward a party of indians, and discharged his gun in the air, as a signal to commence the attack, while the peace commissioners were attempting to effect a compromise. at finlay's signal, from five to seven hundred indian warriors appeared on the plains all about them, with from two to three hundred indian camp-followers, as spectators, all on horseback, consisting of boys and women, who had come to see the slaughter, and gather up the property that the americans were going to throw down and run from, as soon as nicolas finlay fired his gun, and the warriors raised the yell. but instead of this, colonel gilliam, as soon as finlay made his appearance, and other indians were seen in the distance, ordered a hollow square to be formed to protect his train and cattle, and by the time the indians were ready, he was, and the fight commenced, a sort of running, dashing, and, on the part of the indians, retreating performance. there being no water near the place where the attack was commenced, it became necessary to continue upon the march, and they drove the indians before them, till they reached water at night. by this time the indians found that the bostons were not _all clochemen_ (women), as they had been told by the "_british half-breeds_." a stranger would naturally conclude from the accounts published in the _spectator_ at that time, that the company under captain t. mckay did all the fighting on this occasion. they, we infer from the printed account as given in c. mckay's letter, made some gallant dashes in true indian style, and as prudent retreats back to the protection of the "_boston men_," making a great show of bravery and fight, without much effect. at the close of this demonstration, the indians retired in their usual confused manner, while the americans moved on to find water and a camp for the night. they continued their march till they reached fort waters, at wailatpu. at this place the commissioners called for the principal chiefs of all friendly tribes to meet them, to have a big talk. in this council, one cayuse war-chief, camaspelo, and two of the lower grade of the nez percés,--joseph and red wolf,--with several prominent indians of the nez percés, were present, and received the commissioners with the governor's letter, and made the speeches hereafter given. _governor abernethy's address_ to the indians asserted the fact, that dr. whitman was invited by the indians themselves to remain in their country, and teach them the arts of civilization, agriculture, a knowledge of books and of religion; that the indians had not regarded the doctor's instructions, else they would not have stolen property belonging to the immigrants, and, on the th of november, murdered him and mrs. whitman. that the doctor, in giving them medicine, was not poisoning them, but doing all he could to save their lives, and relieve their sick. that americans died of the disease as well as the indians. that if the doctor was poisoning them, which they knew was not the case, why did they kill all the americans at his place? that the doctor was their best friend, and always trying to do them good; and now he required of them, that they should give up the murderers, and those who had taken and forced young women to be their wives, to be punished according to our laws. he named tilokaikt and tamsaky in particular. they were also required to restore or pay for the property stolen from the immigrants, while on their way to the wallamet valley. camaspelo (a cayuse chief).--"my people seem to have two hearts. i have but one; my heart is as the nez percés. i have had nothing to do with the murder. tamsaky came to me to get my consent to the murder, before it was committed. i refused. i pointed to my sick child, and told him my heart was there and not on murder; he went back and told his friends he had obtained my consent; it was false. i did not give my consent to the murder, neither will i protect or defend the murderers." joseph (a nez percé chief, half-brother of five crows).--"now i show my heart. when i left my home i took the book (a testament mr. spalding had given him) in my hand and brought it with me; it is my light. i heard the americans were coming to kill me. still i held my book before me, and came on. i have heard the words of your chief. i speak for all the cayuses present and all my people. i do not wish my children engaged in this war, although my brother (five crows) is wounded. you speak of the murderers; i shall not meddle with them; i bow my head; this much i speak." jacob.--this indian had once been a celebrated medicine man among the nez percés. he said: "it is the law of this country that the murderer shall die. that law i keep in my heart, because i believe it is the law of god,--the first law. i started to see the americans, and when on the way i heard the americans were coming to kill all the indians; still i came. i have heard your speech, and am thankful. when i left home i believed the americans were coming for the murderers only. i thank the governor for his good talk." james was an old indian who was for a long time a pet of mr. spalding's; but, through the influence of mr. pambrun and the priest, he had been induced to receive a cross and a string of beads. he was the acknowledged owner of the land on which the lapwai station was located, and, by the influence above referred to, caused mr. spalding considerable annoyance, though nothing of the difficulty asserted by brouillet, page . he says: "the indians then met together and kept all the whites who lived at the station blockaded in their houses for more than a month." living at the station at the time, i know there was no quarrel or disturbance with the indians, nor were any at the station confined to their houses for a moment at any time, as stated by this priest; it is one of a great number of just such statements made to cover their guilt in a great crime. old james said: "i have heard your words and my heart is glad. when i first heard of this murder, our white brother spalding was down here; i heard the cayuses had killed him also, and my heart was very sad. a few days after, when he returned, i met him as one arose from the dead. we spoke together; he said he would go to wallamet. i told him to tell the chiefs there my heart. we have been listening for some word from him. all these chiefs are of one heart." red wolf was connected by marriage with the cayuses, and, it seems from his speech, was instructed as to the information he should give to the americans. he says: "you speak of doctor whitman's body. when i heard of the doctor's death, i came and called for the murderers. i wished to know if it was the work of the chiefs. i went to tawatowe, and found it was not of all, but of the young men. i did not sleep. i went to mr. spalding and told him the chiefs were engaged in it. mr. spalding said, 'i go to wallamet and will say the nez percés have saved my life, and i will go to wallamet and save yours.' we have all been listening to hear from the white chief." timothy.--this indian had always been a firm friend of the americans, and of the mission, and was a consistent member of the mission church. he seems to have taken no decided part. he says: "you hear these chiefs; they speak for all. i am as one in the air. i do not meddle with these things; the chiefs speak; we are all of the same mind." richard was one of the indian boys taken to the states by doctor whitman from the american rendezvous in , and brought back in , and was always more or less about the mission. he was an active and intelligent young indian, and was basely murdered by a catholic indian after being appointed a chief by indian agent h. a. g. lee. he said: "i feel thankful for the kind words of your chief. my people will take no part in this matter. our hearts cling to that which is good. we do not love blood. this is the way our old chief (cut nose) talked; his last words were: 'i leave you; love that which is good, be always on the side of right, and you will prosper.' his children remember his words. he told us, take no bad advice. why should i take bad words from your enemies, and throw your good words away? your chief's words are good; i thank him for them. my chief is in the buffalo country; he will be glad to hear i talk thus to you. they would be sorry should i talk otherwise. this much i tell you of the hearts of my people." kentuck, a good-natured, sensible, and yet apparently crazy indian, said: "the chiefs have all spoken; i have listened, and now i wish to speak a little. i have been much with the americans and french; they know my heart, can any one tell any thing bad of me? in war with the blackfeet, i and my father fought with the americans, and my father was killed there. he (pointing to mr. newell) knows it. last year i was in california at captain sutter's, and helped captain fremont,--not for pay, but from a good heart. i came home, and heard the doctor was killed! we heard that the whites were told we were with the cayuses. we have not such hearts. i and my people are from the furthermost part of our country. we had heard there that you were coming to kill off the last indian west of the mountains. we have never shed the blood of the americans. we are glad to hear that you want none but the murderers." in the _spectator_ of march , , we find the following letters:-- "wailatpu, march , . "_william mcbean, esq.:_ "dear sir,--i have been requested by captain mckay to apprise you of the progress we have made in adjusting the difficulties between the whites and cayuses, and i am happy to say that matters are assuming a favorable appearance. with your and his assistance, with that of a little forbearance on the part of the troops, i believe all that could be devised will be accomplished without further shedding of blood. "_captain mckay thinks that captain grant_ (of the hudson's bay company) _can travel through the country with perfect safety_. mr. meek will leave the first of the week. doctor newell will write to captain grant, according to your request. in haste, i have the honor to subscribe, "your humble servant, "joel palmer." dear sir,--i only have time to say a word. stikas was here yesterday, and things look more favorable since gervais arrived. _i wish to go down when your people go._ i will be ready in a few days and come to the fort; no time for particulars; _mr. meek leaves to-night._ "with respects, yours, etc., "r. newell." "fort vancouver, march , . "_governor abernethy, esq.:_ "dear sir,--one of the company's servants has this moment arrived with dispatches from wallawalla, of date the th instant; i hasten to communicate the intelligence received, for your information. the army had made its way to wailatpu, and taken possession of the remains of the mission, the cayuses having been defeated, with considerable loss, some days previously, in a pitched battle near the umatilla river; and had since fallen back upon the nez percé country. serpent jaune, chief of the wallawalla tribe, had visited the commissioners, and decided on remaining quiet; the nez percés had in part also decided for peace, and were expected in camp within a few days. the remaining part of the tribe appeared still undecided about the part they would take, and will, no doubt, be much influenced in their future conduct by the success which attends the operations of the army. _their sympathies are with the cayuses_; but fear may restrain them from taking an open part against the whites. the cayuses remain, therefore, without any open support from the more powerful tribes in their neighborhood, and in such circumstances can not be expected to make a very protracted defense. "the accompanying copy of a letter from mr. palmer possesses much of interest, and will put you in possession of further particulars. "our dates from fort colville are up to the d of january; the indians were all quiet and well disposed, _though they had been severe sufferers from the measles and dysentery_. their detestation of the brutal conduct of the cayuses has been openly and generally expressed, as well as their determination to oppose the repetition of such atrocities in the country. messrs. walker and eells have been induced, by the friendly protestations of the indians about them, to continue their residence at the mission near spokan. "we have letters from fort hall up to the th of december. a city has sprung up, as if by enchantment, in the midst of the desert, near the southern extremity of great salt lake. it contains a population of , , and numbers within its precincts houses. one flour-mill was in operation, and four saw-mills were nearly finished. "in haste, yours truly, "james douglas." as to the letter of general palmer, he has informed us that, while he was attempting to effect an arrangement with the indians, he was satisfied that mcbean was using his influence against the americans, and doing all he could to keep up the hostile feelings then existing, but, by humoring and flattering him, he would do less harm than by opposing his self-conceit. as to dr. newell's note, it showed his disposition to crawl under the shade of mcbean and the hudson's bay "_people_" and to give them information that would enable them to cut off the messenger sent to washington. general palmer informed mcbean that he would leave the first of the week. newell says, "_mr. meek leaves to-night._" mr. douglas is all friendship and affection. he has just learned that a large body of american people are in salt lake valley, and that the indians about the spokan station are friendly, notwithstanding the measles and dysentery have been severe among them. the indians had been defeated with considerable loss, but the "_sympathies of the nez percés are with the cayuses_." whence did sir james get this information? when he wished to convince governor abernethy that mr. ogden had done right in giving powder and ball for making the portages at des chutes, he said, "_these indians have no fellow-feeling with the cayuses._" we will give _another remarkable letter_, in answer to the one mr. douglas refers to:-- "fort nez percÉs, march , . "_to the commissioners, messrs. palmer and newell:_ "gentlemen,--i have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of this date, which was handed me this evening. "i am happy to learn that your success to effect peace has so far rewarded your endeavors, and that the nez percés _are on your side_. previous to their visiting you, the most influential chiefs came to me, to know your real intention, which i fully explained, and addressed them at length. they left me well disposed, and, i am glad to learn, have acted up to their promise." put this statement of mr. mcbean by the side of that of sir james douglas, and how does it read? march , "_their sympathies are with the cayuses._" what are we to understand by such information given to two different parties? mr. mcbean professes to know the views of the nez percés, and, on march , tells the american commissioners he is happy to learn they are on their side; and, three days after, writes to his superior, at vancouver, "_their sympathies are with the cayuses._" general palmer, nor any one else, need mistake the character of such a man; and we will give the company credit for ability to select their men to perform their appropriate business, and at the proper time. "i now forward letters to fort hall and fort boise, and have to request, in behalf of the company, that you be kind enough to get them forwarded by mr. meek. they are of importance. on their being delivered depends loss or gain to the company. "william mcbean. "p. s.--please present my best respects to general gilliam and major lee." there are two remarkable facts in these two letters. the first, "the most influential chiefs" went to him, and he explained the real intentions of the americans, which, according to his report to his superior, made them sympathize with the cayuses; but to accomplish another object, he would have us believe he made them favorable to the americans, and claims all the credit for doing so. this would have done very well, only it leaked out, in the speeches of the indians, the part this agent of the company was playing. query . how came the nez percés, who had always been friendly with the americans, and never had shed any of their blood, but always fought with and for them, to be at war--that it should require the consent or advice of mcbean, or any other hudson's bay company's servant or clerk, to go and make peace with friends? query . the importance of two letters to forts boise and hall? the _loss or gain_ to the company was of more importance to him than the lives of the missionaries and all at the dalles, for he would not allow his messenger to inform them of their danger. we have in their communications a specimen of a high and a low agent of that company during the cayuse war. _the cayuse tribe_ was always more dependent upon fort nez percés for supplies than the nez percés, who have always had more or less intercourse with american traders. from the deposition of mr. geiger, we learn that this agent (mcbean) of the company was in the habit of interfering with the affairs of the american indians and missionaries, and from the deposition of mr. kimzey, that he was equally officious in favoring the jesuit missions. and now, from his own officious letter, we learn his position in relation to the war then in progress; that he was attempting to deceive the commissioners, as to his operations and instructions to the indians, is shown in the information he communicated to mr. douglas, and in the letter of colonel waters to governor abernethy. putting all these facts together, who is responsible for the massacre and the war with the cayuses? chapter lxiii. letter to general lovejoy.--call for men and ammunition.--yankama chief.--his speech.--small supply of ammunition.--letter of joseph cadwallader.--claim and a girl.--combined indian tribes.--ladies of oregon.--public meeting.--a noble address.--vote of thanks.--address of the young ladies.--death of colonel gilliam.--his campaign.--colonel waters' letter.--doubtful position of indians.--number at fort wallawalla.--results of the war.--jesuit letters.--fathers hoikin and de smet.--the choctaws.--indian confederacy.--last hope of the indian.--jesuit policy.--the irish in the war of the rebellion.--father hecker.--boasts of the jesuits.--letter of lieutenant rogers.--priests supply the indians with arms and ammunition.--ammunition seized.--oregon _argus_.--discovery of gold.--no help for the indian.--withdrawal of the hudson's bay company to vancouver.--the smooth-tongued jesuits yet remain. let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to such as can not fail to draw forth the more noble sentiments of the heart. we find in the _old spectator_, april , :-- "_general a. l. lovejoy:_ "sir,--the following was written for the _express_, but in the hurry and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded: to call the men ( ) who fought on the tukanon and tuchet rivers brave were but common praise,--officers and privates fought with unequaled bravery and skill. captains hall, owens, and thompson behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle. "the incomparable services of sergeant-major birch, quartermaster goodhue, judge-advocate rinearson, sergeant cook, paymaster magone, can not be passed unnoticed, and deserve their country's praises. captains english and mckay were not in the engagement--the latter being sick, the former returning from the tuchet with the wagons and the stock. "h. j. g. maxon, "commanding at fort wascopum." "fort wascopum, april , . "_general a. l. lovejoy:_ "sir,--we received your letter of instructions, by express, on the d instant, and i assure you it gave me great satisfaction to make them known to the troops under my command. since the promotion of major lee to the command, the boys have taken fresh courage; though some of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing under your promises to stick it out like men. "give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with colonel lee at our head, and i think we will soon bring the war to an honorable close. "_the yankama chiefs_ came over to see us a few days ago, and stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no answer. [who was the writer for the indians? no american dare remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] therefore they had come over to see him. they spoke to us as follows:-- "'we do not want to fight the americans, nor the french; neither do the spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. last fall the cayuses told us that they were about _to kill the whites at dr. whitman's_. we told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we refused. we loved the whites; but they said, if you do not help us to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill you. this made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired to kill us they might. we should feel happy to know that we die innocently.' "i answered them as follows: 'we are glad you have come, because we like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent people. the great spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to shed innocent blood; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends. our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our countrymen, and insulted our women. when we get those wicked men we will go home, but those we will have; if not now, we will fight until we do get them. we do not want to kill any but the murderers; but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. all tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their hearts are bad, and we know that the great spirit is angry with them. we hope your nation will not receive them. we hope that you will not let your young men join them, because we do not wish to kill innocent people. we hope, that if the murderers come among you, you will bring them to us; then the great spirit will not be angry with you. we that fight do not care how many bad people we have to fight. _the americans and hudson's bay company people are the same as one_, and you will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close.' "i gave them a plow as a national gift, and told them that i gave that kind of a present because we thought tilling the ground would make them happy. they remained with us a day and night, and then left for their country with an assurance of friendship. "the ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and i shall start to-morrow for wailatpu with nine provision wagons and baggage wagons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving mckay's company to guard this place until colonel lee's arrival here. "the _scanty supply of ammunition_ sent us is almost disheartening. if the rumor that the indians brought us this evening be true, i fear that we will have to shoot the most of it at the indians before we can reach the boys. the indians reported here this evening that the horse-guard at wailatpu was killed by the indians, and all the horses run off. i shall lose no time, i assure you, but will relieve them with all possible speed. "your obedient servant, "h. j. g. maxon, s. c. c. o. d." we will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this letter relative to the yankama indians and captain maxon's remarks to them, but continue our narrative from a letter of jesse cadwallader from fort waters, april , . at the time of writing, he did not know of colonel gilliam's death. he says:-- "at present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighting, as we are but in number, and nearly out of ammunition. colonel gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the th ult. for the dalles for supplies. we look for them in a few days, and hope to see more men with them. we look for the indians to come upon us every day. they say they will give us one more fight, and drive us from the country. we expect they will number , . the cayuses, nez percés, wallawallas, spokans, and paluces will all join and fight us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time; we are preparing for an attack. we are killing beef and drying it to-day. i think we can defend this post; we shall do so or die in the attempt.---- "we can not complain of our living, so far; we have a plenty of beef and bread, nearly all the time. we have found several _caches_ of wheat, peas, and potatoes. we have about thirty bushels of wheat on hand, and the mill fitted up for grinding. "i wish you would see to my claim on clear creek, for i expect to return when this war is over, and occupy it, with some man's girl as a companion." the following proceedings of the ladies of oregon city and vicinity, which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies of oregon and this pacific coast can respond to the call of their country, found a welcome place in the columns of the _spectator_. we understand that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the volunteers in the field. such acts by ladies are highly commendable to them, and can not fail to have a favorable influence in the army:-- "at a meeting convened at the methodist church, according to previous notice, on the th instant, to consult upon the best means to aid in relieving the necessities of the soldiers, the meeting was called to order by mrs. hood, when mrs. thornton was called to the chair, and mrs. thurston (the wife of our first delegate to congress), was appointed secretary. mrs. thornton (whose husband was then in washington, doing all he could for the country as a volunteer representative of its interests, while his noble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our almost naked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when, on motion, it was resolved to form a society, the object of which should be to aid and assist in supporting the war (sanitary society). on motion, the meeting proceeded to choose officers; which resulted in the election of mrs. thornton, president; mrs. robb, vice-president; mrs. leslie (second wife of rev. d. leslie), treasurer; and mrs. thurston, secretary. "on motion, it was voted to appoint a committee of three, whose duty it should be to assist the society in raising funds, etc. the president appointed mrs. hood (an active, energetic old lady), mrs. crawford (the wife of our first internal revenue collector), and mrs. herford, said committee. "mrs. robb then introduced the following address as expressive of the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the army with the clothing raised by the ladies, which, on being read, was unanimously adopted:-- "'oregon city, april , . "'the volunteers of the first regiment of oregon riflemen will please accept from the ladies of oregon city and vicinity the articles herewith forwarded to them. the intelligence which convinces us of your many hardships, excessive fatigues, and your chivalrous bearing also satisfies us of your urgent wants. "'these articles are not tendered for acceptance as a compensation for your services rendered; we know that a soldier's heart would spurn with contempt any boon tendered by us with such an object; accept them as a brother does, and may, accept a sister's tribute of remembrance--as a token, an evidence, that our best wishes have gone to, and i remain with you in your privations, your marches, your battles, and your victories. "'your fathers and ours, as soldiers, have endured privations and sufferings, and poured out their blood as water, to establish undisturbed freedom east of the rocky mountains; your and our mothers evinced the purity of their love of country, upon those occasions, by efforts to mitigate the horrors of war, in making and providing clothing for the soldiers. accept this trifling present as an indorsement of an approval of the justice of the cause in which you have volunteered, and of your bearing in the service of our common country as manly, brave, and patriotic. "'the war which you have generously volunteered to wage was challenged by acts the most ungrateful, bloody, barbarous, and brutal. "'perhaps the kindness which the natives have received at the hands of american citizens on their way hither, has, to some extent, induced a belief on the part of the natives, that all the americans are "women" and dare not resent an outrage, however shameful, bloody, or wicked. your unflinching bravery has struck this foolish error from the mind of your enemies, and impressed them with terror, and it is for you and a brotherhood who will join you, to follow up the victories so gloriously commenced, until a succession of victories shall compel an honorable peace, and insure respect for the american arms and name. "'we have not forgotten that the soul-sickening massacre and enormities at wailatpu were committed in part upon our sex. we know that your hardships and privations are great; but may we not hope, that through you these wrongs shall not only be amply avenged, but also that you inscribe, upon the heart of our savage enemies, a conviction never to be erased, that the virtue and lives of american women will be protected, defended, and avenged by american men. "'the cause which you have espoused is a holy cause. we believe that the god of battle will so direct the destinies of this infant settlement, that she will come out of this contest clothed in honor, and her brave volunteers covered with glory. "'the widows and orphans, made so by the massacre which called you to the field, unite with us in the bestowment of praise for the valuable service already rendered by you; and he who has already proclaimed himself the widow's god, judge, and husband, and a father to the fatherless, will smile upon and aid your exertions. fight on, then!--fight as you have fought, and a glorious victory awaits you.' * * * * * "on motion, a vote of thanks was tendered to mrs. hood for her unwearied exertions in behalf of the suffering soldiers. "mrs. robb moved, that when this society adjourn, it do so to meet at this place again on the th instant. "on motion, it was then voted that the proceedings of this meeting, with the address adopted, be published in the oregon _spectator_. "on motion, the meeting then adjourned. "mrs. n. m. thornton, president. "mrs. e. f. thurston, secretary." the thought and sentiment manifested in the above proceedings and address allow the reader to look right at the heart and soul of our people. no one who reads our history will have occasion to blush or be ashamed to know that his father or mother crossed the vast mountains and plains of north america, found a home in oregon, and fought back the savages, and their more savage foreign leaders. _oregonians_, the fact that your father or mother was a pioneer on this coast will redound to your honor,--as a reference to the deeds of our fathers and mothers, on the eastern part of our continent, strengthened and nerved our hearts, when the whole host of savage instruments of cruelty and barbarism were let loose upon us, and many of our dearest friends fell by their ruthless hordes! we know not who the author of that address is, but the sentiment--the soul--belongs alone to oregon. in the same paper we find the sentiment still further illustrated in a declaration of a number of young ladies. we only regret that we have not their names; the sentiment is too good to be lost, as it shows the finer and nobler sentiments of virtue and religion among the mothers and daughters of oregon, in those trying times. the communication is as follows:-- "wallamet valley, oregon. "response by young ladies to the call of captain maxon for young men in the army. "we have read with much interest the late report from the army, and feel ourselves under obligations to reply to the appeal made to us in that report. we are asked to evince our influence for our country's good, by withholding our hand from any young man who refuses to turn out in defense of our honor and our country's right. "in reply, we hereby, one and all, of our own free good will, solemnly pledge ourselves to comply with that request, and to evince, on all suitable occasions, our detestation and contempt for any and all young men, who _can_, but _will not_, take up arms and march at once to the seat of war, to punish the indians, who have not only murdered our friends, but have grossly insulted our sex. we never can, and never will, bestow our confidence upon a man who has neither patriotism nor courage enough to defend his country and the girls;--such a one would never have sufficient sense of obligations to defend and protect a _wife_. "do not be uneasy about your claims and your rights in the valley; while you are defending the rights of your country, she is watching yours. you must not be discouraged. fight on, be brave, obey your officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered; and when you return in triumph to the valley, you shall find us as ready to rejoice with you as we now are to sympathize with you in your sufferings and dangers." (signed by fifteen young ladies). soon after the peace arrangements, as related in the previous chapter, the colonel and major left for the lower country. they arrived at the dalles, where the colonel was accidentally shot by attempting to remove a rifle from the hind end of one of his wagons; the cap was burst, and he received the contents of the gun, which proved fatal in a few hours. in his death the country lost a valuable citizen, the army a good soldier, and his family a kind husband and affectionate father. as a commander of the provisional troops, he succeeded probably as well as any man could under the circumstances. _the deep schemes_ of the british fur monopoly, the baser schemes of the jesuits, both working together, and in connection with the indians and all the american dupes that they with their influence and capital could command, it is not surprising that, as a military man, he should fail to bring to justice the immediate or remote perpetrators of the crime he was expected to punish. in fact, but few at the present day are able to comprehend the extent and power of opposing influences. one of the commissioners informed us that from the time the colonel opened a correspondence with the priests, he appeared to lose his influence and power and control of the troops. he lacked an essential quality as a commander--promptness in action and decision to strike at the proper time, as was manifest in his whole campaign. yet, for this he is to a certain extent excusable, as he had with his army the indian peace commissioners, and was acting under the orders of a governor who was greatly deceived as to the prime movers in the war. one of the commissioners was notoriously the dupe and tool of the foreign monopoly in our midst, as his own history before and since has proved. he claimed to know exactly how to deal with the difficulty. this influence was felt by the troops, and generally acknowledged, and, as we know from the best of authority, was the cause of the colonel's being ordered to report at head-quarters. after lying at fort waters for a considerable time, his men becoming dissatisfied (as intimated in letters), he mounted his horse, and most of his men volunteered to follow him for a fight. he pursued what he supposed to be the correct trail of the murderers to a point on the tukanon, and there fought a small party, and learned that the murderers were at the crossing of snake river, some thirty miles distant. he continued his march all night. the next morning, the murderers having learned of his expedition in another direction, he came upon them and surprised their whole camp. an old man came out of the lodge and made signs of submission and pretended that the murderers were not in his camp, but that their cattle were upon the hills. this induced the colonel to order his men to gather the cattle and return to fort waters (while tilokaikt was then crossing the river), instead of attacking them, as he should have done. the indians soon gathered their best horses, which were kept separate from the common band, and commenced an attack upon his cumbered, retreating column, till they came near the ford on the tuchet, when a running fight was kept up, and an effort made to get possession of the ford by the indians, which it required all the colonel's force to defeat; and like the crow and the fox in the fable, while the colonel was giving the indians a specimen of american fighting, he neglected his cattle, and the indians drove them off. but few were wounded on either side, though, in the struggle to gain the ford and bushes contiguous, there was swift running and close shooting, which continued till dark. the indians retired with their cattle, and next day the colonel and his party, with the wounded, reached fort waters, and thence he obeyed the summons of the governor to return and report at head-quarters. while major lee is on his way with the body of colonel gilliam to the wallamet, and to obtain recruits and supplies of arms and ammunition, we will see what colonel waters is about at wailatpu, april , . in his letter of the above date, he says:-- "since colonel gilliam's departure from this place, our relations with the _supposed friendly_ indians have undergone a material change; not seeing any, either friendly or hostile, for several days, i concluded to send an express to fort wallawalla, and if possible to gain some information concerning their movements, as i had reason to believe from their long silence that there was something wrong; i accordingly addressed a short note to mr. mcbean on the evening of the st of april, and dispatched two of my men with the same, charging them strictly to remain there during the day, and return, as they went, in the night. they returned yesterday in safety, and their narrative, together with mr. mcbean's written statements, fully confirms me in my previous views. "the wallawalla chief, notwithstanding his professions of friendship to colonel gilliam and the bostons, now looks upon us as enemies. the law prohibiting the sale of ammunition appears to be his principal hobby. by refusing it to him and his people he says we place them on an equal footing with the guilty, and if this law is not abrogated, they will become murderers. this sentiment he expressed in the presence of our express bearers. [the sentiment of sir james douglas, as expressed in his letter to governor abernethy.] "there were then at the fort some sixty lodges, and between two and three hundred warriors. mr. mcbean gave what purported to be information where the murderers had gone, stating that ellis and sixty of his men had died in the mountains with the measles, and this had produced its effect upon our superstitious friends. "the cayuses and nez percés have had a big feast, which to my mind speaks in language not to be misunderstood. mr. mcbean further states, that the paluce indians, cayuses, and part of the nez percés, are awaiting the american forces, to fight them on the nez percés, or snake river; but the signs of the times justify the conclusion that we will be attacked nearer home, and much to our disadvantage, unless soon supplied with ammunition. they know our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they act accordingly. "welaptulekt (an indian chief) is at the fort, and has brought quite an amount of immigrant property with him, which he delivered to mr. mcbean; says he was afraid colonel gilliam would kill him, which was the reason of his not meeting him. this is the report of the men; mr. mcbean did not mention his name. my opinion is that we have nothing to hope from his friendship. "i see by general palmer's letter to colonel gilliam, that he (mcbean) _refused to accept the american flag_, which was presented by his own indians; he, of course, had nothing to fear from them. "i have now given you the outlines of our unpleasant situation, and doubt not that you will make every exertion to forward us ammunition, and _men too of the right stripe_. i have exaggerated nothing, nor has any active cautiousness prompted me to address you upon this subject. if they do come upon us, be their numbers what they may, rest assured, while there is one bullet left, they will be taught to believe that the bostons are not all _clochemen_ (women). "i have succeeded in getting the mill to work, and we are grinding up the little grain we found. mr. taylor died on the th of march. the wounded are doing well. i regret to say our surgeon talks strongly of leaving us the first opportunity. my impression is that a more suitable person could not be obtained in that capacity. his commission has not been sent on, which no doubt has its weight with him. "i have the honor to remain, "your obedient servant, "james waters, lieutenant-colonel." as to the propriety of governor abernethy's publishing this entire letter, there was at the time a question. with the facts since developed, it is plain that it should not have been given to the public; but, as we have before stated, the governor was one of those easy, confiding, unsuspecting men, that gave a wily and unprincipled enemy all the advantage he could ask. it was only the determined energy and courage of the settlers that enabled them to overcome their secret and open foes. the evidence is conclusive, that colonel gilliam, through the influence and duplicity of newell, mcbean, and the jesuits, was induced to withhold his men from punishing the indians, and received and treated with bands as guilty as the murderers themselves, thus giving an impression to the indians of weakness and cowardice on the part of the troops, as well as a want of the requisite qualities for a successful commander. major lee returned to the settlement, obtained more troops and ammunition, and was appointed colonel of the regiment in place of colonel gilliam, deceased. this place he was justly entitled to fill by seniority in the service. he then returned to fort waters, and, finding the troops in the field satisfied with colonel waters, resigned at once, and filled a subordinate place in the army. the troops were soon put in motion. captain mckay and his company of _british subjects_ were disbanded, after being stationed a short time at wascopum. the troops soon drove the murderers off _to buffalo_, "_with the propriety, decorum, and energy which the case required_," as per "veritas." they gathered up such of the murderers' cattle and horses as were not claimed by professed friendly indians, and retired to the wallamet, leaving a small garrison at fort waters and at wascopum. the war, though attended with little or no loss of life to the settlement or the indians, was of incalculable value to the american cause. it taught the indians, the british monopoly, and their allies, the jesuits, that, not withstanding they could drive from the upper country, or middle oregon, the missionaries of the american board, they could not conquer and drive the settlements from the country. while the main effort of the hudson's bay company was to rid the country of american settlements, the jesuits were working against american protestantism, and endeavoring to secure the whole country, middle oregon in particular, for their exclusive indian mission. one of them, a. hoikin, s. j., in a letter to the editor of the _précis historiques_, brussels, dated "mission of flatheads, april , " (this mission was established by father de smet as early as in opposition to that of the american board at spokan), says:-- "if the less well-intentioned indians from the lower lands would keep within their own territory, and if the whites, the number of whom is daily augmenting in st. mary's valley, could act with moderation and conduct themselves prudently, i am convinced that soon the whole country would be at peace, and that not a single indian would henceforward imbrue his hands in the blood of a white stranger. "were i authorized to suggest a plan, i would have all the upper lands _evacuated by the whites and form of it a territory exclusively of indians_; afterward, i would lead there all the indians of the inferior portion, such as the nez percés, the cayuses, the yankamas, the coeur d'alênes, and the spokans. well-known facts lead me to believe that this plan, with such superior advantages, might be effected by means of a mission in the space of two or three years. "for the love of god and of souls, i conjure you, reverend fathers, not to defer any longer. all the good that _father de smet and others have produced by their labors and visits will be lost_ and forgotten if these indians are disappointed in their expectation. they weigh men's characters in the balance of honesty; in their eyes, whosoever does not fulfill his promises is culpable; they do not regard or consider whether it be done for good reason, or that there is an impossibility in the execution. "some of them have sent their children to _protestant schools_, and they will continue to do so as long as we form no establishments among them. from all this you may easily conclude that there is _apostasy and all its attendant evils_." in connection with the above, father de smet says:-- "these four letters of rev. father hoikin show sufficiently, my dear and reverend father, the spiritual wants of these nations and their desire of being assisted. _apostasy_ is more frequent than is generally believed in europe. oh, if the zealous priests of the continent _know what we know_,--had they seen what we have witnessed, their generous hearts would transport them beyond the seas, and they would hasten to consecrate their lives to a ministry fruitful in salutary results. "time passes; already the _sectaries_ of various shades are preparing to penetrate more deeply into the desert, and will wrest from those degraded and unhappy tribes their last hope,--that of knowing and practising the _sole_ and _true faith_. shall they, in fine, obtain the _black-gowns_, whom they have expected and called for during so many years. "accept, reverend father, the assurance of my sincere friendship. "p. j. de smet." would men entertaining the sentiments above expressed--sent among our american indians, carried about, supplied and fed, by a fur monopoly, who were seeking in every way possible, to hold the country themselves--be likely to teach the indians to respect american institutions, american missionaries, or american citizens? let us look at another sentiment of this father hoikin; he says: "when, oh, when! shall the oppressed indian find a poor corner of the earth on which he may lead a peaceful life, serving and loving his god in tranquillity, and preserving the ashes of his ancestors, without fear of beholding them profaned and trampled beneath the feet of an _unjust usurper_." we can not discover in this sentiment any respect or love for the american people, or for their government, which is looked upon by this reverend priest, as an "_unjust usurper_" of indian privileges;--something their own church and people have done the world over; but being done by a free american people, it becomes "_unjust_," profane, and horrible. we will make a few other quotations, which we find in the very extensive correspondence of these jesuitical fathers, with their society in brussels. the writer, father p. j. de smet, after enumerating the usual complaints against our government and its agents, makes his indian complainingly to say, "the very contact of the whites has poisoned us." he then puts into the mouth of a choctaw chief, a proposition from a senator johnson to establish three indian territorial governments, "with the provision of being admitted later as distinct members of the _confederate united states_." "on the th of last november, ," he says, "harkins, chief among the choctaws, addressed a speech on this subject to his nation assembled in council. among other things he said: 'i appeal to you, what will become us, if we reject the proposition of senator johnson? can we hope to remain a people, always separate and distinct? this is not possible. the time must come; yes the time is approaching in which we shall be swallowed up; and that, notwithstanding our just claims! i speak boldly. it is a fact; our days of peace and happiness are gone, and forever.----if we will preserve among us the rights of a people, one sole measure remains to us; it is to _instruct_ and _civilize_ the youth _promptly and efficiently_. the day of fraternity has arrived. we must act together, and, by common consent, let us attentively consider our critical situation, and the course now left us. one false step may prove fatal to our existence as a nation. i therefore propose that the council take this subject into consideration, and that a committee be named by it, to discuss and deliberate on the advantages and disadvantages of the proposition made to the choctaws. is it just and sage for the choctaws to refuse a liberal and favorable offer, and expose themselves to the destiny of the indians of nebraska?' "according to news received recently, through a journal published in the indian country, the speech of the chief has produced a profound impression, and was loudly applauded by all the counselors. all the intelligent choctaws approve the measure. "_the protestant missionaries oppose the bill, and employ all their artifices and influence to prevent its success. harkins proposes their expulsion._ 'it is our money,' said he, 'that these missionaries come here to get. surely, our money can get us better teachers. let us therefore try to procure good missionaries, with whom we can live in harmony and good understanding; who will give us the assurance that their doctrine is based on that of the apostles and of jesus christ.' "the chickasaws are represented as opposed to senator johnson's measure. we trust, however, that the vote of the majority will prove favorably and that the three territorial states will be established. "it is, in my opinion, a last attempt, and a last chance of existence for the sad remnants of the poor indians of america. it is, i will say, if i may here repeat what i wrote in my second letter in , their only remaining source of happiness; _humanity and justice_ seem to demand it. if they are again repulsed, and driven inland, they will infallibly perish. such as refuse to submit, and accept the definite arrangement,--the only favorable one left,--must resume the nomad life of the prairies, and close their career with the vanishing buffaloes and other animals." we have known this father de smet for many years, and have known of his connection as chaplain in the united states army, and of his extensive travels among the various indian tribes of our country. we were well aware of his zeal and bigotry as a jesuit; but we did not suppose he would take the first opportunity to combine all his associates, and the indians under his influence, against the government that had favored him and his indian missionary operations so readily. yet perhaps we ought not to be surprised at this even, as the roman hierarchy expressed more open sympathy and favor to the southern rebellion than any other european power, by acknowledging the southern confederacy, and furnishing a man to assassinate president lincoln. we have introduced these quotations in our sketches of early history, in order to show to the reader the far-reaching policy, as also the determination of foreign powers, through the jesuit missionaries, to accomplish the overthrow of our american institutions, and prevent the spread of them upon this coast. the following is copied from the _christian intelligencer_:-- "_rome in the field._ "there are those who believe that rome has an evil eye on this country, and that our next great battle will be with her hosts, rapidly mustering on these shores. we would not be alarmists, but we would not have our countrymen ignorant of matters which most nearly and vitally concern our country's welfare. if the policy of rome is to rule or ruin, let us know it. if it be first to ruin, and then to rule, let us know that. "we purpose to go no further back than the beginning of the war, and to let the facts which we shall name speak for themselves. if they have no other lesson, they will, at least, show that rome, during our terrible struggle for national existence, was true to her ancient history and traditions, as the enemy of civil liberty and the friend of the oppressor the world over. "it will not be forgotten how generally and enthusiastically our adopted citizens, the irish, enlisted in the army when the call first came for men to put down rebellion. in the early part of the war, there were irish battalions, and regiments, and brigades, but there were few, if any, at its close. the truth is, after the second year of the war, the irish changed front, and suddenly became sympathizers with treason and rebellion. it was noticed that the girls in the kitchen began to roll their fierce gutturals against mr. lincoln; their brothers in the army began to curse the cause for which they fought; desertions were frequent; enlistments stopped; and the attitude of the irish mind before mr. lincoln's second election was one of disloyalty and hostility to the government of the united states. "and these facts can not be changed by the habit which these people have of boasting about fighting our battles, and saving our country. by actual examination of our muster-rolls, the simple truth appears to be, that only eight per cent. of our grand army were of foreign birth; the balance--ninety-two per cent.--were native americans, who returned at length, worn and battle-scarred, to find their places on the farms, in the factories, and elsewhere, filled by irish who had sought safety and profit at home, while our boys were courting danger and death in battle. "it may be interesting to know when this change came over the irish mind. what dampened their ardor, what quenched the glow of their patriotic impulse? the coincidence is so complete, that the cause is doubtless the same. "it will be remembered that bishop hughes went abroad during the second year of the war, as was supposed, by authority of our government to interest the catholic sovereigns of europe in our favor. instead of this, however, the archbishop went direct to rome, and straightway the pope acknowledged the independence of the confederate states. his insignificance gave him impunity, and purchased our silence. but the act had its influence; biddy in the kitchen, mike in the army, patrick on the farm, and mac in the factory, fell to cursing mr. lincoln as a tyrant and butcher. enlistments among the irish stopped from that time, unless it was bounty-jumpers and deserters. they banded together to resist the draft, as in new york, where they rioted in blood for three long days, and only yielded to the overwhelming power of united states troops. the spirit that actuated these human fiends came from rome, and to rome must be awarded the sole honor of welcoming to the family of nations a confederacy whose first act was treason, and whose last was assassination. indeed, it was rome that furnished the assassin and his conspirators against the greatest life of modern times. and that assassin struck not against the life of a man, but against the life of the republic; and if guilt lies in the intent, then is rome guilty of the nation's life. "with such a record, rome vainly puts herself among the friends of our free institutions. she misjudged, we think, but she no doubt thought the time had arrived to destroy what had come of puritanism. and for this, she was willing to be the ally of a government whose corner-stone was negro slavery. are we still dreaming that rome is changed, or that she has surrendered the hope of supplanting protestant freedom on these shores? would not every fenian lodge in the country rally to the help of the south, if there was a chance to restore the old negro-hating oligarchy to power. "it can hardly have escaped every observing man that the irish mind is expectant and exultant in regard to this country. they do not conceal their belief that the catholic church is to rise to the ascendant here, and that protestantism is to do it reverence. "but a few weeks since, father hecker, one of the lights of the catholic church in this country, said in a public lecture, in new york, that his church had numbered eleven millions of our people, or one-third of our population; and that if the members of his church increased for the next thirty years as it had for the thirty years past, in rome would have the majority, and would be bound to take the country and rule it in the interest of the church. 'and,' continued the reverend father, 'i consider it my highest mission to educate our people up to this idea, that america is ours, and belongs to the church.' "it is all of a pattern. rome during the war sought to ruin us in order to rule us. she failed in the first, but is no less tenaciously striving to accomplish the last. in a future number we will hope to show how she means to do this through the freedmen." it appears that, when our government became apprised of the value of oregon as a part of its domain, and was informed officially by the provisional government of the situation of affairs generally at the time of the whitman massacre, at the same time the information was so arranged, and the circumstances so stated, that the government and people were generally deceived as to the cause and ultimate object of that transaction. it is clear that the hudson's bay company designed to hold the country. it is also evident that the british government expected that the arrangements of the company were such that their title to the oregon territory was secured beyond a question. the far-seeing shrewdness of p. j. de smet, s. j., in relation to his efforts and church influence, was in a measure superior to both; for he made use of both to secure his object and add to the numerical strength of his church, and by that means gain political consideration in the united states and in other countries. for instance, all the indian children and adults they have ever baptized (as may be seen by their letters to their society in brussels) are counted, numbering two hundred and ninety-four thousand,--nearly one-half of their american converts. this, with all their foreign population, as claimed by them, and improperly allowed in the united states census, gives to that sect a political influence they are not entitled to; and were the question agitated openly, as it was undertaken once secretly, the result would show their weakness. while that church professes the open catholic faith, it still holds to its secret society of jesus, and through it has carried its missions and influence into every department of our american government, more especially into that of the indians. general grant seems to understand our indian relations, and has advised the best plan for disposing of the indian question, _i.e._, place it under the exclusive control of the military department; and if an indian becomes a settler, let him be protected as such. after the greater portion of our provisional troops had been disbanded, revs. eells and walker and their families were ordered out of the upper country, it not being deemed safe for them to remain, on account of hostile indians who were notoriously friendly with every one claiming to belong to the hudson's bay company or to the priests' party; as asserted by father hoikin, who says: "_the country is as safe for us as ever_; we can go freely wherever we desire. no one is ignorant that the black-gowns are not enemies; those at least who are among the indians." notwithstanding the order had been given, by indian agent major lee, that all the missionaries among those indians should leave the country till troops could be stationed to protect all alike, still not one of the jesuit missionaries obeyed it. on the st of august, lieutenant a. t. rogers writes to governor abernethy, as follows:-- "fort lee, wascopum, aug. , . "believing it to be my duty to let you know any thing of moment that transpires at this station, for this purpose i now address you. "at about o'clock, p.m., at this place, a boat arrived, consigned to the french priests who have taken up their residence here, loaded with eight casks of powder; six of them pounds each, and two of them pounds each, making , pounds. i also took fifteen sacks of balls, pounds in each cask; three sacks of buck or goose shot, pounds each, making , pounds of ball and buck-shot; counted one sack of the balls and found about , balls. i also took three boxes of guns; opened one box, and found twelve guns. "the general conviction at the fort was, that not more than pounds of powder in all had been forwarded for the army by the government, probably not even that amount. i was told by the priest from an interior station, as also by one at the dalles, that the powder was for four stations, viz.: coeur d'alênes, flatheads, ponderays, and okanagons; and this had been purchased at vancouver the year before. i judged that at least one-third of their outfit was ammunition. "three days previous to the arrival of the ammunition, four indians, embracing their chief from the waiama village, near the mouth of des chutes, came into the fort, much alarmed, saying there had been cayuses to them, declaring that the priests were going to furnish them plenty of ammunition, and that they were going to kill off all the americans and all the indians about that place, and the cayuses wanted them to join them; said also that out of fear of the cayuses they had sent away all their women and children. we had the best of evidence that they were frightened. out of some four or five hundred souls along the river, between the fort and the chutes of the columbia, not a soul was to be seen on either side,--all, they said, were hid in the mountains. it was some ten days before the indians came from their hiding-places. "when the munitions came, quartermaster johnson swore he believed the priests designed them for the cayuses; said also, a man in this country did not know when he was in a tight place. "i must say i also believed it. "a. t. rogers, lieutenant commanding post."[ ] [footnote ] from original letter. the following editorial notice of the above letter is copied from the oregon _spectator_ of september , :-- "by reference to the above letter by lieutenant rogers to governor abernethy, it will be seen that the arms and ammunition attempted to be taken into the upper indian country by catholic priests, have been seized by lieutenant rogers, and deposited in fort lee. orders had been dispatched to lieutenant rogers to seize and detain those munitions. [a mistake of the editor. lieutenant rogers seized the ammunition, and wrote for orders.] much credit is due to lieutenant rogers and the little garrison at fort lee for the promptness and efficiency with which they acted in the matter. "we understand that there was no disposition on the part of the officers of the government to destroy or confiscate those munitions, but that they were detained to prevent their transportation into the indian country under the present juncture of affairs. "we had intended to have spoken upon the attempt by catholic priests to transport such a quantity of arms and ammunition into the indian country at this time, but as those munitions have been seized and are now safe, we abstain from present comment upon the transaction!" the above notice of the transaction, as given by lieutenant rogers, is a fair specimen of the man who occupied the place of an editor at the time this infamous course was being carried on in oregon by the two parties engaged in supplying the indians with war materials. no one will suppose for a moment that these priests ever bought or owned the powder and arms; their own private supplies may have been in the cargo, but the ammunition and arms were on the way into the indian country, under their priestly protection, for the benefit of their masters, the hudson's bay company, who, as we have repeatedly proved, were acting in concert upon the prejudices and superstitions of the indians. was it a great undertaking for that company to drive a thousand or twelve hundred american settlers from oregon at that time? robert newell, already known to our readers, says, in speaking of missionaries and settlers, "they could not have remained in the country a week without the consent and aid of that company, nor could the settlers have remained as they did up to ." we are willing to admit mr. newell's position only in part. we know that company's power and influence in washington and london; we also know fully what they attempted to do from to , and only succeeded by a compromise with their opponent. we also know all about their operations and influences in oregon, and are ready to admit that they had the disposition to destroy the american settlements. we also know the extent of the effort made to establish a claim to the oregon country by means of their french and hudson's bay half-breeds, and we are fully aware of their effort to procure witnesses to substantiate their monstrous claims for old rotten forts and imaginary improvements. knowing all this, we deny that that company had the courage, or would have dared to molest a single american citizen or missionary, only as they could influence the indians by just such means as they used to destroy _smith's party on the umpqua_, drive captain wyeth and the american fur company from the country, and destroy dr. whitman's settlement. any other course would have involved the two countries in a war, and led to an investigation of their proceedings and of their charter. "that company," says mr. fitzgerald, "have submitted to all manner of insult and indignity, and committed all manner of crime, and they dare not go before any competent tribunal for the redress of any real or supposed injury, or right they claim." this brings us to the reason that mr. douglas gave in answer to mr. ogden, in the presence of mr. hinman, "_there might be other than sectarian causes_" _for the whitman massacre_, and here we have the united effort of priests and hudson's bay company to attribute the massacre to _measles_ and _superstition_, while we have the positive testimony of mr. kimzey and others to show that the whole was determined upon before any sickness was among the indians. from the testimony of general palmer, the donner party, mr. hines, and mr. ogden, we find but the one effort; which was, to prevent, or diminish as much as was possible, the settlement of the country. and why? to answer this question clearly, we have traced the early history of that _monster monopoly_ in previous chapters, and given their proceedings in countries under their exclusive control. to illustrate more clearly the subject of the previous and present chapters, we will give an article we find in the oregon _argus_ of february , , eight years after the war. the article is headed:-- "_the catholic priests and the war--'a catholic citizen' attended to._ "_to the editor of the oregon argus:_ "sir,--for the past month i have noticed several virulent articles in each issue of your paper, all tending to impress upon the minds of your readers the idea that the catholic priests were the head and front of the present indian difficulties; and being fearful that your constant harping upon that one subject might render you a monomaniac, i am induced to submit to your _argus_ eyes a few facts in relation to the conduct of the catholic priests prior to and during the present war. in your issue of the th inst., i find an article based upon the following extract from the official report of colonel nesmith:-- "'with sundry papers discovered in the mission building, was a letter written by the priest, pandozy, for kamaiyahkan, head chief of the yankama tribe, addressed to the officer in command of the troops, a copy of which is communicated with this report. there was also found an account-book kept by this priest pandozy, which is now in the custody of major raines. this book contains daily entries of pandozy's transactions with the indians, and clearly demonstrates the indisputable fact that he has furnished the indians with large quantities of ammunition, and leaving it a matter of doubt whether _gospel_ or _gunpowder_ was his principal stock in trade. the priest had abandoned the mission, but it gave unmistakable evidence of being cared for, and attended to, during his absence, by some yankama indian parishioners.' "you then proceed with great _sang froid_ to pride yourself upon the correct 'position' which you took about a month previous, relative to the above subject, and presuming upon the safe 'position' which you thus assumed, you say the priests have in a measure prompted the indians to the late outbreak! a bold presumption, truly, when we find the puny evidence which you have to back your 'position.' you further assert as a fact, 'that in this, as in the cayuse war, these priests have been detected in the very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the enemy.' this, sir, is a _fact_ which emanated from your own disordered imagination, as during the cayuse war no priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you _know_ it; but then, it must be recollected that a little buncombe capital does not come amiss at this time, and if you can make it off of a poor priest by publishing a tissue of groundless falsehoods against him, why even that is 'grist to your mill.'" "the foregoing is a portion of a communication which appeared in the _standard_ of december , over the signature of 'a catholic citizen.' the writer of that article, in endeavoring to blind the eyes of his readers, and his pretending to correct us in reference to certain statements we had made concerning a few things connected with the present indian war, as also the cayuse war of , in which the catholic priests had by their intercourse with the savages created more than a suspicion in the minds of the community that they were culpably implicated in the crimson character of these tragedies, wisely intrenched himself behind a fictitious signature. he has thereby thrown the responsibility of some three columns of pointless verbiage, flimsy sophistry, and jesuitical falsehoods, upon the shoulders of an irresponsible, intangible, ghostly apparition, probably very recently dismissed from some sepulcher at rome, or from the carcass of an irishman just swamped in the bogs of ireland. "seven or eight weeks have now elapsed since we called upon this roman catholic citizen to emerge from his hiding-place among the tombstones, and if he was really incarnate, with a body of flesh and bones, such as the rest of us have, to throw off the mask, and not only give us a full view of his corporeal developments, but also to send us a copy of the book by which he cleared pandozy, and justified himself in issuing, from his sweat-house vatican, his bull of excommunication against us. "we have thus far 'harked' in vain for a sound 'from the tombs.' like a true jesuit, that loves darkness rather than light, he not only still persists in keeping his name in the dark, and keeping the 'book' we rightfully called for in the dark, but attempts to enshroud the whole subject in total darkness, by making up his own case from such parts of pandozy's book as he chooses to have exposed, and then thrusting the whole manuscript into a dark corner of his dark-colored coat, and in order to darken what light we had already shed in upon the dark nest of jesuits, among the dark-skinned and dark-hearted savages, he most solemnly denies as false the most important of the dark charges we made against them, and then, after 'darkening counsel' by a whole column of 'words without knowledge,' by which, like the cuttle-fish, he darkens the waters to elude the hand of his pursuer, and then, under cover of all this darkness, he dodges into his dark little sweat-house, and issues his terrible bull consigning us to a _very_ dark place, where the multitudes of dark jesuits that have gone before us have doubtless made it 'as dark as a stack of black cats.' but what makes the case still darker is, that while 'catholic citizen' refuses to expose his personal outlines to our 'argus eyes,' but intimates that as he is a member of the catholic church, and of the democratic party, if we let off a broadside upon either of these societies, and wound either of their carcasses, the one bloated on the blood of saints, and the other on the juice of corn, we shall of course inflict a material injury upon him, upon the principle that 'when one of the members suffers, all the members suffer with it;' we say, that in view of the fact that after 'catholic citizen' has claimed to be a member of both these organizations, the corvallis organ of the sag nichts and jesuits has whet the razor of authority, and lopped him off, as a heterodox member, and consigned him to the fires of damnation, because 'catholic citizen' has intimated that the two bodies were not identical, thus wisely enveloping him in a dark cloud, and translating him far beyond the reach of our guns, makes the case terribly dark indeed. "'he (catholic citizen) displays the cloven foot of either direct opposition to the democratic organization, or sore-head-ism and disaffection with that organization.----we can hardly conceive that the author of that communication is a catholic, or a friend of the catholic church.'--_statesman_ of dec. . "thus it will be seen that the editor of the 'organ' takes him by the top tuft, and applies the 'rapin hook' to his neck as a heretic, and not a genuine catholic, because of his 'sore-head-ism and disaffection with the democratic organization,' thus unequivocally asserting that the church and the clique are identical, or so closely identified that in placing himself in opposition to the one, he proves that he is not a friend of the other. now whether the action of the organ has been from a malicious desire to 'bury him out of our sight' as an 'unfruitful branch' of the catholic and democratic trunk, or whether he intended in _mercy_ to wrap him up in his nessean shirt, and hide him from our view by denying to him the only earthly position he assumed, it matters not particularly to us. we shall probably teach him, or his ghost, in due time, a lesson which we long since whipped into the tough and slimy hide of the biped who controls the _statesman_, and which he and his ilk would do well to read in the welts that checker his back, before they make their onslaughts upon us, viz., whenever we state a thing to be true, you may rest assured that it _is_ so, and by calling it in question, you may be sure you will provoke the _proof_. we are not of that class of lying editors who make false charges which they are not able to sustain, and we have never yet vouched for the truth of a statement, and been afterward compelled to back out of it. whenever we make a mistake, on account of bad information, we are sure to make the correction as soon as we are apprised of it, whether the statement affects the character or interest of friend or foe, or neither. "your vile innuendo, that we wished to make a little buncombe capital off a poor sniveling priest, is readily excused, knowing as we do your impressions from associating with political comrades who neither yield to nor expect justice or decency from their political opponents; and presuming also that the moment you stepped your foot upon american soil, with your little budget of irish rags, some demagogue put a loco-foco hook into your nose, and led you off to the political pound to learn your catechism, so fast that the remaining half of the nether extremity of your old swallow-fork made a right angle with your stalwart frame. we know very well what sort of lessons you have learned out of that catechism; how you have been duped to believe that the principles of jefferson and other old sainted democrats were still cherished by the designing demagogues who have taken you in tow; how we who oppose this office-hunting party are 'down upon catholics and foreigners' simply because they are such; and how you had only to put in the 'clane dimocratthic ticket' to insure yourself great and glorious privileges. under this sort of training, it is not surprising to us that you not only expect us to persecute you to the full extent that a priest is sworn to 'persecute' heretics, but that you are constantly in fear that the '_noo nothins_' will soon be ladling soup from a huge kettle that contains your quarters boiled up with irish potatoes. "we were not led to make the remarks we did in reference to the priests because they were _papists_, but because we had reason to believe they were traitors to our government, and were identified with the savages in the present war. if methodist, presbyterian, or _any other protestant clergymen_ had rendered themselves equally obnoxious, we should probably have given our opinion at the time, that they deserved to be brought out of the indian country, with all their 'traps,' to undergo a trial before a jury for their lives. "but, sir, to one of your falsehoods:-- "'you further assert as a fact, "that in this, as in the cayuse war, these priests have been detected in the very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the enemy." this, sir, is a _fact_ which emanated from your own distorted imagination, as during the cayuse war no priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you _know_ it.' "now, sir, we did not suppose that there was a man green enough in all oregon (excepting, perhaps, the _statesman_) to call our statement in question. we happen to be an old oregonian ourself, and profess to be pretty well posted in reference to many occurrences which will make up the future history of this lovely yet blood-stained land. the proof of our assertion we _supposed_ could be come at by our file of the _spectator_. the fact was still vivid in our memory. at the date of this transaction (august , ), there were three papers printed in the territory: the _free press_, an by sheet, edited by g. l. curry, present governor of oregon, and the oregon _spectator_, a by sheet, edited by a. e. wait, esq., both published at oregon city; besides a semi-monthly pamphlet, printed in the tualatin plains, and edited by rev. j. s. griffin. although all of these papers at the time spoke of the transaction referred to, we believe none of them, excepting the _spectator_, contained the official correspondence necessary to make out our case. we supposed, and so did many others, that all the old files of the _spectator_ were long since destroyed, excepting the imperfect one in our office. when 'a catholic citizen' called our statement in question, we, of course, referred to our 'file' for proof, but to our astonishment this particular paper was missing, although the immediate preceding and succeeding numbers were all there, embracing the whole summer of . the missing number was _accidentally_ (?) misplaced, of course, and the _proof_ of that transaction supposed to be beyond our reach. by the kindness of a gentleman we have been furnished with the desired copy from his own file." (see official note and letter as previously quoted.) "now, will 'a catholic citizen' contend that our statement, in reference to the 'large quantities of powder,' is not fully covered by '_seven or eight hundred pounds of powder, fifteen hundred pounds of lead, and three boxes of guns_.' "a man who can unblushingly utter such a falsehood as he has been guilty of, to create a public sentiment in favor of these priests, is below contempt, and we feel our task of exposing him to be truly humiliating. we have branded this goat with an l----, which will stick to his hide as long as cain carried _his_ mark; and we now turn him out to browse for a while with b., who wears about a dozen of the same brands, under the pain of which we have sent him off howling. 'a catholic citizen' may feed on '_ferrin_' till we get time to clap the same brand to him again, when we shall tie him up to the post and again scorch his wool." in reference to the article, as quoted from the oregon _argus_, it is not certainly known who "catholic citizen" is, but the impression is that the production is from the pen of hon. p. h. burnett or sir james douglas, and not impossible from robert newell, with such assistance as he could obtain. if from either of those gentlemen, he may have been correctly informed as to the real owners of the munitions, but we can hardly believe mr. douglas or newell would lay themselves liable to the falsehood charged upon them, as they were in the country, and must have known of the facts in the case. mr. burnett was in california, and may have been misled by his informant. be that as it may, the munitions were found on their way into the indian country in charge of the priests, and the remarks of the editor of the _argus_, w. l. adams, esq., shows the true history of the times, and the continued effort of the jesuits and their neophytes to continue the indian wars, to prevent the protestant missionary stations from being reoccupied and the settlement of the country by the americans, as intimated by father hoikin, in his letter to his society in brussels. our provisional army did not capture a single murderer or prominent indian engaged in the massacre, though many of them were known to have been frequently with the priests and at fort wallawalla. neither the priests, mcbean, nor the indescribably sympathizing sir james douglas made the least effort to bring the murderers to justice. a part of them were given up by the tribe,--tried and hung at oregon city under the territorial government of the united states, judge pratt presiding. in the trial, the same influence was used to get the murderers acquitted that had instigated and protected them in the commission of the crime. the discovery of gold in california took place before our troops had all returned; the universal excitement in relation to it caused the desertion of a large portion of the hudson's bay company's men, and almost an abandonment of the fur trade in the country for the time. they, however, still kept up the semblance of fur trade; and, at the expiration of their parliamentary license in , withdrew to british columbia and vancouver island to repeat upon their own people what they have practiced so successfully and so long upon the americans. there is, connected with this foreign company, a sort of jesuitical suavity of manner and boasting propensity that naturally deceives all who come within its influence. all its titles and little performances of charity are sounded forth with imperial pomposity. the man that does not acknowledge his obligations to it for being permitted to remain in the country previous to the expiration of its parliamentary license, is considered ungrateful by it, and by such as are blind to its infamous practices. chapter lxiv. missions among the western indians.--the coeur d'alêne mission.--protestant and catholic missions compared.--what the american protestant missionaries have done for the country and the indians.--extent of their influence, progress, and improvements.--patriotism of dr. whitman. any person who has read the previous pages of this volume will not charge us with being ignorant of missionary operations on our western coast. though we were but eight years connected in mechanical and business relations with them, still we have never lost sight of their labors, or their intellectual, moral, religious, political, or physical operations, nor of their personal conduct, or their adaptation to the work assigned them. we have spoken plainly our views, and impressions of the character, conduct, and influence of all prominent men in the country. our main object has been to introduce the reader to the people of oregon at the time in which they were acting in a public capacity. the private morals of the country have only been incidentally drawn out by reference to a petition sent to congress, signed by the rev. david leslie, in . in that document mr. leslie does himself and the country an injustice, by asserting that "theft, murder, infanticide, etc., are increasing among them to an alarming extent" (senate doc., th congress, st session, no. ). those charges mr. leslie no doubt sincerely thought to be true at that time, from the occurrence of the two most serious crimes about the time he wrote. but such crimes were by no means common. it is often asked, _what good have the missionaries done to the indians?_ if this question applied alone to the jesuit missionaries, brought to the country by the hudson's bay company, we would say unhesitatingly, _none at all_. what few indians there are now in the country that have been baptized by them, and have learned their religious catechisms, are to-day more hopelessly depraved, and are really poorer and more degraded than they were at the time we visited them twenty-two years since, looking carefully at their moral and pecuniary condition then and now. in proof of which we give the following article:-- "_coeur d'alêne mission._ "the old mullan road from the bitter root or missoula river to the coeur d'alêne mission, shows to the traveler little evidence that it was once explored, laid out, and built by a scientific engineer. decayed remnants of bridges are scattered all along the coeur d'alêne and st. regis borgia rivers; excavations have been filled up by the _débris_ of fallen timber; huge bowlders that have rolled down the mountain side, constantly crumbling masses of slate, and huge chasms, worn or torn by the furious progress of the streams swollen by the melting snows and spring rains, obstruct entirely the passage of vehicles of all kinds, and render the passage of pack and saddle horses almost impossible. in the distance of eighty miles, you cross these two rivers one hundred and forty-six times, climb the precipitous sides of numerous mountains, continually jumping your horses over fallen timber, and filing to the right and left to avoid the impassable barriers which the mountain tornadoes have strewn in your way. the gorges, through which the road sometimes winds to avoid the mountains of rocks that close in even to the edge of the main stream, are narrow, and so completely shaded, that the rays of the sun have never penetrated, and one everlasting cold chill dampness prevails. our party were halted for an hour in one of those passes to allow the passage of a herd of two hundred spanish cattle, and, although when we emerged from the cañon we found the sun oppressively hot, i do not remember ever to have suffered more from cold in any climate or in any altitude. the oppressiveness seemed to spring from something besides the mere temperature. we found but one living thing in those narrow cañons, and that was the most diminutive of the squirrel species. there was no song of birds or whir-r-r of partridge or grouse. it had the silence of the cold, damp grave. "after arriving within six miles of the mission, the cañon of the coeur d'alêne opens out to about four miles in width, and you come suddenly to mud prairie,--a broad, open park, with here and there a solitary pine, and the ground covered with a heavy growth of swamp grass, which stock will only eat when nothing better can be obtained. two hours more, and the mission, with its stately church (so it appears in the mountains), suddenly presents itself to view. "dilapidated fences are passed, rude indian houses made of 'shakes,' fields of wheat and vegetables overrun with weeds, and at last, making the one hundred and forty-sixth crossing of the river, you halt your hungry and jaded horses in front of the rudest piece of architecture that ever supported a cross or echoed to the _ave maria_ of the catholic faith. rude though it is, when we consider the workmen by whom it was constructed and the tools employed, the feeling of ridicule and smile of contempt will give way to admiration of the energy and (though i think mistaken) zeal which sustained the jesuit fathers during what was to them, at that time, a most herculean labor. the building is by feet, and feet posted, and was two years in process of construction. the workmen were two or three jesuit priests, assisted by a few indians, and the reverend fathers showed me a saw, an auger, an ax, and an old jack-plane, their only tools. it is situated on a little elevation from the main valley. on the left is the dwelling of the fathers, and still to the left is the storehouse, hospital, workshop, and building for the sick and crippled recipients of their benefactions. around the slope of the elevation are scattered indian huts and tepees, and at its base lies the resting-place of departed indians who had died in the faith and gone to the hunting-grounds of the great spirit. in front of all, the coeur d'alêne, seemingly satisfied with the havoc which its furious progress had made, runs slowly and sluggishly along. the interior of the church is a curiosity. here you see the marks of an unfortunate stroke from a clumsy ax-man; there a big indian had sawed a stick of timber half off in the wrong place; in another spot, a little indian had amused himself boring holes with the auger, while the joints 'broke' like a log-house before chinking. i was told that in its original construction there was not a nail used; but lately some efforts have been made to smooth down the rough exterior by the addition of cornice and corner-boards. "the priests are very jealous of their claims to the territory around the mission, and regard the unlimited control of the indians as a right which they have acquired by their self sacrificing labors, and as a duty on the part of the indians in return for the salvation of their souls and absolution from their sins. for my part, from an acquaintance with twelve tribes of indians, among whom the gospel has been preached, and the forms, mysteries, and ceremonies of the catholic church introduced, i have failed to see a soul saved, or one single spark of indian treachery, cruelty, or barbarism extinguished. the lamented general wright thrashed the murdering propensities of the coeur d'alêne indians out of them. the balance of their virtues--stealing, drinking, and supreme laziness--they possess in as large a share as they did before the heart of saint alêne was sent among them. i would like to give a favorable portrait of this mission and its occupants, if i could. i would like to say that the reverend fathers were neat, cleanly, intelligent, hospitable individuals, but there are too many who travel that road, and it would be pronounced false. i would like to say they were sowing the seed of civilization and cultivating it successfully in the untutored mind of the poor red man, but truth forbids. i would at least be glad that they urged upon the indians to obey the laws of this government and respect the property of its citizens, but must leave that task to some one who has never bought of them horse meat for beef, and traveled for days on foot, because they would not, from pure deviltry, sell him one horse out of a band of two or three hundred. i say not these things with any reference to the catholic church or its belief, nor am i forgetful of what i have read of the jesuits of st. bernard and their acts of humanity; but for the filthy, worthless, superannuated relics of italian ignorance, who have posted themselves midway between the extremes of pacific and atlantic civilization, acknowledging no law save that of their church, i have not the slightest particle of respect, and believe with an old packer, 'that it was a great pity general wright had not carried his threat into execution, and blown the den over the range.'"[ ] [footnote ] from the oregon herald of may , . these indians were among the most honest, peaceable, and hopeful of any west of the rocky mountains. the mission here spoken of is the one represented by fathers de smet and hoikin as their most successful one west of the mountains. we have reason to believe that colonel dow's statements are correct, from remarks made by other travelers, as also from father joset's own confession. on the st page of "indian sketches," he says: "i have been here nearly fifteen years; i am not yet master of the language, and am far from flattering myself with becoming so. my catechist remarked to me, the other day, 'you pronounce like a child learning to talk; when you speak of religion we understand you well, but when you change the subject it is another thing,' that is all i want, i have at last succeeded in translating the catechism; i think it is _nearly_ correct. you can hardly imagine what it cost me to do it; i have been constantly at it since my arrival here; i finished it last winter; nevertheless it is short; it has but fourteen lessons; it is based upon the first part of the catechism of lyons. this catechism is printed, not on paper, but on the memory of the children." according to father joset's own statement, it has taken him nearly fifteen years to learn their language sufficiently well to teach the children fourteen lessons in the catechism, about as much time as some of our protestant missionaries have consumed in translating the whole of the new testament, and a large part of the old, into heathen languages, besides establishing schools, where they teach the people to read the pure word of god and practice its sacred principles, instead of following the traditions of men. father joset continues: "from the end of november to palm sunday, on which day this ceremony (children's first communion) took place, they had catechism at the church three times a day, and it was rare that one missed the exercise; besides this, there was a repetition every day, either before the chief or the catechist. i give catechism three hundred times a year. i doubt whether there is a catechist in the world more utterly deprived of the means of encouraging his pupils. some prayer beads would have been a great reward, but i could give them nothing but a medal to each, as a memorial of their first communion." this reverend father, in speaking of the church of the sacred heart, as it is called, says: "it is a magnificent monument to the faith of the coeur d'alênes, who have given the lie to their name by its erection. if it were finished, it would be a handsome church even in europe. the design is by father ravalli; it is ninety feet long by forty wide; it has twenty-eight pillars, two and a half feet square by twenty-five feet in height; all the rest is of timber, and in proportion." compare this with colonel dow's description of the same building. it will be seen, by the quotations we have given, how these "_filthy, worthless, superannuated relics of italian ignorance_" employ themselves and the indians under their instruction. none but a bigot or a jesuit will pretend that such instructions tend to enlarge, to elevate, or civilize the savage mind. we have only to look to countries grown old under just such teachings, to see its legitimate results. from the roman catholic works before us, on the oregon missions, embracing over eight hundred pages, one would conclude that over forty different tribes who have been visited by these jesuits, in the territory of the united states, were all converted and christian indians, ready to shout, "glory to god in the highest," and peace all over our indian country. but colonel dow says he failed to see "one single spark of indian treachery, cruelty, or barbarism extinguished" among the tribes he visited, who were taught by these priests. de smet, the prince and father of jesuitism in the indian country, as early as december , , five years before the southern rebellion commenced, communicated to his society in brussels his approval and desire to have all these indians join the confederate united states, as their last and only hope. this measure, he says, the protestant missionaries strongly opposed. he says, also, that harkins, the choctaw chief, proposes the expulsion of the protestant missionaries; we add, for their strong allegiance to their government, and their opposition to this jesuitical confederate united states scheme (see his letter, "western missions," page ). such missionaries, we are forced to admit, have done no good to the indians, and, we again repeat the question, _what good have the missionaries done?_ the writer will answer, that before he left the whitman station in , there were three hundred and twenty-two indian families among the cayuse and nez percé tribes that had commenced to cultivate, and were beginning to enjoy the fruits of their little farms. about one hundred of them were talking about locating, and were looking for places and material for building themselves more permanent houses. we have never doubted for a moment that the cayuse, nez percé, and spokan tribes would, in twenty-five years from the time the missions of the american board were located among them (if let alone by the hudson's bay company and roman priests), have become a civilized, industrious, and happy christian people, ready to have entered as honorable and intelligent citizens of our american republic. the unparalleled energy and success attending the efforts of the missionaries among these two powerful migratory tribes excited the jealousy, and aroused the extreme opposition of the hudson's bay company, and caused them to encourage the largest possible number of jesuits to come to the country and locate themselves immediately in the vicinity of those missions, and use every possible influence to dissuade the indians from attending the missionary schools, cultivating their little farms, or attending in the least to any instruction, except such as was given by the priests when they came to the hudson's bay company's forts for trade, as they came at stated times to the fort, before the american missionaries came to the country. the jesuit missionary teaching did not interfere with the roving and hunting life of the indians, while the plan of settling and civilizing them proposed, and in a measure carried out, by the american missions, did directly interfere with the company's fur trappers and hunters. this at first was not so regarded, but a moment's reflection establishes the fact. every indian that became a settler, or farmer, had no occasion to hunt for furs to get his supplies. the moral influence of those missions upon the indians was good: the nez percé and the protestant part of the cayuses and spokans have, through all the indian wars, remained true and loyal to the american government, while, with perhaps a single exception, those who have been under the opposing religious teachings have been at war with our american people all over our territory. the methodist missionary influence upon the natives was good, so far as they had an opportunity to exert any. at the dalles it was certainly good and lasting, notwithstanding the jesuits placed a station alongside of them. the methodists were, from the commencement of their mission, interfered with in every way possible, in their efforts to improve the condition of the indians, and induce them to cultivate their lands and leave the hunting of fur animals. as rev. mr. beaver said of the hudson's bay company, the life (and, we will add, the present condition and future happiness) of the indian race had no influence upon that company when put in comparison with the few beavers they might hunt and sell to them. still the methodist influence was sufficient, up to the arrival of the french priests, and four years after, to keep up a flourishing native school, notwithstanding the french half-breed children were withdrawn from them, and placed under the tuition of the priests on french prairie. the result of that jesuitical teaching is embodied in the law disfranchising all half-breeds, except american, from the privileges of american citizens, for the course they took in the indian wars against the american settlements and government. the larger portion of them, and especially those adhering to the company and the teachings of their priests, have gone into british columbia, carrying with them an implacable hatred of our people and government. as to the good the american missionaries have done to the indians on this coast, we can point to-day, more than thirty years from the commencement of their labors, to improvements, made and kept up by the indians, that were commenced under the direction of those missionaries. we can point to indian families who have strictly adhered to the protestant religious forms of worship taught them by the american missionaries. we have the testimony of general benjamin alvord, of the united states army, on this point. after saying (september , ) that the nez percés never shared in the hostile feelings of the cayuses, declined to join in the war of against the whites, and have since steadily and repeatedly refused to do so, he proceeds as follows: "in the spring of a white man, who had passed the previous winter in the country of the nez percés, came to the military post at the dalles, and, on being questioned as to the manners and customs of the tribe, he said that he wintered with a band of several hundred in number, and that the whole party assembled every morning and evening for prayer, the exercises being conducted by one of themselves, and in their own language. he stated, that on sunday they assembled for exhortation and worship. the writer of this communication made repeated inquiries, and these accounts have been confirmed by the statements of others who have resided among them. thus, six years after the _forced_ abandonment of the mission, its benign effects are witnessed among that interesting people." in addition to the above, we would add our own observations made in among those indians. that year they were more sorely tried than ever before. gold had just been discovered in their country, and thousands of unarmed miners were passing and repassing all through it. the disaffected cayuses were among them, urging them to join and rescue their country from the bostons. we met some twenty-five of the chiefs and principal men, and conversed with them in the most friendly and familiar manner about their country and their situation; the old scenes of the mission; the killing of dr. whitman and those at his station; all the reasons assigned; the causes and the result of the doctor's death, and its effect on the cayuses. having no disposition to deceive them, we inquired distinctly if there was gold in their country. they told us frankly there was, and that they had seen it, as the americans had taken it away. they then asked what they had better do;--if it was not best for them to join the cayuses, and drive the americans from their country. they said the agent had told them to keep quiet, and in a few years the whites would get out the gold and leave the country, and their buildings and improvements would be their own. we replied: there are two things you can do. these miners will come to your country; they are bound to have the gold. now, you can join the cayuses, and go to killing them off if you choose, but you will soon find yourselves in the condition of the cayuses,--roving about, without a home or country, and the more miners you kill, the sooner you will be cut off, and your country occupied by strangers. our advice is, that you remain quiet and improve your farms; as fast as you can, educate your children; become like the americans, and live in peace with all who come to settle, or dig gold in your country. this course will insure you protection from the american people. we have reason to believe this advice was followed in a measure, at least, as no whites have been killed by them, and they remain peaceable and friendly. in this same meeting they wished to know if mr. spalding could come back as their teacher. we inquired particularly how many of them wished him to come back, and found that a majority of the tribe were in favor of his return. he went back as their teacher; but we have since learned that such influences were brought to bear upon him, as made him feel that he was compelled to leave the tribe. the mission right of the property, as we are fully assured, has since fallen into jesuit hands, for the paltry sum of $ in greenbacks. who is responsible for the giving up of that mission, we are unable to say. no money consideration should ever have induced the american board of missions to relinquish their legitimate claim. we have not recently been permitted to visit the indians at rev. messrs. walker and eells' station; but we have the testimony of others in regard to the good effect of the teachings of their missionaries upon them. major p. lugenbeel, who was in command of new fort colville for years, and also acted as indian agent, said to mr. eells in , "those indians of yours are the best i ever saw. i wish you would go back and resume missionary labor among them." mr. eells says, in the _missionary herald_, december, :-- "some fifteen or twenty of these indians spent a portion of last winter in wallawalla. on the sabbath a larger proportion of them than of the citizens of the place could be collected in a house of worship. i met them as my class in connection with the sabbath school in the congregational church. as we were allowed our share of the time allotted to singing, we sang, in their tongue, the words which i arranged for them more than twenty-five years ago. so far as i have learned, their conduct in transactions with whites has been less objectionable than that of the superior race." we have frequently met individual indians from about all those early stations, and found a most cordial greeting from them, and always a regret that they have lost their boston teachers. we have always regretted the course pursued by the american board, in allowing those missions to be given up, as unwise and injudicious. if the men who first commenced them had not the courage to return and continue their labors, others should have been sent to take their places. the whitman institute has come up from the ashes of that noble and devoted martyred missionary, which to the writer looks like "white-washing the sepulchers of the prophets" whose death we have seemed to approve, by our silence (not to say cowardice) in not ferreting out and exposing the authors of that crime. mr. spalding has not been sustained in his recent efforts among the nez percés, but feels that he has been driven away from among his indian brethren and disciples by jesuit influence. the cowardly, timid, hesitating, the half-god and half-mammon christian may say, what will you have us do? we answer, maintain the natural rights of men and christians, and leave consequences to a higher power. we have thus briefly summed up the labors of the protestant and roman missions, and shown the influence of each upon the indians on the western portion of our american continent. in further proof that this roman jesuit influence tends only to the destruction of the indian race, i might refer to california, mexico, and other countries where they have had the exclusive religious teaching of the people; the result is the same. we know from long experience that it has always been the policy of the hudson's bay company to place an opposing post or trader by the side of an opponent in the fur trade. the same policy was adopted, and carried out by the jesuits in regard to the protestant missions in american territory. we will be told that the hudson's bay company people were principally of the english episcopal church. this is true, and they, to satisfy the christian sentiment of the english people, brought an episcopal minister to vancouver, and allowed a few in the vicinity of moose factory, when they wished to renew their fur license, but dismissed them as soon as possible after their object was accomplished, for reasons already stated, and introduced these jesuit missionaries for no other purpose than to facilitate their trade among the indians, and destroy the american influence in the country. but, thank god and the energy of a free people, the country, with all its untold wealth and prospective grandeur, is ours, and to-day, as we hear the lightning tap of intelligence, from the old world to oregon, we have not one solitary regret that thirty of the best and most active years of our life have been spent, in contending publicly and privately, by day and by night, in season and out of season, against that influence. we know what it is to feel its power, as an assistant missionary, as a settler, as a representative and as an officer of the provisional, territorial, and state governments. we have no complaint of personal unkindness to us, or ours; but we feel that the withering condemnation of every true american, and englishman too, should rest upon the hudson's bay company while that name is claimed by any association of men, for the unrighteous course they have been, and still are, pursuing. it is obvious that to the american missionaries our nation owes an honorable record, and the names of dr. whitman, rev. j. lee, mr. c. shepard, mr. c. rogers, rev. harvey clark, mr. a. beers, and dr. wilson, and mrs. whitman, mrs. spalding, mrs. lee, mrs. leslie, mrs. beers, and mrs. smith, among the dead, and many others still living, should find a prominent place in the catalogue of noble men and women who not only volunteered to civilize and christianize the indians, but did actually save this western golden coast, to honor and enrich the great republic in the time of her greatest peril. it would be ungenerous to confine the answer to our question alone to the good that the early american missionaries did to the indians of our western coast. the whole country, now within the jurisdiction of the united states, is more indebted to them than most men are willing to admit. the country, as all are aware, was first occupied by astor's company in , followed by the northwest company in , and by the hudson's bay company in . for twenty-three years the british hudson's bay company was scarcely disturbed by an american. no effort was made by it to comply with the conditions of its charter, in regard to the civil and religious instruction of the indians, supposing that charter to have been valid. in , the indians themselves asked for the american missionary. they had previously asked the hudson's bay company for religious teachers, but they only allowed a few indian boys to go to red river, there to receive a very limited english education, and return to be employed by the company as interpreters or traders. this did not satisfy the indian longing for light and knowledge. the tribes in middle oregon resorted to the american rendezvous, and, although there was little or no moral influence there, they discovered a more liberal and generous spirit among the americans than among the english or french. this led to further inquiry as to the cause, and by some means they concluded that it must arise from their religious notions or worship. they asked to see the americans' sacred book, about which they had heard, as it was said that book told about the great spirit above. for a time they received packs of cards, but were not satisfied,--there must be something more. they sent some of their number to st. louis, and as has been before stated, mr. catlin learned their object, and gave the information that started the missions. while the american missionaries were going to the country, the american fur traders were being driven from it. rev. jason lee and associate were allowed to locate in the wallamet valley. he labored, and measurably filled, gratuitously, the chartered stipulations of the company. as there were no women in this first missionary party, no fears were excited as to the supremacy of the soil, or the future occupation of the country by the company's retired servants. in , dr. whitman and mr. spalding and their wives arrived, with cattle and other material for a distinct and independent mission. they at once commenced their labors, and sent for assistance by the overland route. rev. mr. lee received a re-enforcement by sea, with which came a wife for himself and mr. shepard. dr. whitman and mr. spalding's associates arrived overland; more cattle were brought across the mountains, and, through the exertions and means of mr. lee and his associates, cattle were brought through from california. schools and farms were opened; mills, houses, and churches built; and more and better improvements made by the missionaries, than were then owned by the company, with the single exception of a farm at vancouver. the american missionaries did not stop with the mills and farms, nor with cattle and swine. sheep and a printing-press were brought from the sandwich islands, and soon the indian beholds the clean white paper made into a book, and his own thoughts and words placed before him, and he is taught to read for himself. in the wallamet valley an extensive building for an indian boarding-school was erected, and one for whites and half-breed children, almost entirely by the american missionaries. a second school was started by the rev. harvey clark and his friends at forest grove, which is now pacific university. there were also private schools and churches all through the settlements, mostly under the methodist influence; while the hudson's bay company, with their priests, established three schools,--one for boys at vancouver, one for girls at oregon city, and one at french prairie. these last institutions were particularly an opposition to the american schools. the improvements spoken of above were accomplished within twelve years from the first arrival of the american missionaries. this laid the foundation for education and civilization, upon which the country has been steadily advancing. while the legislative assemblies refused to take action on the subject of education, the missionary influence was active, and strongly in favor of sectarian schools. in the legislature of , an ineffectual effort was made to establish a common-school system for the country. in , mr. t. vault, from the committee on education, made a report recommending a memorial to congress on the subject of education. this is all that was done that year. in - , the cayuse war, the liquor question, and the gold mines excitement, seem to have absorbed the whole attention of the legislature; hence the subject of education was left to the direction and influence of the religious sects and individual effort, until the territorial organization in , in which we find a very imperfect school law; and the one at the present day, , is no honor to our state. this, however, is wholly due to the influence of the various sects, each seeking to build up its own peculiar sectarian schools, thus dividing the whole educational interests of the country to promote sectarian education. it is to be hoped that our next legislature will adopt a system that will at once lay aside all sects, and place the education of our youth upon a national, instead of a sectarian basis, honorable alike to the state and nation. with all due credit and honor to all previous missionary and sectarian efforts, we say, give us a national standard of education that shall qualify our youth to become the honored sovereigns of a free, intelligent, industrious, virtuous, and forever united nation. we have occupied much more space than we would, in giving quotations, knowing, as we do, the ignorance there is in relation to our early history, and the efforts of the british hudson's bay company and roman church to secure the exclusive control of oregon. we will here give an article which we find in the _missionary herald_. the writer says:-- "while it is apparent from the letters of dr. whitman at the missionary house, that, in visiting the eastern states in - , he had certain missionary objects in view, it is no less clear that he would not have come at that time, and probably he would not have come at all [which we know to be the case], had it not been for his desire to save the disputed territory to the united states. it was not simply an american question, however,--it was at the same time a protestant question. he was fully alive to the efforts which the roman catholics were making to gain the mastery on the pacific coast, and _he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interest of the hudson's bay company_, with a view to this very end. the danger from this quarter had made a profound impression upon his mind. under date of april , , he said: 'in the autumn of - , i pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations.'" to the statement of dr. whitman as here quoted from his letter to the board, we can bear positive testimony. he did point out to his associates all the dangers to which they were exposed. "dr. whitman evidently regarded his visit to washington, and his success in conducting the immigrants of [eight hundred and seventy-five souls] across the rocky and blue mountains, as settling the destiny of oregon. in the letter just referred to, he said, 'it may be easily seen what would have become of american interests in this country, had the immigration of been as disastrous as were the immigrations of and .' [in both those years the route which he had selected was abandoned for another.] in confirmation of this opinion, we find a writer in the _colonial magazine_ using this language:-- "'by a strange and unpardonable oversight of the local officers, missionaries from the united states _were allowed_ to take religious charge of the population; and these artful men lost no time in introducing such a number of their countrymen as reduced the influence of the british settlers to complete insignificance.'" the above quotation from the _colonial magazine_ is but a repetition of evidence already given from other english testimony, relative to their determination to hold the country. we also have the expectation of chief-factor a. mcdonald, as expressed in to rev. c. eells: "he also gave it as his opinion that if england should obtain the desired portion of oregon, it would be made over to the hudson's bay company." he thought that fifty years from that time, the hudson's bay company's descendants would be the only occupants of the country. dr. whitman, in expressing an opinion upon the same subject, thought that fifty years from that time they would not be found. in the closing remarks of the article from which we have quoted the above, there is a strange mixture of truth and ignorance. the writer says: "it is not too much to say, perhaps, that dr. and mrs. whitman lost their lives in consequence of the success of the endeavors already described. the immigrants of carried diseases into the indian country, which proved very fatal to the aborigines. some became suspicious of him; some were exasperated; and a few affirmed that he was poisoning them with his medicines, to get them out of the way. it is believed by many, moreover, that the roman catholics were in a measure responsible as directly or indirectly, for the catastrophe of wailatpu. but it is inexpedient to discuss this question at the present time." it is evident from this last quotation, that sir james douglas's letter for the information of the board of missions produced its desired effect; and it is only from the recent statements respecting that transaction, that the board have allowed the subject to come before them; they have asked and received from the most cautious missionary they have ever sent to the country, a statement of the facts in the case. he has complied with their request, and the result is a repetition of the _slander_ of the murdered dead. we are unwilling to believe that the rev. mr. treat, d.d., in this closing paragraph, intended to give the impression that he believed the statement; yet we can not understand his object in reporting the statement made to blast the character of a good man, and to shield his murderers from the punishment due to their crime; leaving the impression upon the mind, that it was the _indian superstitions_ alone that were the cause of the massacre. those who have read the foregoing pages will not be deceived as to those causes. mr. treat should have given us the benefit of his authority for that statement, as we are assured by the indians themselves that there is not one of them that ever believed those reports till they were affirmed by the priests, and even then they doubted. we have been several times among the indians of that tribe; and were present at the first consultation held with them by indian agent r. r. thompson in , and took particular pains to inquire as to their belief in that matter. i could not find one, even among the roman catholic indians, that would say he believed that dr. whitman did as he is represented by the priests and the company to have done. the indians invariably told me that the priests, finlay, stanfield, joe lewis, or mr. mcbean said so, but they believed dr. whitman was their friend, and their hearts had wept and cried because they had consented to his being killed. it was to develop the facts and influences operating in our early history that we commenced to write. it does not matter to us whence a statement comes or by whom it is made, if it does not correspond with the facts in the case, we intend to give what we conceive and firmly believe to be the truth; letting such as are ignorant of the facts, or have been deceived by commercial, religious, or sectarian statements, judge as to the correctness or truth of our conclusions. a great crime has been committed in our land;--a poor, ignorant, and harmless and comparatively innocent people, have been charged with committing it through "_superstitious prejudices_," which, if the very men who make the charge are to be believed, fixes the crimes upon their own heads, for they tell us that they were unharmed amid the scenes of blood and murder, while gathering up the remains of the first missionary victims and consigning them to a common grave. their messengers pass and repass all through the country, and mingle freely, and "_rejoice_" that the ignorant murderers will come to them for advice, which is cheerfully given, and a pledge made to assist them to avoid its consequences; while the commercial party in this great crime is handing over to the murderers munitions for defense, and to continue the slaughter of american settlers, the jesuitical party is confirming the doubtful mind of the indians in the justness of the crime they have committed. such were the parties seeking to control our destiny from to , and such as we have quoted are the sentiments of men high in giving direction to truth and righteousness in a great nation in - . we feel, and admit, that our task has been most difficult and arduous,--to seek out and bring to light the truth in relation to events so momentous, and consequences so important to the interests of this western part of our continent. it would be far more gratifying to us to dwell upon the pleasing and happy influences and incidents that float upon the surface of society; but these are commonplace and the natural growth of circumstances, such as the most careless could scarcely fail to observe. oregon was ours by right of discovery, exploration, and cession; as well as settlement by astor in - . a foreign monopoly, having knowledge of the american fur company's weakness and danger, paid a nominal price for its goods and possessions, and has held and robbed the country, as by its own statements, of twenty million pounds sterling, in profits. as we have before stated, that company dared not use the same instruments at first, to drive out or destroy the missionaries, that it had used against fur traders and hunters. the indians regarded the american missionaries as teachers sent from god, and received them, and protected them, till forced by the teachings and influence of their masters to attempt to cut off the american settlement. the english people, as a whole, charge the american missionaries, _and justly_, with being the means of their losing oregon. they also charge the hudson's bay company, _wrongfully_, as favoring the american settlement of the country. dr. john mclaughlin, all honor to his name and memory, told his superiors in london the truth, when he said to them, "gentlemen, as a man of common humanity, i could not do otherwise than to give those naked and starving people to wear and to eat of our stores. they were not our enemies. i did what i thought was right, and must leave consequences to god and the government, and if you insist upon my compliance with your rules in this particular, _i will serve you no longer_." contrast this noble sentiment of dr. mclaughlin, though a canadian-born subject and supporter of the roman catholic faith in the country, with that of his successor, sir james douglas, who refused supplies to punish the murderers and protect the american settlements, he having been an officer under the provisional government, and taken an oath to protect and defend it. did it conflict with his duties as a british subject? the reason assigned by him for his refusal was, "_the stringent rules laid down for his government by the home company_," which the noble old canadian said he would resign his position sooner than obey. it is not difficult to see that oregon, during the existence of the provisional government, was a country possessing peculiarly interesting relations to the two nations who were claiming its allegiance and sovereignty. had the hudson's bay company been true to its own country, and encouraged the settlement of loyal british subjects in it, there is no question but, with the facilities and capital at its command, it could have secured the country before an american settlement could have acquired any strength in it. the same was the case with california. one or two ships a year from to , or even , leaving out the roman and jesuit missionaries, could have brought substantial english families with their english chaplains, and formed their colonies and absorbed the american missionary settlements in it, and no one would have questioned their right, or attempted to defeat them; but the £ , or more of clear profits in the fur trade, and native associations, were too strong. the country becomes valuable in its estimation, as others have improved and developed its wealth. the natives with the furs of the country were the only source of wealth to it, and especially to the home company in london. if the least possible credit is due to it from any source, it is for its stupidity and ignorance as to the real value of the country, of which no one can give a true history without developing the avaricious character and degrading influences and proceedings of that company; for it had, as we remarked at the commencement of our history, and as every one knows, the absolute control of it up to the organization of the provisional government in . those influences were active and in full operation up to , when it was discovered, by dr. whitman and a few others, that the whole country was about to pass into the hands of the english, as was asserted by the over-zealous priest at wallawalla: "_the country is ours! america is too late! they may now whistle._" an american heard, and to hear with him was to act. "_if the board dismisses me, i will do what i can to save oregon to my country_," was his remark to us, as he gave his hand and mounted his horse, to see what could be done at washington. the result of that trip was the delay of the boundary question and an immigration and settlement, that no hudson's bay and jesuit exterminating combinations have been able to overcome or drive from the country. chapter lxv. description of the face of the country.--agricultural and mining productions.--timber.--the wallamet.--columbia.--dalles.--upper columbia.--mountains.--rivers.--mineral wealth.--climate.--the northern pacific railroad.--conclusion. thus far i have confined myself to the history of the hudson's bay company, the early settlement of the country, its public men, the provisional government, adverse influence, and the american and jesuit missions. we will now proceed to describe its geographical and physical position and value. previous to the treaty of , all that portion of country lying south of the russian possessions, west of the rocky mountains, and north of california, was called oregon. by that treaty the th parallel was constituted the boundary line between the united states and the british possessions. in the act of congress passed august , , the boundaries were thus defined: "all that part of the territory of the united states which lies west of the summit of the rocky mountains, north of the d degree of north latitude, known as the territory of oregon, shall be organized into, and constitute a temporary government, by the name of the territory of oregon." unfortunately, though our national congress contained many noble, intelligent, and talented men, none of them knew any thing about the country they were defining as oregon territory. thomas h. benton, about this time, made his famous oregon speech. in it he declared that all north of the th parallel of latitude was only fit for the poorest and most meager animal existence; that it was the "derelict of all nations," not fit for the subsistence of civilized man. this impression of mr. benton was received from high british--and no doubt he thought the most correct and reliable--authority. in fact, in the mind of this, and many other of our statesmen, the entire territory was of but little value. it is scarcely necessary to say whence this impression arose, and for what purpose it was so persistently kept before the minds of our most eminent statesmen. the immense fur trade of the country, carried on at a nominal expense, was too profitable to allow the truth to be told, or an experiment to be made, to show the value of the soil, or the amount or variety of its productions. the soil, like the furs and the natives, must be misrepresented, neglected, and slandered, that it may yield its silent income to avarice and idleness. the american missionary arrives in the country, and is assured by the hudson's bay company that but a very small portion of the country is susceptible of cultivation; that no extensive settlements can ever be formed in it. these statements are made by men who have spent their lives in the country, and say they have tested the qualities of the soil faithfully, and found it to be unproductive. the missionaries partially believe these statements, and communicate to their friends in the east their doubts as to the extent and richness of the arable land in the country. in the mean time they must provide for their own subsistence. the missionary boards that sent them out are not able to pay the prices demanded for a continual supply of such food as can be raised in the country. this they knew and were prepared for it, and at once commenced to experiment upon the soil for themselves. their first effort astonishes and delights them. instead of a hard, barren, unproductive soil, as they had been told, it proves to be a light rich clay loam all through the wallamet valley, and in the interior, a dark, mellow, inexhaustible alkali soil, of the richest kind, and, when properly cultivated, very productive. the missionary experiments are continued and extended. they soon begin to send glowing accounts to their friends of the richness of the valleys of oregon--eight hundred bushels of potatoes, or from thirty to sixty bushels of wheat, to the acre. the american trappers and hunters gather into the wallamet valley, around the methodist mission. the canadian-french, british subjects, who have become worn out and unprofitable to the company, are permitted to locate in the same valley, but, with the clumsy and imperfect farming implements furnished them, and their ignorance of farming, they were not able to accomplish much, and are still referred to, as proof of the worthlessness of the country. the american settler comes in, and proves the truth of the missionaries' large farming stories, and finds that he can do, with two yoke of oxen, what it required six to do in the mississippi valley--his labor producing double pay. he is more than satisfied--he is delighted--with the soil, the climate, and country, and reports his success to his friends. by this time a few peaches and apples have been produced outside the inclosures and garden of fort vancouver, which convinces the american settler that fruit can be produced in oregon; and soon we find every known variety to be profitably cultivated. _timber._--the fir, spruce, and hemlock are superabundant, all along the coast range, from california to puget sound. the fir, pine, oak, ash, and maple are abundant in the valleys of the wallamet and cowlitz, and on the western slope of the cascade range of mountains; there is also an abundance of pine, fir, oak, and maple on the eastern slope. the wallamet valley is from forty to sixty miles wide, and one hundred and eighty long. it has less timber land than fine level prairie; through which winds with its tributaries the beautiful wallamet, skirted all along its banks and level bottoms with cotton-wood, ash, alder, oak, fir, yellow pine, yew, and soft maple, with a small amount of cedar. this river has its source in the umpqua mountains; and its tributaries in the coast and cascade ranges,--the main river running north, or west of north, till it joins the majestic columbia. its meandering streams, and valleys composed mainly of prairie interspersed with groves of oak, pine, fir, and cotton-wood, make up a scenery which for beauty and loveliness can not be surpassed. the cascade range on the east is dotted, at intervals of from a hundred to a hundred and fifty miles apart, with towering, snow-capped mountains from , to , feet high, and is cut at right angles, midway between the california mountains on the south, and mount baker on the north, by the great river of oregon, the noble columbia, which forces its resistless current over its rocky bed, till it finds its way to the ocean. ascending this river from the ocean, for sixty miles, to the mouth of the cowlitz, we find it lined on either bank with lofty and dense forests of spruce, hemlock, cedar, and fir, with scarcely a sign of prairie; from, this up, the timber is interspersed with prairie, till we enter the cascade mountains, one hundred and twenty-five miles from the ocean, and ten below the cascade portage, which is five miles long,--now made by railroad; thence to the dalles is thirty-eight miles, making fifty miles of the roughest and grandest river and mountain scenery on our continent. old ocean in its mightiest heavings is but a placid lake, when compared with this fifty-five miles of mountain roughness, grandeur, and sublimity, from various points of which may be seen mounts baker, rainier, st. helens, adams, hood, and jefferson, with others of less note, all raising their lofty heads above the regions of perpetual snow. prominent among them stands mount hood, about thirty miles south of the columbia, towering to the height of , feet, with his everlasting white cap on, and overlooking the lovely valleys of the wallamet to the south and west; the columbia and cowlitz to the west and north; and the great upper basin of the columbia to the northeast, east, and southeast. from the dalles we ascend this mighty river fourteen miles by rail, where the water has worn its crooked course amid solid basaltic rocks to unknown depths, not exceeding a hundred and fifty feet in width, causing the river, in discharging its annual floods, to rise at this point over eighty feet in perpendicular height. at the end of the railroad the steamboat receives the traveler, when, as he ascends the river, the land on either side diminishes in height, till he reaches castle rock; seventy-one miles above the dalles. this is a lone pile of basaltic rocks having the appearance of an old castle in the midst of a great plain to the east, south, and west of it. a large portion of this plain, lying along the river, is of course gravel and sand, dry, and comparatively barren; yet producing the artemisia, sage, and a luxurious growth of wild mustard in the early spring; with but little grass, and abundance of the low sunflower. the lands back from the river are high rolling prairie, covered with rich bunch grass, having a light soil composed of pulverized basaltic sandstone. this soil, to the eye of the careless observer, though it is thickly set with the bunch grass, generally appears barren and worthless; yet, with irrigation, or with winter grains, or grasses adapted to the soil, it can not be exhausted. twenty-five miles above castle rock stands the thriving little town of umatilla, at the mouth of the river of the same name, and nine miles above is windmill rock. in ascending the river fifteen miles from this place, the land on either side rises to some fifteen hundred feet above the level of the river which occupies the entire bottom from rocks to rocks on either side; when the land suddenly drops from this high plain which extends from the blue mountains on the east to the cascade range on the west, forming, as it were, a great inland dam across the columbia river, fifteen hundred feet high at the place where the river has broken through the dam. as you pass out of this gap, in looking to the north and east, the eye rests upon another vast, high, rolling plain, in the southeastern part of which lies the beautiful valley of the wallawalla. at the upper or eastern end was situated the whitman or cayuse mission. some six miles above is the flourishing town of wallawalla. the most of this vast, high, rolling plain, and especially the valleys, have more or less of alkali soil; the high plains are similar to those we have just passed,--destitute of all kinds of timber, except at the foot of the mountains, and small patches of willow and cotton-wood, in some little nook or corner, near some spring or stream. imagine wallawalla a little east of the center of a great plain one hundred miles wide, east and west, one hundred and eighty long, north and south, situated just inside of this great mountain dam we have described; with the majestic cascade range of mountains on the west, the blue mountains on the east, and this vast open plain covered with bunch grass, and no tree in sight, except upon the mountains; you can then form some idea of the middle columbia plains. ascending to the north one hundred miles, over the same high rolling plains, you begin to find the yellow pine and larch; not in dense forests, but scattering trees, the ground beneath being covered with a species of coarse, wild grass. these woods form a delightful change to the traveler after riding for days beneath the scorching rays of a summer sun. as you near the forty-ninth parallel, the timber increases in size, quantity, and quality. the soil is light, and, when the frosts of winter give place to the sleet and rain of early spring, forms a soft, deep mud, till the ground becomes settled, which is generally about the first of may; then all this vast country is in full bloom, with its myriads of beautiful wild flowers. the northern portion of oregon, now washington territory, is beautifully interspersed with timber and prairie, in good proportions, and has a rich clay soil. the whole country abounds in trap-rock and granite, singularly mingled with basalt. near the mouth of spokan river is found a splendid variety of marble; some sections of it are of a pure white, while others are beautifully clouded with blue, brown, and green. the face of the country is not so uneven as that further south. some sixty miles south of the forty-ninth parallel, we come to the mouth of the okanagon river, which is the outlet of a chain of lakes in british columbia, from which it takes its name; it has an extensive and rich valley for settlement. at colville, in the vicinity of the kettle falls, on the columbia, are a united states military post, the hudson's bay company's post, and a considerable settlement. some fifteen miles from the mouth of the spokan, and sixty from kettle falls, was located the cimakain--or rev. messrs. walker and eells'--mission. about sixty miles in a southeasterly direction is the coeur d'alêne italian jesuit mission. turning to the north, east, and southeast, we enter the gold and silver mountains of the pacific slope; this range is cut through by the snake river, or south branch of the columbia. millions of dollars' worth of treasure is taken out of the mines within these desolate and barren-looking regions, and untold millions still await the miner's toil. the reader will remember that we are now traveling east. this range is, on the north of snake river, called salmon river mountains, and on the south, the blue mountains; thence, on to the southern portions of oregon, it joins the sierra nevada and cascade ranges, bends to the west, and, near the forty-second parallel, runs into those vast promontories that jut into the pacific ocean. passing through this range of salmon river and blue mountains, which are not as high as the cascade range, we descend into the great basin of the rocky mountains, which is intersected by high, broken ranges running east and west for about three hundred miles, to what is usually called the top of the rocky mountains, and the eastern boundary of this vast basin. the principal rivers which flow into and through this immense plain, are the boise, snake, portneuf, owyhee, and their tributaries. on the north is clarke's or flathead river, which runs northwest into the columbia, near the northern boundary of the united states. in all the northern portion of this great inland mountain plain there is an extensive placer and quartz mining country, besides numerous rich farming valleys, with an abundance of timber for all practical uses; most of the rough, rocky ranges of mountains being covered about half-way up their sides with timber, till you reach the open prairies along the main valley. to the south, and along snake river, are the high barren sage plains, extending from the rocky mountains on the east to the blue mountains on the west. there are large tracts of arable land in the region just described, though to the weary traveler coming from the green plains of kansas or the valley of the wallamet, every thing looks forbidding and desolate, especially during the dry season. but remove the sage from any of these dry, barren places, and the rich bunch-grass takes its place. as well might the farmer expect his wheat to grow in a hemlock wood or cedar swamp, as for any thing but sage to grow on these plains till that is destroyed. hence, from the experiments we have made on the soils of which we have been speaking, we are confident that the greater portion of the country now and for years past pronounced barren and useless, will be found, with intelligent and proper cultivation, to rank among as good lands as any we have, and probably more desirable. as to timber, that must be cultivated till it becomes accustomed to the soil. cotton-wood is found in small quantities all over this plain, in the vicinity of streams and springs. the northeastern part of this basin is montana; the southwestern is idaho. the mineral wealth of this country, especially that of north idaho and montana, is inexhaustible. gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, cinnabar, and tin, are found in abundance in these territories, and in eastern and middle oregon. "_owyhee bullion._--john a. post, internal revenue collector, furnishes the following _resumé_ of the bullion product from january to november , , as assayed by different parties. the figures are greenback valuation:-- january $ , february , march , april , may , june , july , august , september , october , ------------- total $ , , "during the early part of the year, mr. post says, there was a great amount of treasure sent out in various shapes, of which he could get no account. to the foregoing must still be added the many tons of ruby, silver, polybasite, etc., shipped just as it came from the poorman mine,--enough, at a rough estimate, to increase the total to fifteen hundred thousand, at least. it is safe to say that the product of the present year will be two millions, and that of next year go beyond five millions."[ ] [footnote ] from the _oregonian_. "_treasure._--there has been shipped from this city during the past year, the sum of $ , , in treasure. the amount passing through private hands may be safely estimated at $ , , ."[ ] [footnote ] from the _portland herald_. we take the following from an official report to the secretary of the treasury, a copy of which has been sent to congress:-- "from the best information available, the following is a near approximation to our total gold and silver product for the year ending january , :-- california $ , , nevada , , montana , , idaho , , washington , , oregon , , colorado , , new mexico , arizona , add for bullion derived from unknown sources within the states and territories, unaccounted for by assessors and express companies, etc. , , ----------- total product of the united states $ , , "the bullion product of washington is estimated by the surveyor-general at $ , , . that of oregon is estimated at $ , , . intelligent residents of idaho and montana represent that the figures given in the above estimate, so far as these territories are concerned, are entirely too low, and might be doubled without exceeding the truth. the product of idaho alone, for this year, is said to be $ , , to $ , , . that of montana is estimated by the surveyor-general at $ , , . similar exceptions are taken to the estimates of colorado, new mexico, and arizona." _the climate_ varies in the three sections of country we have described, exactly in the ratio of soil and timber. on the coast, contiguous to the ocean, we have more rain than we require. like our superabundance of the tallest and best of fir-timber, there is so much of it that we would be glad if we could divide with the second and third places we have described. we have enough rain and timber to supply all the country; and perhaps, when we can cut down our tall trees, that filter the rain out of the clouds, they may get more and we less. be that as it may, our winters are mild and rainy, our summers cool and pleasant, with sufficient rain and ocean mist to supply the vegetable creation with abundant moisture. in middle oregon the winters are mild and frosty, with a small amount of snow--seldom severe; farmers should feed stock a month or six weeks; summers warm, and sometimes sultry in july and august; rains in the spring and late in the fall, scarcely enough for the farmers' use. in the eastern plain or great mountain basin, the winters are cold and dry, snow and frost severe. snow seldom falls to exceed two feet in depth,--average winters, eighteen inches,--but it falls deep upon the mountains and remains till it is melted by the warm winds and sun of early summer, causing the summer floods. the principal rise in the rivers is during the mouths of june and july. less rain, spring and fall, than in middle oregon; summers dry and hot. in the northern part, the country is better supplied with rain. this may arise from the ranges of the mountain currents of air and the winds from the south pacific ocean along the inland plains, and the cool atmosphere around our snow-clad mountains. we will leave further speculation on this point to those who have had more experience in such matters than ourselves. taking the country as a whole, with our inexhaustible gold, silver, and other minerals; our extensive farming valleys; our vast forests of timber upon the borders of an ocean comparatively destitute of this essential element of civilization; there is no plausible reason why this western portion of the united states may not in a few years become the abode of industrious and thriving millions. _the northern pacific railroad._ the following article on the northern pacific railroad is from the pen of mr. philip ritz:-- "having spent most of the last year in traveling through washington, idaho, and montana territories, and having crossed the continent in midwinter, partly on both of the great railroad routes, and at the earnest request of ex-governor smith, of massachusetts, who is president of the northern pacific railroad company, and of some members of congress, i compiled, while in washington, the following statistics, on the practicability of the northern route:-- "on the first section of the country from puget sound, there are two routes, both practicable; one _via_ the columbia river, to the mouth of snake river; the other _via_ snoqualmie pass and yakima river, to the same point. on either route there will not be much heavy grading. there is on this section an abundance of the finest timber, excepting on that part of the columbia from the dalles to snake river, and a short distance of the route from yakima to the mouth of snake river. "the second section, lying between the columbia river and the bitter root mountains, a distance of about two hundred and twenty miles, is over a rolling prairie country, with splendid grazing, and fine timber on the spokan river, a distance of about one hundred miles. "on the third section, which includes the mountainous part, a distance of two hundred and fifty miles, and lying between the th and th degrees of longitude, the grading will, in places, be heavy, and will require three or four short tunnels. this will include the entire rocky mountain district, the work on which will be heavy, but not more difficult than on the baltimore and ohio road, between the ohio river and harper's ferry. on this entire section there is an abundance of the finest timber. on this section there is considerable good wheat land, as has been proven by the fine crops raised in hell gate valley last season. "this extends from the eastern slope of the rocky mountains to lake superior, a distance of about one thousand and ten miles. the route here passes over a rolling prairie, susceptible of settlement the entire distance. "it will be seen that the entire distance on this route, between the head of lake superior and puget sound, is about , miles, and that there is scarcely a mile of the entire country but will eventually be settled. it is much shorter than any other route across the continent, connecting navigable waters. the mountains are much lower and the country much more fertile. it is really the only easy pass across the american continent, for it is the only part of the continent where two large rivers rise immediately together and flow in opposite directions--the columbia cutting its way entirely through the mountains on a water level to the pacific; and the missouri connecting with the great plains bordering on the lakes. the rocky mountains at this point are really so low, that the miners, last summer, actually took large streams in ditches from the waters of the missouri, over the divide to the pacific side for mining purposes. in consequence of the low passes through to the pacific, the climate is warmer than it is in the mountains in the latitude of salt lake city, miles due south. i crossed the summit of the rocky mountains near deer lodge valley, in montana, on the th of december. there was no snow; the roads dry and dusty, and the weather mild and pleasant, and none of the streams frozen over. when i reached salt lake city, the snow on the wasatch and rocky mountain ranges was twenty-six inches deep, and the night we crossed the wasatch range, the thermometer stood at ten degrees below zero, and green river and all those streams in the mountains had been frozen over six weeks, so that the stage rolled over on the ice. such was the difference in the climate of the two routes. the differences in the real wealth and resources of the two routes is perhaps even greater than that of climate. the central route, after it leaves the mining country of nevada, around virginia city, passes up the humboldt country toward salt lake, for a distance of or miles, over the most desolate and barren country on the american continent. the country has neither mines, timber, nor any other redeemable quality about it. salt lake valley is a small and rather fertile valley; the only fertile spot for hundreds of miles. from salt lake city to denver, a distance of six hundred miles, the route lies over an alkali and sage plain. on the other hand, there is not one mile on the northern route that does not either furnish timber, grazing, agricultural lands, or minerals, and, in some instances, all together. montana is just in its infancy; its mines scarcely prospected; and yet, last season, according to the report of the treasury department, montana stood second on the list in the amount of gold produced; california producing $ , , ; montana, $ , , ; idaho and colorado, $ , , each; and nevada, $ , , . "the mountains of montana are a perfect net-work of quartz ledges, immensely rich in gold and silver. five years from this time, i believe there will be as much as $ , , of gold and silver taken from the mines of montana per year; more than one-fourth enough to build and equip the northern pacific road, ready for use. there are also immense mines of coal, iron, copper, and lead, in the country. the northern route crosses but one range of mountains, and that at a point which, so far as the experience of white men have gone, is known to be as passable in winter as the michigan central railroad. in deciding the question of relative distance, we must consider the entire distance between liverpool and canton. say the mean latitude of the north pacific route is degrees, and of the central - / , and a difference of nine degrees exists. now a degree of longitude (longitude contracting as we approach the poles) is about six miles shorter on the former than the latter. there are degrees of longitude between liverpool and canton; this makes the navigator's distance, on the line of the north pacific, , miles less than the central. this longitudinal difference is quite an item. this difference in distance is not the only item in favor of the northern route. it is an established fact that every sailing vessel, bound directly from san francisco to hong kong, comes up to, and even beyond, the latitude of puget sound, before striking directly west, in order to take advantage of the wind currents of the pacific ocean. time, these days, being an important consideration in commercial transactions, the argument would still be in favor of the north pacific route, admitting rates of transportation to be equal on both lines. but these rates would not be the same, even if the distance of the two were equal, for the reason that the country would be self-supporting on nearly every mile of the northern route, while on the central, for hundreds of miles between salt lake and nevada, not a tie for the track, nor a stick, nor a pound of coal for fuel can be had. all these things must be brought from abroad. "now, owing to adventitious circumstances,--the discovery of the precious metals in california, nevada, and colorado, and the settlement of mormons in utah,--the bulk of local business seems to be on the side of the central route. but montana will soon outstrip california in the yield of gold; besides, the route passes through a country susceptible of settlement all the way from lake superior to puget sound, and there is no doubt but that five years hence there will be as much local business through minnesota, dakota, montana, idaho, washington, and oregon, as through nebraska, colorado, utah, nevada, and california. accident gives the central route the present pre-eminence; nature insures the northern the final victory. "it is not generally known, the large amount of business that was done in montana last season. from may, , to october , , c. c. huntley carried, on his line of stages between fort benton and helena, , passengers, and during the same period , tons of freight passed from benton to helena; , freight-wagons passed over the same route; steamboats, with passengers and freight, arrived at fort benton from st. louis and other points in the east, and this, be it remembered, is the first season that this trade has been carried on to any extent, and also, that this is but one point in the territory. it is really the commencement of a great trade, that will require a vast capital, and employ the energy and industry of a large number of persons. "there are no less than four lofty ranges of mountains to cross on the central route, the rocky mountains, at bridger's pass, being the most passable crossing; the wasatch, the humboldt, and the sierra nevada are barely passable in summer. by the way of pen d'oreille lake, on the northern route, freight can be taken from the columbia to the missouri nearly all winter. another advantage possessed by the northern route is, that at present the distance is less than miles between the head of steamboat navigation on the missouri and snake rivers, and when the boats are completed which are now building on the pen d'oreille lake and clarke's fork of the columbia, the land travel will be reduced to about miles. "did time and space permit, i might give further proof of the superiority of the northern route. in my comparative reasoning, i have made these distinctions with no invidious feeling. the sooner san francisco is connected by rail with new york, the better for washington and montana, in common with all the mountain regions. it is gratifying to see our friends to the southward prosecuting their enterprise with so much vigor. but i am perfectly satisfied in my own mind that the time will come when the trafficking wealth of europe and asia will be poured across the mountains and valleys of washington and montana territories. "our prospects, it is true, look rather dull here at present, the whole energy of the pacific coast being concentrated in building the central road, and for a short time we may expect dull times. the attention of capitalists can not be diverted from this enterprise much longer, and when once fully examined, there will be millions of capital ready to invest in it. "let us open up the mullan road and the lake route, and all other routes to the missouri river, and invite travelers and emigrants to come this way and see the advantages of this northern country, and then we will have no trouble in getting money to build a railroad." conclusion. as the reader will have discovered, we commenced our history with oregon as it was in . with the single exception of the feeble effort made by mr. astor in - , and captain wyeth in - , no one ever attempted any thing like an organized opposition to the british fur companies on the pacific coast. in regard to captain wyeth, we admit with mr. newell that he was driven from the country "not by fair and open competition in the trade," and that he is entitled to much credit for his discernment and forethought in leaving when he did, for if he had not accepted the terms offered to him by dr. mclaughlin, that gentleman said to us that the company would have insisted on other means being used to relieve its trade from his competition, so that whatever credit or honor there is due in the case belongs to captain wyeth's judgment and decision in accepting such compensation as the company chose to give, and not to the company for giving it; for it was that, or a crime to be committed in getting rid of him and his party; and, as in the case of smith and dr. whitman, to be charged upon the indians. as americans, we must not conclude that it could do a dishonorable or mean act to our traders, hunters, missionaries, or even settlers. no one must presume to think that the honorable hudson's bay company would ever conduct any but an honorable trade, or engage in any but an honorable business, in the country; notwithstanding, its own countrymen charge it with having seized and sunk vessels belonging to them, by running them ashore in hudson's bay; robbed and fought with the northwest company before they combined their interests; and had its own governor semple killed in fighting for its interests, besides all its transactions with its own countrymen; this would be ungenerous and mean in the estimation of men unable to distinguish between a selfish and a generous act, or a cause and a crime of civilized and savage men. missionary efforts were first made in the country by rev. jason lee. he, being a canadian-born subject, was received with less objection than rev. messrs. parker and spalding, and dr. whitman; but, as has been shown, the english people expected to hold the country by the power and influence of their hudson's bay company. the company, as such, could not act against the american missionaries as it did against american traders and hunters; hence, the episcopal or established church influence from london was made use of, and a clergyman sent to vancouver. while missionary operations were confined to the wallamet valley this was sufficient, but when those efforts were extended to the cayuses and nez percés, and efforts were being made to establish missions further north by another responsible religious society, the company became alarmed for its profits by the fur trade; and by one of its own unprincipled, dishonorable, as well as hypocritical arrangements, under the specious pretense of having religious teachers to look after the moral and religious instructions of its canadian-french catholic servants, it sent for, and continued in its service, the very religious order of the roman church that was at that time proscribed by the laws of the country from which it held its license. this showed the moral principle by which it was governed in relation to its own country. the interests of its trade were paramount to all moral principles or religious teachings; and while it was professing warm friendship for one religious sect, it was encouraging secretly and openly an opposite and strongly bigoted one, to divide and distract the moral and religious sentiments of the ignorant natives; claiming for itself an exclusive monopoly in trade, as being beneficial to the indian race, which was admitted by all. this was the moral and religious condition of the whole country when the american settlers came to it. they, with the american missionaries, combined in forming a provisional government, and established a _quasi_ independent american republic, with the condition that, whenever the united states government saw fit to extend its jurisdiction over the country, this temporary government should cease. the english and french united with us in this organization, on condition that they should not be required to do any thing that would conflict with their duties as subjects of great britain. the reader will perceive that, in carrying out the plan laid down in our preface, we have been obliged to give the hudson's bay company a prominent place in our history, as we have had to meet them in every step of our progress. no history of oregon can be written, without acknowledging the immense influence that company held in the country, and the zeal and energy it put forth, in counteracting american ideas and influence. it was its original design to colonize and secure to the british crown all the countries which it might explore and occupy. and had it carried out that design, no american effort could have succeeded in securing the country to the government of the united states. but from a selfish, short-sighted, and mistaken policy; and a blind perception of its asserted commercial rights, privileges, and powers, it "_hunted up_" the country, and expected to secure to itself undisturbed possession of the northwestern part of the continent. for this purpose, while it was destroying the valuable fur animals in what is now united states territory, it was protecting such as were to be found further north; and by this means continued the enormous profits of its trade, for a series of years longer than it otherwise could have done. the discovery of gold on the frazer river in , the rush of miners, and the organizing of british columbia, partially checked this fur company, and led to the formation of a sickly colony strangled in the embrace of an avaricious monopoly. to counteract the american and protestant missionary efforts, it brought to oregon the roman and french jesuits. to compete with the americans in stock and agricultural products, it originated the puget sound company. to outnumber the american settlers, it brought on a colony of half-breeds from red river. while by the influence of its jesuits it could destroy one branch of the protestant missions, and bring on an indian war, the settlement had gained strength sufficient to maintain independence without its aid. while the country has increased in population and wealth, this english monopoly has been decreasing in power and influence. while the protestant religion has continued to widen and deepen its hold upon the american people, the papal superstition has increased among the indians, thus rendering them more hopelessly depraved, and consigning them and their descendants to unending superstition and ignorance, or to utter oblivion as a race, to be superseded by an enlightened christian, american people. with unfeigned thanks to all who have assisted us in this work, we take our leave, hoping the facts we have given will be useful, and abundantly reward the reader for his time and money. * * * * * transcriber notes: punctuation has been corrected without note. footnotes have been moved closer to their reference point. "corrections" noted at the beginning of the book have not been incorporated. "hudson bay company" changed to "hudson's bay company" without note for consistency. page : "by" added (would not be made slaves by the king george warriors). page : "kingdon" changed to "kingdom" (from the united kingdom). page : duplicate word "to" removed (who went to london). page : "monoply" changed to "monopoly" (a commercial monopoly) and (to the fur monopoly). page : the table regarding property values has several either typos and/or incorrect calculations based on the text preceding. corrections of typos have been made to match the preceding text, however, the total dollar amount stated in the next paragraph is incorrect and has not been changed. page : "supppose" changed to "suppose" (i suppose by this expression). page : "bring" changed to "bringing" (bringing with them to fort hall). page : "foregn" changed to "foreign" (generous to a foreign monopoly). page : "sufficent" changed to "sufficient" (a sufficient number to command). page : "sufferered" changed to "suffered" (suffered for willful murder). page : duplicate "of" removed (repetition of the threats made). page : "peace'" changed to "peace's" (for some peace's sake). page : "souyht" changed to "sought" (prize they sought). page : duplicate "and" deleted (messrs. eells and walker). page : "scull" changed to "skull" (but none in the skull). page : "how" changed to "now" (any person now holding). page : duplicate "their" removed (starvation was their only portion). page : "peculiary" changed to "peculiarly" (so peculiarly republican and in accordance with). page : duplicate "only" removed (not only by giving in). page : "surpise" changed to "surprise" (here, to our surprise and terror). page : "though" changed to "through" (and through the french half-breed). page : "victms" changed to "victims" (sustaining them among their deluded victims). page : duplicate "that" removed (said that they had forgotten all this). page : "witman's" changed to "whitman's" (slept in dr. whitman's room). page : "againt" changed to "against" (that assassin struck not against). the original book included a list of errata which has been applied to the text. the original list of errata is below. errata. (from original text) page , th line from top, for "becamed," read "became." page , th line from bottom, for "moxon," read "maxon." also on pages and the same error occurs. page , th line from top, for "that british," read "that the british." page , th line from bottom, for "propriety," read "propensity." page , th line from top, for "where," read "when." page , th line from bottom, for "ten," read "one hundred."