West Barbary, or, A short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco with an account of the present customs, sacred, civil, and domestick / by Lancelot Addison ... Addison, Lancelot, 1632-1703. 1671 Approx. 272 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26378 Wing A532 ESTC R10903 12093269 ocm 12093269 53922 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26378) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53922) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 754:14) West Barbary, or, A short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco with an account of the present customs, sacred, civil, and domestick / by Lancelot Addison ... Addison, Lancelot, 1632-1703. [24], 226, [7] p. Printed at the Theater in Oxford, and are to be sold by John Wilmot, [Oxford, Oxfordshire] : 1671. "An index of the Moorish words": p. [1]-[7] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Morocco -- History. Morocco -- Description and travel. 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WEST BARBARY , OR , A short Narrative Of the Revolutions OF THE KINGDOMS OF Fez and Morocco . With an account of the present Customs , Sacred , Civil , and Domestick . By LANCELOT ADDISON , Chaplain to His Majesty in Ordinary . Printed at the THEATER in OXFORD , and are to be sold by John Wilmot , 1671. TO THE Most Worthy and truly Honored Joseph Williamson Esq . SIR , THE Liberty of Dedications , being the undoubted Priviledge of every Scribler , may save me harmless in prefixing your Name to the ensuing Remarks . In which I do not so much design your Patronage , because I cannot fansie that these Papers will be so much taken notice of as to be question'd for their Faults . But my whole Design on this occasion is to tell the World , how much I love your Person , and honour your Worth. I will not be so vain as to endeavour to represent you to the World , or to your Self , for you are sufficiently known to both ; and your excellent Parts & Integrity have not attracted you more honor at home , then they have acquired you abroad . For I know your Reputation is as happy in Foreign Countries for the even Menage of Affairs , as in your own . But to attempt any thing of your Panegyrick , were to doe , what is done by all who know you : & therefore I may justly divert my Pen to express my Resentments , that I can make no Present agreeable to your Merit or my Affection . For which , I have no other Apology , but either my Unhappiness , or that this is not the Age , when Temples , Altars , and Statues , are erected to Worth and Virtue . Nevertheless , I cannot be so fashionably modest , as altogether to Vilifie my Offering , or so far wrong you , as to imagine it will be despised as utterly Vnprofitable ; for it must be a Present extreamly mean , which so great an Ingenuity as yours , will despise ; and a Subject strangely dry , from whence so great a Discernment can gather Nothing . I know , that little worthy a Polite Judgement can be gather'd from a Discourse of People famous only for being Barbarous ; yet if Publick Affairs can spare you minutes enough to read over these Remarks , you may perhaps in them meet with so much Order , Civility , and ( according to their way ) Religion , as may somewhat refine that Name . However , if what I tender may be by you received , as it is sincerely intended , for an Unfeigned Testimony of my Respect and Affection , I have accomplish'd my Design , which is without all Artifice , to declare my self , Your Humble , Faithful , and Devoted Servant , LANCELOT ADDISON . THE PREFACE TO THE READER . IT being the manner of those who Write , to acquaint the Reader with the Design of the Book ; if I had any in Publishing this besides your Divertisement , it was chiefly to make the Justice and Religiousness of a People esteemed Barbarous , Rude , and Savage , to reflect upon their Enormities , who would be reckon'd for the only Illuminati of both . And to shew that this Unlick'd , Uncultivated People agree with the wisest Nati●●s , in making the care of Religion and Justice to suppress Vice and encourage Virtue , as the only method to make a State happy . It was one of the Pedantick Vanities of the Grecians to repute all Barbarous but themselves ; and albeit there are some who have the same Opinion of every thing that is diverse from the Manners and Customs of their own Country , yet those who acknowledge Humanity in all its Habits , may in perusing the Remarks made upon these Barbarians , meet with something that may civilize the Title , and induce them to think , that what is commonly call'd Barbarous , is but a different Mode of Civility . As for the Truth of what is written , I have us'd an Industry as probable to ensure me thereof , as the nature of the Subject would give me leave . Having first travel'd the Country , and remark'd as much as such an occasion would afford , and then retain'd a Conversation with such Persons , both Moors and Jews , as I found best able to encrease and amend my first Remarks . So that they are not barely the Occasionals of a Journey , nor scrap'd up from Casual Discourses , but the result of some Years Inspection into the People of whom I write ; and that I might not dis-ingeniously impose upon your Belief , I have not contented my self with a single Test , but have rejected several Passages which have not had a sufficient confirmation . It being not my intent to be known for Writing things strange and Romantick , but to be very civil to the World , in putting nothing upon them but what is Firm and Solid . As for the Dress wherein they appear ( though perhaps suitable enough for the matter ) I have been therein so negligent as not greatly to regard it , except in the Narrative to preserve coherence . For I conceived , I was not to present you with the Customs of a Nation as I made them , but as they were in themselves , which could scarcely be done , but by exposing them ( thus ) naked . The Narrative of the late Revolutions , &c. is that for which to some I may seem the less accountable , because I insinuate a want of Publick Records among the Moors , out of which it was to have been collected . But there was no such great need of those Assistances in Penning the Annals of our Age ; and the Narrative ascends no higher then the Period of the Xeriffian Family , and the Division of Kiram's Vsurpation of the Crown of Morocco , which are very fresh in the minds of the Moors . And yet for the clearer Certainty herein , I have had the assistance of some Ancient observing Moors , who were Actors in the late Revolves . But my best help I had , was from an Aged , Inquisitive , noting Person , an Hebrew Sabio , one Joseph Messias , who for many Years had been Secretary of Tituan , and with great diligence had observed Memoirs of what a long time had happened in that part of Barbary . In what concerns the War between Gaylan and Taffilet , I confess I am not very particular , because much thereof related to Tanger ; but what is here wanting , may be supplyed in the modern Story of that Ancient City . How far I have been from Transcribing Leo Afer , which some may suspect , will easily appear by comparing what is contain'd in the Remarks of West Barbary , with his Description of Africa . That I have not spoken more largely of their Colleges , needs no other excuse , than that they now use none ; and the like may be answer'd for my silence of their Libraries . And how famous soever Mauritania Tingitana hath been in former Ages for a Race of Literati , yet now there is little hope to see a Restauration of their Studies , if it be considered what small regard the present Moors bear to Learning : Which I understood from Cidi Abdella , Gaylan's Secretary , a Spanish Renegado of a bold Capacity ; to whom , when I was praising the Ancient Learning of Fez , &c. he told me , That now the Moors were not very fond of Bookish Inclinations , being generally addicted either to Military or Mechanick Employments : and when I read to him out of Don Diego Savedra Taxardo ( in the 66th of his Empressas Politicas ) how that a Learned Age might have as little Valour as Devotion : That all knowledge was superfluous which taught the People more than to Obey , endure Travel , and Conquer : That great Discursists were apt to intrigue Affairs , dispute the Princes Resolutions , and stir up the People : That it was the best Obedience , which was rather Credulous then Inquisitive : That the Ottoman Empire , so much enrich'd with the Spoils , and elevated with the Trophies of many Nations , reckon it among their Happinesses , not to have their Consultations lime-twigg'd with Quirks and Sophisms of Philosophical Persons , and make Illiterature one of their chief Engines of Empire : That the City may be taken , while the Mathematician is delinea●●●g the Fortification : That Nations , Provinces , Colonies , have grown great by Industrious , and not Poring Arts , &c. While I was thus reading to the attentive discerning Renegado , he broke out into a sort of Exultation , and call'd Muley Mahumed to witness , that he thought Savedra ( the Author I read ) was a Moor , or otherwise he could never have so punctually described the Humour , and Sentiments of the Moors concerning Learning : adding withal , that if they who in their present Illiterature were so prone to Sedition , that they would be much more so , if they were heated with Bookish Speculations , and had their Black humour chaf'd and quicken'd with Subtilizing Studies . The next thing which may seem herein omitted , is , that which would have best pleased the Virtuosi , an account of their Libraries , for which I was once sollicited by a Letter from a Stranger , in the Year 1664. who design'd an Vniversal Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Writers , and their Books : And though he possess'd me with great hopes of finding great store of Books in Barbary for his purpose ; yet upon Enquiry , I met with nothing but Disappointment , and that the Moors are so far from having excellent Libraries , that they wonder to see any Book of Age or Volume in their own Language . This I understood from Cidi Hamet Cogez ( formerly Alcayd of Alcazàr ) who when in Tanger coming to see the Publick Library that we had Founded there , where I shewed him a MS. in his own Character concerning their Religion , he kiss'd , hugg'd , laid it to his Brow , upon the Crown of his Head , lifted it up to Heaven , and in every Circumstance appear'd therewith so much transported , that I could scarce rescue it out of his Embraces . The same MS. I shewed to a Talib ( who was one of Tafilets Emhérkin , or Messengers of State , sent to Compliment His Excellency the Lord Ambassador , The Illustrious Lord H. Howard at Tanger ) who esteem'd it so great a Rarity , that he sollicited the Ambassador to beg or buy it for him at any Rate . This Manuscript is now in the Possession of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury His Grace . It is the first part of the Mustadarif ( or , as the Talib Expounded it ) The Clean Book . It was compos'd by Alfachì Mahumed Ebn Ahmed Alchab , and Copyed into that fair Letter , wherein it is now extant , by Ali Ebn Abd'aliráhman ebn Mahumed , a Native of Suz , who finished it in the second Moneth Giamadi , Anno Hegirae , 1005. But these Stories have betray'd me to an unintended length , for which I hope to make some amends in what follows ; in which I have endeavour'd , like a merciful Executioner , not to protract your Pain . A BRIEF NARRATION Of the late Revolutions in the KINGDOMES of Fez and Morocco . THIS Narrative of the Revolutions of Barbary , shall not be derived beyond the Annals of our own Memory . For whose clearer introduction , the contexture of affaires invites us to step back to the notorious change , which hapned about the year 1508. Near which time the Marine Familie approaching to it s design'd period and determination , it fortun'd that a certain Alfachi , or Morish Priest , in the Province of Dara , began to grow into great reputation with the people , by reason of his high pretentions to piety and fervent zeal for their Law , illustrated by a stubborn rigidity of conversation and outward sanctity of life . His first name was Mahumet Ben Amet ; but pretending to be descended from their Prophet , he caused himself to be called Zeriffe : A Title which the Kindred of that Impostor have appropriated to themselves , and made the character of that whole Family . The credit of his pretended Pedegree , was another Engine wherewith he insinuated himself into the peoples likeing , which together with his seeming severity , made him of no vulgar esteem with a generation , who from time to time have been fooled with such Mountebanks in Religion . The great applause and approbation his person met with from the Moores , kindled in him no less an Ambition then of making himself Lord of Mauritania Tingitana ; which must needs have proved a very Hypocondriacal designe , had it not been assisted with a favourable conjuncture of affaires . For the Mauritanian Princes had a long time weakned themselves with civil discords ; and the Portugals taking that advantageous occasion , had farr advanced their Armes , and arrived at a considerable puissance in Barbary , and were still under a daylie success of new atchievements : Besides , the Moors desirous of Novelties , and sensible of oppressions , both from their own and forreign powers , were sufficiently inclinable to adhere to any , who appeared with probability to deliver them from their present Yoke . This now Zeriffe , who wanted neither Witt nor Ambition to conduct or enterprise an innovation , found by the Starrs , in whose Science his Legend makes him very skilful , that the time was not yet suitable for so great an undertaking . Religion was his pretence , and nothing could have been so fit beside to advance him in the estimation of the many . To facilitate his designs , he sent his three Sons , Abdel , Abnet , and Mahumet in Pilgrimage to Mecha and Medina , to visit and worship the Sepulchre of their Great Prophet . Much was the reverence and reputation of Holiness , which they thereby ●●●●uired among the superstitious people , who could hardly be kept from kissing their garments , and adoreing them as Saints . His admired sons failed not in their parts , but acted as much Devotion , as high contemplative looks , deep sighes , tragical gestures , and other passionate Interjections of Holiness could express ; Alà , Alà was their doleful note , their sustenance the peoples Almes . Their Father received them with content and joy , and perceiving the favour and opinion of the people toward him , to continue the same as at the first , he resolved to make use thereof , and thereupon sent Abnet and Mahumet to the Court of Fez , where they were kindly received by the too credulous King , who made the elder , President of the famous Colledge Amadorac , and the younger , Tutor of his own Sons . Advanced thus in favour at Court , and Grace with the people , by the Councel of their Father , they desired leave of the King to display a Banner against the Christians ; induceing him to believe , that they would easily draw the Portugal Moors to their party ; and by that means secure the Provinces of Morocco . Muley Nazer the Kings brother , resisted the p●●●tion , warning the King not to arme this name of Sanctity , which being once Victorious , might grow insolent , and forgetful of Duty in minding a Kingdome . He told him likewise that War makes men awless , and that through popularity , many became ambitious and studious of Innovation . But the King intoxicated with the Opinion of these Pilgrims Sanctity , rejected his Brothers necessary cautions , and gave them a Banner and Drum , with Letters of Credence to the Princes and Cities of Barbary , with twenty horsemen to attend them . Many Wonderful successes awaited upon their actions , and all things thrived so well under their conduct , that at last the King of Fez , who all along applauded his own Victories in theirs , began to distast them . And seeing they had poysoned the King of Morocco , and made Amet Zeriff to be proclaimed King in his stead , he mistrusted his own safety , and began but too late to repent his approveing of an armed hypocrisie . Puft up with their successes they forgot their obedience , and these Saints deny the King the fifth part of their spoyles , and only sent him six Horses and six Camels , and those lean and ill shapen . The King demands his dues , but they answered , That seeing they were lawful successors to Mahumet , they ought to pay no man Tribute , and that they had more right in Affrica then himself ; but if he would respect them as his Friends and Allies , they were not froward to embrace him under that quality ; but if he expected any more at their hands , they doubted not , but as they had had power to offend the Christians , they should not be destitute in defending of themselves ; By which it appeared , that they took up Armes , not out of Love to their Country and zeale for their Religion , but out of a desire of Rule . The sword by both sides was chosen to umpire the contest , which awarded for the Zeriffs . For upon the encounter of both the Armies , the Fessan Forces after a long and doubtful Battle were defeated ; and the Zeriffs so well improved the victory , that in few moons they became the uncontrouled Lords of the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco , in whose Government their Family continued a considerable summe of years . But not with out destructive Hostilities among themselves ; the Descendents pulling down each other by the like treacheries , that advanced their Ancestors : The greater thief stil leading the less to the Gallows . Their Rebellions appeared under the specious pretences of mending some faults in Government , and one Cozin deposed another , under the pleasing disguise of setting up a gentler and more orderly Dominion ; forgetting that it is safer to permit some inconveniences in the outer buildings , then to pull the whole structure down ; There being corruptions which may safelier be continued then removed . But notwithstanding these Civil Wars , the power still remained in the same Familie , and the dissention of the branches proceeded not so farr as to cut down the tree . And yet about the year 1607. the Zeriffian House seem'd neer an extirpation by reason of Boféres and Sidans opposing Muley Sheck their elder Brother in his succession . But Muley Sheck and Boféres dying in the warrs , Morocco was left to Abdalla son of Muley Sheck , who scarce warm'd the throne , till he was violently pull'd thence by his Uncle Sidan , and by an unintended kindness freed from the troubles of a Crown . This Muley Sidan once more joyned Fez with Morocco , and in himself made the Zeriffian Family to reigne over both . But he was much infested both by Land and Sea. For Abdela a Religious Hermit , and Hean , one of like hypocrisie and zeal , two opposite factions distressed him at Land , and the Pyrates of Salla and Algier by Sea. But his great valour maintain'd him against both . For by his own Arms he pacifyed the tumults at Land , and by the assistance of the English Shipping , he destroyed the Pyrats of Salla , which so much disquieted the Ocean . And this being done he sent to have the like aid against those of Algier the Pest of the Mediterranean . The tenor of his Heroick letter sent to King CHARLES of Great Britain on this occasion , I have here annexed , with no other designe then to manifest the great esteem , which that Mahumedan Prince worthily retained of CHARLES the first , our Victorious Martyr . The Letter of the KING of MOROCCO To the KING of ENGLAND . WHen these our Letters shall be so happy as to come to your Majesties sight , I wish the Spirit of the Righteous God may so direct your mind , that you may joyfully embrace the Message I send ; presenting to you the means of exalting the Majesty of God , and your own reward amongst men . The Regal power allotted to us makes us common servants to our Creator ; then of those people whom we govern : so that observing the duties we owe to God , we deliver blessings to the world ; in providing for the publicke good of our States , we magnifie the honour of God ; like the Celestial Bodies , which though they have much veneration , yet serve only to the benefit of the world . It is the Excellencie of our Office , to be Instruments whereby happiness is delivered to the Nations . Pardon me Sir , this is not to instruct , for I know I speake to one of a more cleer and quick sight then my self ; but I speak this , because God hath pleased to grant me a happy victory over some part of those Rebellious Pyrates , that have so long molested the peaceful trade of Europe ; and hath presented further occasion to root out the Generation of those , who have been so pernitious to the good of our Nations : I mean , since it hath pleased God to be so auspicious to our beginnings in the conquest of Salla , that we might joyne and proceed in hope of like success in the War against Tunis , Algier , and other places ( Dens and Receptacles for the inhumane villanies of those who abhor Rule and Government . ) Herein whilest we interrupt the corruption of malignant Spirits of the world , we shal glorifie the great God , and performe a duty that will shine as glorious as the Sun and Moon , which all the Earth may see and reverence : a work that shall ascend as sweet as the perfume of the precious Odours , in the Nostrils of the Lord. A work grateful and happy unto men : a worke whose memory shall be reverenced so long as there be any that delight to heare the Actions of Heroick and Magnanimous Spirits ; that shall last as long as there be any remaining amongst men , that love and honour the Piety and Vertue of Noble minds . This action I here willingly present to You , whose Piety and Virtues equall the Greatness of your Power : that We who are Servants of the Great and Mighty God , may Hand in Hand Triumph in the Glory which this Action presents unto us . Now because the Islands which you Govern , have been ever famous for the Vnconquered strength of their Shipping , I have sent this my trusty Servant and Ambassador to Know , whether in your Princely Wisdome You shall think fit to assist me with such Forces by Sea , as shall be answerable to those I provide by Land : which if You please to grant , I doubt not but the Lord of Hosts will protect and assist those that fight in so glorious a Cause . Nor ought You to think this strange , that I , who much reverence the Peace and accord of Nations , should exhort to a Warr. Your great Prophet Christ Jesus was the Lyon of the Tribe of Judah , as well as the Lord and Giver of Peace : which may signifie unto You , that he which is a lover and maintainer of Peace , must alwaies appear with the terror of his sword , and wading through Seas of Blood , must arrive at tranquillity . This made JAMES your Father of glorious memory , so happily renowned amongst all Nations . It was the Noble fame of your Princely Vertues , which resounds to the utmost corners of the Earth , that perswadeth me to invite You to partake of that blessing wherein I boast my selfe most happy . I wish God may heap the riches of his Blessings on You , increase your happiness with your days , and hereafter perpetuate the greatness of your Name in all Ages . The Traders into the Levant have reason to bewail , that the condition of his Majesties affaires would not give him leave to entertain this motion : which in all probability can never be revived with such promising circumstances , as it might then have been enterprized ; for those Pyrats were then inconsiderable to what they are now ; for by the computation of their encrease in Shipping and Skill in Navigation , if not timely subdued , they in short time may bid defiance to the Christian in the Mid-land Seas . And albeit the proposal was not embraced , yet it loudly spoke Sidan a Prince of Generous Designs , and Noble Ambitions ; and one who aimed at the Advance and Security of Trade , the Common interest of the World. Muley Sidan having reduced the affairs of State to a great degree of Quiet , he finish'd both Life and Reign at once , contrary to the example of the most of his Predecessors , whereof few either Reigned to the natural length of their Life , or were suffered to live beyond the violent shortness of their Reigne . Upon his Death , Muley Abdelmeleck his eldest Son , enter'd upon the fruition of his Fathers Atchievements . He was a person of much flegm and indifferency , naturally fitted for a tame and peaceable Empire , into which he was happily inaugurated , but not long continued , for in the second year of his reigne he was unnaturally assasined by his second Brother Luellud , whose ambition broke all bonds of Nature and Politie to ascend a Throne . But the infamous fratricide was presently thrown from his usurped greatness : for having by a powerful example taught the nearest method to weare a Crown , he was clandestinely Murder'd by his youngest Brother Muley Hamet Sheck , before he had accomplish'd the period of twenty Months in his Kingdome . And it is remarkable that Muley Shek pretended to no vengeance of his eldest Brothers death in that of his second ; but that he acted it only cut of an itch to obtain the Government , seconded with a suspition of his own safety ; which could not be great , while his Brother might justly fear him as a Rival for the Kingdome . Muley Sheck being the last of the Brothers , and thereby without any to competition him , he studied to make both his Government and Person gratious to the people . In which artifice he was so prosperous , that no Sultan in Barbary had equal'd him in a confluence of happiness . The Skie of his Reigne was for nineteen years serene : and there were no prognosticks of alteration in his condition , till Laella , one of his Wives , began to be exorbitant in her appetites , and to meditate disloyalty to her Husband's Bed. She is reported to have been a woman of a refined subtilty , and learned in the most artful methods of stealeing her pleasures . But at length she fell excessively enamour'd of her own kinsman , one Cidi Kirum , whom the King had adopted into his Grace and Conversation . This Kirum was of a popular inclination , and skilful in feeding the humours of the people . He had been at Mecha in Devotion , and of course received for that visitation the title of Hadge , granted to all that have performed the Hage , or Pilgrimage to their Prophets Tomb. By this , and a great shew of exterior Religion , he had with men of all capacities purchased a significant reputation . And albeit he was a wel-wisher to an Innovation , the common designe of their pretended Piety , yet the present face of affaires look'd very disagreeable upon such an enterprise . For the King so rul'd , that all had cause to love , and none to feare him , and the courteousness of his personal behaviour , had secured him a large share in the worst of his Subjects bosoms ; His custom being to punish and spare none , who were convict offendors against their Law , the known Rule both of their Religion and Politie . And for the greater discouragement of all commotions , the Zeriffian name was grown sacred with the Moors , through its long continuance : and they concluded its prosperity a Divine approbation of its Right . Kirum no doubt was still as coveteous to enjoy the Crown , as Laella his Bed ; whose amours at last grew to that height of impatience , that nothing could quiet them , but the embraces of her Paramour in a Regal State ; which she plotted with a feminine invention . The death of the King her Husband was the only secure Recipe for her distemper , but altogether of an unsafe accomplishment , if enterprised by open violence . Wherefore she is reported to have essayed his Death by Sorcery's ; in which wickedness ( Story tels us ) that the Mahumetan Women have alwaies been dexterous . But not precisely to determine , by what way Muley Hamet Sheck came to his Grave , it is certain that his end was suddain and unexpected , and that he shut up his life before he had seen the twentieth yeare of his Reign . His decease was much lamented , and the more because it came unsuspected . The Government lineally descended upon his Son Muley Labèsh , a child of three years old , whom his dying Father bequeath'd to the protection of Kirum El Hadge , and other Grandees of the Kingdome , appointing them to administer the affaires of State in Labèsh's name , till he was come to the age of eleven years . In which time Kirum was so balanc'd with his fellow Regents , that he durst not attempt the least alteration . But such was the crafty conduct of his demeanor , that he had made many of the Almocadens among the Alàrbs to be his creatures and ready at his Devotion , and of whose assistance he might rely , when he saw it convenient to time a Revolution : which he deferr'd to the entrance of the second yeare of Labèsh's reigne , being the thirteenth of his age . At which time Kirum secretly retired from Court , and was not heard of , till he appear'd in the head of a numerous Army of Alàrbs , whom he had allured into Rebellion with the promises of large Incoms , the baite disloyalty still leaps at . Labèsh quickly took the Alarm , and with considerable Forces marcht toward Kirum , if possible to end the Warr in the place where it was begun . The Moors highly extol the valour and conduct of this young King , who forgetting the delights and toys of that age , devoted himself to the severities of Military Discipline , constantly watching in the Camp , or courageously fighting in the Battel . For four years His fortunes and Kirum's had their vicissitudes , for so long they fought with dubious presages of the event ; till Treachery at last is said to have given Kirum that conquest which courage could not ; for Labèsh being invited by Kirum to receive his Recantation , met with a Barbarous death , where he hoped to receive a Loyal subjection . Others report that Kirum slew him with his own hands in that fatal Battel , which proved the finishing overthrow . After the death of Labèsh , Kirum became too powerful for the resistance of his scattered Forces , haveing none left under whose conduct they might venture their last Efforts ; so that now all oppositions being removed with the King , Kirum made a quiet march to Morocco , where the Citizens received him with all the significations of subjection , in whose imitation the adjoyning Cavílas brought in the pledges of their Allegiance to Kirum : which they did not intermit , till by a natural death he resign'd the Kingdom to his Son Muley Boucar , who after the short reigne of three months was dethron'd by Taffalete , of which Revolution more will be said in the story of that prevailing Zeriff . The Moors having for a long season been torn and distracted with the unnatural Murders of Sidans Sons , and wearied out with following those Wars , which had no juster causes then private interests and envious Annimosities , began at last to provide for their own peace and safety . The adored Zeriffian Family was extinct in Labèsh , whereby they were quitted from obedience to that Race . Kirum by several of the great ones living distant from the Court , was looked upon as one , both by unjustness of title , and meanness of Pedegree , unfit to receive their Allegiance . In this shaken and doubtful State of affairs , some stood neuter in their judgements , but outwardly complyed with the present Government ; others resolved to stand upon their Guard , chooseing rather to run the hazards of War , then to enjoy the safety of a dishonourable Peace . Cidi Hamet-Ali-Haiáshi , Cidi Mahumet Ben-el Hadge-Ben-Boucar , and the Zeriff of Benzaruel were the Chiefs in these new commotions , but all opposite factions , and all Alarbs , and all great Saints : The last of the three contented himself with the protection of Ben Zaruel , a large Cavíla almost impregnable by nature , in whose Government his Ancestors for many years had lived in peace . But after two months of stout resistance was subdued by Tafilete ; who took with him the Aged Zeriff , and dispersed his Family , of which there perhaps will be an opportunity of speaking more in another paragraph . Haiáshi and Ben-Boucar , gifted with greater ambitions , laboured to enlarge the Curtains of their Territories , and each seem'd to aime at no less then the Empire of Mauritania Tingitana . Their outward Sanctimony equald them in the peoples affection and esteem , and if they could have reconciled their Interests , and joyned in the same designe , they had shared that state , which both lost , while each would have all or none : of whose rise and fall these succeeding periods will give you information . Cidi Hamet Ali Haiáshi was an Alarb , ( or one of that sort of Moors , who live under Tents and in Mountains , without any fixed habitations , as I shall shew in my notices upon this Country , ) who had the learning of a Talib , and sanctity of a Marabout ; by which he was esteemed as an Oracle among his Countrymen , who upon all Emergent occasions repaired unto him for advice and Instruction ; which they received as Infallible , and obey'd as a Law. His Parentage according to the Moresco Heraldry was not obscure ; for the Government of Abenimálec was Hereditary to his Family , and legally descended to his possession . Which Abenimálec being a very large Cavíla , upon the river of Mamora , was by Haiashi governed with that politick carriage , which made him reverenced of his own people , and fear'd of his neighbours , as appear'd in their ready abetting his enterprises . The late suspected death of Muley Sheck , together with the violent murther , and dethroning of his Son , both Haiashi's beloved Soveraigns , made Kirum , whom he supposed to have been as well the secret contriver of the first , as he saw him the open acter of the second villany , to be odious to his thoughts , and unfit for his obedience . Revenge , whose lawfulness is an Article in the Moors Creed , put Haiashi into Arms , with intent , if not to depose Kirum from being King , yet at least keep himself from becoming his Subject . His first Musters consisted ownly of the Levies of his own Cavíla , to which were daily accessions of the Neighboring Almócadens , which helpt to adjust his Insurrection . His Forces being soon increased above his hopes , he order'd his March toward Fez , the Metropolis of the Kingdom of that name . This ancient City was now govern'd by Vbahà , Kirums Creature ; who upon the advance of Haiáshi's Forces , secretly stole away to Morocco , as not daring to trust himself to his own valour , or the fidelity of the Citizens . By the flight of Vbahà , Fez being left Governorless , it became the easie Atchievement of Haiáshi ; under whose Command it continued seven Years , and was a fair addition to his Greatness and Safety , being ( as was said ) the Metropolis of the Kingdom . Haiáshi by his Successes began to be the envy of Ben-Boucar , who for some Years after his Revolt from Morocco , contented himself with the solitary Dominion of Záwia , where he lived in a House of that name , which for its Religious Foundation , was become a Sanctuary , or Refuge for Offenders . The Inhabitants of Záwia are reported to be very numerous and Warlike , yet by reason of remoteness , they created Haiáshi very small Disturbances ; besides , Ben-Boucar was unwilling to refer himself to the uncertain Decision of the Sword , which , in all probability , must have given the Victory to Haiáshi , by whose Forces he was far exceeded . He therefore betook himself to Stratagem , and consults with Ali Ben Hamet , Almocaden of Saphían , one whom Haiáshi had not yet entirely subdued , by what method their common Enemy might be removed . Now the Moors , in removal of those they hate , seem to know no other Policies , besides an armed Violence , and secret Massacre . The two Conspirators saw their inability to undertake the former , and therefore resolved to put the latter in execution . Ali Ben Hamet greedy of that sweet bit Revenge , and to express it upon Haiáshi , who had dispoiled him of his Right , uudertook to be his Assasinate : which he thus effected . Haiáshi being lodged in his Tent near Azount , a Fountain he greatly esteemed in the Cavíla of Atcleik , about six Leagues North of Alcazàr , was in the Night visited by Ali , accompanyed with about 70 Horse , who came not with any shew of Hostility , but with a pretence of Friendship , declaring , That his Errand was design'd to render himself Haiáshies Subject , and to receive the continuance of his Cavíla from his hand . Under this Cloak Haiáshi received him into his Tent , and thereby gave him the opportunity of Murthering him , which he effected with one Stab . The Murtherer had his Accomplices ready to make his Escape , which was the less difficult , because Haiáshi had no Guards , which he had declined either to save Charges , or dissemble his confidence in the Moors , who are best made faithful by being trusted ; but very vindictive , when they find themselves suspected . Ben-Boucar being ascertain'd by Ali of Haiáshies treacherous Slaughter , in the Twelfth Year of his Revolt , he incèssantly marcht to take Possession of his Country , which he found ready at his Devotion ; either because the People were unprovided for Opposition ; or , that they thought Ben-Boucar's Superiority was less obnoxious to exception , then any other they could elect . The Almócadens , mindful of their accustomed method to preserve their Commands , secretly one after another subscribed to Ben-Boucar's Regiment ; onely Fez and Alcazàr cost him some time and Blood in their Reduction . But at last they yielded upon Articles , Arzila having first shown them the way . Ben-Boucar's next March was to Tituan , govern'd by the Ancient and Worthy Family of the Narsis , out of which he had received a Wife , and by that Relation was welcome to the Supremacie of that City . Ben-Boucar having brought this part of Barbary to his subjection , resolved to return to Záwia : But before he left the Country , he took from the Grandees thereof , the best Assurances he was able for their Obedience and Fidelity . Next , he disposed the Towns of greatest Importance , to the Government of his Sons and Favorites . To his eldest Son Abdalla he entrusted the Rule of Salla , which he had observed proner to Sedition then the rest , and yet much addicted to Persons famed for Piety , for which Abdalla was arrived at a Saintship . To his second Son Mahumed , he committed the care of Fez , to whom he saw the People thereof have a peculiar Inclination . To his third Son Hamet Zéer , or Hamet the less , he gave the command of Shehàll , a Mountain of rude Inhabitants , yet much addicted to obey a fierce nature , wherewith Hamet Zéer was furnished . Arzila he left to Benzèir , a Thing of his own framing : And Alcazar to Cidi Benzían . After this Partition , he returned to his Religious Záwia , where in great Peace he enjoyed the fruits of his War , making the easiness of his Yoak an argument with the People to bear it . But the memory of Haiáshi's treacherous Death ( compassed by Ben-Boucar ) was still fresh in the Brests of those Sons , whose Fathers had their Fortunes thereby depress'd ; which Ben-Boucar , as he could not but know , so he could not but conclude , That the vindictive Spirit of a Moor would take the first occasion of avenging . In prevention whereof , he took with him to Záwia such Sons as he saw were likeliest to inherit their Fathers hatred against him ; not as Hostages of Peace , but as Pledges of his Care , whom being as yet in their non-age , he loved to Print with the Characters of a peaceable acquiescence in his Authority . Among these Youths , young Gaylan was most considerable , and indeed the only Person that he detained : whose Story now succeeds , in which will be supplyed what is here wanting of Ben-Boucar . In Beniworfut , near to Arzila , lived the Family of the Gaylans , which was of that sort of Moors stiled Barabàrs , and to which through flux of time , the Government of that Cavíla was become Hereditary . This House ( though never low or obscure ) began to be signally advanced in Ali Gaylan the Father , which proved but a Prophesie of its downfall in El Hader the Son ; whose Ambitio● lost what the others Humility had obtained . Ali was in great favor with Haiáshi , and a chief Engine of his advancement , in which he was observed not much to endeavor his own . But his greatest Renown sprang from his Zeal for the Mahumetan Law , an Artifice which seldom failes , & a knack with which whosoever is gifted , cannot want Reverence among the Moors . Arzila being much moved with his Sanctity , invited him to a residence among them , which they rewarded with considerable Rents , and great Testimonies of respect . This Ali Gaylan spent the last Scene of his Life with great satisfaction to Haiáshi's prosperity , whom at his Death he left without any threatning Prognosticks of an alteration in his State : But when he grew sensible of the near approaches of his end , he called for his Beloved El Hader , to whom he recommended the care of his Family , Government of his Cavlla , imitation of his Conversation and Faith to Haiáshi . El Hader was too young for the undertaking all this when his Father dyed , which caused the provident Parent to leave him to the careful Tuition of Hamet Benzían , Almocadèn of Beni-Haròs , with whom he remained , till removed thence by Ben-Boucar , after the reducement of Haiáshi . About the xxiii of his Age , this El Hader Ben Ali Gaylan , was married to the Daughter of one Akadim , a principal Man in Beniworfut , upon which Marriage he had license to return home ; a Concession that proved very fatal to Ben-Boucar . For El Hader being got to his own Territories , where he received an affectionate wellcome ; there happened a Commotion in the populous Cavíla's of Saphean , Sháwia , and Homàr , ( all Alarbes ) which denyed to pay Ben-Boucar the accustomed Rights , & were so far from an obedient tender thereof , that they inhumanely murthered his two Brethren , Abdelhálac and Missínievi , whom he sent to demand them . The news of this Insurrection quickly arrived El Hader , who thereupon , with some of the best Horse of his Cavíla , instantly posted to Alcazar , where according to Intelligence he met with Haiáshi's Murtherer , whom with his own hand he killed , in revenge of the Murther he had committed upon his Fathers Friend : In whose death , he pull'd down one of Ben-Boucars best Supporters in this Canton of his Dominion . Next he speeded to Arzíla , forsaken by Ben-Boucars Alcáyde , who upon the tydings of Hamets death , and the Alárbes revolt , durst not trust himself among a People whom he saw zealously to favor his Masters Enemy . Upon this Gaylan appeared at Arzíla , which was very acceptable to his Fathers old Admirers , who readily yielded him their utmost Assistances , and were seconded with several of the adjacent Cavíla's . Ben-Boucar coming to chastize the seditious Alárbes , and to avenge his Brothers blood , which he speedily dispatc'd ; his next care was to render Gaylan sensible of his Deportment , who , upon his advance , took sanctuary in Arzíla , where he lay immured , till such time as necessity forced Ben-Boucar to withdraw his Levies . Upon every such retreat , Gaylan was still at his wonted disturbances , and yet upon every return of the Enemy , he betook himself to the protection of Arzila ; Out of which nothing could fetch him , but a close , tedious , and expensive Siege , a thing ill agreeing with the Moors Custom and Provision . Ben-Boucar , weary of that Fatigue , in which for some Years he had been exercised , and whereof he saw no end , proferr'd Gaylan this Accommodation : That if he would pay him the accustomary Tributes , and an acknowledgement of superiority , he should peaceably possess the Government of Arzila , and his own Cavíla . Gaylan was not backward to accept an Accommodation so favorable to his present Condition and future Designs ; being at that time shut up in Arzila , and yet entertaining an ambition of making himself Lord of the Countrey . This accommodation being ratifyed , Ben-Boucar returned home , and Gaylan was set at liberty to take his Divertisements in the Countrey , where his plausible Fortune and Personage , Zeal for their Law , and reservation of Carriage , made the Grandees of the Countrey greatly affected with his Society . Gaylan finding himself under so favorable an Aspect , thought of Strengthning his Intentions by contracting Alliances with the best Casts : whereupon he took him a second Wife , a Daughter of Cassian Shot Almocadèm of the Cavila called Angera , a Warlike Family , and descended of the Andalusian Moors banished Spain . His third Wife was the Daughter of Cogèr Alcáyde of Alcazar , and a leading Person in that part of the Countrey . His fourth was a Virgin Daughter of Múfadal , Governor of Tituan , which made up the legal number of four , so many being allowed by their Prophet : upon the death of his second Wife , to keep up the account , he marryed the Daughter of one Messimd , a popular Person in Tituàn , and descended of a Saint . By these Alliances he got an Interest both in the Persons and Places of greatest moment in this part of the Countrey , by which he was animated to break with Ben-Boucar : a design of such nature , that Gaylan durst not venture thereon in any open Declaration , but advisedly disguised it under a pretended Enterprise against the Christians , Garrison'd in several Towns on the Barbary Coast , maintained by the Crowns of Portugal and Spain . Which to effect the better , he first shewed the Moors how their Prophet , both by his Example and Doctrine , had taught them to exercise their Revenge against all Opposers of his Law ; and that whoever should dye in its Defense or Propagation , were assured of Paradise ; and then concluded , how much it would redound to the honor of that Generation , if they should drive the Christians out of their Countrey , to which and their Religion they were the common Enemy . This Proposal was strangely moving with People of all capacities , and the report of Gaylans Intentions against the Christians , induced many to be his Followers , who otherwise would have eschewed his Company : But having drawn in some by his Affinity , others with fair Promises , and the generality with Religious Pretences , he began a little to pull aside the Vail , and shew the naked Face of his Design . Having given some Testimonies of his Zeal and Valour against the Christians , and enraged them to an activity above what they had of late expressed : He likewise laid before them their necessity of Union , and that they should combine under one Leader , the better to carry on what they had begun . He also set before them their unhappiness to be governed by one whom age and distance render'd so unfit to relieve them , in case of sudden necessity ; and withall magnifyed his Title to the Government of the Country , equal to Ben-Boucars . The People found no reason to dispute any part of Gaylans Harangue , in which they could perceive he aimed at nothing but their safety . Whereupon the Alcáyde of Alcasar , El Hàders Father-in-law , was the first that declared for his Government , who was seconded with several other Grandees of the Countrey , so that in short time all the Cavíla's which Ben-Boucar had taken from Haiáshi , left him as they had done their former Master , and adhered to Gaylan . But Sálla and Tituàn utterly dissented from the rest , and instead of yielding a tame submission to Gaylans Empire , they altogether resisted him . This moved El Hader to advance his Forces first against Tituàn , which he found very stubborn : for Abdel Crim Nacsis ( the chief Governor thereof ) would be inclined to no thoughts of Pacification or Surrender , while he could cherish any hopes of being relieved by his near Relative Ben-Boucar . But at length , despairing of any Succors , and seeing the great spoils Gaylan was like to make of their Vineyards , Gardens , and Houses of Pleasure about the Town , which the Inhabitants highly valued for their profit and delight , he sought to prevent him in that desolation , by a mature and timely Address for Peace : which was welcome News to Gaylan , being very covetous to be Master of a place so considerable for Strength , Riches , and Traffick . The Articles were soon concluded , Gaylan demanding no more then their subjection , a constant Levy of Soldiers to serve him on occasions of greater moment ; and that one of his own Election should be equal in the Government with Nacsis . Upon this Pacification with Tituan , Gaylan march'd against Sálla , which was under the Rule of that great Saint , Abdala Ben-Boucar , who upon weak Temptations retired to the Castle , leaving Gaylan the Signory of the Town , wherein he placed some Forces of his own , to secure the Inhabitants from Apostacy . But not long after , Abdala being sore pressed for want of Provisions , and hopeless of being succored by his Father , privily quitted the Castle , having first of all sent away in an English Frigat , his Wives to Phedálla . The gaining of this Castle made Gaylan sole Master of this North West Canton of Barbary , beyond which he was never able to enlarge his Territories ; albeit he was strugling for more room , as foreseeing that endeavors after more , was the means to be secure of what he had got already . He often tryed his valor upon the Xerif , Hamet Bocálla , chief of Benzaruel , and Beni-Hálet , but his Attempts still proved successless , for those Cavila's are almost inaccessible by reason of their Mountainousness . Erif , Botoía , Beniuphràsh , Benimisgíldah , and Benijaacòb , being all large Cavíla's which for Generations had been govern'd by the house of Arras , under the title of Alcayde , never receiv'd any attempt of Gaylan's reducing them . And albeit he wanted neither courage nor ambition to have made himself Sultan of Barbary , yet his Stars denyed him that Grandeur , and he was never able to stretch his Arm beyond the command of 22 Cavíla's , whose names are hereunto annexed , with the number of their usual levies of Men for the Wars . The List of the Names of the Cavíla's , with the number of their Forces , which were under Gaylans Government in the Year , 1666. 1. ANgerá under the command of Cassian Shot , Gaylans Father-in-law , is a large Cavíla , inhabited with Barabàrs , and is able to raise 500 Foot , and an equal number of Horse . 2. Wadròss , the nearest Neighbor to Tanger , yields upon any urgent occasion 800 for the Wars , in equal number of Horse and Foot. 3. Benidèr , about ten Leagues from Tanger , can bring 500 Foot and a thousand Horse to the Field . 4. Minkél , a small Cavíla , not able to leavy above 500 in all . 5. Hammihárshen is well Peopled , and able to advance 1000 in all ; the greatest part Foot. 6. Hamnizóuer commonly raiseth as many . 7. Alkaróbe , being a large and well-inhabited Cavíla , is able , upon a small warning , to arm out 1500 Horse and Foot in equal numbers ; it is govern'd by Mahumet Akadim , and Lassin Akadim his Brother , who revolted from Gaylan and sided with Tafilete . 8. Benióbras , of Horse and Foot can raise a thousand ; it is governed by Ali Azús , who revolted from Gaylan to the Xeriff . 9. Beniharòs is next adjoyning to the former , and able to send 1200 to the Field : This Cavíla is govern'd by Lasin El Phut , who was the first that invited Tafilete to advance against Gaylan , promising him his assistance . 10. Beni Josèph is a Cavíla of two days Journey , able to raise 3000 in all , but very few Horse : It is very Mountainous , and so fortified by Nature , that it has often attempted to stand upon its own defence . It is govern'd by Lazid Ali Mahumed , who left Gaylan upou the approach of Tafilete . 11. Sumátta is a small Cavíla , whose usual levy is 500 of all sorts : It is govern'd by Talib Ali Elfiluz , who joyned with Tafilete . 12. Beniworfùt , which advanc'd 600 Horse , and as many Foot : The Government hereof belongs to the House of Gaylan , but since Tafilets Empire , the Almocaden thereof is one Mahumed Dengith . 13. Arzila and Salli make one Cavila , and when but easily charged , raise 500 Foot , and as many Horse ; they are governed by an Alcayde . 14. Halixérif raiseth with Alcazar 1200 Foot in all : it belongs to the Alcayde of Alcazar who in Gaylans time was Mahumet Cozhez , but now Ali. 15. Kit●n , which being very small , its Forces exceed not 200. 16. Benimadar yields about the same number . 17. Beni Záid , which if the same with that in Leo Afer , must yield more Soldiers then 500 , though that was the ordinary levy exacted by Gaylan . 18. Al Couff is a small Cavila , lying between Alcazar Ezzaguer , and Ceuta , which usually sent in 200. These are all , or the most of them Barabars , who have fixed Habitations , living in Neighborhood and a setled Conversation ; and of these consisted Gaylans chief Forces : yet he had besides these four Cavíla's of Alárbes , namely , Delholòt , Sháwia , Beni-Guedàr , and Saphián , which are reported to be very numerous and Warlike , lying West of Salla and Alcazar : But by reason of their untractable nature , and floating manner of living , they are not so certain in their Musters , nor ready upon Emergencies . These Gaylan could never bring under a perfect subjection , but was content they should pay some small Tribute in acknowledgement to his Superiority . The above mentioned Cavíla's were the total of Gaylans Dominions , beyond which he could never make any Enlargement . He was for the space of twelve Years prosperous in his Government , and the general success of his Enterprises , raised him highly in the estimate of his Followers : It being the Genius of this People , to make the Prosperity of the Action , an undoubted argument of its Justice , and the voice of Heaven to approve it . Gaylan from his Youth was trained up in Arms : And for the Adventures he had made upon Tanger , when Portugúes , was called the Almocaden of those Fields . But not to mention any thing of his proceedings against the Christian ( that being no design of this Paper ) we find him constantly in War with the Moor. Ben-Boucar was still Master of Fez , and ready upon every frail Temptation to enter Gaylans Frontiers , which kept them both in continual Hostility . The People at length wearied out with the incessant Troubles occasioned by these Rivals for the Supremacy , were ready to adhere to some third Party , able to settle the Government in such a single Person , as both by Title and Strength should be above an ordinary Competitor : Which unexpectedly came to pass in the Sixteen hundred and sixty fifth of the Crucifixion ; for about the entrance of that Year , Muley Reshid first appeared with the Prognosticks of a Revolution , of whom I here set down this short Account . In the Province of Dara , in Numedia , the Countrey of Mahumed Ben Amet , Founder of the Xeriffian Empire , there arose a Mulátto ( one whose Father was white , and Mother black ) one Reshid Ben Mahumed , a Native of the Town of Taffilete , the place whether Mahumed ( the second Son of Mahumed Ben Amet ) the second of that Family ( who was Emperor of Morocco ) had confined his eldest Brother Amet , whom he had taken Prisoner . This Reshid ripening in Years and discretion , began to make himself known to the World by the name of the Xeriff of Tafilete : By which Title he made himself descended of the Xeriffian House , which so long had enjoyed the Empire of Barbary , and of the Prophet Mahumet . [ Xeriff ] ( as was said ) being a Name peculiar to that Deceiver . And because a research into Moresco Geneologies shall have labour for the pains , I shall enquire no further after Reshids Pedigree , then to observe that his Father was one Muley Mahumed , a Prince of great Authority in Numedia , who besides his four legal Wives , had several Concubines ; of one of which , being a Negra , he begot this Reshid . His Father dying while he was a minor , he was committed to the Tuition of his Elder Brother Muley Hamet Ben-Mahumed . This Reshid having accomplisht his Pupillage , began to look into his Condition , and to enquire what was left him by his deceased Father : For by the Moresco Institutes , the Sons of Concubines are equal Sharers in the Patrimony with those of the lawful Wives . While Reshid made himself the comparative of his Brother , he was lost into an Emulation , that spurr'd him into the endeavours of promoting his Fortunes . He saw his own Condition , and that of Publick Affairs , qualified for no other Proposal to effect his desired Advancement , but what was to be obtained by the Sword : Whereupon he consulted with his own Genius , by what Artifice he might soonest imbroil Barbary in a new War , and communicated the Design with some few Moors of his own Complexion . At the first opening of his Adventure , his Retinue exceeded not the number of thirty , and those of an inferior Quality , who yet , by reason of the contractedness of their Lots , were disposed to execute any Proposition that was probable to enlarge them . With this paucity of Adherents , Reshid secretly withdrew from Tafilete to Tessa , a place abounding with Inhabitants , but as poor as numerous . Here Reshid received the Royal Title of Muley , and was Proclaimed King of Tafilete . And in acknowledgement and token of his Royal Power , the People brought him Presents , as the known Pledges of their Loyal subjection . This new Sultan manifested a great disdain of that Avaritious humour , which had possessed the minds of the Barbarian Princes , much inveighing against the sordid Devotion of Sacrificing the Wealth of their Subjects to themselves . He therefore by a subtil contrariety refused to shrine up more Money in his Coffers , then might decently defray Expences , leaving at the first that pleasing bait to be devoured by his Proselytes , whereby he purchased a great reinforcement of his Retinue . Tessa , which he elected for his first place of Arms , swarm'd ( as was said ) with poor Inhabitants , whose Labors were too little for their Sustenance , which might render them the readier to take the Impression of any Counsil that was likely to better their Condition . And Muley Reshid is conceived to have repaired to this beggerly Colony , to meet with an easier advance of Followers . By rowling up and down , he had in short time gathered so great a Bulk , as threatned an Inundation wheresoever it should spread it self . Attended with this numerous Rabble , he addressed himself to his Elder Brother Muley Hamet , in a posture compounded of Hostility and Friendship , of whom he demanded the Estate left him by his Father , that he might be the better enabled to perform something worthy of Their House . The two Brothers began to wax hot in the Conference ; and it is said , that the Language on both sides was so exasperating , that they had like to have forgot the distance of their Condition , and to have closed up their Discourse with an unmannerly Combate . Both were so far transported with Anger , that without the least overture of Reconcilement , they fell into declared Hostility , and left their private Quarrel to the publick determination of a War. In which Muley Reshid was so fortunate as to slay his Brother , and thereby was left without any to justle him in the Government of Dara . This success did so swell Reshid's bosome , that less room could not circumscribe him then a Kingdom . The present Affairs of Barbary were auspicious to his Enterprises : the Countries being rent into petty Monarchies , every Almocaden that was able , having put himself into a defensive Posture , aiming to live independent in his Government . This division much facilitated Reshid's Designs : yet nothing was more conducing to his success , then his careful execution of Justice , the want whereof had been a general pretended grievance ; every detected Criminal had condign punishment according to demerit , whereby he became both beloved and feared . Together with his care for publick Justice , he continued his seeming neglect of Riches ; stil dividing among his Partizans the estates of those whom their own obstinacy made his spoils . But those , who gently yeilded to his mercy , he generously protected both in their Goods and Persons . This obliging carryage gave wings to his Fame , and made him where ever he came to be received with acclamations ; The common voice was Illah Enzur Muley Reshid , i.e. God bless Prince Reshid & the vulgar esteem'd him sent on purpose to chastize oppressors . Having made himself master of his Brothers Territories , he advanced towards Erìf govern'd by the Alcayd Arras , who was his Brothers confederate , and his Father-in-law , and who in confidence of this relation ( if we may credit report ) granted Muley Reshid a peaceable admission into his Dominions ; wherein for some Moons he deported himself as a Son. But being ascertained of the Alcayds intention to contract a Friendship with Tanger , and that he had dispatch'd an envoy to the same purpose he concluded that he now wanted no reason to declare himself an enemy to the Alcayd's proceedings , and under this pretext arm'd against him . The Alcayd seeing the Xériff attempting to dispoil him of his Territories ; and that contrary to all Ingenuity and Laws of Hospitality ; he began to usurp the Country of his Entertainer , he thought it high time to provide for his defence . Therefore with some Extemporary Forces he repaired to the Maritim Bos●mma where he reinforc'd a small Fort ; not out of any hopes to maintain it against the Xériff , but thereby to have the advantage of surrendring it and himself upon gentler Articles . Muley Reshid advised of the Alcaids flight , addressed himself to the pursuit , and overtook him at the mentioned Fortress . Which in few daies the Alcayd delivered up to be demolish'd by the Xeriff , and himself his prisoner . This Victory , or rather surprisal of the Alcayd was a fair accession to Reshids power , having now subjected the only Potentate , whom the rest of the neighbouring Grandees had so often Courted for a Confederate . Having thus obtained the command of Erìf and the rest of his Fatherinlaws Country , it raised in him no less aspireing hopes then to become Sultan of Mauritania Tingitana , at that time rent into parties . To the accomplishing of which design he saw the gaining of Fez would contribute much to his esteem , and give him admission into the heart of the Kingdome . Upon this consideration he resolutely march'd to trye his fortunes with that ancient and famous Metropolis . This City was lately in the Government and Possession of Cidi Mahumed , second Son to Ben Boucar , who was despoiled thereof , together with his Life , by the cruelty of Bensállah , Soheìr , and Doríedi , said all to be Andaluzian Moors , and who had the Government thereof divided among them , when Reshid came against it . The news of whose approach no sooner reach'd Fez. but the Governors , whom guilt had made cowardly , betook themselves to the strongest holds of the City , depositing the Keys into such Hands , as they thought fittest to be entrusted with the protection of the Gates . Reshid seeing that Fez was likely to cost him dear , if he stayed to take it by a formal Siege , thought of having recourse to Stratagem ; knowing that he who aspires after nothing but Conquest , ought not to binde himself to the Laws of a fair Gamester . Reshid had so long pressed the City by impeding their Markets , that he might reasonably imagine there was a want of provision of Cattel ; whereupon he resolved to lodge some of his Forces near the City Walls , and that himself , with about sixteen more , would drive some Cattel to the Gates of Fez , under the disguise of Friends come to bring them Provision . This he put in execution in the Night , and coming with the Cattel to the Gates , with a Voice counterfeiting haste and fear , they called to the Guards for entrance , and desired that they would take into their Protection them and the booty brought for their succour . Two were admitted to enter , whereof the Xeriff is said to have been one , who instantly slew the Centinel , and thereby made way for the rest ; who having seised the Keys , straight ascended a small Turret over the Gate , and thence gave the Signal to his Forces , lodged near for the purpose to advance : And the small Gun that was placed in the Gate , he caused to be turned upon the City . The Citizens being miserably confused and affrighted at the suddenness of the action , were not recovered of their Distractions till Reshid poured in his Army amongst them ; against whom being unable to make any considerable opposition , their last and only succour was a timely submission , which they performed with such humility , that Reshid had no temptation to reject it . After they were received into protection , the Fezans were not penurious in complaints against their Governors , imputing it to their wilfull Pride , that the Xerif was not received with such evidences of Honor , as they had always born to that Title . But not staying at such useless Complements , Reshid in the first place took into his possession the ancient Treasures of the Kings of Fez. Next , he caused the three Governors to be brought before him , and having told them of their great Oppressions of the People , he commanded one of them to be burnt immediately , another to be dragg'd about the Streets till he was dead ; but the third he committed to custody , and afterward is said to have kill'd him with his own hand : And then declared , That this was the just recompence of all those who deal unjustly with the People . And having thus subjected the famous Fez , his next Trophies he design'd upon Ben-Boucar , whom without much resistance he took Prisoner , and brought to Fez , and there granted him a liberal Confinement , in token of that respect which he bore his Piety and Age. After this , he went against the Xerif of Benzaruèl , who proved a very resolute Enemy , for with the strength of his own Cavíla he found a Months work for all Reshids Army , but at length was forced to render himself Prisoner , and still remains in that Condition . Reshid had now so far advanced his Dominion in the Kingdom of Fez , that he had none therein to oppose him but El Hader Ben Ali Gaylan ; who for his military Skill , personal Valour , and many Years of Success and Settlement in his Government , rendred Tafilete dubious in his Councils how to proceed against him . Tafraught , a prodigious ridge of Mountains , so secured Gaylans Frontiers , that no part was left passable , but what might easily be guarded . And therefore to enter Gaylan's Dominions by open violence , Tafilete foresaw would cost him the expense of more time then his Affairs could spare : upon which reflection , he fell to his successful Art of making a false Party in his Enemies Camp , that he might obtain by intestine Treachery , what in this case he could not by his own Force . To this end he secretly enter'd into correspondence with Cidi Lasin El Phut , Governor of Benittaròs , ( Gaylans chief Frontier Cavíla ) who was entrusted with the Avenue that let into Gaylans Country . Lasin was not much indisposed to a Revolt from Gaylan , being one of those whom he had highly displeased in not calling them to the adjousting of the last Peace with Tanger , nor to partake of its Benefits ( which was very fatal to that juncture of Gaylan's Affairs ) and because he saw the growing power of Tafilete , and that albeit for a while they might resist him , yet in time he would eat through their Alps. Upon these Temptations , or what other , we may imagine operative upon the wary , covetous , aspiring and revengeful nature of a Moor , Lasin contracted with Tafilete , Reshid , or the Xeriff ( which in this Narrative do all express the same Person ) to advise him , when he should attach the Passage , who to that end had always a select Band in readiness . And when by his own Example Lasin had taught the Guards to be remiss , and had got the advantage of Gaylans absence , he gave Tafilete the Signal , who gain'd the Passage , and with such suddenness set upon the Reserves , that they were not able to make any considerable resistance . The news of this Disaster soon reacht Alcazar , where Gaylan was entertaining himself with his Relation Cogez , who with some of his best Troops march'd to the succour of his other Forces , which otherwise had been totally destroyed . Gaylan in this Encounter gave great testimonies of his Valour , and had , no doubt , given the Enemy a brave repulse , if his Infantry had not been wholly discomfited ere he could come to their relief . At last , finding himself oppressed with number , he was forced to order the Party that stuck to him to seek for their safety , and himself , with about six more , retreated to Arzila ; from whence , as one not well recover'd of the fright , he acquainted that Excellent Person , Colonel H. Norwood , the Lieutenant Governor of Tanger ( with whom he was then in League ) with his Disgrace , in this following Letter , Translated out of Spanish . The Superscription . Al Exmo Senòr Don Enrique Norwood . Ex t. Sir , ALL Places are over-spread with the Disasters and Events of our War. The ill success at this time befaln me , hath been by the Design of my Enemy , a Xerif of Tafilete , who falling in with his Army , surprised my careless out-guards , and broke and rooted the whole Body . Upon notice whereof , I got on Horse-back at Alcazar , but found my People running away in so great Disorder , that it exceeded my Power to rally them till I came at Arzila . Whence I am now necessitated to crave your Excellencies assistance , upon the account of that Peace and Friendship so solemnly contracted betwixt us . I therefore desire , That you would send me a Boat of good bigness , that if I should be put to any strait , I might send to you for succour , which I doubt not but your Excellency will please to send me upon Honorable Terms . Also I desire your Excellency , that in case any of my Guards , of what Quality soever , do retire to your City with Cattle , or otherwise , that you would vouchsafe to favour them with your Protection , and supply their Necessities . I crave your Excellencies Commands , which I am ready to perform with great willingness . The Bearers , your Mariners , promise to return , by whom I intreat you to send a larger Imbarcation . May God keep your Excellency . Arzila , June 29. S. V. 1666. Assoon as the Lieutenant Governor had perused the Letter , he resolved to gratifie Gaylan's desires , as being glad of an opportunity to vindicate the honour of the English Nation from some imputations , which Gaylan objected to the Lieutenant Governor ( when he was with him at Arzila ) and which was chiefly occasioned through some mistake between the Great Tiveot and Gaylan , concerning the time when the War should commence in the Year 1663. For albeit the Earl of Tiveot had sufficiently cleared the Honor and Justice of that Action , yet Gaylan seeming not so to apprehend it , the Lieutenant Governor was glad of an occasion to let him know , That it was the mind of his Master , the King of Great Brittain , that all his Ministers should be punctual in the observation of what they stipulated in his Name . To which end , in a generous and well-composed Letter , the Lieuteuant Governor condoled Gaylan's mis-fortune , assuring him of his Friendship , and that he would exactly comply with every Article of the Peace concluded betwixt Tanger and his Excellency ; and that if any of his Vassals , Allies , or Domestiques , should in any Exigence make Tanger their Sanctuary , they should find it no otherwise , and that they should be treated according to their Quality and Condition . This Letter was sent by a Kinsman of the Lieutenant Governors , who according to directions , confirm'd Gaylan in the belief of meeting with all the succors that he could reasonably expect from the lately contracted Friendship . This Message , whose kindness was doubled by its seasonableness and speed , put new Spirits into Gaylan's drooping Concerns , and gave him Courage to sound the temper of his revolted Cavíla's , which he found well disposed to his Service , albeit they were forced to dissemble their Intentions till their Harvest was secured , least otherwise they should second the War with a Dearth ▪ for so little is the Provision of the Moors , that the loss or miscarriage of one Crop , brings a Famine . But while Gaylan was laboring to retard , Tafilete was improving his last Victory : and having possess'd himself of the Passage into his Enemies Territories , he quickly became Master of Alcazàr , the chiefest of Gaylan's Inland Towns , which was deserted by Cidi Hamet Cogèz , who for many Years had govern'd there by the Title of Alcayde . The tydings of the Xerifs Successes no sooner reach'd Tituan , but that Town declared for him , and with their best Solemnity Proclaimed him King. At the same time the Shat of Angera , a principal Person in those parts , nearly related to Gaylan by Blood and Marriage , retired to the Woods in the Bay of that Alcazàr , which stands upon the Midland Sea ; where he resolved to conceal himself , whil'st he sent his Domestiques to Ceuta , a Spanish Garrison , and Tanger , to procure Seguròs for himself and Family , in case the Xerif should prove implacable , and refuse to receive him unto fair Quarters . But the Shat of Angera tired with his retreat , and cherishing some dull hopes of Gaylan's Recovery , sent in a Bille● to the Lieutenant Governor of Tanger in Moresco , in which he seemed to insinuate , that he intended no submission to the Xerif , which was Translated thus . The Letter of Almócadem Casum Shat , and his Sons Almócadem , Abdelcrìm , and Almócadem Ali , to the Captain of Tanger , whom we honor much . Desiring that he would do them the favour to send them four Kintals of Powder , four hundred Balls , and a Kintal of Lead , with fifty or more Muskets : and that if the Captain have any need of Wood or Barley , they will repay him in that Commodity : This they sollicit as Gaylan's faithful Friends . I have inserted this Letter for the sake of its stile , being the first and only Address made in this manner to any of the English Governors in Tanger . But how hopeful soever the Shats Affairs might appear at the date of this Letter , yet very shortly after they seem'd to be in a very languishing state , as was easily to be collected by a large account thereof given to Cidi Hamet Algílo , who was then in Tanger , and which is here translated out of Arabique thus . The Letter of Taliffo Hamet El Shat , which is bid to salute Hamet Algílo , and to give him an account of the Troubles that have happened here ; how that the same Night that Taliffo Hamet El Shat left Angera , he came into the Fields of Tanger , where he killed two Men , and took away their Goods ; and returning to the Aldéa ( or Village ) he found not one Person at his House , neither Man nor Woman , except Ali El Hag in the House of our Vncle Abdelcrim : all our Kinred were fled to Ceuta . But coming to speak with the People of Angera , they desired us for the love of God to leave them , whereupon they also fled to Ceuta : He that did this was Ben-Halóo . I thereupon writ a Letter to the King , to desire to have pity upon us . I writ also to Almocadem Hamet Ben-Léefi , and now write again for the Kings Answer , and according to it I shall advise both them and thee . Have thou patience , and within two or three days the Answer will be come . Moreover , I let thee know , that we are guarding our Houses from fire and mischief , having every Night twenty upon the Guard. I endeavour to keep up my Peoples courage . Know moreover , that the King hath given to Abdelháder Alfiftoah , the Government of Angera , but the People will not receive him , but have writ to the King about it , though as yet they have no answer . Lastly , I give thee to understand , That the King hath burned the Village of Benigerfut , and taken away their Goods . So various was Gaylan's Fortunes , that while at one place he seem'd desperate , in another he was victorious , and notwithstanding that at Angera Taffilete was a Conquerour , as his letter intimates , at Arzila he was subdued ; for from thence Gaylan assured his Confederates that all his Cavílas were return'd to their Obedience , that they had massacred those Tafilete had left to keep them in awe , and shut him in between two rocky mountains ; and that himself was hastening thither to see his enemy and act his Catastrophe , and to put a period to the war. At the same time he gave out that Tituàn was penitent for their Revolt , and weary of the Xerifs exactions , and were ready to joyn with him to effect the utter overthrow of that Imperious Invader . Yet what face soever Gaylan put upon his condition , it was certain that Taffilete dayly advanced his conquest , and at the same time when his enemy thus confidently reported his distress ; he was in a flourishing condition , for the Xerif had then routed all Gaylan's fresh recruits , and in detestation of him had taken up the bones of his Father and burn'd them , saying , That he deserved no better , who was the root of that bramble , which had so long tyrannically rent and torn the poor . He had also taken Prisoners some of Gaylan's nearest relations , and sent them to Fez , and committed great spoiles upon their goods , whom he found absent from their habitations , and had brought a considerable wing within a league of Arzila , where if he had stay'd to streighten it , want of bread within a few moons would have constrain'd them to surrender . The Town of Tituàn was at this time likewise so far from resuming Gaylan's Interest , that all things there seem'd setled under the Authority and obedience of Taffilete The notice of wich truth was the subject of a letter sent to Colonel Norwood ( Lieutenant Governor of Tanger ) whose Honorable proceedings had render'd him so esteemed among the Moors , that Taffilete thought him a fit Person to be complemented ; and to that end order'd his Alcáyd of Tituàn to make his address . The Alcáydes letter from Tituán to Colonel Norwood translated out of Spanish . Excellent Sir , HIs Majestie the K. Muley Xerif my master ( whom God preserve many years ) hath sent me to this City with express order to take Care of all Vessels of Trade and Commerce , which shall come to this place , & that they receive all security & Royal dealing here , as is used in all places under the Rule and Government of the King my Master . To this purpose he hath granted me his Royal order to give Seguros in his Royal Name . Therefore all who have any occasion to trafique here , may come in safety , & be assured of good usage , both in Goods and Persons , above all that hath bin here formerly . This his Majestie hath commanded me to advise your Honour , that you might not be ignorant of the King's pleasure and kindness . And if you send any to trade hither , they shall finde no imposts , but such as are every where usual . And if your Honour please , we may with our mutual Seguros ( or letters of safe conduct ) send men or Goods , as occasion shall require . To this I desire your speedy answer . The Alcáyd from whom this came , was a French man , Cidi Hadracháman Ben-Réshed , one who had succeeded his Father in the Consulship of Tituàn , who hoping to raise himself with the Xerif , renounced his Christian Religion and liberty for the Mahumedan Imposture and servitude ; and changed the gentle Name of Antonie Cheysan , for this stubborn one Hadracháman , and to encourage his Conversion , the King made him Alcayd de la Mar , or Receiver of his Customes in the Port of Tituàn , and also adopted him for his Son , by the name of Ben-Reshed . The Lieutenant Governour delai'd not to answer the Alcáydes letter , as importing Trade , the chief thing which most concern'd the welfare of Tanger , to whose advancement the Lieutenant Governour alwayes declared a singular propensity . About the same time Hamèt Ben-Isa Nacsis , & Hamèt Ben-Abdelcrìm , Governours of Tituàn , with other Grandees of the Country and chief Ministers of the King sought unto him in matters of Moment . Betwixt whom and Gaylan he guided himself so steddily , that the continuance of his Friendship could not be suspected by the one , nor want of disposition to contract a new one by the other . Tafilete could not so much esteem him his enemy as Gaylan's Freind ; and his fidelity to a distressed Confederate removed all suspicion of being otherwise to a prosperous . And by this wise management he clear'd up those scruples , which through some mishapprehensions of former proceedings ( of the Earle of Tiveot above mentioned ) had render'd the Moors jealous of the English fidelity . But a litle to return to Gaylan , who had by this so long contemned the condition of his affaires in a doubtful Style , that at length an ambiguous intimation of his Enemies disgrace was taken for a clear assertion of his own . And however he labour'd to beget or preserve his freinds hopes of his Restauration , yet it could not take with those who saw Taffilete master of the whole Country , and all places of importance replenisht with his Creatures ; and Gaylan shut up in Arzila , from whence he could create no more disturbances than amounted to a few plundering Sallies , which served only to exasperate the adjoyning Cavilsas , and totally to aliene and estrange them from his Relief . And yet was this a mischief which surpassed the Xerifs skill and Power to Remedie , for Gaylan might still have kept Arzila from him , as he had done from Ben-Bowcar , if his accomplicies had bin now as Trusty as they were then ; But he found the Scene so far changed , that he had reason to suspect those in whom he once confided . He saw that the people of Arzila were weary of their confinement , and the more , because they could not foresee any hope to be enlarged . And that they could not but conclude , That their sturdy resistance of Tafilete , contrary to the example of all their Neighbours , would , if protracted , render him implacable . All this Gaylan was able to read in their carriage , wherein there appeared so great an alteration , that he clearly perceived some mischief intended against him , and fearing that they might appease Tafilete with the Sacrifice of Gaylan : he resolved upon a suddain removal , & having before dealt with the Pyrats of Alger for his Protection , when nither press'd by the Enemy , nor want of Provision , he unexpectedly shipt himself , goods and the dearest Friends , upon two of the Algerine Corsaires , that were crusing before Arzila ; and presently sail'd to Algèr , where I leave him to be plagu'd by that Medly of the worst of men , for his ingratitude toward the Honorable Colonel Norwood , which would brand him to man-kind , if that Judicious and Vigilent Governour would give an Account of his last deportment , and oblige the world with his Exact History of Tanger , since it came into the possession of our dread Soveraigne Charles the second whom God Preserve . Of West Barbary . VVE finde a Common-wealth compared to a ship , and the Western part of Barbary hath fulfilled the Allegory , not only in respect of the intestine Broyles , wherewith it has bin so long toss'd ; nor yet in regard that the government thereof hath bin continually floating from one faction to another . But in this especially , that there remaines no track , or impression , no Registers to acquaint us with what hath pass'd , except ruines and devastations , the Genuine memories of a Desolating war. For to demand of a Talib ( one of the most learned sort among the Moors ) the Annals of remote vicissitudes , or an account of the Traverses that bear a fresher date , were to baffle his observation , and thereby affront his adored literature . Now the likeliest reason , that can be render'd of this ignorance , is the neglect of preserving Records of their Transactions , for the Moores trust all to an Illiterate Tradition ; insomuch that the best Chronique can be now compiled of their late changes , must for the most part be collected from some aged Grandsires memory ; a frail foundation to support an Historical credit . As for the Ancient Model of the Moresco Politie , it is so miserably convuls'd & shaken through manifold alterations caused by prevailing Interests , that not many of its first Maxims , nor much of its old Constitution , are visible in the present state ; And this superseded my Curiosity in making reserches into the Moors Politiques , further than to be inform'd of the Methods us'd to ascend to government by the aspiring factions of the last Age , of which I have given an Account in the foregoing Narrative . And therefore without the solemnity of any larger introduction ; I shall give a faithful Narration of the present customs of Barbary in the succeeding Chapters . CHAP. I. The soile , productions , Commodities , and Husbandry of the Countrey . LEo Afer delivers two Etymologies , which are so agreable both to the nature of the Language , and Glebe of the Country , that they may seem to have bin imposed by Adam , the Primitive Nomenclator . For if we listen to the Moors language , Barbary seems to be descended from Barbar , which signifies an inarticulate murmur and grumbling noise without accent or harmony , for their speech is harsh , being very guttural : which is esteemed an argument of its Antiquity . And indeed it hath gain'd the vogue of no less antient a pedigree , than to be bred of the old Punic and Arabian . Another reason why this Country bears the name of Barbary , may be taken from the frame and disposition of the Earth , which being full of wild and unkindly Tumours , well challengeth the name of Bar ( a Word not known to the present Inhabitants ) signifying a Desart , and the duplicate of the Monosyllable Bar-Bar implyeth that of old , Barbary was nothing but a great Solitude . And for this derivation , Leo Afer tells this Story : King Iphycus being driven out of Aethiopia , fled into Aegypt , where finding himself much pressed by his Enemies , and dubious what course to run for his safety , he asked his Adherents what they thought was the most probable way to secure themselves ; whereupon they all , with an unexpected consent answered Barbar , meaning thereby that the hopefullest method of Protection was to pass over Nilus into the Desarts of Africa . And finding this Etymologie to bear so fair a Proportion with the Complexion and Surface of the Land , I shall not scruple the occasion of its Imposition . But when we look from the outward shape , to the Productions of the Countrey , we see the uncomeliness thereof recompensed in the Fertility , which forbids us to judge of Internal Dowries by the outward Model : Providence usually supplying the defects of the Body with the abilities of the Mind , it being the fate of many excellent Parts , like Galba's , to be ill lodged . The Ancients accounted Wood and Grain , the more natural and useful Issues of a Countrey , as having a more immediate tendency to supply Mankind with the greater Necessities of Lodging and Diet. But in this Canton of Barbary , the Woods are scarce and mean , and fitter to warm the House then build it . For ranging their Groves , I found them consist chiefly of Cork-Trees , which seem'd to differ but little from the Scarlet-Oak , excepting the indenture of their Leaves . Their Fruit is a smaller kind of Acorn , woody within : At the Root of these Trees is usually found the Lentisco , which is generally but a shrub , and of little other service to the Moors then to feed their Goats . The Juice whereof , mingled with other Ingredients , is used by the Potters to give a faint colour to their Earthen-ware , which they find to enhaunse the price , and advance the sale . The next remarkable sort of Wood is the Alcaróbe , a Tree of great Curiosity , and meriting a larger Note . The Alcaróbe bears a Cod , in quantity ▪ and likeness much resembling the English Bean ; the inner substance thereof is sweet , and lodgeth hard small Kernels . This Fruit is eat by the Moors of inferior Condition , and by all at the Feast Ashoràh : but it is chiefly preserved for their Horses , to whom it is both Physick and repast . For as a Moor , well skill'd in that Animal , told me , the Fruit of the Alcaróbe hath two excellent Properties , to Drench , and make their Horses Fat. Some have called the Fruit Locusta , and supposed that it was the Baptists Food in the Wilderness : But others conjecture that St. Matthew's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were only the tops and extremities of Herbs and Plants . And there are also some judicious Criticks , who interpret the Baptist's Locusts to be a kind of Fly or Grashopper , which in warmer Climates are very large and many , and were formerly dryed and eaten by the Inhabitants . But they were observed to yield but small Nutriment , and ever thought fitter for Medicine than Alimony . I was told ( but by a Travailer ) that in Aegypt these flyes come in such clouds , that they darken the sky where they appear , and that in a short space they consume the fruits of the Earth where they are permitted to fall . To prevent which mischief ( he told me that ) the people observing the season of their coming , prepare against them , and keeping them from setling by discharging Gunns into the aire where they are discover'd . That these locusts and Grashoppers were eaten by the Barbarous Nations , may be concluded from the Law that made them forbidden meat to the Jews , Levit. 11. 22. But to leave the Moor to this sort of flys , whereof he hath no scarcity , there is a greater probability that the fruit of the Alcaròbe is the same with the Prodigal's Ceratia , or husks ; for it doth excellently accord with their description set down by that great intelligence of Divinity in his Note . B. S. Luke . XI . In some parts of this Countrey there is great plenty of white Mulberry trees , nourished on purpose to feed the silk-worm , a creature that doth afford the curious many delightful speculations ; but the Moor regards it only for its emolument . The season of the worm being passed , they feed their Cattel with the residue of the Mulberry leaves . The Towns of Commerce , and Conversation , have pleasant Orchards of Orange , Lemons and Limes , with Gardens yielding plenty and variety of sallad . And that which maketh their Gardens both profitable and delightful is , that they are always fruitful and retain a refreshing verdure . And this they effect by keeping the soyle constantly in a temperate moisture : for the water-courses are so providently contriv'd that every Garden receiv's it in due proportion , and at a certain hour ; which running among the little trenches , affords a very equal and fertile irrigation . Besides the Sallad ordinary in other Countreys , they have one sort rarely to be met with in Europe , which they call by a word , sounding spanish Tomátos . This growes in the common fields , and when ripe is pluckt and eaten with oyle ▪ it is pleasant but apt to cloy . Barengénas , as in Spain , grow creeping like Cucumers upon the Ground ; These are boyled with Beef and Mutton , and of no vulgar estimation among the Moors . Some Cavílas ( a division in the Countrey that much resembles that of Counties in England ) have large and fruitful Vineyards , and the bloud of the Grape , though it be utterly prohibited them by Mahumed their Prophet , yet of late through the licentiousness of the times , it is liberally quaff'd by many of the Moors . But that they might not herein give offence to the weaker Musul-men , nor betray any contempt of the law , they are generally cautious in this liberty , and use it , as we say , Vnder the Rose . The Plants of this Country are very observable for their variety and strangeness , for many are to be found in Barbary , which cannot be met with in colder Climes . And some , which are usual in other Countreys , are in this found to differ much from their descriptions in Common Herbals . This I learned from a worthy Friend ( well read in this part of Nature ) who had enterprised , and would doubtless have finish'd , a Collection of Barbary Simples , if his too early immortality , and immature death had not depriv'd the world of that profitable endeavour . The Grain in this , differs not from that in other Countreys , excepting that here are two sorts of Grain , scarce well known in other parts of the world , The one they call Pharoùk , which is of a lesser size , hungry and course , much resembling , if not altogether the same , with the Spanish Panizo , and it is only the more beggarly Moors that use this for bread . The other is known among them by the name of Tourkiá , which is a larger body than the former , and yields good flower , whereof bread is made for the Nobles of the Land. And as the Barley and Beans are reapt in April , the wheat in May and June , so is September the usual season for gathering the other kinds of bread-corn . The rains are to the Moors , what the Nilescope is said to be to the Aegyptians , for according to their plenty or scarceness , they are able to foretell the dearth and plenty of the year . But there is a sort of Religionists among them , who measure the products of the earth by the sins of its Inhabitants , and who divine of the successe of their tillage from the Observation of their Ramadan ( or Lent ) and the due celebrating of their [ Easter ] Hìd Seguèr , or the little feast that concludes it . If the clouds are sparing in showers at Seed-time , and Earing , the crop is little lean ; and in their best Harvests , they seldom reap more than will bring about the year , so that the failure of one Crop brings an inevitable dearth upon the land . The Moors are very observing of the Trade-rains , ( for so they may not improperly be termed , as never falling but at such a time ) The former Rain is call'd by a word importing Blessing , and the latter [ Nas●n ] or Holy-water , of which names I could meet with no other Rationale but Tradition . There appeares but little industry in the Moors husbandry , for their tillage is so mean , that he that sees it may justly wonder , that the Land under such small improvement should be so fruitful . In most parts they plough but with two Oxen , carelesly tyed by the horns , and in some Cavílas with a like number of Asses , Mules , Camels , and a baser breed of Horses . The plough turns up no more mold , than sufficeth to bury the seed : for ( say they ) if the furrows should be deep , and the drought begin , er'e that the corn hath broken the Earth , it would not be able to force a passage through the stifned clods . They use no labour to assist the Arbale by manuring it , except that the Ordure of their Towns is cast out , not so much to enrich the Glebe , as to keep themselves cleanly . But this painful part of husbandry is supplyed by the Anniversary burning of the withered grass and stuble , which servs to help the soyle , and destroy the Vermin , which otherwise , especially the Scorpion , would render the Countrey very dangerous for habitation . When the Moors have reapt their corn , they tread it out with Oxen , Camels , &c , & winnow it upon the place where it grows , and then set the chaff on fire ; In which particulars they are an excellent Comment upon the like , reflected upon in Sacred Writ . Instead of Granaries , they have Caves brick'd or wrought with stone , call'd Matamóras , in which they reposite their Corn , where it is preserv'd from the Worm , and other Enemies . The Straw they chop and keep for their H●rses , for although there be abundance of Herbage , yet no part thereof is cured and preserved for a Winter store of Hay , which I impute to the Moors sloth , rather than the needlesness of such a Provision . After I had taken this Survey of what appeared upon the Earth by Nature , or its Improver , Husbandry , I found sufficient Instigations , both by Curiosity and Reason , to dive into its Entrals , which I have been told are in many places as rich as the best Oars can make them . And of this Truth there have appeared large Specimens , about Tituan , Alcazàr , Ghebèr , &c. And the reason why the Moors pursue not so advantageous a Temptation , may be charg'd upon their Ignorance , Idleness , or Fear ; as in another place I may have occasion to demonstrate . The Commodities of this Countrey bearing the name of Mercántil , are chiefly Honey , Wax , Hides , Marokins or Córdavans , Dates , Almonds ; course Twine , Mats of a curious Straw and Workmanship , Mantles , Alheìcks , and in some places great store of Salt-Peter . As for the Fabulous abundance of Gold reported to be found in Barbary , I leave its Legend to the Poets . CHAP. II. Of the Beasts in Barbary , tame and wild . THe Survey now passeth one Stair higher , from Vegetable to Sensible Creatures , whereof Barbary has no less plenty , than of Grass to maintain them , but looking into their Flocks and Herds , I found the latter more numerous , yet not to that quantity as report inform'd me . And enquiring why the Moors were more for the Stall , than the Fold ; they replyed , That Cows yielded them more constant relief than Sheep , and were more ready to furnish out both their Tables and Purses . Their Horses are both few and mean , and for the most part much inferiour to those of other Nations , which at first created my wonder , because of the great repute the Barbary Horses had obtain'd in most European Countries . But they have a peculiar Cast of Barbs able to maintain this Renown , which the Moors carefully preserve , never imploying them in low and base Offices , but keep them only for the Saddle and Military Service . And to the great ease of their Horses , the Moors have store of Camels for their sorest Drudgeries . Now the Camel is a Creature of strange Bulk and humour , whose Diet is mean and incredibly little , for they will Travel great Journeys under heavy Loads , without further allowance than the tops of Thistles , or any mean Herbage . Nor are they less abstemious in their Bevarage , than Meat ; being so patient of Thirst , that they will Travel four days without touching Water , and then at one Drinking take in as much as will serve them as many Days more . The Moor from Observation hath this general Rule concerning Camels ; viz. That those which when young drink much and often , are of a degenerate Linage , and will never prove serviceable . There is a Presumption , that the Camels engender backward , but Ali Mulùd , an Ancient and Inquisitive Moor , would often swear by the Hairs of his Chin ( an Oath that he had learn'd in the time of his being a Slave in Spain ) that he had much enquired after the manner of the Camels Copulation , but could meet with no certain Information therein ; for ( said he ) these Creatures are strangely bashful in their Embraces , which makes them very secret in the time of their Amours ; and to retire , if possible , even from their Keepers Eye . At the season of their Coition , both Sexes are very furious , and like their Moresco Masters , they never forget to revenge the Injuries done them at that time . I was told by an Alarb , who had no Temptation to abuse my Credulity in such an unconcerning Story , that the Mácho , or Male Camel , generated with the Female when she is asleep , and that the Female brings forth in a kind of negligent slumber . But I leave the curious Inquisitors of Nature to discover the frailties of this Story , and pass on to remark the docile gentleness of the Camel , which is evident in their submission , kneeling to be loaden and unloaden at their Drivers pleasure . And we find it reported in the History of Beasts , Jonson . Hist. Quadrup . That Camels have been taught to dance exact Measures , which is no more strange , than the Ballétto di Caválli , that not long since graced the Nuptials of a Duke of Florence . But intending no Zoography , I pass from this and other Tame Quadrupeds , to observe that Barbary hath all sorts of Beasts that are called Wild : Lions , Leopards , Wolves , Foxes , &c with great plenty of Jackals , so much famed for Catoring for the Lyon : They usually hunt in Packs , opening with a shril yelping noise , and are described to be Mungrel Creatures , of an equivocal Generation , deriving rapaciousness from the Wolf their Sire , and cunning from the Fox their Dam ; they are very ravenous , eating Carrion , digging up dead Bodies , and will feed upon that which a genuine Fox will not daign to tast . Wild Boars are no rarity in this Diocess , which the Moors hunt and kill in a Manly Pastime , they being no way subservient to the Trencher , because all sorts of Swines Flesh is forbidden Meat by their Law. But their Slaves , that are Christians , have permission to dress and eat them , and know from Experience that they are very wholesom and strong Food . But I shall surcease to Travel further among these inhospitable Salvages , with whose descriptions Natural Histories are so largely replenished , and therefore I will shut up this Chapter with this general Remark , That Barbary hath variety of all sorts of Beasts , Birds and Serpents ; the Land affording Habitations most suitable to such unsociable Beings . CHAP. III. The Division of the Inhabitants , different manner of living , their Genius , their entertainment of Foreign Ministers . THe Family of Noah ( saith the Jewish Antiquary Flav. Joseph . ) being jealous of a second Deluge , durst not descend to Cultivate the Plains , but dwelt upon the tallest Mountains : till at length , Sem ventured to Inhabit the Valleys ; where they lived in a Cluster , and seemed suspicious of the Divine Command , bidding them disperse and over-spread the Earth : fearing that this might be a Design to scatter them that they might the more easily be destroyed , for which reason they long time kept together in a close Neighborhood . Out of which story nothing is needful here to be collected , but that Mountains have ever proved the Refuges of the Distressed , and the People that Inhabited them valued for their Antiquity above the rest of the Land. Of which truth , Barbary yields a pregnant instance in the division of her Inhabitants , of which there are two sorts known among them , by the usual Names of Alárbes and Barabárs . The Alárbes are usually by the Europeans stil'd Mountaineers , from the place of their greatest residence . And these think themselves the Elder Natives , and therefore of the better House . They are not altogether so Civiliz'd as the other , but live more rudely and rovingly , shifting from Mountain to Mountain according to their Exigences , never confining their rambling humors to any setled Mansion . They live in Haimas or Tents , made of a course brownish Cloth , which the Women work and weave of the Bark of Palmito's mingled with Goats hair ; and these Itinerary Habitations they remove from one place to another , in obedience to their fickle Humors and cogent Necessities . Robbery is their Master-piece and best Livelyhood ; and in this Estate they much glory , as coming so near the condition of Muley Mahuméds first Votaries . About an Age past they were very numerous , but the late Civil Wars have made great abatements of their Musters . The other sort of Moors are vulgarly called Barabàrs , but by a Dialect Brébers : These have fixed Dwellings , and live in Neighborhood ; and finding Conversation to be useful and safe , affording Comfort and Profit , they are combin'd into Aldéa's , or Villages , where their Cottages are so disposed , that there is not any considerable disproportion among them in respect of their distance from the Giemma , or Church . Over these Barabàrs are Subordinate Governors or Almocadens , to whom they pay a dutiful Observance . Their Vocation is Tillage and Grazing ; and live much after the condition of the Labaradóres in Spain , the Paisants in France , and the Boors in Flanders . The Barabàrs of late are grown more numerous than the Alárbes , and for several Years have inhabited both the Mountains and Campaigns . But albeit they have taken the Hills from the Alárbes , yet they have left them the reproach of Robbery , though they themselves are no Novices in that Mystery . But notwithstanding their different Mode of living , they unite in the general Character of Body and Humour : For they are all of a large Stature , strong Constitution , stately Carriage , and differing in Complexion according to their conversing with the Sun and Air. Those whom for distinction I must call the Gentry , are according to their Rules of Chivalry well skill'd in managing of the Horse , and dextrous at the Lance , for they scorn all toyl that is not Military , and account no Employment so noble as that of a Souldier . They agree likewise in Humour , for both are Jealous and Revengeful . Their Jealousie is palpable in their Carriage towards their Wives , whom they keep in great Subjection and Retirement , which makes Adultery a Stranger to their Beds : Nor can it reasonably be otherwise , seeing that the Wife is fully assur'd that the very attempt to pilfer a Pleasure , if discover'd , will cost her her Life . They are likewise implacable in their hatred , and impatient till they have avenged an Injury ; for they are taught by their Prophet , That Revenge is a Virtue . But leaving these Passions to the justification of the Moresco Law and Customs , the Moors are guilty of a censorious Suspicion towards Strangers , which hath no colour to be excused . This I first observed in their carriage toward Don Diego de Palma , a Cavalier of the Habit of St. James , who being sent to Complement Gaylan from his Catholick Majesty , and chanceing to smile at the Moors Deportment , as not answering the starch'dness of his own Nation ; the Moors , who were very circumspect in observing every tittle of the Don's Deportment , were so sagacious as to find in this casual Smile a derision of their Courtship , which they left not unrevenged in intrigueing his Errand . Now it is observable , that the Moors are very morose and abstemious in point of Laughter , esteeming those who are much thereunto addicted , to be scornful and foolish . And now having promised to give an account of the Moresco manner of receiving Publick Ministers , and finding that they have no solemn & fixed Rites ; I conceive the description of their entertaining the Spanish Envoy , may serve for a Specimen of their Carriage toward all Persons of the like Character : which take as follows . The Envoy Don Diego Felippe de Palma , having from Ceuta ( a Spanish Garison on the Barbary-coast ) advised Cidi el Hader Ben Ali Gaylan , that he was come from the Crown of Spain on a Message to his Excellency ( that was Gaylans Title ) and desired to know when and where he should have permission and security to deliver it : Gaylan returned him answer , concerning the set Day and Place for the Don's Reception , which was according to our stile , the tenth of September , in the One thousand six hundred sixty third Year of Grace , and at a place equally distant from Ceuta and Tituan : where , to grace the Entrata , Gaylan appointed a Parade of the best Horse of his own Cavíla , and committed them to the Conduct of his Brother Cidi Tobib Ebn Ali , who march'd with them from Arzíla to Tituàn , whither according to appointment , Gaylans Father-in-law , Almocadèm of the Cavíla of Angerà , had sent his Sons with about sixty of their Cousens , to joyn with Tobib , who with many more went to receive the Envoy at the prefixed time and place : Where the Moors , having paid him their Greetings , they all March'd in this order . In the first Troop came the two Sons of the Almocadèm of Angerà , with about sixty of their Kindred , all bravely mounted , and according to their Gallantry , richly accoutred : These in several Rings exercis'd the Lance with laudable Agility , the Musick of Tituàn still playing before them . In the next rank came Cidi Tobit , attended with about fifty Horse , maintaining a very slow march , as if they intended to revie or deride the Spanish Gravity . Next to them rode the Envoy , Don Diego Felippe de Palma del Habito de Sanjago , with a single Trumpet sounding before him : Next came led six stately Horses trapt in blew Cloth : after them fourteen Mules loaden with Trunks ; and in the last place rode the Governor of Tituàn , with the Alárbes Musick tinkling before him , and attended with a large & well ordered Train . Vast multitudes were flockt thither , having no other business but to gaze , being Strangers to such a Procession . In this order was Don Diego conducted to his Lodgings in Tituàn , where he courteously received the Christians that came to give him the Parabien to Barbary , and declar'd a great readiness to serve my Camrade and my self , whom he knew had no other concern in those Parts , but securely to travel and view the Countrey . After two days refreshment at the Moors charge , the Don began his march toward Arzíla , but first caused the Horses to be richly trapt , and led in State through the Streets of Tituàn ; which being done , they came into a Plain a little out of the Town , where the People made a spacious Circle , in which the Moresco Cavalleres shewed their active Horsemanship , and dexterous darting of the Lance ; after which , about fifty Negros and Alárbes began a Dance , which they performed with pleasant variety of Gesture , and strange Agility . These Desports being finished , the Envoy advanceth his Journey , and found the ways crowded with Spectators , invited thither by Gaylan's Politick Friends , who designed that the People might take notice of the Honor done to Cidi El Hader , and that his Friendship was sought by one of the greatest of Christian Monarchs . But there were many that came not so much to be Spectators , as to reap the fruit of a common Report , that the Don would cast great store of Realito's among the poorer Moors . But their hopes were deceived in the rumour of the Spaniards Bounty , who did not herein degenerate from the Nature of his Nation , which has ever been noted for a backwardness to such insignificant Profusions . The Envoy being safely arrived at Arzíla , he was lodged in an Apartment of Gaylan's Place ( pardon the Word ) where I leave him to lodge , and eat , if possible , worse then he did at home . The business and design of this Embassy , met with diversity of Conjectures : by some it was supposed that Don Diego was sent to sollicit larger Priviledges for the Spanish Garrisons on the Barbarian Coast . Others concluded that the Duke of Medina Celi , envious at the Earl of Tiveot's successes against the Moors , and his Truce concluded with Gaylan , caused this Messenger ( a Creature of his own ) to be sent with Instructions , to interrupt and disturb the new Correspondence and Amity betwixt Tanger and El Hader . But to find out the Riddle , I ploughed with one of their own Heifers , having employed a Moor versed in publick Affairs , ( and recommended to me by that great Lover of the English , Cidi Abdelerim Nacsis , then chief Governor of Tituan ) who from the Spaniard's inquisitiveness after the state and condition of Tanger , the number of the Souldiers , the quantity of the constant Guards , the heighth and strength of the Walls , the situation and number of the Guns ready mounted , &c. with his Design in a Moresco habit to take a narrow view of the whole place ( which in Gaylan's company within few days after he performed ) filled us with Jealousies that some mischief was purposed against Tanger . And it is very certain , That the fore-mentioned Duke had an evil Eye upon the Immortal Tiveot , for the Renowned Victories which under the most Christian King he atchieved against his Nations Interest in the Low Countries , which aged Choler he found highly inflam'd by the Victories gain'd by that indefatigable Captain over his Moresco Neighbors , which instigated the Dukes spleen not so much against Tanger , as its Restorer Tiveot , who being at this time in England , took the advantage of his absence to disgrace him ( if any such thing had been possible ) with his new Confederate Gaylan . And acquiescing in this account of the Embassy , I pursue my Province in setting down the exact account of the present Customs of the Moors . CHAP. IV. The Moresco Compellations , Reverence to Superiors , Complexion and Conversation of the Women , pious manner of salutation and Stile . I Have not found any Nation so rude and Barbarous , as to be utterly devoid of all Rites of Civility and Respect : for some tokens of honor & kindness , some terms of distance & familiarity are used by the most uncultivated . And the Moors though they are very sparing in Complements , yet they use both words & gestures of Respect . Towards all superiours they indifferently use the Compellative Cidi , which is as extensive as [ Sir ; ] To women of better quality they use Lala , signifying as largely as Madam doth now in England . And as to their outward demonstrations of Respect , there is little variation ; for a grave inclination of the body , with a putting the right hand first to the heart , next to the forehead , and then kissing the two foremost fingers laid a cross the lips , is the exactest manner of saluteing the Grandees ; whose hand , knee , or bottome of the Vest is kissed by the Vulgar . Those that are familiar , and of equal rank , at their first meeting strike hands , but shake not , & then lift them up & lay them to their breasts . And their greetings are in the second person singular , useing [ Thou ] to all from the slave to the King : wherein they observe the Eastern Custom . But in their addresses to their Prince no people can testify more signal tokens of Humbleness & Piety , for at the entrance into the Royal presence , they bow their bodies to the ground , saying , Sálam Allíg Allá Ensorúck Mulèy , Peace be to thee , God preserve King Fuláno ; & these words & gestures are devoutly repeated at every pace they advance toward the King. And if any come with petitions they kisse , the earth when they present them to his royal perusal . The like Reverences are discharged when they depart the Presence . But I pass on to view the female Moors , who if preserv'd from the injuries of the Sun & weather , are generally well complexion'd full bodied , & of good symmetry . Those that live in great Towns , together with the wealthier sort in the Country , are enclin'd to paleness , which may be imputed to their sedentariness , or want of motion ; for they seldom stir abroad , except it be to visit the Sepulchers of their deceased friends in devotion , to pray for their felicity , and in the night time to the Baths for health and cleanliness . As to their Friday-meetings I shall speak of it in another Chapter . They never step without the threshold but so closely vail'd , that no part is visible but an eye . In the state of Matrimony their principal studie is to please their husbands , to whom they are taught by their Alcoran to bear a dutiful observancy , and to omit no art that may render them delightful to their conversation . Those husbands that are able , allow their wives Negra's or black-women , to doe all the servile offices in the Family ; but yet there is no quality that sits idle ; for the cheif of the Moresco Dames imploy their time in some thrifty huswifry . And this prevents that custom of expensive gossippings , with which in some Nations so many wives are debauched , and husbands beggar'd . And yet the married women want not their friendly conversations , for they visit one anothers houses in token of good neighbourhood , but without the company of their husbands ; no male though he be never so much a relative , can be admitted into their society . And to prevent it , she that makes the visit first , sends to know whether the husband be at home if the answer be negative , then without further ceremony she goes straight to her Gossips apartment , where she is entertain'd with a liberality that never injures her husband ; who if returning home in the interim of the visit , is careful to give no interruption , but upon notice quickly departs the house ; yet they give such signals that he has bin there , as are easily perceived by the Visitant , who thereupon shortens the Visit , otherwise it commonly lasts a whole day . But these being offices that are seldome in their returns , may justly be pardon'd in their length . But foreseeing that I shall in another place have occasion to speak again of the Moresco women , I surcease to enlarge the paragraph that here concerns them , aud therefore proceed to view the pious forms used by the Moors in their salutations and Letters . And indeed there is none that has had any intimacy with the Moors in this particular , but he might observe a great appearance of Piety in all their customary expressions . And this I learn'd both from the discourse and practise of those with whom I journy'd , who at their setting out in the morning , would with zeal and humility look up to heaven , and in a low voice say , Bismillah , that is , in the name of God ; which is also done at the beginning of any labour or travail . By which they intend that nothing ought to be enterprised , but in the power and hope of the divine favour and help . And when the work or journey is finished they say , Ham der illah , Thanks be unto God ; in which words they deny all ascriptions of success to themselves . When they meet one another upon the road , &c. their greetings at large is this thanksgiving , El ham dillah al salam tiqsi . i. e. God be praised that I see thee well : but in passing by one another the Salutation is usually this prayer , if there be no more but one , Salam alleq , if more than one , Salam alleq cum , Peace be with thee , or you . At the hearing of one another sneez , they say , Era hanig allah , Dios tenga V. M. en sumano . God be your keeper . When one Moor goes to see another at his house , the first that receives him saith , Mar bába , or welcom , which if repeated thrice , is an undoubted marke that they are glad to see him ; which kind reception he requites with saying , Allah ellah miq i. e. God pay ▪ you . And the like air and genius of Devotion and Piety is observable in those letters that the Moors write in their own language ; a tast whereof you have in these two ensuing , translated out of Moresco . In the name of God Gracious & Merciful , whose Blessing be upon our Lord Mahomed & his Family . To the Mighty , honourable , Glorious , and most Excellent Lord and Governour of Tanger the Earle Tiveot . GOd perpetuate your Excellencies Honour and Glory , and vouchsafe your perseverance in Grandeur and Felicity . Happiness unto you with the odours of a glorious Name , shall continually breath out their fragrancies , and let God continue and prosper both you and your estate agreable to your wishes . Furthermore , to advise us of your abundant love , and especially generosity , there came to us the worthy Gentlemen your servants in their Ship , with the honourable Commanders of it , the Consul and the Captain , and they behaved themselves amongst us like Men , touching your Command which they observed , and accomplished our desires according as we expected in the going forth of our men , they returning home to us in health and safety , so that we now reenjoy their company according to the best of our wishes . And let God in our stead largly reward and recompence you , who have so highly obliged us herein . Your Messengers staid with us for some days , till we had performed some of their desires , so that we sent along with them two excellent horses and of the best sort that hath been in our time , one whereof was for our own Riding , and the other is of the same breed ; likewise forty good choise beasts , both Bulls and Cows , and a flock of about fourscore sheep , as a present to your Excellency , which out of your Grace ●nd favour , you would vouchsafe to accept from us . For the deserts and Merits of your Honour , God alone can recompence . We gave also to your Legates two special horses and a few Cattle as the time permitted , and they likewise bought some horses as the time served , and then departed from us well contented . But we are alwaies with you in that inviolable love and friendship , which neither distance of place , nor length of time shall ever dissolve . And as for our Country Barbary ( blessed be God ) all of it that is loyal and in obedience to us , whether Mountaines , Plaines , or Citiès , you have free passage into in love and friendship , to converse and trade as you please , and to manage all your affaires . And this will be of great advantage unto us , if it please God we live , and the General take the Castle of the Port Town , and thè Rebbels return wholy to their obedience , and then you shall not apologise for us , or excuse us in any service we can doe you . But we request you to excuse us at present , as to the rest of your desires , being assured that we cease not to encounter and fight those enemies which have broken Covenant with us , that so they may shortly ( if God please ) return to their Allegiance . And we intreat you to graunt our Servants , the Inhabitants of the Port , your best assistance in what ever they shall have need of your help and supply . And whatsoever of our Consorts shall come to you , we beseech you not to be wanting in your Care towards them . But the most earnest and important business which concerns us to mention to you is , for a great ship to lye at the Port betweeen us and the enemy , on purpose to cut off all relief by shipping from the Enemie , and pray let it be hastened with its fraught , provision and all other necessaries . This is our chief business which we entreat you to accomplish , according to our desires . And any of the Ships that shall come to this Port , shall drive away whatsoever Merchant ships they find there , and seise their goods . For the only thing we are wanting in , and in need of assistance , is this business of the Merchants . Thus we have given you the full of our desires in what we have written . And let God accomplish all your desires . Farewell , Written the third day of the week being the twenty fifth of the month Dulhevil the last month of the 1073. year of the Hegira . The Servant of God who trusteth in him Abdalla ebn Mahamed ebn Abebeker , of blessed memory . The Superscription , To the chief of the Nobles Lord and Governour of Tanger the Earle Tiveot whom God preserve . Another Letter . IN the name of God the Greatest of all Great ones , whom we worship and serve and none other . To the most excellent Count Tiveot Captain General of Tanger , the Just and Valiant , greeting and desiring that he may have health and Prosperity which we value much . We receiv'd the Servants of your Excellency in our Countrey , for whom we have done what we are able , and have commanded our Vassels to guard them to Tanger . The Present made us by your Excellency we kindly receive . God augment your Honour and Happiness . In all that is required at our Hand , Let it be upon our head , that we serve you with much willingness , Being that we are made Friends we esteem your Friendship much . My Son and Couzins Greet your Excellency , desiring God that you may have health . Subscribed Almocadem Cassian Shat. This Shat , is Father to one of Gaylan's Wives , numerous in alliances , and reported to be an Andalusian , on of the race of the Moors banisht Spain ; He hath hereditary to his Family , the command of Angera , which is a large Cavíla adjoyning unto Tanger . And having lodged at this Grandee 's house , I may from our entertainment there be able to give you an account of the Moors hospitality , which differs not in the fashion , however it may vary in the stuff . CHAP. V. The Moresco Entertainment , fashion of Travelling , Hospitals , Diet , Reverence to Corn , forbidden Meats . IN the Year of Salvation , 1663. Sept. the sixth , at the going down of the Sun , we came to an Aldéa called Angerà , at the utmost Bounds of a Mountain of that name ; where we repair'd to the House of Cidi Cassian Shat , whom we found sitting at his Door , environ'd with about twenty aged Moors of the Neighborhood . Alighting from our Horses , we deliver'd our Segúra or Letters of safe Conduct , to the Old Man ; who when he had perused , return'd them with a grave Nod , the testimony of his Approbation , and the signal of our Welcome . This done , we were called to a little upper Room , which we could not enter till we had put off our Shoos at the Threshold ; not for Religion , but Cleanliness , and not to prevent our unhallowing of the Floor , but defiling the Carpets wherewith it was curiously spread . At the upper end of the Room was laid a Velvit Cushion , as large as those we use in our Pulpits , and it denoted the most Honourable part of the Room . After we had reposed about an hour , there was brought in a little oval Table , about twenty Inches high , which was covered with a long piece of narrow Linnen ; and this served for Diaper . For the Moors , by their Law , are forbidden such superfluous Utensils as Napkins , Knives , Spoons , &c. Their Religion laying down this general Maxim , That meer Necessaries are to be provided for : which caused a precise Moor to refuse to drink out of my Dish , when he could sup Water enough out of the hollow of his Hand . But this straitness has of late Years begun to be enlarged , and the prohibition is interpreted to reach no farther then their Church-men , and chief Ministers of Justice ; so that those who are able to provide handsome Furniture for their Tables , have a Dispensation , which they seem not prone to make use of , if the humour of the rest may be devined by that of this Grandee : At whose House the Table was adorned as before , and for Supper there was placed upon it an Earthen Pot full of Mutton , Beef , Cabage , Raisins , Potato's , Berengénas , &c. all boyled together , and extreamly hot with Dimicuto and Garlick , which is their immutable Sawce . This hodge-podge was in imitation of the Spanish Olla Podrida , excepting that it wanted Bacon , an Ingredient so indispensible to the Spanish Olla , that there can be none without it , which occasion'd this Proverb , No Sermon without St. Austin , nor Olla without Bacon : Ny Sermòn sin Agostino , ny Olla sin locino . But to proceed in our Bill of Fare : our next Course was a single Pullet cloven down the Belly , with the four Quarters spread out at large , by a way of Cookery peculiar to the Moors . And these two Dishes , with store of good Bread , made up the Feast . Our Drink was strong Wine newly brought from the Press , which stood by us in a great stone Jar , with a sort of wooden Ladle in it , out of which we drunk . Our posture was laying round about the Table , according to the custom of the Countrey . Our company was the second Son of this Family , a debonair Gentile Person . Having supp'd , and solaced our selves with muddy Beverage and Moresco Music , we all composed our selves to sleep : About twenty were allotted to Lodge in this small Chamber , whereof two were Christians , three Jews , and the rest Moors : every one made his Bed of what he wore , which made our English Constitutions to wish for the Morning , which no sooner appeared but we quitted our Lodging , leaving our Entertainer sans adieu , not tarrying to return thanks for his Hospitality ; which could incur no displeasure , as conforming to the stile of the Countrey . And this Breviate of Cassian's hospitable House-keeping , is an Essay of the rest , for the Moors have all one fashion of living , and their Houses , Diet , and Apparel vary not , but in the matter . Now that which makes Journying in Barbary so full of Fatigue , is the want of Houses of Publick Entertainment ( like the Venta's and Posáda's in Spain ; the Caborets and Hostelries in France ; and Inns in England ) whereby the Travellers are constrain'd to carry their Provisions with them . The Moors usual Viaticum are Raisins , parch'd Beans , Onyons , Garlick , and store of Bread. They rely upon the Fountains for their Drink , which are kept in great decency and cleanlyness : at every Fountain there being a Dish made of Cork , fastned with a string , out of which Man and Beast drink for refreshment . Many of these Fountains are provided with a large smooth Stone , whereon the Moor , after he has perform'd his preparative Washing , celebrates his Salla , or Orisons . And the Bigots that live near these Fountains , every day repair thither to pay their Bigotage , or Superstitious Devotions . They usually shut up their Journey at the going down of the Sun ; and if there be an Aldéa or Village at hand , they turn thither for House-room , and lodge commonly in a Cotage , as mean as that wherein Ovid's aged Couple entertain'd the Pilgrim Gods. But if it be Summer , or the Weather fair , then they repair to some shady Tree , under whose prote●tion they sleep and eat . If the place be suspected for bad Neighbors , the Travellers watch by turns , and do the like in places that are troubled with wild Beasts . When I said that the Moors have no Houses of Accommodation , it was with exception of the Almamóra's , or Chambers maintain'd by the Revenues of the Church , built on purpose to receive Strangers of any Perswasion . These Houses afford nothing but room to Lodge in ; but if it happen that Travellers are in want of meat , the Villagers are ready to supply them . The Alfaqúi , or Priest of the place , hath Inspection and Superintendency of these Hospitals . The Moors have likewise peculiar Places , resembling the Infirmatories or Lazaretto's in other Nations , for those that fall sick in their Journeys , whom they treat with a laudable Care , till they either recover or dye : And if the infirm dye , not leaving wherewith to bury him , there is care taken for his Funeral , and a Muláto , or some baser Moor , is appointed to beg the Alms of the place to defray the Expence of the Strangers Interment . In these Almamóra's , the Stranger is permitted to stay till the Weather and his Health dispose him for his Journey : but they repine at his abode , when it is not urged by necessity . In later Years , every Town of Trasfick hath erected a sort of Inns , called Alfandách , which affords nothing but House-room for Man and Beast , the Market yielding Provision for both . Those that farm these Fandáchs , cannot exact above a Blankil a Night both for Man and Beast , which is in sterling Money about two pence . The Horses Lodging costing equally with his Riders . These Fandáchs were at first built by the wealthier sort of Moors , who dying in a pious humour , gave them to the Giámma or Church , to hallow , say the Moresco Rabbies , the filthy lucre raised by their employment . However , the Giámma has its Revenues greatly augmented by such Donations . And whatever was the Design of their Institution , we find them of late under a great Degeneracy , being little better then Tipling Shops , where the Moors Quaff the Fruit of the Vine . But that which herein most raised my Admiration , was to see the Incomes of these Fandáchs , appropriated to the maintenance of the Alfaqúi's or Priests , and that that Holy Order , having the disposal of such Houses , should not see them under a more regular administration . But to go from these Publick Houses to view the Moors in their private Roofs , I find them in their Caresses frugal , without Parsimoniousness , and placing no Character of good House-keeping in abundance of Viands . They have two dishes in singular esteem , the chief whereof ●nscussòn , which is made of Water and Flower , or grated Bread , boyled into a Consistence , into which they put Butter , or any Kitchin-stuff : And this they eat without Spoons ; for when it is ready , every one that is admitted to taste it , dives into it with his hand , and danceing it in his Fist , till it be shap'd into a Ball and cool'd , then casts it into his Mouth . The other dish is known by the name of Pillów , vulgarly pronounced Pl●w , and it is the same with that which I said has so near a resemblance with the Spanish Olla Podrida . Besides these two Dishes , the Moors of a better allay make their Breakfasts of Bonuélo's , or small Loaves boyled in Oyl , which they eat with Sugar , or Honey . The Countrey Moors feed much on Milk , which they are by their Law forbidden to taste , if it has been touch'd by a Dog. They have store of Cheese , but very course and homely . And as for their Butter , we may suspect their cleanliness in making it ; for they Churn it in a Sheep or Goat skin , dressed or fitted for that office , which they shake between their Hands . But not much delighted with their Dary-house , I leave it to observe their Reverence to Bread and Corn , which is both great and general , for from the Throne to the Plough , if any see a crum of the one , or a grain of the other cast out , or scatter'd , he stoops to take it up , kisseth it , puts it to his Fore-head , and looking up , saith , Dill an , It is from God ; and then gives it to the first Creature that will eat it . CHAP. VI. Of the Moresco Giamma's , or Churches : their Foundation , Consecration , manner of Structure , Subordination . ALL Religions in their first model and Constitution have had some less intelligible Articles and things of a remoter signification , mingled with their easier Doctrin's , and more obvious Institutions . And there has ever bin found a Catholique agreement , not only in the main Article of the Deity , but also in some solemne manner of his worship . Upon which consideration there were ritual circumstances established , for the more decent celebration of Religious Ministers . In the number of which ritual Circumstances , I esteem a dedicate place , Separate Time , solemne Actions , Prescript Forms , and above all a distinct Order of Persons , by whom the Exteriot Religion is to be officiated , and to whom for the Power & Sacredness of their Function there have ever bin decreed convenient Observances and Revenues . How determinate the Alchoran is in these particulars , falls not within the compass of these remarkes , but it is evident to those that attentively read it , that the Author thereof seems not in any thing to be definitive . But what ever the mind was of that Impostor concerning the mentioned Rites , we find his Sectaries have in all their Dominions made Provision for Solemnity in their Worship . Being guided thereunto either by the more lasting and regular Principles of Reason , or in imitation of some people of an other Perswasion , which they esteem'd Wise and Deliberate . Nor can Mahumed be blamed for not leaving Decretals in the Rights of worship , because their nature is of so great an indifferency , that no Religion doth acknowledge them to be determined in every particular by any Law , meriting , or usurping , the title Divine : neither is there any thing in themselves to make them originally necessary . And therefore without enquiring into the Motives by which the Moors or others have been induced to the usage of the Accessories of Religion , I only observe that the Moors are not therein defective ; having Churches , Priests , Times , Revenues , &c. appropriate to the Divine Adoration . I shall begin with their Giámma's , Moschs or Churches in which this Countrey abounds , and to which the Moors perform a great Reverence and liberality , never suffering them to be profan'd , nor to want a competent stock to keep them in repaires . The manner observ'd in the erection of a new Giámma is orderly and laudable , which is thus : When a considerable Number of People have agreed and resolved to settle together in neighborhood , they seek out a piece of ground convenient for their purpose , which by mutual consent is divided , every family being allowed sufficient Room , whereof to rear an habitation . This done their next care is to set apart a spot of Earth for the foundation of their Giámma , with great regard that it have no considerable inequality of distance from their several habitations . After they have thus fram'd their Designe , the Giámma is first built , to which Holy work all ages , sexes , and qualities of persons contribute their labours Gratis , every one valuing it for a peculiar felicity and honour to have his hands and shoulders wearied in such a sacred imployment . The fabrick or Giámma being finish'd , they dedicate it to no Patronage but the Publique Worship , nor use any other ceremony of consecration , but only choose one that is able to read the Alcoran , whom they accompany to the new Giámma , where some parcel of their Law is read , and their Sallà's , or offices perform'd , and from that time it is accounted a Holy place . And the Giámma being thus raised to its full Stature , every family begins a Cotage for it self , and when they are built , they seek for an Alfaqui , or Priest , to Officiate in their new Church , with whom they agree for a yearly Pension . But we must restrain this custome of building Churches to the Barabárs who have fixed Mansions ; for the Alárbs who retain no place of constant habitation , have for their Giámma a large Tent standing exactly in the middle of their dwelling-Tents , whither they resort at Canonical hours to their Orisons , in which they are comformable to the other Moors . The Giámma's doe all agree in the fashion of structure ; being all long and generally narrow , not running into Iles , nor branching into Chappels and Quires . Their situation is East and West , without any windows at all , nor have their Giámma's doores but on the North-side . [ They are without the too easie accommodations of seats , Pews , or benches : ] the floor of the Giámma is handsomely matted , and so are the walls about two foot high . If the roof be large and weighty it is supported with pillars , among which hang the lamps , which are kept burning all the night . Every Giámma has a turret , on whose top is placed a Crescent , or half Moon ( a Mahumedan Cognizance ) from this Turret the Almudén , or Sexton , with a loud voice invites the People to Prayers , which supplies the forbidden use of Bells . The Moors keep their Giámma's in a very Reverend decency , never permitting any dilapidations . None are vouchsafed to enter them but the Males of their own Religion , which makes it dangerous for Christians or Jews to look within them ; yet if this happens they think not the Holy place to be thereby any way desecrated . But this signal respect to their Churches , renders not their Devotions elsewhere perform'd , to be invalid ; yet if possible they never faile to be at their Giámm's , attributing much to the Statary prayers made in the Church . In greater Towns there are many Giámma's : in Tituàn fifteen , in Alcázar more , in Arzíla , five , and in Fez seven hundred . Among which there is a subordination , for the Giámma Gheber , or Great Giámma , being the Cathedral , or Mother-Church , commands the rest , and is the Cure of the Alcalib , or Chief-Priest . To the Giamma Gheber all the other Giámma's conforme in the houre of publique offices , and though all the rest are hung with Lamps , yet this has one of a peculiar shape and quantity , called Ettouria , or the Master-Lamp , in testimony of the Chutche's Prelacy . CHAP. VII . Of the Moresco Priests , their education , Orders , Office , Reverence of the Priest , Revenue , the Almudén , Penalties for absence from the Giámma's . THe Moors have at this day no Schools of Science , like the European Universities and Colledges ; which may be a main reason of their Growing stupidity and Barbarism ; for the want either of leisure , or lack of opportunity to study Arts and Sciences , because their whole time is spent in gaining whereon to live , through a deficiency whereof the politest Nations will soon degenerate into ignorance and rusticity . As for the Colledge call'd Amarodóch in Fez ( whose structure cost King Aba Henen 480000 Crowns , and which has been so amply celebrated for the Concinnity of its building , delightfulness of scituation , carved roof , Mosaic Arches and brazen gates ) it is now wholly destitute of Students . And if the Moors were not carefull to keep up great store of Petty Schooles , they would soon decay and fall into a total illiterature . In these Petty Scholes the Alfáqui , or Priest , takes in the first rudiments of his Learning , without any possibility of climbing higher than to write and read ; and if a Youth be found towardly and capacious , and bearing a good affection to the Priesthood , when he has arriv'd to the first forme in the School , he is removed thence , and placed with one of the best learned Alfàqui's in the Town , or Cavíla where the School is kept . And this new Tutor instructs his Pupil to read the Alcoran with perspicuity , and to understand the principal points it containes : The Tutor likewise informes him of all the Rites of the Giámma , which being both few and easy , are quickly obtain'd ; and when the Schollar is deem'd competent both for age and Learning to be a Priest , then his Institutor call's two or three Alfáquis more to examine the Candidate , who being found deserving , they grant him Testimonials of his willingness and abilities to be an Alfáqui : And this is all the education and Orders , which I could observe to be bestowed upon their Priests . But it is very remarkable , that among the Moors none are admitted to this Holy Dignity , but such as are of a competent age , and marryed ; for the former they render this reason , a Novice ought not to be admitted to the Priesthood ; but I conceive that their jealousie , with which they are notoriously gifted , is the fittest account can be given of the later . The Moors suffer no Giámma to be vacant , because they esteem an Alfáqui to be altogether necessary to exterior Religion ; and that Common Persons , or the Laity , performing the solemn offices of Religion , doth make them common . For Holy Rites are no more to be dispensed by all , than the secular Laws ; and though all men have common Interest both in Religion & the Laws , yet all cannot be Administers of either . And upon this consideration , that in the Combinations and Communions of men Religion cannot subsist , without some to guide , officiate , and prescribe the ministeries thereof , the Moors are diligent to provide an Alfáqui for every Giámma , that there may be no vacancy , nor omission in the service . To the Alfáqui the Lay-Moors pay a signal Reverence , giving him the more honourable hand , and place . They plough his ground , dress his vineyard , reap his Corn , &c. to the end that by no secular cares he may be interrupted in his Function ; And by this I am guided to look into the office of the Alfáqui , which is first , to preserve the Giámma in decency , and to provide that the structure be not dilapsed , & that the Lamps and matts be duely supplyed . But the Priest never puts his hand to any servile work , having those under him upon whom all the drudgery is discharged . The second part of the Alfáqui's office is , to inspect the Institution of the children ; to which purpose he hath usually under him , one that is fit for the toyle , and reserves to himself no more but the examination of the Childrens proficiency , which he doth once a week ; and those whom he finds remiss , receive his Correction , but the diligent , the marks of his approbation . They have no free Schools , but pay a weekly salary to those whom the Alfáqui doth appoint to teach , for none can be a School-Master without his Licence and approof . His next care is to take notice who absent themselves from the Giámma , having power at his own discretion to punish whomsoever he observes to be therein delinquent . He is very vigilant to assist the sick , whom dying he accompanies to the Grave . If there happen any disagreement among the Neighbours , the Alfáqui mediates a reconcilement , but if the Quarrel exceeds ill language , and be concerning Meum and Tuum , he is not permitted to intermeddle . If the Alfáqui dislike his Cure , he hath liberty of removall , being not confin'd to any Parochial Giámma above a year , and he seldome contracts for a longer space . And for that time he is the Superintendent of the Mosch , out of whose Rents he defraies all the Charges for Reparations , &c. takeing the surplusage for himselfe . And now the remarke passeth to the Revenues of the Giámma , which chiefly arise from the Donatives of the dead . In some places the Incoms are very large , in all comfortable ; for the Moors exercise a great benevolence to places dedicated to Religion : whereby they reproach many stiled Christians , who cast aside the least sheaf for the Tenth , and who are so far from enlarging the Churches Patrimony , that they are ready to devour the pitiful Remainder that she still enjoyes . Muley Mahumed , in his third Commandment , enjoynes his Musalmim Liberality , and Alms-deeds , which proceeding from goods honestly gotten are according to the Alcoran meritorious of Paradise . He likwise prefers private Almes before the publick , and declares the Devil to be an inplacable enemy against this expression of mercy . And indeed there are many such pious doctrines in the Alcoran , but they are but as so many good eares of corn in a good field of Tares , or as so many single grains lost in a heap of chaff : it having been the subtilty of the old Serpent in all ages , to guild over his poysonous Pills , and to blend Truth with falshood , that the latter might be embrac'd for the sake of the former . Besides it is an ancient mistake to think , that Truth and falshood are of too great a contrariety and distance to mingle and concorporate ; which makes many when they have found some truth in Doctrine , to conclude no falshood to be joyned with it . And those truths which are dispersed up and down in Mahumed's Law , being evident to its Professors , make them credulous of the whole system . And though they are zealous for all the precepts , yet for none more than that which concernes Alms-deeds ; for they have their Ashoràh which is an Anniversary Festival , whereat they bestow a certain quantity of their Substance upon the Poore . But the greatest Bounties are towards the Giámma , to which every one at his death leaves a Portion of his estate , by which method the Giámma has considerable endowments , which are under a continual improvement , and made capable of no manner of Alienation . To every Giámma there belongs an Almudèn , or a kind of Sexton , whose office is to call the people to Church at the houres of prayer ; which he doth from the top of the Turret ( mention'd above ) crying with a voice articulate and loud , Illáh Ghebèr , God is the great ; and sometimes , Lailláh La Mahumèd Resúl allá . There is but one God , and Mahumed the Messenger of God. And these words the Almudèn pronounceth at every corner of the Turret , beginning at the East , and ending at the point that looks toward Mecha ; by which they signify , that all the corners of the world should look towards Mecha in worshiping the Deity , that is be Mahumedans . The next office of the Almudèn is , to open the doores of the Giámma , to trim the Lamps , and keep the matts in repair and cleanliness . He also informes the Alfáqui , who hath an inherent power to punish those who can show no good reason of their absence . But the penalty is very tolerable , being no more than five or six pounds of Cuscussòw , which the offender brings to the Giámma , where it is eaten by the Priest and the Assembly . None are found to offend therein through contempt , or wilfulness , nor yet through the pursuance of their pleasures ; for there is so strict an observance of the Church-service , that the husband will leave the society of his wife to be there , if he hears the Almudèn speaking the Invitatory . The last branch of the Almuden's office is to dismiss the people , which he doth at the end of the Salla , or Orisons , in the same words that he called them together . And now before I close up this chapter , I cannot , speaking of their Ecclesiastique penance , but observe that the Moors have no such thing as excommunication , so that they are for no crime debarr'd the Giámma ; but on the contrary the greatest mulct inflicted by the Priest is for their absence , above three times in twenty four hours , from that Holy Place . CHAP. VIII . Of the Moresco set-times of Prayer . The preparation , Entrance into , and deportment in the Giámma . Church-Musick . THe Moor's season of Prayers returns five times in twenty four hours , or a Natural day ; The first is , Alowilíc Sbah , and comes about Noone ; The second they call Allahiric Luli , which is about three a clock in the afternoon ; The third Ateltháh Asèr , at the going down of the Sun ; The fourth Alarbèe Ashá , a little within night ; The last , Alhamsáh Magnib , which is in winter a little before day . At every assembling the Prayers are the same , except that at the Allahiríc Luli they repeat the La illa Ghehèr but thrice . The Moors esteem the prayers made in the Giámma to be of the greatest efficacy , and therefore all endeavour to performe them there , but those who cannot repair thither , doe discharge this duty , where the solemn houres find them In their addresses to these Holy celebrations the Moors use great tokens of reverence , being very punctual in fitting themselves for the Giámma . Their general preparative consists in washing ; which is such a necessary right , that without its observation it is impossible to be of their Religion . And it is notorious to all acquainted with the Mahumedan Institutes , that Washing is a great part of that Law ; nor need this create any man's wonder , seeing that all the Musalmim of the Alcoran use washing in a mystic signification of internal purity , and that the soul receives the benefit of their corporeal Lavors . None among them returne from natural evacuations , but they wash the parts liable to defilement , nor will any who is a Virtuoso in the Ceremomies , eat with unwasht handes : which at first I Interpreted a mere Civil Cleanliness , because they use no knives , &c. but tear their viands in pieces with their fingers , but upon farther scrutiny I perceiv'd it to be reckon'd by the superstitiosi among the Actions of Religion . In places where they have hot Bathes ( which are in few places wanting ) they use them after concubinate , and all improvident pollutions ; but their greatest exactness in washing , is at their going to prayer . Then every part where nature disburdens her excretions , is warily cleansed , and the other parts also which are more egregiously obnoxious to pollution . If any Moor after he has washt at home , in his way to the Giámma chance but to belch , he dares not enter the Holy r●of of untill he has us'd the lotion . And therefore in the foundation of a Giámma , great care is taken that it may stand near some spring , or receptacle of water , that those who come to the Church , may be provided with that element in case of any contingent defilement , without the trouble of returning home to wash . When they come to the door of the Giámma , every one puts off his shooes at the threshold , and then enters with a slow pace , erect body , and eyes bashfully looking towards Heaven : in this posture they advance directly to the southside of the Giámma , and they always make their prayers toward that point , because in all their devotions they are commanded to make them toward Mecha . While they are in the Giámma none dare openly to yawne , Cough , walk , discourse , spit , scratch his head or face , but if any has need but to wipe his lipps , he doth it unseen , covering his countenance with his Alheìc , which is a loose garment generally worn by the Moors . And by these Reverences in their Carriage toward Holy places and Performances , they are taught to upbraid the Christians , whose behaviours at sacred solemnities some of the Moors have observ'd to be of a far different character . And this I learned from a Moor who had unluckily been in England to make the animadversion , with whome when I discours'd about this point , he told me with anger and indignation in his looks , that it was a shame to see women , Dogs , and dirty shooes , brought into a place sacred to God's worship , and that men should walk and discourse in a Mosch , as in a publick Borsa or Exchange , and that they should have Chaires there to sit in with as much lascivious ease , as at home : which with other actions of the like irreverence he zealously repeated to reproach the Christian . And indeed I was not furnisht with arguments to ( nor could in conscience ) excuse any considerable part of his Animadversion : only I told him ; That as for the exclusion of Women from the publick offices of the Mosch , it was a doctrine of the Alcoran , grounded upou conceits of imperfection peculiar to that sex , which are not so far to be own'd , as for them to exclude the females from the meanes of their chiefest felicity . Besides this excommunion of women , was an Article of Interest and Policy , and which Mahumed adopted into his Religion on purpose to complease the Jew , who at this day begins his publick Prayer with a thanksgiving to God , que no le hizo muger , that he did not make him a woman , a creature not allowed to serve him in the Synagogue , & that seeing we wanted reasons which moved the Moors to this practice , we could incurr no scandal by its rejection . As for his objecting our bringing Dogs into the Church , I told him it was an uncomely and irreverend permission & wholly abhorr'd by knowing . Christians ; that there was a Provision made against it , and that it had been his ill hap to look into a Church , where the Sanction in that particular met with a remiss execution . Next , as to our having seates in the Mosch ( for I was to speak in his own dialect ) and to sit at some parts of Divine service , Custom and innocent convenience were all that any one could pretend to hollow it . But as for walking in the Church in time of Divine Service , or therein at any time to discourse of secular concernments , that it was only the practise of profane and ill disciplin'd minds , the miscarriage of the rude , contrary to the Rule , and a certain argument of a relaxed Discipline and negligent Superintendent . Pudet haec opprobria — . But I return to the Giámma , whither the Alfáqui comes not till a considerable number of the People are assembled ; who in the Priests absence spend their time in a devout repetition of the Sallah , a Word that signifies the whole Form of their Prayers . And when the Alfáqui is come , he advanceth straight to the South-side of the Mosch , and the People fall orderly into ranks behind him . Upon this the Priest begins the Prayer in a Voice moderately elevated , which the People humbly repeat after him . At the pronouncing of Illah El Gheber , that is , God is the great , they all use an Elevation both of Hands and Eyes to Heaven : at the name of Mecha , they all kiss the Ground ; but when they mention Muley Mahumed , and the Mercies he procures them , they fall prostrate , and upon the sudden , in a kind of Rapture , reassume an erect . When the Priest hath repeated la illah Mahumed Resul Allah four times , the Almuden dismisseth the People . And when they leave the Giamma , the Alfáqui goes first , as a token of his Prelacy above the People . Their Salláh or Service is very short , for if it took up any considerable time , the frequency of its return would take up most of their leisure , and thereby be a sensible impediment to their Temporal Vocations . In the closure of this Chapter , I thought to have spoken something of the Moresco Musick in the Mosch , but this I found to be a delightful piece of Devotion , wherein they seem to be very ignorant . I have been told , that in former time they had in every Giámma some Lay-persons , that understood the Cadences of the Alcoran , and which could sing it in its Original Metre , which must needs be very harsh Harmony , if any at all , in regard of the incapacity that is in the Alcoran Language to fall into Syllabical Measures and Tuneable Proportions . Besides , the Moors have very harsh and sawing Voices , as they will have cause to observe who have had their Ears grated with their Amorous Sonnets , in which all are wont to express their sweetest and best moving Accents . CHAP. IX . Of the Moresco Church Government . The Alcalib , or High-Priest . The Instruction of the VVomen . Forms of Prayer . Charms composed by the Marabitós or Marabouts . Sabbaoth , its Institution , Celebration . SOme have laid it down for a great Reach in Muley Mahumed , that he reserv'd the Church-Government to himself and his Successors : Which is still visible in the Grand Seignior and the Sophi ; for albeit the one hath a Mufti , and the other a Mustard-Dini to inspect the Ecclesiastick Affairs , and to be as the Oracular Interpreters of the Mahumedan Law , yet their Election is incommunicably in themselves . And albeit that these Principal Church-men are had in so great esteem with their Princes , that their Decisions are scarce ever contradicted by them , yet when their Determinations are not consistent with the Interest of the Publick , these great Oracles are dismist , and others introduc'd , who are not so scrupulous in their Sentences . By which it is evident , that the Mahumedan Princes are in effect the Heads of the Church , and chief Expositors of Religion . But not much of this can be observed in the Moors Church-Government , who have in every Cavíla ( or County ) an Alcalib , or High-Priest , in whose nomination the secular Power doth not at all interpose , for he is chosen out of , and by the Alfaqùis , over whom he is invested with a Power , whereby he is enabled to Depose , or otherwise Chastise the Offending Clergy . Immediately upon this Arch-Priests Election , he is possess'd of the Giámma Gheber , or Great Church : Wherein upon every Friday he Expounds some Text of the Alchoran , unto which Exercise he always goes accompanyed with the chief Personages of the Neighborhood . And being enter'd the Church , he immediatly ascends the Albambár ( which is a Bench about five steps from the Ground ) with a tall Staff in his Hand , wherewith he often beats upon the Bench to express his Zeal , and to awaken the People to a more signal attention to what he then delivers . This Discourse , Homily , Exposition , or Sermon , exceeds not an hour and a quarter in length , and is deliver'd exactly by heart . And when it is ended , the Almuden dissolves the Congregation , and the Alcalib returns to his House accompanyed with the chief of the place , and in his passage he receives the customary Tokens of respect from the People . And whatever some Cursory Review of this Countrey tell us of the other Priests making Sermons to the People , yet having with some diligence made enquiry into this particular , I found that the Office of Preaching was peculiar to the Alcalib , or Chief-Priest , and that no Sermons were celebrated at any other Church , but at the Giámma Gheber ( that which I may English the Cathedral . ) This eminent Church-man is seldom seen in Publick , but at this Exercise ; for to make himself the more Reverenced he affects retirement , spending his hours in the study of the Alchoran , and in resolving such Cases as the Layity present him , who esteem his Resolutions infallible . And this , with a careful Inspection into the deportment of the Inferior Clergy , doth constitute the Office and Government of the Alcalib . As for his Revenues , they are suitable to his condition : and as to his Life , it is austere and reserv'd , he affecting a peculiar Gravity in all his carriage . Every Alcalib has his distinct Diocess , out of which he has no power , so that the Alcalib of Beni-Arós hath nothing to do in Minkél , for every one is absolute in his own Cavíla . At the publick Instructions of the Giámma , none are present but the Males , for the Women , as I said , are denyed admission into the Assembly , yet are not wholy destitute of the means of being taught Religion : for upon every Friday they repair to the House of the Alfaquí , where his Wife is bound to Instruct them : But her Lectures usually concern good Houswifry , and how they should demean themselves to their Husbands , in Obedience and Submission , and to live in Peace with their Fellow-wives . All the while the Women are at the Priests House , he is not to return home , nor stir out of the Giámma , but hath his Meat brought him thither . But for what reason the Priest should be under this restraint , I leave any one to imagine , who has heard of the Moresco Jealousie . But now in case the Priest has no Wife , who seldom wants four ; or that by any Indisposition she is not able to perform this Office , then it is discharged by some aged Matron of the place : and for a further supplement of the Womens being debarr'd of the Giámma , their Husbands repeat unto them such Lessons as they have heard there . And this is all that on this account I could observe of the Moors Women . Muley Mahumed styled Prayer the Key of Paradise , and the Pillar of Religion , that he might the better recommend its practice to his Converts , who generally maintain so careful a performance of this Duty , that no secular business can detain them from , nor any thing divert them at their Devotion . I once endeavor'd to collect their Prayers into an Order , the better to take a distinct view of this Pillar of their Religion , but I found them reduced to no certain Form extracted out of the Alcoran , but were a Collection of some incoherent Sentences magnifying the Power and Mercy of God. Their first Prayer , or rather their Creed , is that which the Almuden Proclaims with a loud voice , when he calls the People to the Mosch ; as there is but one God , and Mahumed his Messenger : and this admits of no variation . The second Prayer is the first Chapter of the Alcoran , wherein there is some difference according to Translations ( in which the Alcoran hath been very unhappy ) but those which I have seen in Latin , Spanish , and French , agree in this Traduction of the Chapter . In the Name of God , Gracious and Merciful , King of the Day of Judgment : thou art He whom we adore : it is from Thee that we require help : guide us in the right way , in the way of those with whom Thou art pleased , against whom Thou art not angry , and we shall not go astray . This Prayer is repeated with the former , after the same manner as the Papists repeat their Pater noster with the Ave Maria : For the Moors have their Tesserae Precariae , or their Beads , wherewith they number their Prayers . And the whole Corona or Rosary consists of ninety eight , which the Devoti , or Religiously affected , carry always about them . They have a Custom to repeat often together the first Words of the Prayer , which they conclude to be a great act of Charity , as supplying by this Repetition the defaults of such as are remiss in this duty . In the Name of God , Merciful and Gracious , is the Proeme of every Chapter in the Alcoran , and were the first Words that Mahumed is said to have spoken when he came out of his Epileptick Fits , which he made the People believe were Trances . And with the same Words the Mahumedan Doctors begin all their Discourses , and the Letters written in Moresco Language , if the Pen-men are precise , are likewise introduced in the same Form. There is a Learned Man , that tells of a Prayer among the Mahumedans , which is called , The Prayer of Jesus the Son of Mary , ending thus , And let not such an one bear rule over me , that will have no pity upon me , for thy mercy sake , O thou most merciful . But having diligently enquired , I could not find that the present Moors have any such Letany in their Uses . There are few who are able to read , that want Manuals of Private Devotions , which are composed by the Morabito's or Morabouts , and are indeed rather to be termed Charms , then Prayers . Now these Morabito's or Morabouts , are a sort of Alárbes which are skilled , or so pretend to be , in the Law of Mahumed , severe in their Conversation , bearing a great ostentation of Sanctity , pretending to Prophesie , or Predictions . They compose all sorts of Charms , to which the Moor is so addicted , that he has one for every occasion : I have seen a whole Book thereof , containing some for the Child-bearing Women , to facilitate their Travel ; some for the Passenger , to guide him in the way ; some for the Soldier ; and one for the Horse , which is much in the Service of the Saddle : This they hang under the Beasts Neck , and believe that it keeps him from being blind , or dim-sighted . They have likewise Spells to keep their Cattel healthy , and make them fruitfnl , all compos'd by the Morabouts and Priests ; the latter , of late , being much given to this sort of Composures . And now from these short Notices of the Giámma and its Appendages , I pass to speak of the Moresco Sabbaoth . That the fifth day of the Week , is the Weekly Festival of the Mahumedans , to distinguish them from the Jew , who keeps the sixth according to our account , and from the Christian who observes the seventh , is known unto every one that knows any thing of this subject . About the Institution of this Sabbaoth , variety of Opinions may be met with : For some derive its Original from the veneration Mahumed bore to the New Moon , which is said to have appeared on Friday , the same day he began his Imposture ; and in memory of so happy an abodement , he set apart this for Solemn Worship . There is another Conjecture which fetcheth its Institution from some Heathen Rites paid on this day to Venus , whose name Friday bears . But there is little ground of this Opinion , further then it may well suit with the Genius of Mahumedism , to have a day Sacred to the Goddess of Carnality . But that Opinion herein seems best to agree with the Chronicles of Mahumed , which makes his escape from the Conspiracy of the Nobles of Mecha , to have been the occasion of this Sabbaoth , from which deliverance the Mahumedan Hegira had its Original and Name . And in this Mahumed undoubtedly imitated the Ancient Christians , who took their Aera's from some notable Persecutions . But whatever was the Original of this Sabbaoth , I observ'd that it has no great marks of Reverence above other days : for on it the Moors go to Plough , hold their Markets , open Shops , and omit little of their Ordinaries , so that I must retract my calling of it a Sabbaoth . They indeed on this day have an Exposition at the Giámma Gheber , and on it they put on their whitest Alheics , dress their Locks , and are seen in their best Accoutrements . The Women likewise on this day visit the Sepulchres , and and strew the Graves of their deceased Friends with green Boughes and Herbs . And this is all that I have been able to remark upon this subject . CHAP. X. Of the Moresco Judicatory , chief Minister of Justice , Rule and manner of Process , Testimony upon Oath , Recovery of Debts , Punishment of forgers of Writings . THe Moors have no Judicatories , or Publick Houses where they assemble about Judicial Controversies ; neither have they any Mercenary Advocates , or profess'd Lawyers , but all is decided by an Alcaddée , who is appointed by the Supreme Ruler to be the Minister of Justice in the Cavíla , and Town where he lives . Now every Cavíla hath a peculiar Alcaddée , from whom they cannot Appeal to any other but Alcaddé Gheber , or the chief of these Justices , who is appointed to receive such Appeals , and is in constant attendance upon the King , or chief Governor . But it is not permitted to use these Appeals , except in Causes which are supposed to be too difficult for the Decision of the Local Alcaddées ; and when the matter is of that Importance that the Parties are unwilling to acquiesce in the solitary Sentence of one single Alcaddée . These Justitiaries take no state of retirement , nor do they weary out the poor Clients with tedious Attendances , but to signifie the facility of access , and their readiness to relieve and succor the Oppressed , these Alcaddées sit in the Gates of the City , or some open and Publick place , to hear and determine all Cases that are brought before them . And albeit that this manner of doing Justice be conformable to the Custom of the greatest and best Antiquity , as also very significative of open & clear dealing ; yet the Moor renders another reason thereof , and that it is to avoid all Suspicion and Jealousie of corrupt Carriage in the Alcaddée with the Female Plaintiffs that sollicit him for Divorces . Every one of these Local Alcaddées has two Assessors , who in abstruser Pleas assist him with their Counsels : But the chief Employment of these Sides-men , is to Copy out the Sentences of the Alcaddée , and to draw up all the Contracts that come to be confirm'd by him ; for there is no bargain esteem'd Legal and Authentick , till it be certified under the Hand and Seal of the Topical Alcaddée . The Moors , as all other Mahumedans , acknowledge the Alcoran to be the Immutable Rule both of Civil Justice and Religion , and therefore according to the Letter and Interpretation thereof , the Alcaddée frames all his Definitions and Judgements . Here 's no Intreaguing the Plea with Resolutions , Cases , Presidents , Reports , Moth-eaten Statutes , &c. But every thing is determin'd according to the fresh Circumstances of the Fact , and the Proof of what is alledg'd . The Testimony of two Men , if they are of known sobriety , is sufficient to make good the Allegation ; but there must be twelve to ratifie it , if their Conversation be suspected : for the Moors believe , that amongst twelve Men as much honesty may be met with , as will equal what can be found in any two . If any Alfaquí or Priest be introduced to give evidence to the depending Contest ▪ his bare Affirmative or Negative deposition is of validity to put a period to the Dispute , and the Alcaddée supersedes all Enquiry , when the Priest hath declared the state of the Cause . And in this , as in all other Instances , they give a Reverend Estimation to their Priests , whose Presence secures the Civil Disquisitions a great Veneration with the Many . In taking the Testimony of a Moore upon Oath , the Servant of the Alcaddée carries the Deponent to the Giámma or Mosch , where in the presence of the Alcaddée he swears by that holy place , that he will declare all what he knowes concerning the matter , to which he is to give Evidence . But oaths are never administred to any in another man 's Case , but such as are suspected Persons , and they are usually numbred among the Rogues , and faithless , who have no Credit without them ; Besides it is never permitted for a man to swear in his own Case , but for want of Witnesses , or when the Accusation is of that nature , that the Impeached cannot otherwise Receive Purgation . As for the Christian , and Jew , they are suffer'd to give Testimony according to the Rites and Customs of their own Religions , but the Moors , are not forward to put them upon this Tryal , as doubting that fear of Punishment , should tempt them to perjury , and those who are thereunto accessory ( according to the Moresco Principle ) are involv'd in the Guilt . In Pleas of Debt , it is required that the Reality of the Debt be first manifest , which being done before the Alcaddée , he signifies it to the Almocadèm of the Cavíla where the Debtor lives , who upon his Signification , commandes a present payment to be made ; but if the Debtor refuse or be unable , to give the Creditor Satisfaction , the Almocadém Remits him to the Alháb's , or Prison ( which is alwaies near the Almocadéms house ) where he stayes till bayled thence by sufficient Sureties , or Personally payes the debt . And to secure their Courts of Justice from interfering , or clashing oue with another , the Alcaddée of one Cavíla may not intermeddle with any thing that is transacted in an other , but every one moves orderly in his own Sphere , and confines his proceedings within the Punctual Limits of his Assigned Jurisdiction . And that herein there might be no Collusion , Covin , or Imposture , every Alcaddée has his Privy Seal , wherewith he firmes the contract , or other things that pass under his hand . And the Seal is usually engraven with the name of the Alcaddée , and Place of his Office. And yet notwithstanding this care to prevent , they have the Villany of forging deeds , which is done by some skill'd in the Alcaddé's office . But upon detection he that produces the forged Paper is immediatly imprison'd , and remaines without hope of enlargement , till he declares the Forger , and after that the Alcaddée puts upon him a pecuniary Mulct ; but he deall's much more severly with the Principal in his Forgery , who for the first Conviction receives a sharp repremend from the Alcaddée , and after that the Almocadém is order'd to burn his house ; but if he be found to repeat his offence , the Forger dyes without mercy ; which just rigor secures them from the mischiefs of counterfit writings to the prejudice of anothers Right . So that this is a Villany through the whole world condignly punished ; and by our own Laws , a second forgery of Deeds concerning anothers Land after a former Conviction , is Felony . CHAP. XI . The Moresco punishments of Fornication , Adultery , Thievery , Retaliation , Murder , Bribery , Vsury , Alcadée's Revenue , Opinion of the Jews . IN the Moresco Catalogue of Crimes , Adultery and Fornication , are found in the first Comma , whose difference in the Moors Opinion may be collected from their Penalties . For Adultery , it is allways Capital , insomuch that without regard of any Eminence or Quality , the Convict thereof is certainly ston'd to Death , which is done with most notorious Circumstances . For first the day of Execution is published , then the Criminal is brought to the Calvary , where bury'd up to the navel in a Mat Móra , or a pit digged for that purpose , every one present casts one stone , and no more , at him , saying , this is for thy filthy transgression of the Law ; but if the Adulterous be Persons of Condition , their Friends have Licence to dispatch them privily , to prevent the open reproach to their family . In the punishing Fornication they are less Rigorous , as finding the mischief thereof not to be of so large a derivation , as that of Adultery . And if the Persons convict of this Unchastity are in the state of Coelibate , they are only Chastis'd with Scourges : but if either be married , or under matrimonial contract , Death is the certain penance . But the Moors are no less solemn in whipping the Fornicator , than in Stoning the Adulterer . For on Friday , after the Arch-Priest has ended his Lecture , the Offender , if a man , is placed at the great door of the Giàmma Guebèr , or Cathedral Church , naked down to the middle , and in the presence of the Congregation receives an hundred stripes on his back from an Officer appointed for that Purpose , who has a certain number of Blankéles ( or Moresco twopences , ) for his Service ; the Moors as they passe by the chastised , use these deprecatory words , Allah Iffecni min had El ham . i. e. God deliver me from this wicked fellow . The woman who hath been partner in the filthiness , suffers her punishment in the night , when she is whipt through the streets , but with more severity than the man , because the Moors suppose the Female to be of a predominant allurement in such unclean commixtures . The Moors who live in a Roaving condition are much addicted to Thievery , against which the Alcaddée proceeds by these steps of punishment ; for the first Theft the Convict is publickly whipt in the Alsóuck or Market ; for the second , he looseth his hand ; for the third theft he may truly be said to dye without mercy . For the Moors observe Caligula's Severity in making the Offender exquisitely sensible of his death , which they inflict . Against the day of the Theif 's Execution , the Youth of the Place are advertis'd to prepare their Instruments of blood , which are little dry Canes , made in the fashion of darts , accurately sharp pointed , these they hurle at the naked body of the Malefactor , till his whole skin be struck therwith full of holes , and when they find him sinking under the torture , they dragg and hang him up by the heels upon a gate , or the like , where he breaths out his last in torments , and being dead he is loathsomly exposed to the birds of prey . In bodily injuries they observe the law of Retaliation , as an Eye for an Eye , a tooth for a tooth , &c. but it is in the power of the maimed party to Receive a pecuniary reparation , or without any satisfaction to remit the wrong ; but this is not permitted til the matter hath been tryed before the Alcaddée , and the hurt party publickly declared , that he is willing either freely to forgive the injury , or to accept so much money in full Repaire . And however the Municipal Laws of some Countreys put a vast difference between murder and man-slaughter , as appeares in their defin'd punishments , yet in Barbary all homicide , or killing of a man by a man , is Capitall . And the Moors have herein two concessions . The one is to Licence the next kindred of the slain , to take money for his blood of him that spilt it . The other to permit the Relations of the murdered to kill the murderer , without any judicial proceedure , if he be not already in safe custody ; which is no more then a pursuance of that Position , Revenge is no sinne . Of this there happened a famous Instance , not many months before I left Barbary , an account whereof , as it was given me by my old freind Cidi Alli Mulud Ben Ali , take as follows . A Moor of Targa not far from Tituàn having his Brother treacherously murder'd by one of the Voisinage , undertook to pursue the fugitive murderer , with designe to avenge his Relations blood , and coming to Alcazer Gheber , he was inform'd that the Person he sought for had some days before been there , and that he had put on a Pilgrims habit , with full resolution to pay a holy journy to Mechà ; upon which the Pursuer put on the like habit , and in prosecution of his design purposed to performe the same pilgrimage ; bnt being come to Morocco , he overtook & lodg'd with the murderer in the Pilgrims hospital , where early the next morning he slew him ; whereupon being apprehended and examin'd upon the fresh circumstances of the fact , he produced a Certificate under the hand of the Alcaddée of the place where he liv'd , that his Brother was slain , and that he had undertaken to avenge his death , the murderer being fled , and likewise answered them , that that was the Homicide whom he had killed , whereupon he was set at liberty , and the Corps left to his disposal , to which giving a decent Interment , he returned home to receive the praises of his Gallantry . But to return to the Alcaddée , whom I shall here only observe in his Revenue , and office ; as to the former it is very considerable , for he signs not a paper without a Fee ; and as to the latter , it is very honourable , and careful , for all civil affaires pass through his hands , and he dayly sitts attending on all qualities of persons without varying his respect to any . If he be corrupt in his Charge , the Alcaddée Gueber , upon mature conviction turns him out of Office , which is his extremest penalty . But indeed the Ministers of Justice have no opportunity to be Collusive , as being free from the great allurement of dealing falsly , for Bribery is not known amongst them . Usury which ( I promised to intimate in this Chapter ) is totaly forbidden by their Law , for Mahumed hath made it an irremissable sinne , and the Userer in as bad a condition as the Divell , leaving him neither will , nor hope to be saved . Yet notwithstanding the severity of the Law , and the supposition of this Crime , the Moors have a Custom which much favours it ; for he that borrows mony of another wherewith to trafique and gain , gives the lender an equal share of the Profits , and in case the borrower lose the whole Principal , he is obliged to make it good to him that lends it , but if only part be lost , the remainder is employ'd to regain it . And it is usual with the lender to forbear the Borrower , till he perceives him fraudulent , Careless , or Unfortunate . And because the sinne of Usury is so notorious among the Jews , the Moors believe that for it they are oppressed of God , and live Exiles from their own Canaan . But it is easy to observe a sort of Antipathie between these people , notwithstanding that they are conjoyned in neighbourhood , commerce , & in very many rites both civil and Religious . But the contempt is reciprocal , for if the Moor by way of Proverb say , As deceitful as a Jew , the Jew repayes , as uvbelieving as a Moor. And this enmity I remarked in a Barabár of my Acquaintance , who observing the Jews very much frequent my lodging , he very roundly reprov'd that Conversation , and angrily told me , That the Jews were born to cheat both the Moor and the Christian , that he was assured that they were not descended of Adam , but that they were breed of the bone of a dead beast , and when he conjectured my incredulity of his ridiculous Story , by my smiling thereat , he told me in angry zeal , that he would pledge his head for the truth of his Assertion ; whereupon I demanding what he conceived of those Jews who turned Moors , he answer'd , that there was such efficacy in their religion , that it made all those good who embraced it . CHAP. XII . The Moresco opinion of Marriage , manner of woeing , marriage-Solemnity , carrying home the Bride , Offering wedding-feast . THat marriage is honorable among all men , if it were not a truth dropt from an inspired Pen , might be proved by Induction , and the oecumenical consent of all Nations , which pretend to any setled Rites in Religion or Policy . As for Mahumed , he had matrimony in so peculiar an estimation , that he made it the second of his eight Precepts , and enjoyn'd every Subject of his Law to marry in the Vigor of his Age , making the predominant end thereof , the Propagation and maintenance of his Sect. He likewise told them that chast celibate was impossible , and that those who pretended to live therin , were justly to be suspected for unclean conversation . And hence perhaps it comes to pass , that the Moors ( who are the Puritans in Mahumetism , ) are so generally observant of this commandment ; for few among them are found to live out of the state of Wedlock , if they are able to purchase a wife . But many are not very prone to take all the liberty in marrying indulged them by their Prophet ; for albeit he permits them plurality of wives , yet there are several families that for many ages have confin'd themselves to one : & I have met with those who abhor that filthy position father'd upon Muhumed , That the more they are spiritual , the more liberty and abilities they have to be carnal . Unto the persons that are to be married there is no conversation permitted till the Knot be tyed , so that both parties take one the other upon trust , and the man perchance never sees the woman till they be brought to the bride-chamber ; A custom that would be very hardly disgested by the Utopians , who think it very unreasonable that a man should take a wife with less scrutiny than he doth his horse , and that he should bring one to be the perpetual partner of his life , with less information than he doth a horse to his stable , which he may part with the next day . But the Contriver of the New Atlantis findes all these inconveniences avoidable by the custom of Bensalem : where ( saith he ) neare every Town there is a couple of Pooles ( which they call Adam and Eves Pooles ; ) in these it is permitted to one of the Friends of the man , another of the woman , to see them severally both naked . And the Moors have a custom not much differing from this of Bensalem , for upon the design of marriage two of the man's Female friends , who have lived long enough in wedlock to understand its Perquisites , are appointed to view the intended Bride , and to give the Suitor an account of her bodily accomplishments , and defects , which is exactly entered in the Contract , and if any infirmity be concealed for which the husband afterward disliks her , he may put her away ; and this makes them very cautious to omit nothing in the search or report ; But there is no such examination passed upon the man , because he is dayly exposed to a free Censure . If this Inquisition be pass'd with satisfaction , then they proceed to frame the Articles of Marriage , which is alwaies done by the nearest Freinds or Relations of the Parties to be contracted . And when they have finished them , they are brought to the Alcaddée to be confirm'd under his hand and Seal ; for unless the bargain be thus ratified , the woman in case of her husband's death , or her own divorce , cannot recover the Portion that was promised her , or rather the price that was to be pay'd for her by the man ; For I suppose that few are ignorant of the Moresco Custom of buying their wives ; When the Paper containing the Bargain has passed the Alcaddée , it is carried to the Alfaquì , who having perused and declared his approbation of its Contents , he bids the Man take home the Woman when he pleaseth to be his Wife ; and this is all that is done by the Priest in this , according to their Estimate . And after this short dispatch of Wooing , Contract , and Marriage , the Bride-Grooms next consultation is with his own convenience in order to fetch home his Bride : in which the warm Clime suffers him not to be tedious . But herein he is obliged to observe the appointed Times ; for neither all Weeks in the Year , nor all Days in the Week , nor all hours in the Day , are free for this Solemnity . For the taking home the Bride is altogether prohibited during their Ramadàn , or Lent : The like , Prohibition reacheth unto the Tuesdays , Wednesdays , and Fridays of every Week , and on the Canonical or Regular Days , the Afternoon and Evening are the accustomary Hours . At the time when Marriage is Celebrated , they use all possible significations of Joy and Hospitality ; and it is the Custom for the Friends of the Marryed to contribute something to grace their Nuptials . Therefore if the Marryed Pair live both in the same Town , then at their set time the Bridegroom goes attended with his nearest Kindred , who coming to the Lodgings of the Bride are not suffer'd to go in , but wait at the Door till the Negra's , which the Husband hath bought or borrowed for that day , bring the Bride from her Chamber under a Canopy of Alhéicks , and place her in an Almaria , or close Chair ( much resembling a Tub ) which they cover with Scarfs and Ribons . And in this manner she is born through the Streets by Christians that are Captives , and for want of these by Negra's , or by a meaner sort of Whites . When they begin their March from the Brides House to the Bridegrooms , the Musick , Colours , and Drums pass in the first rank ; next to them go some ancient Women , who have been a long space Marryed , all closely veil'd : immediate next after the Almaria , or Bride-Chair , march those who carry the Clothes and Presents of the Bride , which have been made her by her Friends , who follow immediatly after in a regular disposition . When they are come to the Bridegrooms , the Chair being lighted , the Negra's take out the Bride , and under a Canopy of Alheicks conduct her to her Apartment , where she is received by some aged Matrons , who instruct her in the important Offices of a good Wife , and the rules of that Relation , but they are wary of betraying any discouraging Severity , and therefore intermit their Documents by tasting the good Cheer provided for their Entertainment . While the Bride is thus caressing the Matrons , and receiving their Maternal Councels , the Bridegroom entertains his Comrades , Feasting them with the best Cuscussone , and brisk Wines , if their over scrupulousness debar them not the chearfulness of that Beverage . But the Bridegroom is not licensed for that time to drink freely of any strong Liquor , for Reasons not worth the mentioning . In the interim of this Entertainment , the Batchellors make a kinde of Offering to their Wedded Companion ; in which they observe this Method : The Bridegroom placeth himself upon a little low Seat , behind him stand two Negro's bending his Head moderatly back ; then come the Batchelors , who cover the Bridegrooms Fore-head and Brow with Metacales ( or single Coins of Gold ) and Blankéles , according to their Affection and Ability : and as they lay them on , the Negro's stroke them off into a Basin set for that purpose in the Bridegrooms Lap , who all the while shuts his Eyes . The Negro's likewise call every one by name who Offer , saying Fulano ( or such an one ) lays on so much , God enlarge his Life and Riches . And this continues till all the Batchelors have been at the Corban . About eight of the Clock the Company breaks up , with resolution to reassemble the next Morn ; and when they are gone , the Bridegroom visits the Bride , whom he undresses with his own Hands , first taking off her Ornaments , then untying her Drawers , and in every point prepares her for his Bed ; none being admitted to assist , or to be present at this Office. And this they say he doth , in signification that she is wholly and only at his disposal . Some Conocido's or intimate Associates of the Bridegroom , stay behind the rest of the Company to congratulate the first Pleasures of his Marriage . For about Mid-night he leaves his Bride to manifest unto his select Companions the evidences of her Virginity , by Traditional Arguments authentick with the Moors . This good News they all celebrate with increase of Jollity ; and now they venture to warm the Bridegroom with his own Fires , and endeavour to return him to his Bride crown'd with his own Vine . But if she yield not these Testimonies of Virginity , it is in his power to put her to death , or otherwise to dispose of her as he pleaseth . For they esteem that the most unpardonable sort of Cozenage , which takes a Mans self and his Money for that which is impossible to be made good . And those Women are accounted egregiously impudent , who conscious of their own Failures dare put themselves upon this adventure . But if for this Injury he returns her to her Friends , she meets with that rigour at their hands , which she might easilier have undergone from her Husband ; for all her Cozens think themselves dishonored in the Debauchery of their Kins-woman , which they imagine cannot be expiated but either by death , or some more durable Purgatory . And by reason of this just Severity , the Moresco Damsels are very cautious of their Behaviour , and scarce in half an Age hath any one been convict of this Delinquency ; however , the Man is circumspect not to omit the Ordeal . When the Bridegroom and Bride have refreshed themselves apart with their choice Companions , all are dismist till the next day ; when the Festival is reassumed , and lasts a considerable time ; the Wedding Feast of the poorest continuing a Week . And for this time the new Marryed Man has a priviledge to be absent from the Mosch without fear of mulct . Some Grandees are not seen abroad , from the day of their Wedding till they can shew the Pledge thereof in their Arms. But these are bound to have a Dispensation from the Alfachi for their absence from the Mosch , and to observe the Times of Prayer in their Chambers . CHAP. XIII . Of the Moresco Polygamy , Concubinage , Divorce , for what reasons , in what cases it is allowed . THat the Muley Mahumed might the better complease the loose humors of his first Sectaries , he made his Religion to contain many carnal indulgences , denying nothing to Believers of his Doctrin , that had any sensible complyance with their brutal affections . And of this we meet with an Example in his concession of Polygamie and concubinage ; for first he granted to every Professor of his Religion the liberty of marrying four wives ; he likewise taught that they might take as many Concubines as they were able to maintain , but in this also the more illuminated Moors confine themselves to one of their own Perswasion , esteeming Concubinate with Infidels ( under which name all are comprized that profess not Mahumatism ) to be an unexorable uncleanness . As for Polygamy it is looked upon as a Divine Institute , and when any object against it , the Moors vindicate it by the frequent examples and universal customes thereof , in the Patriarchs and worthies of the Hebrew world . And I could meet with none who asserted Plurality of wives upon politick considerations , as that it was coveinent for the propagation of the Empire , encrease of people , and enlargement of their Religion : but that it proceeded from God , was used by the Holiest of his Servants , and the oeconomy of the Old Law. When the inconvenience of these Pluralitie is objected , and that their Oeconomicks cannot but be much disorder'd by reason of the inquietudes , and strifes that will inevitably arise among so many female corrivals for one man's affection ; they tell you that this is a disease whose remedy is of a very easy procurement , by reason of that absolute Dominion , which the husband hath over his wives , whom , if they prove disagreeing , he confines to their several apartments , without allowing them any further conversation among themselves , then that their society at meales affords them . And if this will not cure the unpeaceable humour , then Divorce proves an infallible Receit ; of which give me leave to give this briefe account . When the woman findes herself aggrieved by her husband , or any of her fellow-wives , her only reparation and succour is to seek a divorce . And in this case she has liberty to address her self to the Alcaddee , who has the sole power of dissolving , as well as of tying , the knot of matrimony . And when the woman has declard her condition , and spread before the Alcaddee the reasons upon which she grounds her desire of Divorce , the Alcaddee presently sends for the husband , & examines him concerning the verity of the complaint brought against him by his wife , if he deny it , then the matter is decided by the voice of the Neighbours , but if the husband have a willingness to be quit of his wife , then he needs but confess that whereof he is accused , and the Alcaddee teares in pieces the Bill of their marriage which he had Confirm'd , declares the Marriage void , and certifies the Divorce under his Seal ; and from hence forward they are both at liberty for new nuptials . From which the woman is bound to abstain till it be apparent that she is not impregnate by her last husband , who is still obliged , to provide for the issue that she shall bring into the world five months after the Divorce . But if she cannot tarry so long , then the Alcabla , or Midwife , has her in Examination , who is bound to return a just & true report upon pain of being stoned to death . The Moors call the Divorce and widdows by the same word , and enjoyn them the same Laws of second marriage . The chief causes of Divorce on the womans part or either disquiet and froward carriage to the Family , especially when she will not live in amicable society with the Sharers of the same Bed : or when she is unpleasing to her conjugal embraces , or when she will not indure his familiarity with his women slaves . But if she be found guilty of adultery , the injurie is too great for Divorce to repair and in this Case she is solely left to the pleasure of her husband , who has Absolute power both to be her Judge and Executioner . And albeit the Moors are not sparing in the revenge of their kinreds death , yet they applaud the husband who kils their kinswomen , whom he has certainly found treacherous to his Bed. The occasions of Divorce on the husbands side are his refusal of paying his wife marital Due ; or , some other sort of unkind deportment . But after all the wives complaints , the husband is at liberty to retain or put her away ; and he may at any time divorce his wife in case he will make good the marriage Contract . It is usually said , that the wives seek for Divorce when their husbands deal unnaturally with them ; and albeit this is said to be done with a great deale of modesty , the crime being signified by the turning up of a Shooe , yet in Barbary examples of this kind are very unusual , for the Moors abhorre the villany , believing that it is not in man's Nature to be so preposterous ; and that it was at first the malitious invention of some vile and impudent Strumpet . The Children which are begot before Divorce , follow not the woman , but are left to the husbands charge . And it is observable that the Moresco women seldome prove unfruitful , for in a town of above twelve hundred married women , it was reckon'd for a great rarity that there was one dyed barren . But the wife , different from the Jewish custom , suffers no dishonour for her Sterility , and if the husband takes a second wife who proves also childless , the husband beares the imputation . Mahumed in the fourth Chap. of his Alcoran adviseth the husband whose wife is barren , to swear by her belly , and asserts it a means to make her Conceive . A devotion which as I have been told is still in use among the Alárbes , but quite worne out of fashion with the other Moors . In the nursing of Children the mother abhors that unnatural pride of suckling them with other brests , while her own are sufficient for that affectionate service . And to shew that there is something more than common kindness in this particular , the Empress her self is obliged for the first seven days to give her child suck . And now before I dismiss this remark , I cannot but acquaint you with all the material ceremonies , of the second , third , and fourth marriages . Every former wife upon the introduction of another , lives seven days deprived of all manner of society with her husband , who for that time devotes himself entirely to his last Bride ; whom on the seventh day after marriage he solemnly brings into the acquaintance and fellowship of his other wives , whose brows the last married is bound to kiss , and tells them that they are not to be angry that their Holy Law hath entitled her to a share in his affection as large as any of theirs . The husband likwise exhorts them all to reciprocal kindnesses , assuring them that without fraud , or any partiality , he intends to divide himself among them . Now that which seemes most nearly to concern the wives , and proves the greatest and most incentive of their wrath is their husbands liberty of taking as many Concubines as he lists ; which for the most part are Blacks , the Moors doting much on that Spanish saying la Negra tiene , turmentina en ella . But those that keep Concubine slaves , are not permitted to associate with them in the night , and if any of them bear , their Patrons Children , she thereupon receives her liberty , and the Child is coheir with those begot in Wedlock . CHAP. XIV . Of the Moresco admission of Renenegados , Circumcision , Imposition of Names , Sur-names . EVery Religion have had still some Rites appropriated to the admission of such as undertook its profession ; and by which they were characterized and distinguished . Concerning this the Author of Mahumatism was much distracted , not knowing what inaugurating ceremony to Ordain . His two assessors Sergius the Monk , and Abdalla the Jew , divided him with their opinions , while each pleaded for the character of his forsaken Faith. But the wary Impostor ( labouring to keep up the credit of his pretensions , in being sent , to be the reconciler of the Jewish and Christian Religion , and to compose a Law comprehending both ) to comply with Sergius , who stood stifly for Baptism , he ordain'd daily washings to all those who became Mahumetans , & ascribed thereunto no less efficacy than the cleansing of the Soule . And that he might not disgust Abdalla the Jew , he made Circumcision admissive of Proselytes into his Law. But did not institute it under any notion of absolute Necessity , and indispensibly required of all who undertook the Profession of his Religion , but made the want of it no impediment of future happiness . And therefore in the admittance of a Renegado , or the denyer of his first Religion , circumcision is not exacted of the Moors , for feare that the undergoing of such a painful Sacrament should deter the Proselyte . But when any desires to be of their perswasion , they carry the new Musulman on horseback , in a kinde of triumph through the streets , & proclaims that such an one being turn'd Moor , desires the assistance of their Prayers that he may not Apostatise . But their male children are initiated by circumcision , and because the child may die before it can be circumcised , therefore the lack of this Write in such a case is concluded to be no hindrance of its enjoyment of Paradise . When the child is seven days old , the Moors give it a name , and the Father of it makes a feast . But the imposition of the Name is done in the publick assembly ; for the Father at the evening-Sallah carries to the Church several dishes of Cuscussow , of which he sets one apart for the Priest , and the rest to be eaten up by the people . And when the Prayers are ended , the congregation demand of the Father what he will call his Child , and if the Name he gives it be not satisfactory to the People , they decide it by lots what he shall be called , for every man here has a Vote in the Nameing of his Neighbour's Child . And when they have agreed the point , all pray that the child may Live , prove Rich and Valiant , and understand the Alcoran ; then they eate up the Cuscussow and depart . It is observable that the Priest neither at the Nameing , nor circumcision of the child has any apppropriate office , of which I could finde no other reason , unless the Moors estimate of these Ceremonies , which they never reckon among the essentials of Religion . There are some who have asserted , that there is an inevitable time of circumcision among all the Mahumetans ; But if they had lived in Barbary , they might have lessen'd the proposition , for the Moors circumcise their children when they please , being by Law not bound up to any particular day or hour . But it is generally grown into fashion , to circumcise at the Animadversary Feast called Mulud , kept in December in memory of Muley Mahumed . And few or none defer the circumcision of their Males at the first Mulud after their nativity . Now there is no person set apart for this office , but the child is circumcised by any that has a gentle and nimble hand , to whom the parent gives a bountiful reward . When the Sonnes arrive to a due maturity , they are disposed of to Vocations , among which the Sword is reckon'd the most honourable , as a Priviledge of Primogeniture belongs to the first born . The rest betake themselves to such Callings as best agree with their inclinations and Fathers fortunes . Many of the wealthier sort put their Sonnes to to be Talbyes , that in case they be reduced to want , they be in capacity to be received unto the Priesthood and be maintain'd by the Church . The Moors have no surnames , which want they supply by adding to the Child's name , either the name of some remarkable time when it chanced to be born , as the Ramadan , Mulud , Ashora , and the like ; or the name of the Father by prefixing Ben , as Hader Ben Abdalla : being the same with Thomas Fits Williams , &c. and the higher they derive the pedegree by reckoning up their Ancestors , it is accounted the most honourable . And in this they follow the ancient custom , for to add to a man's proper name , the proper name of his Father by putting [ Son ] before it , was of old in stead of that , which we now call surnames : and in some parts this is not yet worn quite out of use . Whether the names now given by the Moors , are significative of any Virtues desired or foretold by those that impose them , to be in the Children , hath not yet fal'n under my comprehension . Curiosity tempting me in pursuance of this Note , to enquire into their child-births ; I found that therein they observed a decency conformable to the best civilized People . For the pregnant Wife perceiving the approach of her pangs , call's for the Alcabla , or Mother , the same with our Midwife , to assist her travailes , who never leaves her till the seventh day after her delivery , for so long she keeps her bed , and tarries forty dayes before she associates with her husband . Who if he be scrupulous will not embrace his Wife from the time she appeares impregnate , till the last minute of the forty days after her delivery be accomplished . CHAP. XV. Of the Moresco Funeral Rites , Testaments , Mourning for the Dead , Esteem of Interment , Sepulchres , Places of Burial , &c. THe Moors are very careful that nothing be wanting or disorderly in the Rites of Burial , wherein the surviving Relations signifie great Sentiments of humanity and affection toward the deceased : whom when they understand that they are sick , they delay not to visit , on purpose to admonish them of their Faults , and to exhort them to look forward to the great Pleasures of Paradise . The Priest never omits this good Office of assisting the sick ; and I have been told , that there are certain Azaora's or parcels of the Alcoran , appointed to be read on this occasion to the Infirm , who if he die not while those Azaora's are thrice read over , it is an Omen of his Recovery ; but if the Agony be observed to increase in the time of Reading , they conclude that the Patient will not escape : which when the sick Man observes , and sees that in all probability his Distemper will terminate in Death , he begins an exact disposal of his Estate , whereof in the first place some part is bequeath'd to the Parochial Church where he lives , and some small Legacies to the Alfachí and Almudén , and the rest he leaves to be divided by the Alcaddée among his Wives and Children : in which Distribution , a Son hath twice as much as a Daughter , and the Wives can claim no more then is set down in their Contract of Marriage . In signification of their love to the Dead , the near Kinred of both Sexes use Tokens very expressive of Sorrow : the Men testifie their Griefs by putting on their courser Alheícks , and not wearing any thing that is very white about them , which at other times is a chief part of their bravery : for they account white to be no less a token of chearfulness then Innocency , and therefore account the wearing thereof very improper for such sorrowful occasions . The Men likewise ( that are of near Alliance to the Dead ) cut not their Beards , but declare their pensiveness ; they suffer a great neglect in all those Accoutrements , in which at other times they are very curious ; and by a peculiar Fansie they have some Hairs hanging over their Eyes in token of a careless Sorrow . But this is done chiefly for such as come to untimely ends . The Women are very loud and dolorous in their Lamentations of the departed , and they intermit not to howl over the Corps while it is in the House , which is not long , for as foon as the Breath is expired , the dead Body is washt with Sope and warm Water , by those of the same Sex with the departed . Then the Body is wrapt in white Linnen and laid in a Coffin ( though a Coffin is but the lot of a few ) on the right side , with the Face toward Mecha , in which posture it is also buryed . When the Corps is carryed out to Burial , the Priest goes next unto it , who coming to the Grave or Sepulchre , prays that the Sins of the Defunct may be remitted , and that he may have a Portion in the promised Delights . Returning home from the Buryal , they have a Feast to comfort those of the Family who are not permitted to dress any thing while the Corps are in the House : and this consolatory Feast is great or small , according to the condition of the Dead . They account it a great unhappiness for one of their Faith to want a decent Interment ; and therefore if any dye without an Estate sufficient to discharge his Funeral Expences , they supply it by a Neighborly Contribution . Those that are more Wealthy and Honorable have Sepulchres , which vary both in Materials and Fashion : For some are built of rough Stone , others of course Marble , but the most of Brick : Some in form of a half Moon , others open upon Pillars ; and some round and close , and to be enter'd by a Door . But the Vulgar lye in common Graves , cover'd with green Turf and Boughs . At the Feet and Head of those that are thus Buryed , they fix large Stones , in which are writ the Name of the Interr'd , with the Year of his Age and Hegira . As for Epitaphs , they are quite worn out of request , yet they were in great estimation of old , as may be gather'd from that Collection which John Leo made thereof , and presented it to a Brother of a King of Fez. Upon every Friday the Women repair to the Graves of their deceased Friends , whose deaths they bewail with a very loud and bitter Lamentation , recounting the great Satisfaction and Pleasure which they once enjoy'd in their Society . And because they believe that on every Friday the Soul returns to the Body , they spread the Graves with sweet Flowers and green Boughs on purpose to refresh it , and to adorn the Grave . But there are some Moors which hold this Rite for a Mystery in their Religion , and therefore pretend not to give any account of its usage . They have one thing in Buryal , observed no where else , which is not to bury another in the same Grave where one has been Interr'd before , and therefore they use certain Marks to secure them from mistakes . It has been often told me , That the Moresco Women in their Weekly Lamentations of the dead , use to ask them what reason they had to dye , seeing that they enjoyed loving Friends , wanting none of the Comforts of this Life , &c. But I found this was an idle Story , and a Moor assured me that they had no such Custom , and that it could be the Calumny of none but a deceitful Jew . Neither is that other Story of more credit , which makes the Moors reserve a vacant Place in the Grave , to give the dead Carcass room to rise up and kneel before two pretty Angels , who come to confess the Departed concerning the great Points of the Law ; namely , paying of Tythes , giving of Alms , and observing of Rámadon : for upon mature Enquiry , I was assur'd that the Moors had no such Article in their Creed . The places of Burial that belong to great Towns , are in the Fields : but in the Country they are generally by the High-ways , which may be to put Passengers in mind of their Mortality . The Ground which is set apart for this Imployment , is usually the Donative of some devout Person , or purchased with Legacies bequeath'd for that purpose . And that there might be no fraud practised in this Particular , both Alfachí and Alcáddee keep Registers of all such Donations , which are transmitted to Posterity . When the Ground is once devoted to this service , the Moors call it Blessed and Holy , and accounted its alienation an unpardonable Wickedness . Neither the Christians , nor any of another Religion , are permitted to tread within these Burial Places , unless they be their Slaves , whom they admit to any thing capable of service , and use as sorely as their Dogs . These Slaves always wait upon the Women to the Sepulchres , but for no other intent then to carry their Flowers and Boughs , and to assist them therewith to dress the Graves . There is no Aldéa or Village that has a Church , but it hath also a peculiar Burying Place , given or bought as hath been already mentioned . CHAP. XVI . Of the Moresco Ramadàn , its institution , moveableness , manner of Celebration . SOme have imagin'd that for twelve Years after the promulgation of the Mahumetan Law , the Sectaries thereof kept the same Fasts with the Jews : but Mahuméd being displeas'd with that refractory People , and scorning to borrow any of their Institutions , commanded his Proselytes to abandon their Fasts , and appointed in their room the Moon Ramadan , to be kept in an Anniversary Abstinence . But others date this Lent from the second Year of Mahumeds Prophesie , and that it fell out in the Month September , at which time the Alcoran is said to have been sent from Heaven . But it is not likely that the Fast was in memory thereof , because so great a Blessing ( in the Mahumedans Estimation ) deserved to be kept in mind by a far different Memorial , great Mercies having never been Celebrated with Penances and Corporeal Humiliations , but rather with Festival Expressions of Joy , and Actions significative of Exaltation . The Ramadàn is moveable , and depends on the appearance of the New Moon , which , if through the Cloudiness of the Weather they cannot discern , they tarry till it may be presumed by the course of Nature that it is Changed . And those who are less Learned in the Lunar Mutations , continue the Fast for thirty days , being assured that in that Period the Moon must fulfil her course . A Winter Ramadàn is very welcome to the Moors , because their Labors are not then so pressive , and better then to be endured , by reason of the coldness of the Season : and the Fast is not so afflictive , because the Days are short , and the Nights long to Revel in . Though this be the severest Precept in the Mahumedan Law , yet it is not without all capacities of Indulgence , for therein is had special Regard to the wayfaring and infirm , who have Licence to eat in the day time , with this Caution , That at the end of their Journey , and upon their recovery from Sickness , they perform the full account of their Lent. As for the rest , they are enjoyned no more then a diurnal Abstinence , having the Night at liberty for all Fruitions they can procure , Wine onely excepted , which by those who at other times liberally drink it , is for this Moon totally renounced . The breach of this First they punish with Stoning to death , and there is no necessity can Priviledge any ( except Travellers and ins●●● Persons ) to eat or drink till the Evening Star witnesseth that the Day is shut in . They make great Provision for this Ramadàn , wherewith they furnish out their Necturnal Festivals ; and for this end , use a great Frugality before for some days . They place a great Sanctity in this Fast , which yet to a Scrupulist scarce would seem to deserve that name , for the Day is usually past away in a loytering Sleepiness , and the Night in Junketing : the one is at best but a drowzy Lent , and the other a Luxurious Carnival . Yet there is a devouter sort of Bygots , who spend the Day in the Church and Devotion , and are very reserved in their Nightly Caresses , living for the whole Moon seperate from Women , where they supererogate , their Law no where exacting this Severity ▪ for such was the Carnal Temper of their Prophet , that he thought it an Impossibility to live a whole day Continent . Both Sexes are bound to begin this Fast at the twelfth Year of their Age , and it is placed among the Articles necessarily requisite to the Constitution of a perfect Mahumetan . The last day of the Moon , the Moors spend in doleful Lamentations of their deceased Relations , and with their Yearly Commemoratives end the Fast . CHAP. XVII . The Moresco Feasts . AT the end of their Lent , Mahumed instituted a Festival Solemnity , as hath been imagined in imitation of the Christians Ester . The Turks call it Bairam ; the Moors , El Ed Geer , or the Little Feast : Little , not in respect of its duration , but Expence ; for it lasts three days , which equals it in length with any of the rest . On the first day thereof they spread the Floor of their Giámma's with coloured Leather , and then entertain each other with Honey , sweet Butter , and Wafers . And according to the performance of this Festival , they Divine , as the Egyptians by their Nilescope , the Blessings and Plenty of the descending Year . About two Moneths after , the Moors have another Festival , by them called , El Ed Gueber , or the Great Feast , in respect of the Expences and Charges thereof . This Festival still commenceth with a Sermon , which the Alcalib or chief Priest makes concerning its Institution , with amplification of its Praises . Returning home from the Sermon , the Moors fall to killing such Sheep as they have made choice of for their Entertainment at this Solemnity , and there is not the meanest Fortune , but now has his Sheep which is killed , by cutting the Throat thereof , with their Faces towards Mecha , and Swearing by Alquiblá . This done , every Family takes the Heart and Appurtenances , and immediatly dress it with Saffron , red and black Pepper ; then , with store of Bread , they bring it to their Parish Church ( where every Quality knows his station ) and eat it in Communion . Returning from this Ecclesiastick Ordinary , they pass the second and third Day in Eating and Drinking . This is also called the Mutton Feast . The next to this is their Ashorah , which lasts but one Day , and call'd a Feast of Fruits , nothing being then eaten but Dates , Figs , purched Corn , and all such natural Cates as their Substances can procure . This Festival is not held in Giámma's , but every Father of a Family treats his Houshold under his own Roof . And the rich on this day give a Portion of their Estates to the Poor , who on the Morning of the Festival go from one Giámma to another , and receive the Yearly Alms , which are proportionably divided amongst them . None cast into this Treasury who have not a certain sum of Money in Possession ; and he that has less then ten Metacáles ( which something exceeds our Five shilling Pieces ) is exempt from this Corban . At the receipt of these Alms , the Poor pray that God would increase the Givers store , and enable them to bestow more the next Ashoráh , telling them , That this fulfilling of the Law , is the best assurance of rendring their Petitions successful . Anseràh is another Moresco Festival , which lasts but a day ; and with the Andaluzian Moors bears the Name of Saint Baptist's , or the Feast of the Christians . On this Festival , those who live within ten Leagues of the Sea come thither to wash themselves ; and those who cannot , by reason of distance , repair to that great Monopoly of Waters , take Salt and throw it into the Fountains at home , and Bath themselves in that counterfeit Ocean . This is exactly at Midsummer , and held in Commemoration of that great Blessing of Water . The Viands of this Feast exceed not their ordinary Provisions , only they eat them with greater alacrity . Mulud is the Yearly Feast for Circumcision , and continueth three days ; on the first whereof , they make a Gátcha , or Hodge-podge of Flower , Water , Butter and Honey , and carry great quantities thereof to the Church , whither they invite one another , saying , Come , let us go to the Allamdillah , or to the Feast that is made to Mahumed for Gods sake : And when they have eaten of this homely Dish in the Church , they leave store thereof to be devoured by the Poor , and spend the two following days in good Neighborhood and plentiful Collations . This is their chiefest Feast , because at it their Males are Circumcised , and may seem to have a reference to the old Whitsuntide among the Christians . But I forbear to swell these Remarks with such Conjectural References , which if I should enterprise , I might make all Mahumeds Institutions yield some probable Resemblances of those ancient Customs & Ordinances in usage among Jews and Christians ; and shew , that this great Deceiver has confused both the Testaments into his Alcoran , laboring thereby to have his first Pretensions made creditable , That he came to reconcile Jew and Christian unto the obedience of one and the same Law. These Moresco Festivals seem not so much Commemorative of received Mercies , as relaxatives of Corporeal Labors , from which they are observed to have no other Divertisements . For Cards and Dice are utterly abhorr'd by the better Families , not only as forbidden by the Law , under the Infamous terms of Diabolical Inventions , but as observed to be occasions of many nocive Passions , engendring Debates , and Incentives to Avarice : Besides , they are look'd upon as Effeminate and Trivial Entertainments , fit onely for Sea-men , and Women ; the former being much vers'd in this Idleness , though no such Aspersion can be cast on the latter . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Moresco Pastimes , Musick , Dancing , &c. WHen the Moresco Gentry are disposed to Sports , the Wild Boar fits them with a Manly Exercise , and affords them both Pastime and Improvement ; and when in the failure of some Circumstance they are debarr'd this kind of Recreation , they supply it with their Lances in Lusory Skirmishes on Horseback , wherein their Dexterity cannot be too much admired . But they are naturally uninclin'd to Sports , being very Saturnine , and loving the Extremes , either to sit still , or to be in robustious Motions . They spend much of their Time in a sort of drowzy Conference , but the sum of their Domestick Entertainments , are their Women and their Chess-boards : All communicating in the former , but the latter is only the serious Pastime of the Virtuoso's . They use Vocal and Instrumental Musick , but in both are very serious and plain , devoid of Levity or Flourish . Their usual Instruments are the Rabèb and Ahlùd ; the former resembles our Violin , but strung only with one great Cord of Hair ; the other a Getar . In Fez they have Lutes , and those who will teach them well . The Alárbs have an Instrument call'd Zauphèn , like the bottom of a Kettle , on which they Tinckle with a stick . The Tituanezes have a less Organ , and also use a sort of Tabor and Pipe when they march in the Field . So most Towns have their peculiar sorts of Musick . The singing part is perform'd by Negra's , not for any peculiar Excellency they are happy in , but because singing at publick Dances is look'd upon as Slavish . In their Dances they permit no mixture of Men with the marryed Women , which is granted to the Virgins , who upon some Solemnities Dance with the Batchelors ; but so closely Veild , that not any part about them is seen naked . They act the Tune with their Hands and Head , and abhor as loose and lascivious , Jigs , or high Dancing . Every Town and Cavíla have their own Dances , which are known by several Names . The Fessians have a Dance called Estitati , which is used in Sally , Mekenèz , Alcazàr , &c. Those of the City of Morocco have one named Sholakebèr ; and in the Cavíla's of Minchèl , Bemi-Wadres , &c. there is a Dance stiled Ismmaháh . It seldom happens that those of one Town know the Dances of another , therefore thofe who use this Divertisement , only know the Name and Mode of the Dance where they live . Their set Times are their Weddings and Yearly Festivals , the Marryed dancing on the Day , the Single in the Night . CHAP. XVIII . A Miscellaneous Chapter of the temper of the Air , Diseases , Medicine , Poysons , Education of Children , Apparel , &c. BEfore I shut up these Tumultuary Remarks , I cannot but adde some Miscellaneous Notes , occasionally collected from Discourse and Observation , of whose Credit I have not many Arguments to render me dubious . The first Notice concerns the Temperature of the Air in this Part of Barbary , wherein there is some Variation according to the Site of the Places . At Fez , the Air in Summer is more temperate then at Morocco . The Inhabitants of the latter for several Hours cannot endure the Heat abroad , and therefore for that time keep close within : But the People of the former are by no such Excess constrain'd to intermit their Labours . Albeit , as I have observed in other Countrys , much herein is to be imputed to Humor and Custom . The Inland Country is hotter in Summer , and colder in Winter then the Maritine , which may easily be conceived , by considering what Neighborhood the one hath with the Sea , the other with the Mountains , which from December to the latter end of February are covered with Snow ; at the Resolution of which , such Rivers are caused , that in some places the Channels will yield Water the whole Summer ensuing . The Inhabitants live long , and are generally Healthy ; the Diseases , when they happen , are Fluxes , after the Season of Fruits ; and Calentures , when they immoderately Travel in the Sun. And what seems herein remarkable , the Winter ( which Season consist of great Rains ) is most mortal amongst them . The Lues Venerea , or Foul Disease ( which the Moors call Bubès ) is incident to those who accompany with variety of Women : and though this may seem to confine that Distemper to those Moors , who live after a more rude and roving manner , yet it is no stranger to those of a more refin'd and setled Life , the Grandees of late having herein exceeded the Paisants . As to the Plague , they observe no set time of its return , the tenth and fifteenth Year of its coming being worn out of Remarks ; and in this last Century it has hapned very seldom , but in no parts it doth rage more furi usly then in Barbary : and when they are visited , the Inhabitants take little or no care to avoid it , holding it to be inevitable . In cure of Sicknesses , they use very plain Medicines , and whatever be the Disease , Cauterizing is first practised , which they do with no more Art or Curiosity , then with a Knife red hot to gash and cut the place where the Pain lies . To cure the Head-ach , they take the Root Tauz Argent and Rosemary , burning them in an Earthen Pot , over which the Diseased holds his Head for the Fume ; then binding the same in a Cloth about the Head , present ease is given . This Tauz Argent is a Root , much Celebrated for an excellent and lasting Perfume : there is great store thereof about Sally , which is white within , without duskish and streaked . The Moors use it in Airing and Perfuming their Rooms , but the scent is much less durable then has been reported . The People , when sick , cure themselves with Herbs , in whose Virtues the common People have a traditional knowledge . By this they supply the want of Apothecaries and Physitians , of which Profession none are found , except a few Mountebank ignorant Jews . The Moors have an Herb called la Halis , which mingled with Honey , they make up into Balls as big as Pistol Bullets , and of these they swallow five or six at a time , which they find to procure Appetite , further Digestion , and to make Frolick , Amorous and Witty. Opium is much used by all sorts , rather for Dyet then Physick ; and a Moor will sooner buy a Pill of Opium , then a Cake of Bread , if his stock be too little to buy both . And in many places they are so accustomed to this Stupefactive , that the want thereof proves fatal . In former Times the People were so exquisite in mingling Poysons , that they had some would kill by smell : Of late they are acquainted only with two kinds , which they call Rahásh and Zehim . The former is either white or pale , and more quick in dispatching the Person who takes it . But Zehim ( signifying any thing that is coutrary to the Palat or liking ) is cured with incessant Spitting . As for that Poyson which once they had the Art to communicate in Letters , to kill those who read them , they are thereof at present totally Ignorant . Muley Mahumed having out of Politick Ends prohibited Printing , made thereby Writing of a more singular use and esteem ; and the Moors of old were noted to be very excellent at the Pen , but now in this , as in all other Learning , they are much deficient of what they were formerly , for there are not many that arrive to a higher Proficieney in Letters , then barely to Write and Read : To which end they have little Schools , where the Children are taught after this manner . The Moors having ( as I said ) no Printed Books , when their Children are sent to School , they take with them pieces of Boards , or Slats , on which the School-Master writes so many Letters of the Alphabet ; and when the Child has learn'd their Names and Figures , the Master writes them a certain number more , and so proceeds till the Alphabet be ended : and then goes on to write some Periods of the Alcoran ( for they teach no other Book ) and continue this Method till the whole Alcoran be wrote over , which usually lasts four Years . When the Child has thus spelt it over , he begins to get it by heart , which costs eight Years at the least ; then the Child , if his Father be able , is taught a little Orthography . When the Child is come to certain Periods of the Alcoran , the Father is obliged to make him a Congratulatory Present : and when he has learn'd the whole Alcoran , he is brought home to his Fathers House in Procession on Horse-back . As he Rides along , he holds a Table written with Mahumeds Law , whereon he continually fixeth his Eye , thereby signifying , That the Honor conferr'd upon him was for the careful Reading of the Alcoran ; and when the Youth , accompanyed with the Alfaqùi , School-master , and School-fellows , hath visited all the Churches , they come to his Fathers House , where they are entertain'd , and the Master rewarded for the care shewn in the Proficiency of his Scholar . FINIS . An Index of the Moorish Words . ABa Henen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138 Abdalla , Abdel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3 , 8 , 7. Abdalla ben Boucar . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38. Abdalla ebn Mohammed ebn Abebecar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 Abdel Crim Nacsis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37 Abdel Hader Alfiftoah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 Muley Adolmelek . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16 Mahumed Acadim . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 Alarb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 Ahlud . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Almocadem Ali. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 Ali ben Hamet . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 Ali Gaylan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 Cidi Ali Mulud ben Ali. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 175 Alla , Alla. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4 Allah Mahmique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 Allah iffecni min had elham . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173 Amadorac , Amarodoch . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138 Amet Zerif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5 Angera . Leo Afer . p. 161. 34. Arras . Leo Afer . p. 229. 39 Alarbe Asha . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 Ashorah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78 B. Bar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 76 Barabars , Brebers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133 , 30. Bere●genas . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 Bensallah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52 Bismillah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 Boferes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 Muleh Boucar . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 Cidi Mahumed ben el Hadge ben Boucar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22 Alcadee . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 55 Almocadem Casum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 Alcatib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155 Alcarobe . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78 Cavila . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22 Alcazar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27 Alcazar Ezzaguer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 Ceuta . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 Cidi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 Cuscussow , Enscusson . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 130 , 145. D Al Dea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63 Dillan f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 132 Dulhevil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 E Era hanig allah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 Erif . Leo 162. 39 F Al Faqui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Fez 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 G Cidi Al Hader ben Ali Gaylan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105 Giama Gheber . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137 H Al Habs . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 196 El Hader . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 Cidi Hadrachaman ben Reshed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68 Hage . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 Halizarif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 Hamder illah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 El Hamdillah al salam tiqsi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 Hamet ben Abdelcrim . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68 Hamet Zeer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 Hegira . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 Hid Seguer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93 Homar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32 I. Illah enzur muleh Reshid . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50 K. Cidi Kirum El Hadge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 L. La illah la Mahumed resulala . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 Laella . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 Lala. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 M Mahomet ben Amet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Almamora . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128 Marhaba . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 Matmora . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95 , 171. Muleh Mahumed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 Mecha . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 Al Mocadem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 Marabout . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 162 Mosch . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142 Mufadal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35 Mufti . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155 Ali Mulud . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 Musalmin . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 , 143 Alowilicsbah , Allahiric Lulli , Atelthah Asa , Alarbe Aser , Alhamsa Magnib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. Pillow , Plaw . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 130 R. Rabeb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramadan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93 Muley Reshid . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 Reshid ben Mahumed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 S. Salam aleq , salam aleq cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 Salam alig alla ensorick muley fulano 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13 Salla . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128 Sala . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28 Muley Sheck . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 Sidan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 Al Souk . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173 T. Talib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23 Tanger . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 Turkia . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92 Zawia . Leo , 146. 25 Muleh Xerif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26378-e1550 1625. D. H. W●a● .