Patriarcha, or, The natural power of Kings by the learned Sir Robert Filmer. Filmer, Robert, Sir, d. 1653. 1680 Approx. 165 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 78 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41308 Wing F922 ESTC R29832 11209688 ocm 11209688 46808 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41308) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 46808) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1441:70) Patriarcha, or, The natural power of Kings by the learned Sir Robert Filmer. Filmer, Robert, Sir, d. 1653. [12], 141 p. : port. Printed and are to be sold by Walter Davis ..., London : 1680. Frontispiece: engraved portrait of Charles II. Errata on p. [12]. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Political science -- Early works to 1800. Monarchy. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CAROLUS Secundus Dei Gratia , Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , et Hiberniae Rex , Fidei Defensor etc. Patriarcha : OR THE Natural Power OF KINGS . By the Learned Sir ROBERT FILMER , Baronet . Lucan . Lib. 3. Libertas — Populi , quem regna coercent Libertate perit — Claudian . Fallitur , egregio quisquis sub Principe oredit Servitium ; nusquam Libertas gratior extat Quam sub Rege pio — . LONDON , Printed , and are to be sold by Walter Davis Book-binder , in Amen-Corner , near Pater-noster-row , 1680. The COPY OF A LETTER Written by the Late Learned Dr. PETER HEYLYN , to Sir Edward Filmer , Son of the Worthy Author , concerning this Book and his other Political Discourses . SIR , HOW great a Loss I had in the death of my most dear and honoured Friend , your deceased Father , no man is able to conjecture , but he that hath suffered in the like . So affable was his Conversation , his Discourse so rational , his Judgment so exact in most parts of Learning , and his Affections to the Church so Exemplary in him , that I never enjoyed a greater Felicity in the company of any Man living , than I did in his : In which respects I may affirm both with Safety and Modesty , that we did not only take sweet Counsel together , but walked in the House of God as Friends : I must needs say , I was prepared for that great Blow , by the loss of my Preferment in the Church of Westminster , which gave me the opportunity of so dear and beloved a Neighbourhood ; so that I lost him partly before he died , which made the Misery the more supportable , when I was deprived of him for altogether . But I was never more sensible of the infelicity , than I am at this present , in reference to that satisfaction , which I am sure he could have given the Gentleman whom I am to deal with : His eminent Abilities in these Political Disputes , exemplified in his Judicious Observations upon Aristotles Politiques ; as also in some passages on Grotius , Hunton , Hobbs , and other of our late Discoursers about Forms of Government , declare abundantly how fit a Man he might have been to have dealt in this cause , which I would not willingly should be betrayed by unskilful handling : And had he pleased to have suffered his Excellent Discourse called Patriarcha to appear in Publick , it would have given such satisfaction to all our great Masters in the Schools of Politie , that all other Tractates in that kind , had been found unnecessary . Vide Certamen Epistolare . 386. THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. That the first Kings were Fathers of Families . ( 1 ) THE Tenent of the Natural Liberty of the People , New , Plausible , and Dangerous . ( 2 ) The Question stated out of Bellarmine , and some Contradictions of his noted . ( 3 ) Bellarmine's Argument answered out of Bellarmine himself . ( 4 ) The Royal Authority of the Patriarchs before the Flood . ( 5 ) The Dispersion of Nations over the World after the Confusion of Babel , was by entire Families , over which the Fathers were Kings . ( 6 ) And from them all Kings descended . ( 7 ) All Kings are either Fathers of their People : ( 8 ) Or Heirs of such Fathers , or Vsurpers of the Right of such Fathers . ( 9 ) Of the Escheating of Kingdoms . ( 10 ) Of Regal and Paternal Power and of their Agreement . CHAP. II. It is unnatural for the People to Govern , or Chose Governours . ( 1 ) ARistotle examined about the Fredom of the People , and justisied . ( 2 ) Suarez disputes against the Regality of Adam . ( 3 ) Families diversly defined by Aristotle , Bodin , and others . ( 4 ) Suarez contradicting Bellarmine . ( 5 ) Of Election of Kings , ( 6 ) By the major part of the People , ( 7 ) By Proxie , and by Silent Acceptation . ( 8 ) No example in Scripture of the Peoples Choosing their King. Mr. Hookers judgement therein . ( 9 ) God governed alwayes by Monarchy . ( 10 ) Bellarmine and Aristotles judgement of Monarchy . ( 11 ) Imperfections of the Roman Democratie . ( 12 ) Rome began her Empire under Kings , and perfected it under Emperours . In danger the People of Rome always fled to Monarchy . ( 13 ) VVhether Democraties were invented to bridle Tyrants , or whether they crept in by stealth . ( 14 ) Democraties vilified by their own Historians . ( 15 ) Popular Government more Bloody than Tyranny . ( 16 ) Of a mixed Government of the King and People . ( 17 ) The People may not judge nor correct their King. ( 18 ) No Tyrants in England since the Conquest . CHAP. III. Positive Laws do not infringe the Natural and Fatherly Power of Kings . ( 1 ) REgal Authority not subject to Positive Laws . Kings were before Laws . The Kings of Judah and Israel not tyed to Laws . ( 2 ) Of Samuel's Description of a King. ( 3 ) The Power ascribed to Kings in the New Testament . ( 4 ) VVhether Laws were invented to bridle Tyrants . ( 5 ) The Benefit of Laws . ( 6 ) Kings keep the Laws , though not bound by the Laws . ( 7 ) Of the Oaths of Kings . ( 8 ) Of the Benefit of the Kings Prerogative over Laws . ( 9 ) The King the Author , the Interpreter , and Corrector of the Common Laws . ( 10 ) The King Iudge in all Causes both before the Conquest and since . ( 11 ) The King and his Councel anciently determined Causes in the Star-Chamber . ( 12 ) Of Parliaments . ( 13 ) VVhen the People were first called to Parliaments . ( 14 ) The Liberty of Parliaments not from Nature , but from the Grace of Princes . ( 15 ) The King alone makes Laws in Parliament . ( 16 ) He Governs Both Houses by himselfe , ( 17 ) Or by His Councel , ( 18 ) Or by His Iudges . ERRATA . Page 4. line 3. for Calume read Calvin . CHAP. I. That the first Kings were Fathers of Families . ( 1 ) THE Tenent of the Natural Liberty of Mankind , New , Plausible , and Dangerous . ( 2 ) The Question stated out of Bellarmine : Some Contradictions of his noted . ( 3 ) Bellarmine's Argument answered out of Bellarmine himself . ( 4 ) The Royal Authority of the Patriarchs before the Flood . ( 5 ) The dispersion of Nations over the World after the Confusion of Babel , was by entire Families , over which the Fathers were Kings . ( 6 ) and from them all Kings descended . ( 7 ) All Kings are either Fathers of their People , ( 8 ) Or Heirs of such Fathers , or Vsurpers of the Right of such Fathers . ( 9 ) Of the Escheating of Kingdoms . ( 10 ) Of Regal and Paternal Power , and their Agreement . SInce the time that School-Divinity began to flourish , there hath been a common Opinion maintained , as well by Divines , as by divers other Learned Men , which affirms , Mankind is naturally endowed and born with Freedom from all Subjection , and at liberty to choose what Form of Government it please : And that the Power which any one Man hath over others , was at first bestowed according to the discretion of the Multitude . This Tenent was first hatched in the Schools , and hath been fostered by all succeeding Papists for good Divinity . The Divines also of the Reformed Churches have entertained it , and the Common People every where tenderly embrace it , as being most plausible to Flesh and Blood , for that it prodigally destributes a Portion of Liberty to the meanest of the Multitude , who magnifie Liberty , as if the height of Humane Felicity were only to be found in it , never remembring That the desire of Liberty was the first Cause of the Fall of Adam . But howsoever this Vulgar Opinion hath of late obtained a great Reputation , yet it is not to be found in the Ancient Fathers and Doctors of the Primitive Church : It contradicts the Doctrine and History of the Holy Scriptures , the constant Practice of all Ancient Monarchies , and the very Principles of the Law of Nature . It is hard to say whether it be more erroneous in Divinity , or dangerous in Policy . Yet upon the ground of this Doctrine both Iesuites , and some other zealous favourers of the Geneva Discipline , have built a perillous Conclusion , which is , That the People or Multitude have Power to punish , or deprive the Prince , if he transgress the Laws of the Kingdom ; witness Parsons and Buchanan : the first under the name of Dolman , in the Third Chapter of his First Book labours to prove , that Kings have been lawfully chastised by their Commonwealths : The latter in his Book De jure Regni apud Scotos , maintains A Liberty of the People to depose their Prince . Cardinal Bellarmine and Calume , both look asquint this way . This desperate Assertion whereby Kings are made subject to the Censures and Deprivations of their Subjects , follows ( as the Authors of it conceive ) as a necessary Consequence of that former Position of the supposed Natural Equality and Freedom of Mankind , and Liberty to choose what form of Government it please . And though Sir Iohn Heyward , Adam Blackwood , Iohn Barclay , and some others have Learnedly Confuted both Buchanan and Parsons , and bravely vindicated the Right of Kings in most Points , yet all of them , when they come to the Argument drawn from the Natural Liberty and Equality of Mankind , do with one consent admit it for a Truth unquestionable , not so much as once denying or opposing it ; whereas if they did but confute this first erroneous Principle , the whole Fabrick of this vast Engine of Popular Sedition would drop down of it self . The Rebellious Consequence which follows this prime Article of the Natural Freedom of Mankind may be my Sufficient Warrant for a modest Examination of the original Truth of it ; much hath been said , and by many , for the Affirmative ; Equity requires that an Ear be reserved a little for the Negative . In this DISCOURSE I shall give my self these Cautions : First , I have nothing to do to medle with Mysteries of State , such Arcana Imperii , or Cabinet-Councels , the Vulgar may not pry into . An implicite Faith is given to the meanest Artificer in his own Craft , how much more is it then due to a Prince in the profound Secrets of Government ? The Causes and Ends of the greatest politique Actions and Motions of State dazle the Eyes , and exceed the Capacities of all men , save only those that are hourly versed in the managing Publique Affairs : yet since the Rule for each men to know in what to obey his Prince , cannot be learnt without a relative Knowledge of those Points wherein a Sovereign may Command , it is necessary when the Commands and Pleasures of Superiours come abroad and call for an Obedience , that every man himself know how to regulate his Actions or his Sufferings ; for according to the Quality of the Thing commanded , an Active or Passive Obedience is to be yielded ; and this is not to limit the Princes Power , but the extent of the Subjects Obedience , by giving to Caesar the things that are Caesar's , &c. Secondly , I am not to question , or quarrel at the Rights or Liberties of this or any other Nation ; my task is chiefly to enquire from whom these first came , not to dispute what , or how many these are ; but whether they were derived from the Laws of Natural Liberty , or from the Grace and Bounty of Princes . My desire and Hope is , that the people of England may and do enjoy as ample Privileges as any Nation under Heaven ; the greatest Liberty in the World ( if it be duely considered ) is for a people to live under a Monarch . It is the Magna Charta of this Kingdom , all other shews or pretexts of Liberty , are but several degrees of Slavery , and a Liberty only to destroy Liberty . If such as Maintain the Natural Liberty of Mankind , take Offence at the Liberty I take to Examine it , they must take heed that they do not deny by Retail , that Liberty which they affirm by Whole-sale : For , if the Thesis be true , the Hypothesis will follow , that all men may Examine their own Charters , Deeds , or Evidences by which they claim and hold the Inheritance or Freehold of their Liberties . Thirdly , I must not detract from the Worth of all those Learned Men , who are of a contrary Opinion in the Point of Natural Liberty : the profoundest Scholar that ever was known hath not been able to search out every Truth that is discoverable ; neither Aristotle in Philosophy , nor Hooker in Divinity . They are but Men , yet I reverence their Judgements in most Points , and confess my self beholding to their Errors too in this ; something that I found amiss in their Opinions , guided me in the discovery of that Truth which ( I perswade my self ) they missed . A Dwarf sometimes may see that which a Giant looks over ; for whilest one Truth is curiously searched after , another must necessarily be neglected . Late Writers have taken up too much upon Trust from the subtile School-men , who to be sure to thrust down the King below the Pope , thought it the safest course to advance the People above the King , that so the Papal Power might take place of the Regal . Thus many an Ignorant Subject hath been fooled into this Faith , that a man may become a Martyr for his Countrey , by being a Traytor to his Prince ; whereas the New-coyned distinction of Subjects into Royallists and Patriots , is most unnatural , since the relation between King and People is so great , that their well-being is so Reciprocal . ( 2 ) To make evident the Grounds of this Question , about the Natural Liberty of Mankind , I will lay down some passages of Cardinal Bellarmine , that may best unfold the State of this Controversie . Secular or Civil Power ( saith he ) is instituted by Men ; It is in the People , unless they bestow it on a Prince . This Power is immediately in the whole Multitude , as in the Subject of it ; for this Power is in the Divine Law , but the Divine Law hath given this Power to no particular Man — If the Positive Law be taken away , there is left no Reason , why amongst a Multitude ( who are Equal ) one rather than another should bear Rule over the rest . — Power is given by the Multitude to one man , or to more , by the same Law of Nature ; for the Commonwealth cannot exercise this Power , therefore it is bound to bestow it upon some One Man , or some Few . — It depends upon the Consent of the Multitude to ordain over themselves a King , or Consul , or other Magistrates ; and if there be a lawful Cause , the Multitude may change the Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy . Thus far Bellarmine ; in which passages are comprised the strength of all that ever I have read , or heard produced for the Natural Liberty of the Subject . Before I examine or refute these Doctrines , I must a little make some Observations upon his Words . First , He saith , that by the Law of God , Power is immediately in the People ; hereby he makes God to be the immediate Author of a Democratical Estate ; for a Democracy is nothing else but the Power of the Multitude . If this be true , not only Aristocracies , but all Monarchies are altogether unlawful , as being ordained ( as he thinks ) by Men , whenas God himself hath chosen a Democracy . Secondly , He holds , that although a Democracy be the Ordinance of God , yet the people have no power to use the Power which God hath given them , but only power to give away their Power ; whereby it followeth , that there can be no Democratical Government , because he saith , the people must give their Power to One Man , or to some Few ; which maketh either a Regal or Aristocratical Estate ; which the Multitude is tyed to do , even by the same Law of Nature which Originally gave them the Power : And why then doth he say , the Multitude may change the Kingdom into a Democracy ? Thirdly , He concludes , that if there be a lawful Cause , the Multitude may change the Kingdom . Here I would fain know who shall judge of this lawful Cause ? If the Multitude ( for I see no Body else can ) then this is a pestilent and dangerous Conclusion . ( 3 ) I come now to examine that Argument which is used by Bellarmine , and is the One and only Argument I can find produced by my Author for the proof of the Natural Liberty of the People . It is thus framed : That God hath given or ordained Power , is evident by Scripture ; But God hath given it to no particular Person , because by Nature all Men are Equal ; therefore he hath given Power to the People , or Multitude . To Answer this Reason , drawn from the Equality of Mankind by Nature , I will first use the help of Bellarmine himself , whose very words are these : If many men had been together created out of the Earth , they all ought to have been Princes over their Posterity . In these words we have an Evident Confession , that Creation made man Prince of his Posterity . And indeed not only Adam , but the succeeding Patriarchs had , by Right of Father-hood , Royal Authority over their Children . Nor dares Bellarmine deny this also . That the Patriarchs ( saith he ) were endowed with Kingly Power , their Deeds do testifie ; for as Adam was Lord of his Children , so his Children under him , had a Command and Power over their own Children ; but still with subordination to the First Parent , who is Lord-Paramout over his Childrens Children to all Generations , as being the Grand-Father of his People . ( 4 ) I see not then how the Children of Adam , or of any man else can be free from subjection to their Parents : And this subjection of Children being the Fountain of all Regal Authority , by the Ordination of God himself ; It follows , that Civil Power not only in general is by Divine Institution , but even the Assignment of it specifically to the Eldest Parents , which quite takes away that New and Common distinction , which refers only Power Universal and Absolute to God ; but Power Respective , in regard of the Special Form of Government , to the Choice of the people . This Lordship which Adam by Command had over the whole World , and by Right descending from him the Patriarchs did enjoy , was as large and ample as the Absolutest Dominion of any Monarch which hath been since the Creation : For Dominion of Life and Death , we find that Iudah the Father pronounced Sentence of Death against Thamar his Daughter-in-law , for playing the Harlot ; Bring her forth ( saith he ) that she may be burnt . Touching War , we see that Abram commanded an Army of 318 Souldiers of his own Family . And Esau met his Brother Iacob with 400 Men at Arms. For matter of Peace , Abraham made a League with Abimelech , and ratified the Articles with an Oath . These Acts of Judging in Capital Crimes , of making War , and concluding Peace , are the chiefest Marks of Sovereignty that are found in any Monarch . ( 5 ) Not only until the Flood , but after it , this Patriarchal Power did continue , as the very name Patriarch doth in part prove . The three Sons of Noah had the whole World divided amongst them by their Father ; for of them was the whole World over-spread , according to the Benediction given to him and his Sons , Be fruitful and multiply , and replenish the Earth . Most of the Civilest Nations of the Earth labour to fetch their Original from some One of the Sons or Nephews of Noah , which were scattered abroad after the Confusion of Babel : In this Dispersion we must certainly find the Establishment of Regal Power throughout the Kingdoms of the World. It is a common Opinion , that at the Confusion of Tongues there were 72 distinct Nations erected , all which were not Confused Multitudes , without Heads or Governours , and at Liberty to choose what Governours or Government they pleased ; but they were distinct Families , which had Fathers for Rulers over them ; whereby it appears that even in the Confusion God was careful to preserve the Fatherly Authority , by distributing the diversity of Languages according to the diversity of Families ; for so plainly it appears by the Text : First , after the Enumeration of the Sons of Iaphet , the Conclusion is , By these were the Isles of the Gentiles divided in their Lands , every one after his Tongue , after their Families , in their Nations ; so it is said : These are the Sons of Ham after their Families , after their Tongues , in their Countreys , and in their Nations . The like we read , These are the Sons of Shem after their Families , after their Tongues , in their Lands , after their Nations . These are the Families of the Sons of Noah after their Generations in their Nations ; and by these were these Nations divided in the Earth , after the Flood . In this Division of the World , some are of Opinion that Noah used Lots for the distribution of it ; others affirm he sayled about the Mediterranean Sea in Ten years , and as he went about , appointed to each Son his part , and so made the Division of the then known World into Asia , Africa , and Europe , ( according to the Number of his Sons ) the Limits of which Three Parts are all found in that Midland Sea. ( 6 ) But howsoever the manner of this Division be uncertain , yet it is most certain the Division it self was by Families from Noah and his Children , over which the Parents were Heads and Princes . Amongst these was Nimrod , who no doubt ( as Sir Walter Raleigh affirms ) was , by good Right , Lord or King over his Family ; yet against Right did he enlarge his Empire , by seizing violently on the Rights of other Lords of Families : And in this sense he may be said to be the Author and first Founder of Monarchy . And all those that do attribute unto him the Original Regal Power , do hold he got it by Tyranny or Usurpation , and not by any due Election of the People or Multitude , or by any Faction with them . As this Patriarchal Power continued in Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , even until the Egyptian Bondage ; so we find it amongst the Sons of Ismael and Esau. It is said , These are the Sons of Ismael , and these are their Names by their Castles and Towns , Twelve Princes of their Tribes and Families . And these are the Names of the Dukes that came of Esau , according to their families & their places by their nations . ( 7 ) Some perhaps may think that these Princes and Dukes of Families were but some petty Lords under some greater Kings , because the number of them are so many , that their particular Territories could be but small , and not worthy the Title of Kingdoms ; but they must consider , that at first , Kings had no such large Dominions as they have now adays ; we find in the time of Abraham , which was about 300 years after the Flood , that in a little corner of Asia , 9 Kings at once met in Batail , most of which were but Kings of Cities apiece , with the adjacent Territories , as of Sodom , Gomorrah , Shinar , &c. In the same Chapter is mention of Melchisedeck King of Salem , which was but the City of Ierusalem . And in the Catalogue of the Kings of Edom , the Names of each King's City is recorded , as the only Mark to distinguish their Dominions . In the Land of Canaan , which was but a small circuit , Ioshuah destroyed Thirty one Kings ; and about the same time , Adonibeseck had 70 Kings , whose Hands and Toes he had cut off , and made them feed under his Table . A few years after this , 32 Kings came to Benhadad King of Syria , and about Seventy Kings of Greece went to the Wars of Troy. Caesar found more Kings in France , than there be now Princes there , and at his Sailing over into this Island , he found four Kings in our County of Kent . These heaps of Kings in each Nation , are an Argument their Territories were but small , and strongly confirms our Assertion , that Erection of Kingdoms came at first only by Distinction of Families . By manifest Footsteps we may trace this Paternal Government unto the Israelites coming into AEgypt , where the Exercise of Supreme Patriarchal Jurisdiction was intermitted , because they were in subjection to a stronger Prince . After the Return of these Israelites out of Bondage , God out of a special Care of them , chose Moses and Iosuah successively to govern as Princes in the Place and Stead of the Supreme Fathers : and after them likewise for a time , he raised up Iudges , to defend his People in time of Peril . But when God gave the Israelites Kings , he reestablished the Antient and Prime Right of Lineal Succession to Paternal Government . And whensoever he made choice of any special Person to be King , he intended that the Issue also should have benefit thereof , as being comprehended sufficiently in the Person of the Father , although the Father only was named in the Graunt . ( 8. ) It may seem absurd to maintain that Kings now are the Fathers of their People , since Experience shews the contrary . It is true , all Kings be not the Natural Parents of their Subjects , yet they all either are , or are to be reputed the next Heirs to those first Progenitors , who were at first the Natural Parents of the whole People , and in their Right succeed to the Exercise of Supreme Iurisdiction ; and such Heirs are not only Lords of their own Children , but also of their Brethren , and all others that were subject to their Fathers : And therefore we find , that God told Cain of his Brother Abel , His Desires shall be subject unto thee , and thou shalt rule over him . Accordingly , when Iacob bought his Brother's Birth-right , Isaac blessed him thus , Be Lord over thy Brethren , and let the Sons of thy Mother bow before thee . As long as the first Fathers of Families lived , the name of Patriarchs did aptly belong unto them ; but after a few Descents , when the true Fatherhood it self was extinct , and only the Right of the Father descends to the true Heir , then the Title of Prince or King was more Significant , to express the Power of him who succeeds only to the Right of that Fatherhood which his Ancestors did Naturally enjoy ; by this means it comes to pass , that many a Child , by succeeding a King , hath the Right of a Father over many a Gray-headed Multitude , and hath the Title of Pater Patriae . ( 9. ) It may be demanded what becomes of the Right of Fatherhood , in Case the Crown does escheate for want of an Heir ? Whether doth it not then Devolve to the People ? The Answer is , It is but the Negligence or Ignorance of the People to lose the Knowledge of the true Heir : for an Heir there always is . If Adam himself were still living , and now ready to die , it is certain that there is One Man , and but One in the World who is next Heir , although the Knowledge who should be that one One Man be quite lost . 2. This Ignorance of the People being admitted , it doth not by any means follow ; that for want of Heirs the Supreme Power is devolved to the Multitude , and that they have Power to Rule , and Chose what Rulers they please . No , the Kingly Power escheats in such cases to the Princes and independent Heads of Families : for every Kingdom is resolved into those parts whereof at first it was made . By the Uniting of great Families or petty Kingdoms , we find the greater Monarchies were at the first erected ; and into such again , as into their first Matter many times they return again . And because the dependencie of ancient Families is oft obscure or worn out of Knowledge ; therefore the wisdom of All or Most Princes have thought sit to adopt many times those for Heads of Families , and Princes of Provinces , whose Merits , Abilities , or Fortunes , have enobled them , or made them fit and capable of such Regal Favours . All such prime Heads and Fathers have power to consent in the uniting or conferring of their Fatherly Right of Sovereign Authority on whom they please : And he that is so Elected , claims not his Power as a Donative from the People ; but as being substituted properly by God , from whom he receives his Royal Charter of an Vniversal Father , though testified by the Ministry of the Heads of the People . If it please God , for the Correction of the Prince , or punishment of the People , to suffer Princes to be removed , and others to be placed in their rooms , either by the Factions of the Nobility , or Rebellion of the People ; in all such cases , the Judgment of God , who hath power to give and to take away Kingdoms , is most just : yet the Ministry of men who execute God's Judgments without Commission , is sinful and damnable . God doth but use and turn mens Vnrighteous Acts to the performance of his Righteous Decrees . ( 10. ) In all Kingdoms or Common-wealths in the World , whether the Prince be the Supreme Father of the People , or but the true Heir of such a Father , or whether he come to the Crown by Usurpation , or by Election of the Nobles , or of the People , or by any other way whatsoever ; or whether some Few or a Multitude govern the Commonwealth : yet still the Authority that is in any One , or in Many , or in All these , is the only Right and Natural Authority of a Supreme Father . There is and always shall be continued to the End of the World , a Natural Right of a Supreme Father over every Multitude , although by the secret Will of God , many at first do most unjustly obtain the Exercise of it . To confirm this Natural Right of Regal Power , we find in the Decalogue , That the Law which enjoyns Obedience to Kings , is delivered in the terms of Honour thy Father , as if all power were originally in the Father . If Obedience to Parents be immediately due by a Natural Law , and Subjection to Princes , but by the Mediation of an Humane Ordinance ; what reason is there that the Laws of Nature should give place to the Laws of Men ? as we see the power of the Father over his Child , gives place , and is subordinate to the power of the Magistrate . If we compare the Natural Rights of a Father with those of a King , we find them all one , without any difference at all , but only in the Latitude or Extent of them : as the Father over one Family , so the King as Father over many Families extends his care to preserve , feed , cloth , instruct and defend the whole Commonwealth . His War , his Peace , his Courts of Justice , and all his Acts of Sovereignty tend only to preserve and distribute to every subordinate and inferiour Father , and to their Children , their Rights and Privileges ; so that all the Duties of a King are summed up in an Universal Fatherly Care of his People . CHAP. II. It is unnatural for the People to Govern , or Chose Governours . ( 1. ) ARistotle examined about the Freedom of the People , and justified . ( 2. ) Suarez disputing against the Regality of Adam . ( 3. ) Families diversly defined by Aristotle , Bodin and others . ( 4. ) Suarez contradicting Bellarmine . ( 5. ) Of Election of Kings . ( 6. ) By the Major part of the People . ( 7. ) By Proxy , and by silent Acceptation . ( 8. ) No Example in Scripture of the Peoples chosing their King , Mr. Hooker's Iudgment therein . ( 9. ) God governed always by Monarchy . ( 10. ) Bellarmine and Aristotle's Iudgment of Monarchy . ( 11. ) Imperfections of the Roman Democratie . ( 12. ) Rome began her Empire under Kings , and perfected under Emperours . In danger , the People of Rome always fled to Monarchy . ( 13. ) Whether Democraties were invented to bridle Tyrants , or rather that they came in by Stealth . ( 14. ) Democraties vilified by their own Historians . ( 15. ) Popular Government more bloody than Tyranny . ( 16. ) Of a mixed Government of the King and People . ( 17. ) The People may not judge or correct their King. ( 18. ) No Tyrants in England since the Conquest . ( 1. ) BY conferring these Proofs and Reasons drawn from the Authority of the Scripture , it appears little less than a Paradox which Bellarmine and others affirm of the Freedom of the Multitude , to chose what Rulers they please . Had the Patriarchs their Power given them by their own Children ? Bellarmine does not say it , but the Contrary : If then the Fatherhood enjoyed this Authority for so many Ages by the Law of Nature , when was it lost , or when forfeited , or how is it devolved to the Liberty of the Multitude ? Because the Scripture is not favourable to the Liberty of the People ; therefore many fly to Natural Reason , and to the Authority of Aristotle . I must crave Liberty to examine or explain the Opinion of this great Philosopher ; but briefly , I find this Sentence in the Third of his Politiques . Cap. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It seems to some not to be natural for one man to be Lord of all the Citizens , since a City consists of Equals . D. Lambine in his Latine Interpretation of this Text , hath omitted the Translation of this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] by this means he maketh that to be the Opinion of Aristotle , which Aristotle alleadgeth to be the Opinion but of some . This Negligence , or Wilful Escape of Lambine , in not translating a word so Material , hath been an occasion to deceive many , who looking no farther than this Latine Translation , have concluded , and made the World now of late believe , that Aristotle here maintains a Natural Equality of Men ; and not only our English Translator of Aristotle's Politiques is in this place misled by following Lambine ; but even the Learned Monsieur Duvall in his Synopsis bears them company : and yet this Version of Lambine's is esteemed the best , and Printed at Paris with Causabon's corrected Greek Copy , though in the rendring of this place , the Elder Translations have been more faithful ; and he that shall compare the Greek Text with the Latine , shall find that Causabon had just cause in his Preface to Aristotle's Works , to complain that the best Translations of Aristotle did need Correction : To prove that in these words which seem to favour the Equality of Mankind , Aristotle doth not speak according to his own Judgment , but recites only the Opinion of others ; we find him clearly deliver his own Opinion , that the Power of Government did originally arise from the Right of Fatherhood , which cannot possibly consist with that Natural Equality which Men dream of : for in the First of his Politiques he agrees exactly with the Scripture , and lays this Foundation of Government , The first Society ( saith he ) made of Many Houses is a Village , which seems most naturally to be a Colony of Families or foster Brethren of Children and Childrens Children . And therefore at the beginning , Cities were under the Government of Kings , for the eldest in every house is King : And so for Kindred-sake it is in Colonies . And in the fourth of his Politiques , cap. 2 , He gives the Title of the first and Divinest sort of Government to the Institution of Kings , by Defining Tyranny to be a Digression from the First and Divinest . Whosoever weighs advisedly these passages , will find little hope of Natural Reason in Aristotle to prove the Natural Liberty of the Multitude . Also before him the Divine Plato concludes a Commonweal to be nothing else but a large Family . I know for this Position Aristotle quarrels with his Master , but most unjustly , for therein he contradicts his own Principles : for they both agree to fetch the Original of Civil Government from the prime Government . No doubt but Moses's History of the Creation guided these two Philosophers in finding out of this Lineal Subjection , deduced from the Laws of the First Parents , according to that Rule of St. Chrysostom , God made all Mankind of One Man , that he might teach the World to be Governed by a King , and not by a Multitude . The Ignorance of the Creation , occasioned several Errors amongst the Heathen Philosophers . Polybius , though otherwise a most profound Philosopher , and Judicious Historian , yet here he stumbles ; for in searching out the Original of Civil Societies , he conceited , That Multitudes of Men after a Deluge , a Famine , or a Pestilence , met together like Herds of Cattel without any Dependency , untill the strongest Bodies and boldest Minds got the Mastery of their Fellows ; even as it is ( saith he ) among Bulls , Bears and Cocks . And Aristotle himself , forgetting his first Doctrine , tells us , the first Heroical Kings were chosen by the People for their deserving well of the Multitude ; either by teaching them some New Arts , or by Warring for them , or by Gathering them together , or by Dividing Land amongst them ; also Aristotle had another Fancy , that those Men who prove wise of Mind , were by Nature intended to be Lords , and Govern , and those which were Strong of Body were ordained to obey , and to be Servants . But this is a dangerous and uncertain Rule , and not without some Folly ; for if a man prove both Wise and Strong , what will Aristotle have done with him ? as he was Wise , he could be no Servant , and as he had Strength , he could not be a Master ; besides , to speak like a Philosopher , Nature intends all things to be perfect both in Wit and Strength . The Folly or Imbecillity proceeds from some Errour in Generation or Education ; for Nature aims at Perfection in all her Works . ( 2 ) Suarez the Jesuite riseth up against the Royal Authority of Adam , in defence of the Freedom and Liberty of the people ; and thus argues . By Right of Creation ( saith he ) Adam had only Oeconomical power , but not Political ; he had a power over his Wife , and a Fatherly power over his Sons , whilst they were not made Free : he might also in process of Time have Servants and a Compleat Family ; and in that Family he might have compleat Oeconomical Power . But after that Families began to be multiplied , and Men to be separated , and become the Heads of several Families ; they had the same power over their Families . But Political Power did not begin , until Families began to be gathered together into one perfect Community ; wherefore as the Community did not begin by the Creation of Adam , nor by his Will alone , but of all them which did agree in this Community : So we cannot say that Adam Naturally had Political Primacy in that Community ; for that cannot be gathered by any Natural Principles , because by the Force of the Law of Nature alone , it is not due unto any Progenitor , to be also King of his Posterity . And if this be not gathered out of the Principles of Nature , we cannot say , God by a special Gift or Providence gave him this Power ; For there is no Revelation of this , nor Testimony of Scripture . Hitherto Suarez . Whereas he makes Adam to have a Fatherly power over his Sons , and yet shuts up this power within One Family , he seems either to imagine , that all Adam's Children lived within one House , and under one Roof with their Father ; or else , as soon as any of his Children lived out of his House , they ceased to be Subject , and did thereby become Free. For my part , I cannot believe that Adam ( although he were sole Monarch of the World ) had any such spacious Palace , as might contain any such Considerable part of his Children . It is likelier , that some mean Cottage or Tent did serve him to keep his Court in . It were hard he should lose part of his Authority , because his Children lay not within the Walls of his House . But if Suarez will allow all Adam's Children to be of his Family , howsoever they were separate in Dwellings ; if their Habitations were either Contiguous , or at such Distance , as might easily receive his Fatherly Commands . And that all that were under his Commands , were of his Family , although they had many Children or Servants married , having themselves also Children . Then I see no reason , but that we may call Adam's Family a Commonwealth , except we will wrangle about Words : For Adam living 930 years , and seeing 7 or 8 Descents from himself , he might live to command of his Children and their Posterity a Multitude far bigger , than many Commonwealths and Kingdoms . ( 3. ) I know the Politicians and Civil Lawyers do not agree well about the Definition of a Family , and Bodin doth seem in one place to confine it to a House ; yet in his Definition , he doth enlarge his meaning to all Persons under the Obedience of One and the Same Head of the Family ; and he approves better of the propriety of the Hebrew Word for a Family , which is derived from a Word that signifies a Head , a Prince , or Lord , than the Greek Word for a Family , which is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a House . Nor doth Aristotle confine a Family to One House ; but esteems it to be made of those that daily converse together : whereas before him , Charondas called a Family Homosypioi , those that feed together out of one common Pannier . And Epimenides the Cretian , terms a Family Homocapnoi , those that sit by a Common Fire , or Smoak . But let Suarez understand what he please by Adam's Family ; if he will but confess , as he needs must , that Adam and the Patriarchs had Absolute power of Life and Death , of Peace and War , and the like , within their Houses or Families ; he must give , us leave at least , to call them Kings of their Houses or Families ; and if they be so by the Law of Nature , what Liberty will be left to their Children to dispose of ? Aristotle gives the Lie to Plato , and those that say Political and Oeconomical Societies are all one , and do not differ Specie , but only Multitudine & Paucitate ; as if there were no difference betwixt a Great House and a Little City . All the Argument I find he brings against them in this . The Community of Man and Wife , differs from the Community of Master and Servant , because they have several Ends. The Intention of Nature by Conjunction of Male and Female , is Generation ; but the Scope of Master and Servant , is Preservation : so that a Wife and a Servant are by Nature distinguished , because Nature does not work like the Cutlers of Delphos , for she makes but one thing for one Use. If we allow this Argument to be sound , nothing doth follow but only this , That Conjugal and Despotical communities do differ . But it is no consequence , That therefore , Oeconomical and Political Societies do the like : For though it prove a Family to consist of two distinct Communities , yet it follows not , that a Family and a Commonwealth are distinct ; because , as well in the Commonweal , as in the Families , both these Communities are found . And as this Argument comes not home to our Point , so it is not able to prove that Title which it shews for ; for if it should be granted ( which yet is false ) that Generation and Preservation differ about the Individuum , yet they agree in the General , and serve both for the Conservation of Mankind ; Even as several Servants differ in the particular Ends or Offices ; as one to Brew , and another to Bake ; yet they agree in the general Preservation of the Family . Besides , Aristotle confesses , that amongst the Barbarians ( as he calls all them that are not Grecians ) a Wife and a Servant are the same , because by Nature , no Barbarian is fit to Govern ; It is fit the Grecians should rule over the Barbarians ; for by Nature a Servant and a Barbarian is all one : their Family consists only of an Ox for a Man-Servant , and a Wife for a Maid ; so they are fit only to rule their Wives and their Beasts . Lastly , Aristotle ( if it had pleased him ) might have remembred , That Nature doth not always make one Thing but for one Use : he knows , the Tongue serves both to Speak , and to Taste . ( 4. ) But to leave Aristotle , and return to Suarez ; he saith that Adam had Fatherly Power over his Sons , whilst they were not made Free. Here I could wish that the Jesuite had taught us , how and when Sons become Free : I know no means by the Law of Nature . It is the Favour I think of the Parents only , who when their Children are of Age and Discretion to ease their Parents of part of their Fatherly Care , are then content to remit some part of their Fatherly authority ; therefore the Custom of some Countreys doth in some Cases Enfranchise the Children of Inferiour Parents , but many Nations have no such Custome , but on the contrary have strict Laws for the Obedience of Children : the Judicial Law of Moses giveth full power to the Father to stone his disobedient Son , so it be done in presence of a Magistrate : And yet it did not belong to the Magistrate to enquire and examine the justness of the Cause ; But it was so decreed , lest the Father should in his Anger , suddenly , or secretly kill his Son. Also by the Laws of the Persians , and of the People of the Upper Asia , and of the Gaules , and by the Laws of the West-Indies , the Parents have power of Life and Death over their Children . The Romans , even in their most Popular Estate , had this Law in force , and this Power of Parents was ratified and amplified by the Laws of the Twelve Tables , to the enabling of Parents to sell their Children two or three times over . By the help of the Fatherly Power , Rome long flourished , and oftentimes was freed from great Dangers . The Fathers have drawn out of the very Assemblies their own Sons ; when being Tribunes , they have published Laws tending to Sedition . Memorable is the Example of Cassius , who threw his Son headlong out of the Consistory , publishing the Law Agraria , for the Division of Lands , in the behoof of the people ; and afterwards , by his own private Judgment put him to Death , by throwing him down from the Tarpeian Rock ; the Magistrates and People standing thereat amazed , and not daring to resist his Fatherly Authority , although they would with all their Hearts , have had that Law for the Division of Land : by which it appears , it was lawful for the Father to dispose of the Life of his Child , contrary to the Will of the Magistrates or People . The Romans also had a Law , that what the Children got , was not their own , but their Fathers ; although Solon made a Law , which acquitted the Son from Nourishing of his Father , if his Father had taught him no Trade , whereby to get his Living . Suarez proceeds , and tells us , That in Process of Time , Adam had compleat Oeconomical Power . I know not what this compleat Oeconomical Power is , nor how , or what it doth really and essentially differ from Political : If Adam did , or might exercise the same Jurisdiction , which a King doth now in a Commonwealth , then the Kinds of Power are not distinct ; and though they may receive an Accidental Difference by the Amplitude , or Extent of the Bounds of the One beyond the Other ; yet since the like Difference is also found in Political Estates , It follows that Oeconomical and Political Power , differ no otherwise , than a Little Commonweal differs from a Great One. Next , saith Suarez , Commnnity did not begin at the Creation of Adam . It is true , because he had no body to Communicate with ; yet Community did presently follow his Creation , and that by his Will alone : for it was in his power only , ( who was Lord of All ) to appoint what his Sons should have in Proper , and what in Common ; so that Propriety and Community of Goods did follow Originally from Him ; and it is the Duty of a Father , to provide as well for the Common Good of his Children , as the Particular . Lastly , Suarez Concludes , That by the Law of Nature alone , it is not due unto any Progenitor , to be also King of his Posterity . This Assertion is confuted point-blank by Bellarmine , who expresly affirmeth , That the First Parents ought to have been Princes of their posterity . And untill Suarez bring some Reason for what he saith : I shall trust more to Bellarmine's Proofs , than to his Denials . ( 5. ) But let us Condescend a while to the Opinion of Bellarmine and Suarez , and all those , who place Supreme power in the Whole People ; and ask them if their meaning be , That there is but one and the same power in All the people of the World ; so that no power can be granted , except All the Men upon the Earth meet and agree , to choose a Governour . An Answer is here given by Suarez , That it is scarce possible , nor yet expedient , that All Men in the World should be gathered together into One Community : It is likelier , that either never , or for a very short time , that this power was in this manner , in the whole Multitude of Men collected ; but a little after the Creation , men began to be divided into several Commonwealths ; and this distinct power was in Each of them . This Answer of Scarce possible , nor yet Expedient : — It is likelier begets a new doubt , how this Distinct power comes to each particular Community , when God gave it to the whole Multitude only , and not to any particular Assembly of Men. Can they shew , or prove , that ever the whole Multitude met , and divided this power which God gave them in Gross , by breaking into parcels , and by appointing a distinct power to each several Common-wealth ? Without such a Compact I cannot see ( according to their own Principles ) how there can be any Election of a Magistrate by any Commonwealth , but by a meer Usurpation upon the privilege of the whole World. If any think that particular Multitudes at their own Discretion , had power to divide themselves into several Commonwealths ; those that think so , have neither Reason nor Proof for so thinking : and thereby a Gap is opened for every petty Factious Multitude , to raise a New Commonwealth , and to make more Commonweals than there be Families in the World. But let this also be yielded them , That in each particular Commonwealth , there is a Distinct Power in the Multitude . Was a General Meeting of a Whole Kingdom ever known for the Election of a Prince ? Is there any Example of it ever found in the Whole World ? To conceit such a thing , is to imagine little less than an Impossibility . And so by Consequence , no one Form of Government , or King , was ever established according to this supposed Law of Nature . ( 6. ) It may be answered by some , That if either the Greatest part of a Kingdom , or if a smaller part only by Themselves , and all the Rest by Proxy , or if the part not concurring in Election , do after , by a Tacit Assent ratifie the Act of Others , That in all these Cases , it may be said to be the Work of the whole Multitude . As to the Acts of the Major part of a Multitude , it is true , that by Politick Humane Constitutions , it is oft ordained , that the Voices of the most shall over-rule the Rest ; and such Ordinances bind , because , where Men are Assembled by an Humane Power ; that power that doth Assemble them , can also Limit and Direct the manner of the Execution of that Power , and by such Derivative Power , made known by Law or Custom , either the greater part , or two Thirds , or Three parts of Five , or the like , have power to oversway the Liberty of their Opposits . But in Assemblies that take their Authority from the Law of Nature , it cannot be so : for what Freedom or Liberty is due to any Man by the Law of Nature , no Inferiour Power can alter , limit or diminish ; no One Man , nor a Multitude , can give away the Natural Right of another . The Law of Nature is unchangeable , and howsoever One Man may hinder Another in the Use or Exercise of his Natural Right , yet thereby No Man loseth the Right of it self ; for the Right and the Use of the Right may be distinguished , as Right and Possession are oft distinct . Therefore , unless it can be proved by the Law of Nature , that the Major , or some other part , have Power to over-rule the Rest of the Multitude ; It must follow , that the Acts of Multitudes not Entire , are not Binding to All , but only to such as Consent unto them . ( 7. ) As to the point of Proxy ; it cannot be shewed or proved , That all those that have been Absent from Popular Elections , did ever give their Voices to some of their Fellows . I ask but one Example out of the History of the whole World , let the Commonweal be but named , wherever the Multitude , or so much as the Greatest part of it consented , either by Voice or by Procuration , to the Election of a Prince . The Ambition sometimes of One Man , sometimes of Many , or the Faction of a City or Citizens , or the Mutiny of an Army , hath set up or put down Princes ; but they have never tarried for this pretended Order by proceeding of the whole Multitude . Lastly , if the silent Acceptation of a Governour by part of the People , be an Argument of their Concurring in the Election of him ; by the same Reason , the Tacit Assent of the whole Commonwealth may be maintained : From whence it follows , that every Prince that comes to a Crown , either by Succession , Conquest , or Vsurpation , may be said to be Elected by the People ; which Inference is too ridiculous ; for in such Cases , the People are so far from the Liberty of Specification , that they want even that of Contradiction . ( 8. ) But it is in vain to argue against the Liberty of the People in the Election of Kings , as long as men are perswaded , that Examples of it are to be found in Scripture . It is fit therefore , to discover the Grounds of this Errour : It is plain by an Evident Text , that it is one thing to choose a King , and another thing to set up a King over the People ; this latter power the Children of Israel had , but not the former . This Distinction is found most evident in Deut. 17. 15. where the Law of God saith , Him shalt thou set King over thee , whom the Lord shall choose ; so God must Eligere , and the People only do Constituere . Mr. Hooker in his Eighth Book of Ecclesiastical Policy , clearly expounds this Distinction ; the words are worthy the citing : Heaps of Scripture ( saith he ) are alledged , concerning the Solemn Coronation or Inauguration of Saul , David , Solomon and others , by Nobles , Ancients , and the people of the Commonwealth of Israel ; as if these Solemnities were a kind of Deed , whereby the Right of Dominion is given ; which strange , untrue , and unnatural conceits , are set abroad by Seed-men of Rebellion , only to animate unquiet Spirits , and to feed them with possibilities of Aspiring unto the Thrones , if they can win the Hearts of the People ; whatsoever Hereditary Title any other before them may have . I say these unjust and insolent Positions , I would not mention , were it not thereby to make the Countenance of Truth more Orient . For unless we will openly proclaim Defiance unto all Law , Equity and Reason , we must ( for there is no other Remedy ) acknowledg , that in Kingdoms Hereditary , Birth-right giveth Right unto Sovereign Dominion , and the Death of the Predecessor , putteth the Successor by Blood in Seisin . Those publick Solemnities before-mentioned , do either serve for an open Testification of the Inheritor's Right , or belong to the Form of inducing of him into possession of that thing he hath Right unto . This is Mr. Hooker's Judgment of the Israelites Power to set a King over themselves . No doubt , but if the people of Israel had had power to choose their King , they would never have made Choice of Ioas , a Child but of Seven years old , nor of Manasses a Boy of Twelve ; since ( as Solomon saith ) Wo to the Land whose King is a Child : Nor is it probable they would have elected Iosias , but a very Child , and a Son to so Wicked and Idolatrous a Father , as that his own Servants murthered him ; and yet all the people set up this young Iosias , and flew the Conspirators of the Death of Ammon his Father ; which Justice of the People , God rewarded , by making this Iosias the most Religious King , that ever that Nation enjoyed . ( 9. ) Because it is affirmed , that the People have power to choose , as well what Form of Government , as what Governours they please ; of which mind is Bellarmine , in those places we cited at first . Therefore it is necessary to Examine the Strength of what is said in Defence of popular Commonweals , against this Natural Form of Kingdoms , which I maintain'd . Here I must first put the Cardinal in mind of what he affirms in Cold Blood , in other places ; where he saith , God when he made all Mankind of One Man , did seem openly to signifie , that he rather approved the Government of One Man , than of Many . Again , God shewed his Opinion , when he endued not only Men , but all Creatures with a Natural Propensity to Monarchy ; neither can it be doubted , but a Natural Propensity is to be referred to God , who is Author of Nature . And again ; in a Third place , What Form of Government God confirmed by his Authority , may be gathered by that Common-weal , which he instituted amongst the Hebrews , which was not Aristocratical , ( as Calvin saith ) but plainly Monarchichal . ( 10. ) Now if God , ( as Bellarmine saith ) hath taught us by Natural Instinct , signified to us by the Creation , and confirmed by his own Example the Excellency of Monarchy , why should Bellarmine or We doubt , but that it is Natural ? Do we not find , that in every Family , the Government of One Alone , is most Natural ? God did always Govern his own People by Monarchy only . The Patriarchs , Dukes , Iudges and Kings were all Monarchs . There is not in all the Scripture , Mention or Approbation of any other Form of Government . At the time when Scripture saith , There was No King in Israel , but that every Man did that which was Right in his Own Eyes ; Even then , the Israelites were under the Kingly Government of the Fathers of particular Families : For in the Consultation , after the Benjamitical War , for providing Wives for the Benjamites , we find , the Elders of the Congregation bare only Sway. Iudges 21. 16. To them also were Complaints to be made , as appears by Verse 22. And though mention be made of All the Children of Israel , All the Congregation , and All the People ; yet by the Term of All , the Scripture means only All the Fathers , and not All the Whole Multitude , as the Text plainly expounds it self in 2. Chron. 1. 2. where Solomon speaks unto all Israel , to the Captains , the Iudges , and to Every Governour the Chief of the Fathers ; so the Elders of Israel are expounded to be the Chief of the Fathers of the Children of Israel . 1 Kings 8. 12. 2 Chron. 5. 2. At that time also , when the People of Israel beg'd a King of Samuel , they were Governed by Kingly Power . God out of a special Love and Care to the House of Israel , did choose to be their King himself , and did govern them at that time by his Viceroy Samuel , and his Sons ; and therefore God tells Samuel , They have not rejected Thee but Me , that I should not Reign over them . It seems they did not like a King by Deputation , but desired one by Succession , like all the Nations . All Nations belike had Kings then , and those by Inheritance , not by Election : for we do not find the Israelites prayed , that they themselves might choose their Own King ; they dream of no such Liberty , and yet they were the Elders of Israel gathered together . If other Nations had Elected their own Kings , no doubt but they would have been as desirous to have imitated Other Nations as well in the Electing , as in the Having of a King. Aristotle in his Book of Politicks , when he comes to compare the several Kinds of Government , he is very reserved in discoursing what Form he thinks Best : he disputes subtilely to and fro of many Points , and Judiciously of many Errours , but concludes nothing himself . In all those Books , I find little Commendation of Monarchy . It was his Hap to live in those Times when the Grecians abounded with several Commonwealths , who had then Learning enough to make them seditious . Yet in his Ethicks , he hath so much good Manners , as to confess in right down words , That Monarchy is the Best Form of Government , and a Popular Estate the Worst . And though he be not so free in his Politicks , yet the Necessity of Truth hath here and there extorted from him , that which amounts no less to the Dignity of Monarchy ; he confesseth it to be First , the Natural , and the Divinest Form of Government ; and that the Gods themselves did live under a Monarchy . What can a Heathen say more ? Indeed , the World for a long time knew no other sort of Government , but only Monarchy . The Best Order , the Greatest Strength , the Most Stability and Easiest Government , are to be found all in Monarchy , and in no other Form of Government . The New Platforms of Commonweals , were first hatched in a Corner of the World , amongst a few Cities of Greece , which have been imitated by very few other laces . Those very Cities were first , for many years , governed by Kings , untill Wantonness , Ambition or Faction of the People , made them attempt New kinds of Regiment ; all which Mutations proved most Bloody and Miserable to the Authors of them ; happy in nothing , but that they continued but a small time . ( 11. ) A little to manifest the Imperfection of Popular Government , let us but examine the most Flourishing Democratie that the World hath ever known ; I mean that of Rome . First , for the Durability ; at the most , it lasted but 480 Years ( for so long it was from the Expulsion of Tarquin , to Iulius Caesar. ) Whereas both the Assyrian Monarchy lasted , without Interruption , at the least twelve hundred years , and the Empire of the East continued 1495 Years . 2. For the Order of it , during these 480 years , there was not any One settled Form of Government in Rome : for after they had once lost the Natural Power of Kings , they could not find upon what Form of Government to rest : their Fickleness is an Evidence that they found things amiss in every Change. At the First they chose two Annual Consuls instead of Kings . Secondly , those did not please them long , but they must have Tribunes of the People to defend their Liberty . Thirdly , they leave Tribunes and Consuls , and choose them Ten Men to make them Laws . Fourthly , they call for Consuls and Tribunes again : sometimes they choose Dictators , which were Temporary Kings , and sometimes Military Tribunes , who had Consular Power . All these shiftings caused such notable Alteration in the Government , as it passeth Historians to find out any Perfect Form of Regiment in so much Confusion : One while the Senate made Laws , another while the People . The Dissentions which were daily between the Nobles and the Commons , bred those memorable Seditions about Vsury , about Marriages , and about Magistracy . Also the Graecian , the Apulian , and the Drusian Seditions , filled the Market-places , the Temples , and the Capitol it self , with Blood of the Citizens ; the Social War was plainly Civil ; the Wars of the Slaves , and the other of the Fencers ; the Civil Wars of Marius and Sylla , of Cataline , of Caesar and Pompey the Triumvirate , of Augustus , Lepidus and Antonius : All these shed an Ocean of Blood within Italy and the Streets of Rome . Thirdly , for their Government , let it be allowed , that for some part of this time it was Popular , yet it was Popular as to the City of Rome only , and not as to the Dominions , or whole Empire of Rome ; for no Democratie can extend further than to One City . It is impossible to Govern a Kingdom , much less many Kingdoms by the whole People , or by the Greatest Part of them . ( 12. ) But you will say , yet the Roman Empire grew all up under this kind of Popular Government , and the City became Mistress of the World. It is not so ; for Rome began her Empire under Kings , and did perfect it under Emperours ; it did only encrease under that Popularity : Her greatest Exaltation was under Trajan , as her longest Peace had been under Augustus . Even at those times , when the Roman Victories abroad , did amaze the World , then the Tragical Slaughter of Citizens at home , deserved Commiseration from their vanquished Enemies . What though in that Age of her Popularity , she bred many admired Captains and Commanders ( each of which was able to lead an Army , though many of them were but ill requited by the People ? ) yet all of them were not able to support her in times of Danger ; but she was forced in her greatest Troubles to create a Dictator ( who was a King for a time ) thereby giving this Honourable Testimony of Monarchy , that the last Refuge in Perils of States , is to fly to Regal Authority . And though Romes Popular Estate for a while was miraculously upheld in Glory by a greater Prudence than her own ; yet in a short time , after manifold Alterations , she was ruined by her Own Hands . Suis & ipsa Roma viribus ruit : For the Arms she had prepared to conquer other Nations , were turned upon her Self , and Civil Contentions at last settled the Government again into a Monarchy . ( 13. ) The Vulgar Opinion is , that the first Cause why the Democratical Government was brought in , was to curb the Tyranny of Monarchies . But the Falshood of this doth best appear by the first Flourishing Popular Estate of Athens , which was founded , not because of the Vices of their last King , but that his Vertuous Deserts were such as the people thought no man Worthy enough to succeed him ; a pretty wanton Quarrel to Monarchy ! For when their King Codrus understood by the Oracle , that his Country could not be saved , unless the King were slain in the Battel : He in Disguise entered his Enemies Camp , and provoked a Common Souldier to make him a Sacrifice for his own Kingdom , and with his Death ended the Royal Government ; for after him was never any more Kings of Athens . As Athens thus for Love of her Codrus , changed the Government , so Rome on the contrary , out of Hatred to her Tarquin , did the like . And though these two famous Commonweals did for contrary causes abolish Monarchy , yet they both agreed in this , that neither of them thought it fit to change their State into a Democratie : but the one chose Archontes , and the other Consuls to be their Governours ; both which did most resemble Kings , and continued , untill the People by lessening the Authority of these their Magistrates , did by degrees and stealth bring in their Popular Government . And I verily believe , never any Democratical State shewed it self at first fairly to the World by any Elective Entrance , but they all secretly crept in by the Back-door of Sedition and Faction . ( 14. ) If we will listen to the Judgment of those who should best know the Nature of Popular Government , we shall find no reason for good men to desire or choose it . Zenophon that brave Scholar and Souldier disallowed the Athenian Commonweal , for that they followed that Form of Government wherein the Wicked are always in greatest Credit , and Vertuous men kept under . They expelled Aristides the Just ; Themistocles died in Banishment ; Meltiades in Prison ; Phocion the most virtuous and just man of his Age , though he had been chosen forty five times to be their General , yet he was put to Death with all his Friends , Kindred and Servants , by the Fury of the People , without Sentence , Accusation , or any Cause at all . Nor were the People of Rome much more favourable to their Worthies ; they banished Rutilius , Metellus , Coriolanus , the Two Scipio's and Tully : the worst men sped best ; for as Zenophon saith of Athens , so Rome was a Sanctuary for all Turbulent , Discontented and Seditious Spirits . The Impunity of Wicked men was such , that upon pain of Death , it was forbidden all Magistrates to Condemn to Death , or Banish any Citizen , or to deprive him of his Liberty , or so much as to whip him for what Offence soever he had committed , either against the Gods or Men. The Athenians sold Justice as they did other Merchandise ; which made Plato call a Popular Estate a Fair , where every thing is to be sold. The Officers when they entered upon their Charge , would brag , they went to a Golden Harvest . The Corruption of Rome was such , that Marius and Pompey durst carry Bushels of Silver into the Assemblies , to purchase the Voices of the People . Many Citizens under their Grave Gowns , came Armed into the Publick Meetings , as if they went to War. Often contrary Factions fell to Blows , sometimes with Stones , and sometimes with Swords ; the Blood hath been suckt up in the Market Places with Spunges ; the River Tiber hath been filled with the Dead Bodies of the Citizens , and the common Privies stuffed full with them . If any man think these Disorders in Popular States were but Casual , or such as might happen under any kind of Government , he must know , that such Mischiefs are Unavoidable , and of necessity do follow all Democratical Regiments ; and the Reason is given , because the Nature of all People is , to desire Liberty without Restraint , which cannot be but where the Wicked bear Rule ; and if the People should be so indiscreet , as to advance Vertuous Men , they lose their Power : For that , Good Men would favour none but the Good , which are always the fewer in Number ; and the Wicked and Vitious ( which is still the Greatest Part of the People ) should be excluded from all Preferment , and in the End , by little and little , Wise men should seize upon the State , and take it from the People . I know not how to give a better Character of the People , than can be gathered from such Authors as lived Amongst or Near the Popular States ; Thucydides , Zenophon , Livie , Tacitus , Cicero , and Salust , have set them out in their Colours . I will borrow some of their Sentences : There is nothing more uncertain than the People ; their Opinions are as variable and suddain as Tempests ; there is neither Truth nor Judgment in them ; they are not led by Wisdom to judg of any thing , but by Violence and Rashness ; nor put they any Difference between things True and False . After the manner of Cattel , they follow the Herd that goes before ; they have a Custom always to favour the Worst and Weakest ; they are most prone to Suspitions , and use to Condemn men for Guilty upon any false Suggestion ; they are apt to believe all News , especially if it be sorrowful ; and like Fame , they make it more in the Believing ; when there is no Author , they fear those Evils which themselves have feigned ; they are most desirous of New Stirrs and Changes , and are Enemies to Quiet and Rest ; whatsoever is Giddy or Head-strong , they account Manlike and Couragious ; but whatsoever is Modest or provident , seems sluggish ; each man hath a Care of his Particular , and thinks basely of the Common Good ; they look upon Approaching Mischiefs as they do upon Thunder , only every man wisheth it may not touch his own Person ; it is the Nature of them , they must Serve basely , or Domineer proudly ; for they know no Mean. Thus do they paint to the Life this Beast with many Heads . Let me give you the Cypher of their Form of Government ; As it is begot by Sedition , so it is nourished by Arms : It can never stand without Wars , either with an Enemy abroad , or with Friends at Home . The only Means to preserve it , is , to have some powerful Enemies near , who may serve instead of a King to Govern it , that so , though they have not a King amongst them , yet they may have as good as a King Over them : For the Common Danger of an Enemy keeps them in better Unity , than the Laws they make themselves . ( 15 ) Many have exercised their Wits in parallelling the Inconveniences of Regal and Popular Government , but if we will trust Experience before Speculations Philosophical , it cannot be denyed but this one Mischief of Sedition which necessarily waits upon all Popularity , weighes down all the Inconveniences that can be found in Monarchy , though they were never so many . Itis said , Skin for Skin , yea , all that a man hath will he give for his Life ; and a man will give his Riches for the ransome of his Life . The way then to examine what Proportion the mischiefs of Sedition and Tyranny have one to another , is to enquire in what kind of Government most Subjects have lost their Lives : Let Rome which is magnified for her Popularity , and vilified for the Tyrannical Monsters the Emperours , furnish us with Examples . Consider-whether the Cruelty of all the Tyrannical Emperours that ever ruled in this City did ever spill a quarter of the Blood that was poured out in the last hundred years of her glorious Common wealth . The Murthers by Tyberius , Domitian , and Commodus , put all together , cannot match that Civil Tragedy which was acted in that one Sedition between Marius and Sylla , nay , even by Sylla's part alone ( not to mention the Acts of Marius ) were fourscore and ten Senators put to death , fifteen Consuls , two thousand and six hundred Gentlemen , and a hundred thousand others . This was the Heighth of the Roman Liberty : Any Man might be killed that would . A favour not fit to be granted under a Royal Government . The Miseries of those Licentious Times are briefly touched by Plutarch in these Words . Sylla ( saith he ) fell to sheding of Bloud , and filled all Rome with infinite and unspeakable Murthers — This was not only done in Rome , but in all the Cities of Italy throughout , there was no Temple of any God whatsoever , no Altar in any bodies House , no Liberty of Hospital , no Fathers House , which was not embrewed with Blood , and horrible Murthers , the Husbands were slain in the Wives Armes , and the Children in the Mothers Laps ; and yet they that were Slain for private Malice were no-nothing in respect of those that were Murthered only for their Goods — He openly Sold their Goods by the Cryer , sitting so proudly in his Chair of State , that it grieved the People more to see their goods packt up by them to whom he gave , or disposed them , than to see them taken away . Sometimes he would give a whole Countrey , or the whole Revenues of certain Cities , unto Women for their Beauties , or to pleasant Jeasters , Minstrels , or wicked Slaves , made free . And to some he would give other mens VVives by force , and make them be Married against their wills . Now let Tacitus and Suetonius be searched , and see if all their Cruel Emperours can match this Popular Villany , in such an Universal Slaughter of Citizens , or Civil Butchery . God only was able to match him , and over-matched him , by fitting him with a most remarkable Death , just answerable to his Life , for as he had been the Death of many thousands of his Country-men , so as many thousands of his own Kindred in the flesh were the Death of him , for he died of an Impostume , which corrupted his Flesh in such sort , that it turned all to Lice , he had many about him to Shift him continually Night and Day ; yet the Lice they wiped from him , were nothing to them that multiplied upon him , there was neither Apparel , Linnen , Bathes , VVashings , nor meat it self , but was presently filled with Swarms of this vile Vermine . I cite not this to extenuate the Bloody Acts of any Tyrannical Princes , nor will I plead in Defence of their Cruelties : Only in the Comparative , I maintain the Mischiefs to a State to be less Universal under a Tyrant King ; for the Cruelty of such Tyrants extends ordinarily no further then to some Particular Men that offend him , and not to the whole Kingdome : It is truly said by his late Majesty King Iames , a King can never be so notoriously Vitious , but he will generally favour Justice , and maintain some Order ; except in the particulars wherein his inordinate Lust carries him away . Even cruel Domitian , Dionysius the Tyrant , and many others , are commended by Historians for great Observers of Justice : A natural Reason is to be rendered for it ; It is the Multitude of People , and the abundance of their Riches , which are the only Strength and Glory of every Prince : The Bodies of his Subjects do him Service in VVar , and their Goods supply his present wants , therefore if not out of Affection to his people , yet out of Natural Love to Himself , every Tyrant desires to preserve the Lives , and protect the Goods of his Subjects , which cannot be done but by Justice , and if it be not done , the Princes Loss is the greatest ; on the contrary , in a Popular State , every man knows the publick good doth not depend wholly on his Care , but the Common-wealth may well enough be governed by others though he tend only his Private Benefit , he never takes the Publick to be his Own Business ; thus as in a Family , where one Office is to be done by many Servants , one looks upon another , and every one leaves the Business for his Fellow , until it is quite neglected by all ; nor are they much to be blamed for their Negligence , since it is an even Wager , their Ignorance is as great : For Magistrates among the People , being for the most part Annual , do always lay down their Office before they understand it ; so that a Prince of a Duller understanding , by Use and Experience must needs excell them ; again , there is no Tyrant so barbarously Wicked , but his own reason and sense will tell him , that though he be a God , yet he must dye like a Man ; and that there is not the Meanest of his Subjects but may find a means to revenge himself of the Injustice that is offered him : hence it is that great Tyrants live continually in base fears , as did Dionysius the Elder ; Tiberius , Caligula , and Nero are noted by Suctonius to have been frighted with Panick fears . But it is not so , where wrong is done to any Particular Person by a Multitude , he knows not who hurt him , or who to complain of , or to whom to address himself for reparation . Any man may boldly exercise his Malice and Cruelty in all Popular Assemblies . There is no Tyranny to be compared to the Tyranny of a Multitude . ( 16 ) What though the Government of the People be a thing not to be endured , much less defended , yet many men please themselves with an Opininion , that though the People may not Govern ; yet they may partake and joyn with a King in the Government , and so make a State mixed of Popular and Regal power , which they take to be the best tempered and equallest Form of Government . But the vanity of this Fancy is too evident , it is a meer Impossibility or Contradiction , for if a King but once admit the People to be his Companions , he leaves to be a King , and the State becomes a Democracy ; at least , he is but a Titular and no Real King , that hath not the Soveraignty to Himself ; for the having of this alone , and nothing but this makes a King to be a King. As for that Shew of Popularity which is found in such Kingdoms as have General Assemblies for Consultation about making Publick Laws : It must be remembred that such Meetings do not Share or divide the Soveraignty with the Prince : but do only deliberate and advise their Supreme Head , who still reserves the Absolute power in himself ; for if in such Assemblies , the King , the Nobility , and People have equal Shares in the Soveraignty , then the King hath but one Voice , the Nobility likewise one , and the People one , and then any two of these Voices should have Power to over-rule the third ; thus the Nobility and Commons together should have Power to make a Law to bind the King , which was never yet seen in any Kingdom , but if it could , the State must needs be Popular and not Regal . ( 17 ) If it be Unnatural for the Multitude to chuse their Governours , or to Govern , or to partake in the Government , what can be thought of that damnable Conclusion which is made by too many , that the Multitude may Correct , or Depose their Prince , if need be ? Surely the Unnaturalness , and Injustice of this Position cannot sufficiently be expressed : For admit that a King make a Contract or Paction with his people , either Originally in his Ancestors , or personally at his Coronation ( for both these Pactions some dream of , but cannot offer any proof for either ) yet by no Law of any Nation can a Contract be thought broken , except that first a Lawful Tryal be had by the Ordinary Judge of the Breakers thereof , or else every Man may be both Party and Judge in his own case , which is absur'd once to be thought , for then it will lye in the hands of the headless Multitude when they please to cast off the Yoke of Government ( that God hath laid upon them ) to judge and punish him , by whom they should be Judged and punished themselves . Aristotle can tell us , what Judges the Multitude are in their own case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Judgment of the Multitude in Disposing of the Soveraignty may be seen in the Roman History , where we may find many good Emperours Murthered by the People , and many bad Elected by them : Nero , Heliogabalus , Otho , Vitellius , and such other Monsters of Nature , were the Minions of the Multitude , and set up by them : Pertinax , Alexander , Severus , Gordianus , Gallus Emilianus , Quintilius , Aurelianus , Tacitus , Probus , and Numerianus ; all of them good Emperours in the Judgment of all Historians , yet Murthered by the Multitude . ( 18 ) Whereas many out of an imaginary Fear pretend the power of the people to be necessary for the repressing of the Insolencies of Tyrants ; wherein they propound a Remedy far worse than the Disease , neither is the Disease indeed so frequent as they would have us think , Let us be jugded by the History even of our own Nation : We have enjoyed a Succession of Kings from the Conquest now for above 600 years ( a time far longer than ever yet any Popular State could continue ) we reckon to the Number of twenty six of these Princes since the Norman Race , and yet not one of these is taxed by our Historians for Tyrannical Government . It is true , two of these Kings have been Deposed by the people , and barbarously Murthered , but neither of them for Tyranny : For as a learned Historian of our Age saith , Edward the Second and Richard the Second were not insupportable either in their Nature or Rule , and yet the people , more upon Wantonness than for any Want , did take an unbridled Course against them . Edward the second , by many of our Historians is reported to be of a Good and Vertuous Nature , and not Unlearned : they impute his defects rather to Fortune than either to Council or Carriage of his Afsairs , the Deposition of him was a violent Fury , led by a Wife both Cruel and unchast , and can with no better Countenance of Right be justifyed , than may his lamentable both Indignities and Death it self . Likewise the Deposition of King Richard II , was a tempestuous Rage , neither Led or Restrained by any Rules of Reason or of State — Examin his Actions without a distempered Judgment , and you will not Condemne him to be exceeding either Insufficient or Evil ; weigh the Imputations that were objected against him , and you shall find nothing either of any Truth or of great moment ; Hollingshed writeth , That he was most Unthankfully used by his Subjects ; for although , through the frailty of his Youth , he demeaned himself more dissolutely than was agreeable to the Royalty of his Estate , yet in no Kings Days were the Commons in greater Wealth , the Nobility more honoured , and the Clergy less wronged ; who notwithstanding , in the Evil guided Strength of their will , took head against him , to their own headlong destruction afterwards ; partly during the Reign of Henry , his next Successor , whose greatest Atchievements were against his own People , in Executing those who Conspired with him against King Richard : But more especially in succeeding times , when , upon occasion of this Disorder , more English Blood was spent , than was in all the Foreign Wars together which have been since the Conquest . Twice hath this Kingdom been miserably wasted with Civil War , but neither of them occasioned by the Tyranny of any Prince . The Cause of the Baron's Wars is by good Historians attributed to the stubbornness of the Nobility , as the Bloody variance of the Houses of York and Lancaster , and the late Rebellion , sprung from the Wantonness of the People . These three Unnatural Wars have dishonoured our Nation amongst Strangers , so that in the Censures of Kingdoms , the King of Spain is said to be the King of Men , because of his Subjects willing Obedience ; the King of France King of Asses , because of their infinite Taxes and Impositions ; but the King of England is said to be the King of Devils , because of his Subjects often Insurrections against , and Depositions of their Princes . CHAP. III Positive Laws do not infringe the Natural and Fatherly Power of Kings . ( 1. ) REgal Authority not subject to the Positive Laws , Kings before Laws ; the King of Judah and Israel not tyed to Laws . ( 2. ) Of Samuel 's Description of a King , 1 Sam. 8. ( 3. ) The Power ascribed unto Kings in the New Testament . ( 4. ) Whether Laws were invented to bridle Tyrants . ( 5. ) The Benefit of Laws . ( 6. ) Kings keep the Laws , though not bound by the Laws . ( 7. ) Of the Oathes of Kings . ( 8. ) Of the Benefit of the King's Prerogative over Laws . ( 9. ) The King the Author , the Interpreter , and Corrector , of the Common Laws . ( 10. ) The King , Iudge in all Causes both before the Conquest and since . ( 11. ) The King and his Council have anciently determined Causes in the Star-Chamber . ( 12. ) Of Parliaments . ( 13. ) When the People were first called to Parliament . ( 14. ) The Liberty of Parliaments , not from Nature , but from Grace of the Princes . ( 15. ) The King alone makes Laws in Parliament . ( 16. ) Governs both Houses as Head by himself . ( 17. ) By his Council . ( 18. ) By his Iudges . ( 1. ) HItherto I have endeavour'd to shew the Natural Institution of Regal Authority , and to free it from Subjection to an Arbitrary Election of the People : It is necessary also to enquire whether Humane Laws have a Superiority over Princes ; because those that maintain the Acquisition of Royal Jurisdiction from the people , do subject the Exercise of it to Positive Laws . But in this also they Erre , for as Kingly Power is by the Law of God , so it hath no inferiour Law to limit it . The Father of a Family Governs by no other Law than by his own Will ; not by the Laws and Wills of his Sons or Servants . There is no Nation that allows Children any Action or Remedy for being unjustly Governed ; and yet for all this every Father is bound by the Law of Nature to do his best for the preservation of his Family ; but much more is a King always tyed by the same Law of Nature to keep this general ground , That the safety of the Kingdom be his Chief Law : He must remember , That the profit of every man in particular , and of all together in general , is not always One and the same ; and that the Publick is to be preferred before the Private ; And that the force of Laws must not be so great as Natural Equity it self , which cannot fully be comprised in any Laws whatsoever , but is to be left to the Religious Atchievement of those who know how to manage the Affaires of State , and wisely to Ballance the particular profit with the Counterpoize of the Publick , according to the infinite Variety of Times , Places , Persons ; a proof unanswerable , for the Superiority of Princes above Laws , is this , That there were Kings long before there were any Laws : For a long time the Word of a King was the only Law ; and if Practice ( as saith Sir Walter Raleigh ) declare the greatness of Authority , even the best Kings of Iudah and Israel were not tyed to any Law ; but they did what-soever they pleased , in the greatest matters . ( 2 ) The Unlimitted Jurisdiction of Kings is so amply described by Samuel , that it hath given Occasion to some to Imagine , that it was , but either a Plot or Trick of Samuel to keep the Government himself and Family , by frighting the Israelites with the mischiefs in Monarchy , or else a prophetical Description only of the future Ill Government of Saul : But the Vanity of these Conjectures are judiciously discovered in that Majestical Discourse of the true Law of free Monarchy ; Wherein it is evidently shewed , that the scope of Samuel was to teach the People a dutiful Obedience to their King , even in those things which themselves did esteem Mischievous and Inconvenient ; For by telling them what a King would do , he indeed instructs them what a Subject must Suffer ; yet not so that it is Right for Kings to do Injury , but it is Right for them to go Unpunished by the People if they do it : So that in this point it is all one , whether Samuel describe a King , or a Tyrant , for Patient Obedience is due to both ; no Remedy in the Text against Tyrants , but in Crying and praying unto God in that Day . But howsoever in a Rigorous Construction Samuel's description be applyed to a Tyrant ; yet the Words by a Benigne Interpretation may agree with the manners of a Just King ; and the Scope and Coherence of the Text doth best imply the more Moderate , or Qualified Sense of the Words ; for as Sir W. Raleigh confesses , all those Inconveniences and Miseries which are reckoned by Samuel as belonging to Kingly Government were not Intollerable , but such as have been born , and are still born , by free Consent of Subjects towards their Princes ; Nay at this day , and in this Land , many Tenants by their Tenures and Services are tyed to the same Subjection , even to Subordinate and Inferior Lords : To serve the King in his Wars , and to till his ground , is not only agreeable to the Nature of Subjects , but much desired by them ; according to their several Births , and Conditions : The like may be said for the Offices of Women-Servants , Confectioners , Cooks , and Bakers , for we cannot think that the King would use their Labours without giving them Wages , since the Text it self mentions a Liberal reward of his Servants . As for the taking of the Tenth of their Seed , of their Vines , and of their Sheep , it might be a necessary Provision for their Kings Household , and so belong to the Right of Tribute : For whereas is mentioned the taking of the Tenth ; it cannot agree well to a Tyrant , who observes no Proportion , in fleecing his People . Lastly , The taking of their Fields , Vineyards , and Olive-trees , if it be by Force or Fraud , or without just Recompence , to the Dammage of Private Persons only , it is not to be defended ; but if it be upon the publick Charge and General Consent , it might be justifyed , as necessary at the first Erection of a Kingdome ; For those who will have a King , are bound to allow him Royal maintenance , by providing Revenues for the CROWN , Since it is both for the Honour , Profit and Safety too of the People to have their King Glorious , Powerful , and abounding in Riches , besides we all know the Lands and Goods of many Subjects may be oft-times Legally taken by the King , either by Forfeitures , Escheat , Attainder , Outlawry , Confiscation , or the like . Thus we see Samuel's Character of a King may literally well bear a mild Sense , for greater probability there is that Samuel so meant , and the Israelites so understood it ; to which this may be added , that Samuel tells the Israelites , this will be the manner of the King that shall Reign over you : And Ye shall cry because of your King which Ye shall have chosen you ; that is to say : Thus shall be the common Custom or Fashion , or Proceeding of Saul your King ; Or as the Vulgar Latine renders it , this shall be the Right or Law of your King ; not meaning as some expound it , the Casual Event , or Act of some individuum vagum , or indefinite King , that might happen one day to Tyrannise over them . So that Saul , and the Constant practice of Saul , doth best agree with the Liteteral Sense of the Text. Now that Saul was no Tyrant , we may note that the People asked a King , as All Nations had . God answers , and bids Samuel to hear the Voice of the People , in all things which they spake , and appoint them a King. They did not ask a Tyrant , and to give them a Tyrant , when they asked a King , had not been to hear their Voice in all things , but rather when they asked an Egge , to have given them a Scorpion : Unless we will say , that all Nations had Tyrants . Besides , we do not find in all Scripture , that Saul was Punished , or so much as Blamed , for committing any of those Acts which Samuel describes : and if Samuel's drift had been only to terrifie the People , he would not have forgotten to foretell Saul's bloody Cruelty , in Murthering 85 innocent Priests , and smiteing with the Edge of the Sword the City of Nob , both Man , Woman , and Child . Again , the Israelites never shrank at these Conditions proposed by Samuel , but accepted of them , as such as all other Nations were bound unto . For their Conclusion is , Nay , but we will have a King over Vs , that We also may be like all the Nations , and that Our King may Iudge us , and go out before us to fight our Battels . Meaning he should earn his Privileges , by doing the work for them , by Judging them , and Fighting for them . Lastly , Whereas the mention of the Peoples Crying unto the Lord , argues they should be under some Tyrannical Oppression ; we may remember , that the Peoples Complaints and Cries are not always an Argument of their Living under a Tyrant . No man can say King Solomon was a Tyrant , yet all the Congregation of Israel complain'd that Solomon made their Yoke grievous , and therefore their Prayer to Rehoboam is , Make thou the grievous Service of thy Father Solomon , and his heavy Yoke which he put upon us , lighter , and we will serve thee . To conclude , it is true , Saul lost his Kingdom , but not for being too Cruel or Tyrannical to his Subjects , but by being too Merciful to his Enemies ; his sparing Agag when he should have slain him , was the Cause why the Kingdom was torn from him . ( 3. ) If any desire the direction of the New Testament , he may find our Saviour limiting and distinguishing Royal Power , By giving to Caesar those things that were Caesar 's , and to God those things that were God's . Obediendum est in quibus mandatum Dei non impeditur . We must obey where the Commandment of God is not hindred ; there is no other Law but Gods Law to hinder our Obedience . It was the Answer of a Christian to the Emperour , We only worship God , in other things we gladly serve you . And it seems Tertullian thought whatfoever was not God's was the Emperours , when he saith , Bene opposuit Caesari pecuniam , te ipsum Deo , alioqui quid erit Dei , si omnia Caesaris . Our Saviour hath well apportioned our Money for Caesar , and our selves for God , for otherwise what shall God's share be , if all be Caesar's . The Fathers mention no Reservation of any Power to the Laws of the Land , or to the People . S. Ambrose , in his Apologie for David , expresly saith , He was a King , and therefore bound to no Laws , because Kings are free from the Bonds of any Fault . S. Augustine also resolves , Imperator non est subjectus Legibus , qui habet in potestate alias Leges ferre . The Emperour is not subject to Laws , who hath Power to make other Laws . For indeed , it is the Rule of Solomon , that We must keep the King's Commandment , and not to say , What dost Thou ? because Where the Word of a King is , there is Power , and All that he pleaseth , he will do . If any mislike this Divinity in England , let him but hearken to Bracton , Chief Justice in Henry the Third's days , which was since the Institution of Parliaments , his words are , speaking of the King , Omnes sub Eo , & Ipse sub nullo , nisi tantum sub Deo , &c. All are under him , and he under none , but God only : If he offend , since no Writ can go against him , their Remedy is by Petitioning him to amend his Fault , which if he shall not do , it will be Punishment sufficient for him to expect God as a Revenger : Let none presume to Search into his Deeds , much less to Oppose them . When the Iews asked our Blessed Saviour , whether they should pay Tribute ? he did not first demand what the Law of the Land was , or whether there was any Statute against it , nor enquired whether the Tribute were given by Consent of the people , nor advised them to stay their payment till they should grant it ; he did no more but look upon the Superscription , and concluded , This Image you say is Caesar's , therefore give it to Caesar. Nor must it here be said , that Christ taught this Lesson only to the conquered Iews , for in this he gave direction for all Nations , who are bound as much in Obedience to their Lawful Kings , as to any Conquerour or Vsurper whatsoever . Whereas being subject to the Higher Powers , some have strained these words to signifie the Laws of the Land , or else to mean the Highest Power , as well Aristocratical and Democratical , as Regal : It seems S. Paul looked for such Interpretation , and therefore thought fit to be his own Expositor , and to let it be known , that by Power he understood a Monarch that carryed a Sword : Wilt thou not be afraid of the Power ? that is , the Ruler that carryeth the Sword , for he is the Minister of God to thee — for he beareth not the Sword in vain . It is not the Law that is the Minister of God , or that carries the Sword , but the Ruler or Magistrate ; so they that say the Law governs the Kingdom , may as well say that the Carpenters Rule builds an House , and not the Carpenter ; for the Law is but the Rule or Instrument of the Ruler . And S. Paul concludes ; for this cause pay you tribute also , for they are Gods Ministers attending continually upon this very thing . Render therefore Tribute to whom Tribute is due , Custom to whom Custom . He doth not say , give as a gift to Gods Minister . But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Render or Restore Tribute , as a due . Also St. Peter doth most clearly expound this place of St. Paul , where he saith , Submit your selves to every Ordinance of Man , for the Lords sake , whether it be to the King as Supreme , or unto Governours , as unto them that are sent by him . Here the very self same Word ( Supreme , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which St. Paul coupleth with Power , St. Peter conjoineth with the King , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thereby to maniest that King and Power are both one . Also St. Peter expounds his own Words of Humane Ordinance , to be the King , who is the Lex Loquens , a Speaking Law ; he cannot mean that Kings themselves are an human Ordinance , since St. Paul calls the Supreme Power , The Ordinance of God ; and the Wisdom of God saith , By me Kings Reign : But his meaning must be , that the Laws of Kings are Human Ordinances . Next , the Governours that are sent by him ; that is by the King , not by God , as some corruptly would wrest the Text , to justifie Popular Governours as authorized by God , whereas in Gramatical Construction [ Him ] the Relative must be referred to the next Antecedent , which is King ; Besides , the Antithesis between Supreme and Sent , proves plainly that the Governours were sent by Kings ; for if the Governours were sent by God , and the King be an Humane Ordinance , then it follows , that the Governours were Supreme , and not the King ; Or if it be said , that both King and Governours are sent by God , then they are both equal , and so neither of them Supreme . Therefore St. Peter's meaning is in short , obey the Laws of the King , or of his Ministers . By which it is evident , that neither St. Peter , nor S. Paul , intended other-Form of Government than only Monarchical , much less any Subjecton of Princes to Humane Laws . That familiar distinction of the Schoolmen , whereby they Subject Kings to the Directive , but not to the Coactive Power of Laws , is a Confession that Kings are not bound by the Positive Laws of any Nation : Since the Compulsory Power of Laws is that which properly makes Laws to be Laws ; by binding men by Rewards or Punishment to Obedience ; whereas the Direction of the Law , is but like the advice and direction which the Kings Council gives the King , which no man says is a Law to the King. ( 4 ) There want not those who Believe that the first invention of Laws was to Bridle and moderate the over-great Power of Kings ; but the truth is , the Original of Laws was for the keeping of the Multitude in Order : Popular Estates could not Subsist at all without Laws ; whereas Kingdoms were Govern'd many Ages without them . The People of Athens , as soon as they gave over Kings , were forced to give Power to Draco first , then to Solon , to make them Laws , not to bridle Kings , but themselves ; and though many of their Laws were very Severe and Bloody , yet for the Reverence they bare to their Law-makers they willingly submitted to them . Nor did the People give any Limited Power to Solon , but an Absolute Jurisdiction , at his pleasure to Abrogate and Confirm what he thought fit ; the People never challenging any such Power to themselves : So the People of Rome gave to the Ten Men , who were to chuse and correct their Laws for the Twelve Tables , an Absolute Power , without any Appeal to the people . ( 5. ) The reason why Laws have been also made by Kings , was this , when Kings were either busyed with Wars , or distracted with Publick Cares , so that every private man could not have accesse to their persons , to learn their Wills and Pleasure ; then of necessity were Laws invented , that so every particular Subject might find his Prince's Pleasure decyphered unto him in the Tables of his Laws , that so there might be no need to resort to the King ; but either for the Interpretation or Mitigation of Obscure or Rigorous Laws , or else in new Cases , for a Supplement where the Law was Defective . By this means both King and People were in many things eased : First , The King by giving Laws doth free himself of great and intolerable Troubles , as Moses did himself by chusing Elders . Secondly , The people have the Law as a Familiar Admonisher and Interpreter of the King's pleasure , which being published throughout the Kingdom , doth represent the Presence and Majesty of the King : Also the Judges and Magistrates , ( whose help in giving Judgment in many Causes Kings have need to use ) are restrained by the Common Rules of the Law from using their own Liberty to the injury of others , since they are to judge according to the Laws , and not follow their own Opinions . ( 6. ) Now albeit Kings , who make the Laws , be ( as King Iames teacheth us ) above the Laws ; yet will they Rule their Subjects by the Law ; and a King , governing in a setled Kingdom , leaves to be a King , and degenerates into a Tyrant , so soon as he seems to Rule according to his Laws ; yet where he sees the Laws Rigorous or Doubtful , he may mitigate and interpret . General Laws made in Parliament , may , upon known Respects to the King , by his Authority be Mitigated or Suspended , upon Causes only known to him . And although a King do frame all his Actions to be according to the Laws , yet he is not bound thereto , but at his good Will , and for good Example : Or so far forth as the General Law of the Safety of the Common-Weale doth naturally bind him ; for in such sort only Positive Laws may be said to bind the King , not by being Positive , but as they are naturally the Best or Only Means for the Preservation of the Common-Wealth . By this means are all Kings , even Tyrants and Conquerours , bound to preserve the Lands , Goods , Liberties , and Lives of all their Subjects , not by any Municipial Law of the Land , so much as the Natural Law of a Father , which binds them to ratifie the Acts of their Fore-Fathers and Predecessors , in things necessary for the Publick Good of their Subjects . ( 7. ) Others there be that affirm , That although Laws of themselves do not bind Kings , yet the Oaths of Kings at their Coronations tye them to keep all the Laws of their Kingdoms . How far this is true , let us but examine the Oath of the Kings of England at their Coronation ; the words whereof are these , Art thou pleased to cause to be administred in all thy Iudgments indifferent and upright Iustice , and to use Discretion with Mercy and Verity ? Art thou pleased that our upright Laws and Customs be observed , and dost thou promise that those shall be protected and maintained by thee ? These two are the Articles of the King's Oath , which concern the Laity or Subjects in General ; to which the King answers affirmatively . Being first demanded by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , Pleaseth it you to confirm and observe the Laws and Customs of Ancient Times , granted from God , by just and devout Kings , unto the English Nation , by Oath unto the said People . Especially the Laws , Liberties , and Customs granted unto the Clergy and Laity by the famous King Edward . We may observe , in these words of the Articles of the Oath , that the King is required to observe not all the Laws , but only the Upright , and that with Discretion and Mercy . The Word Upright cannot mean all Laws , because in the Oath of Richard the Second , I find Evil and Unjust Laws mentioned , which the King swears to abolish ; and in the Old Abridgment of Statutes , set forth in Henry the Eighth's days , the King is to swear wholly to put out Evil Laws ; which he cannot do , if he be bound to all Laws . Now what Laws are Upright and what Evil , who shall judge but the King , since he swears to administer Upright Justice with Discretion and Mercy ( or as Bracton hath it ) aequitatem praecipiat , & misericordiam . So that in effect , the King doth swear to keep no Laws , but such as in His Iudgment are Upright , and those not literally always , but according to Equity of his Conscience , join'd with Mercy , which is properly the Office of a Chancellour rather than of a Judge ; and if a King did strictly swear to observe all the Laws , he could not without Perjury give his Consent to the Repealing or Abrogating of any Statute by Act of Parliament , which would be very mischievable to the State. But let it be supposed for truth , that Kings do swear to observe all the Laws of their Kingdoms , yet no man can think it reason that Kings should be more bound by their Voluntary Oaths than Common Persons are by theirs . Now if a private person make a Contract , either with Oath or without Oath , he is no further bound than the Equity and Justice of the Contract ties him ; for a man may have Relief against an unreasonable and unjust promise , if either Deceit , or Errour , or Force , or Fear induced him thereunto : Or if it be hurtful or grievous in the performance . Since the Laws in many Cases give the King a Prerogative above Common Persons , I see no Reason why he should be denyed the Priviledge which the meanest of his Subjects doth enjoy . Here is a fit place to examine a Question which some have moved , Whether it be a sin for a Subject to disobey the King , if he Command any thing contrary to his Laws ? For satisfaction in this point , we must resolve , that not only in Human Laws , but even in Divine , a thing may be commanded contrary to Law , and yet Obedience to such a Command is necessary . The sanctifying of the Sabbath is a Divine Law ; yet if a Master Command his Servant not to go to Church upon a Sabbath-day , the Best Divines teach us , That the Servant must obey this Command , though it may be Sinful and Unlawful in the Master ; because the Servant hath no Authority or Liberty to Examine and Judge whether his Master Sin or no in so Commanding ; for there may be a just Cause for a Master to keep his Servant from Church , as appears Luke 14. 5. yet it is not fit to tye the Master to acquaint his Servant with his Secret Counsels , or present Necessity : And in such Cases , the Servants not going to Church , becomes the Sin of the Master , and not of the Servant . The like may be said of the King 's Commanding a man to serve him in the Wars , he may not Examine whether the War be Just or Unjust , but must Obey , since he hath no Commission to Judge of the Titles of Kingdoms , or Causes of War ; nor hath any Subject Power to Condemn his King for breach of his own Laws . ( 8. ) Many will be ready to say , It is a Slavish and Dangerous Condition to be subject to the Will of any One Man , who is not subject to the Laws . But such men consider not , 1. That the Prerogative of a King is to be above all Laws , for the good only of them that are under the Laws , and to defend the Peoples Liberties , as His Majesty graciously affirmed in His Speech after His last Answer to the Petition of Right : Howsoever some are afraid of the Name of Prerogative , yet they may assure themselves the Case of Subjects would be desperately miserable without it . The Court of Chancery it self is but a Branch of the Kings Prerogative , to Relieve men against the inexorable rigour of the Law , which without it is no better than a Tyrant , since Summum Ius , is Summa Injuria . General Pardons , at the Coronation and in Parliaments ; are but the Bounty of the Prerogative . 2. There can be no Laws without a Supreme Power to command or make them . In all Aristocraties the Nobles are above the Laws , and in all Democraties the People . By the like Reason , in a Monarchy the King must of necessity be above the Laws ; there can be no Soveraign Majesty in him that is under them ; that which giveth the very Being to a King is the Power to give Laws ; without this Power He is but an Equivocal King. It skills not which way Kings come by their Power , whether by Election , Donation , Succession , or by any other means ; for it is still the manner of the Government by Supreme Power that makes them properly Kings , and not the means of obtaining their Crowns . Neither doth the Diversity of Laws , nor contrary Customs , whereby each Kingdom differs from another , make the Forms of Common-Weal different , unless the Power of making Laws be in several Subjects . For the Confirmation of this point , Aristotle saith , That a perfect Kingdom is that wherein the King rules all things according to his Own Will , for he that is called a King according to the Law , makes no kind of Kingdom at all . This it seems also the Romans well understood to be most necessary in a Monarchy ; for though they were a People most greedy of Liberty , yet the Senate did free Augustus from all Necessity of Laws , that he might be free of his own Authority , and of absolute Power over himself and over the Laws , to do what he pleased , and leave undone what he list , and this Decree was made while Augustus was yet absent . Accordingly we find , that Vlpian the great Lawyer delivers it for a Rule of the Civil Law ; Princeps , Legibus solutus est . The Prince is not bound by the Laws . ( 9 ) If the Nature of Laws be advisedly weighed , the Necessity of the Princes being above them may more manifest it self ; we all know that a Law in General is the command of a Superior Power . Laws are divided ( as Bellermine divides the Word of God ) into written and unwritten , not for that it is not Written at all , but because it was not Written by the first Devisers or Makers of it . The Common Law ( as the Lord Chancellor Egerton teacheth us ) is the Common Custom of the Realm . Now concerning Customs , this must be considered , that for every Custom there was a time when it was no Custom ; and the first President we now have , had no President when it began ; when every Custom began , there was something else than Custom that made it lawful , or else the beginning of all Customs were unlawful . Customs at first became Lawful only by some Superiour , which did either Command or Consent unto their beginning . And the first Power which we find ( as it is confessed by all men ) is the Kingly Power , which was both in this and in all other Nations of the World , long before any Laws , or any other kind of Government was thought of ; from whence we must necessarily infer , that the Common Law it self , or Common Customs of this Land , were Originally the Laws and Commands of Kings at first unwritten . Nor must we think the Common Customs ( which are the Principles of the Common Law , and are but few ) to be such , or so many , as are able to give special Rules to determine every particular Cause . Diversity of Cases are infinite , and impossible to be regulated by any Law ; and therefore we find , even in the Divine Laws which are delivered by Moses , there be only certain Principal Laws , which did not determine out only direct the High-priest or . Magistrate , whose Judgment in special Cases did determine , what the General Law intended . It is so with the Common Law , for when there is no perfect Rule , Judges do resort to those Principles , or Common Law Axiomes , whereupon former Judgments , in Cases some-what like , have been delivered by former Judges , who all receive Authority from the King , in his Right and Name to give Sentence according to the Rules and Presidents of Antient Times : And where Presidents have failed , the Judges have resorted to the General Law of Reason , and accordingly given Judgment , without any Common Law to direct them . Nay , many times , where there have been Presidents to direct , they , upon better Reason only , have Changed the Law , both in Causes Criminal and Civil , and have not insisted so much on the Examples of former Judges , as examined and corrected their Reasons ; thence it is that so no Laws are now obsolete and out of use , and the Practice quite contrary to what it was in Former Times , as the Lord Chancellor Egerton proves , by several Instances . Nor is this spoken to Derogate from the Common Law , for the Case standeth so with the Laws of all Nations , although some of them have their Laws and Principles Written and Established : for witnesse to this , we have Aristotle his Testimony in his Ethiques , and in several places in his Politiques ; I will cite some of them . Every Law ( saith he ) is in the General , but of some things there can be no General Law — when therefore the Law sqeaks in General , and something falls out after besides the General Rule : Then it is fit that what the Law-maker hath omitted , or where he hath Erred by speaking Generally , it should be corrected or supplyed , as if the Law-maker himself were Present to Ordain it . The Governour , whether he be one Man , or more , ought to be Lord over all those things whereof it was impossible the Law should exactly speak , because it is not easie to comprehend all things under General Rules — whatsoever the Law cannot Determine , it leaves to the Governours to give Iudgment therein , and permits them to rectifie whatsoever upon Tryal they find to be better than the Written Laws . Besides , all Laws are of themselves Dumb , and some or other must be trusted with the Application of them to Particulars , by examining all Circumstances , to pronounce when they are broken , or by whom . This work of right Application of Laws is not a thing easie or obvious for ordinary capacities ; but requires profound Abilities of Nature , for the beating out of the truth , witness the Diversity , and sometimes the contrariety of Opinions of the learned Judges , in some difficult Points . ( 10 ) Since this is the common Condition of Laws , it is also most reasonable that the Law-maker should be trusted with the Application or Interpretation of the Laws ; and for this Cause anciently the Kings of this Land have sitten personally in Courts of Judicature , and are still Representatively present in all Courts ; the Judges are but substituted , and called the Kings Justices , and their Power ceaseth when the King is in place . To this purpose , Bracton , that learned Chief Justice in the Reign of Henry the Third , saith in express terms ; In doubtful and obscure points the Interpretation and Will of our Lord the King is to be expected ; since it is his part to interpret , who made the Law ; for as he saith in another place , Rex , & non Alius debet Iudicare , si Solus ad id sufficere possit , &c. The King , and no body else , ought to give Iudgment , if He were able , since by vertue of his Oath he is Bound to it ; therefore the King ought to exercise Power as the Vicar or Minister of God , but if our Lord the King be not able to determine every cause , to ease part of his Pains by distributing the Burthen to more Persons , he ought to chuse Wise men fearing God , &c , and make Iustices of them : Much to the same purpose are the words of Edward the First , in the beginning of his Book of Laws , written by his appointment by Iohn Briton , Bishop of Hereford . We will ( saith he ) that our own Iurisdiction be above all the Iurisdictions of our Realm , so as in all manner of Felonies , Trespasses , Contracts , and in all other Actions , Personal , or Real , We have power to yield such Iudgments as do appertain without other Process , wheresoever we know the right truth as Iudges . Neither may this be taken to be meant of an imaginary Presence of the King's Person in His Courts , because he doth immediately after in the same place severally set forth by themselves the Jurisdictions of his Ordinary Courts ; but must necessarily be understood of a Jurisdiction remaining in the King 's Royal Person . And that this then was no New-made Law , or first brought in by the Norman Conquests , appears by a Saxon Law made by King Edgar , in these words , as I find them in Mr. Lambert , Nemo in lite Regem appellato , nisi quidem domi Iustitiam consequi , aut impetrare non poterit , sin summo jure domi urgeatur , ad Regem , ut is Onus aliqua ex parte Allevet , provocato . Let no man in Suit appeal to the King , unless he may not get Right at home ; but if the Right be too heavy for him , then let him go to the King to have it eased . As the Judicial Power of Kings was exercised before the Conquest , so in those setled times after the Conquest , wherein Parliaments were much in use , there was a High-Court following the King , which was the place of Soveraign Justice , both for matter of Law and Conscience , as may appear by a Parliament in Edward the First 's time , taking Order , That the Chancellour and the Iustices of the Bench should follow the King , to the end that He might have always at hand able men for His Direction in Suits that came before Him : And this was after the time that the Court of Common-Pleas was made Stationary , which is an Evidence that the King reserved a Soveraign Power , by which he did supply the Want , or correct the Rigour of the Common Law ; because the Positive Law , being grounded upon that which happens for the most part , cannot foresee every particular which Time and Experience brings forth . ( 12. ) Therefore though the Common Law be generally Good and Just , yet in some special Case it may need Correction , by reason of some considerable Circumstance falling out , which at the time of the Law-making was not thought of . Also sundry things do fall out , both in War and Peace , that require extraordinary help , and cannot wait for the Usual Care of Common Law , the which is not performed , but altogether after one sort , and that not without delay of help and expence of time ; so that although all Causes are , and ought to be referred to the Ordinary Processe of common Law , yet rare matters from time to time do grow up meet , for just Reasons , to be referred to the aid of the absolute Authority of the Prince ; and the Statute of Magna Charta hath been understood of the Institution then made of the ordinary Jurisdiction in Common Causes , and not for restraint of the Absolute Authority , serving only in a few rare and singular Cases , for though the Subjects were put to great dammage by False Accusations and Malitious Suggestions made to the King and His Council , especially during the time of King Edward the Third , whilst he was absent in the Wars in France , insomuch as in His Reign divers Statutes were made , That provided none should be put to answer before the King and His Council without due Processe ; yet it is apparent the necessity of such Proceedings was so great , that both before Edward the Third's days , and in his time , and after his Death , several Statutes were made , to help and order the Proceedings of the King and his Council . As the Parliament in 28. Edw. 1. Cap. 5. did provide , That the Chancellour and Iustices of the King's Bench should follow the King ; that so he might have near unto him some that be learned in the Laws , which be able to order all such matters as shall come unto the Court , at all times when need shall require . By the Statute of 37. Edw. 3. Cap. 18. Taliation was ordained , in case the Suggestion to the King proved untrue . Then 38. Edw. 3. Cap. 9. takes away Taliation , and appoints Imprisonment till the King and Party grieved be satisfied . In the Statutes of 17. Ric. 2. Cap. 6. and 15. Hen. 6. Cap. 4. Dammages and Expences are awarded in such Cases . In all these Statutes it is necessarily implyed , that Complaints upon just Causes might be moved before the King and His Council . At a Parliament at Glocester , 2. Ric. 2. when the Commons made Petition , That none might be forced by Writ out of Chancery , or by Privy Seal , to appear before the King and His Council , to answer touching Free-hold . The King's Answer was , He thought it not reasonable that He should be constrained to send for His Leiges upon Causes reasonable : And albeit He did not purpose that such as were sent for should answer [ Finalment ] peremptorily touching their Free-hold , but should be remanded for Tryal thereof , as Law required : Provided always , ( saith he ) that at the Suit of the Party , where the King and His Council shall be credibly informed , that because of Maintenance , Oppression , or other Out-rages , the Common Law cannot have duly her Course , in such case the Council for the Party . Also in the 13 th year of his Reign , when the Commons did pray , that upon pain of Forfeiture , the Chancellour or Council of the King , should not after the end of the Parliament make any Ordinance against the Common Law ; the King answered , Let it be used as it hath been used before this time , so as the Regality of the King be saved , for the King will save His Regalities as His Progenitors have done . Again , in the 4 th year of Henry the Fourth , when the Commons complained against Subpoena's , and other Writs , grounded upon false Suggestions ; the King answered , That He would give in Charge to His Officers , that they should abstain more than before time they had , to send for His Subjects in that manner . But yet ( saith He ) it is not Our Intention , that Our Officers shall so abstain , that they may not send for Our Subjects in Matters and Causes necessary , as it hath been used in the time of Our Good Progenitors . Likewise when for the same Cause Complaint was made by the Commons ; Anno 3. Hen. 5. the King's Answer was , Le Roy s'advisera , The King will be advised ; which amounts to a Denyal for the present , by a Phrase peculiar for the Kings denying to pass any Bill that hath passed the Lords and Commons . These Complaints of the Commons , and the Answers of the King , discover , That such moderation should be used , that the course of the common Law be ordinarily maintained , lest Subjects be convented before the King and His Council without just cause , that the Proceedings of the Council-Table be not upon every slight Suggestion , nor to determine finally concerning Free hold of Inheritance . And yet that upon cause reasonable , upon credible Information , in matters of weight , the King's Regallity or Prerogative in sending for His Subjects be maintain'd , as of Right it ought , and in former times hath been constantly used . King Edward the First , finding that Bogo de Clare was discharged of an Accusation brought against him in Parliament , for that some formal Imperfections were found in the Complaint , commanded him nevertheless to appear before Him and His Council , ad faciendum , & recipiendum quod per Regem & ejus Concilium fuerit faciendum ; and so proceeded to an Examination of the whole Cause . 8. Edw. 1. Edward the Third , In the Star-Chamber ( which was the Ancient Council-Chamber at Westminster ) upon the Complaint of Elizabeth Audley , commanded Iames Audley to appear before Him and His Council , and determin'd a Controversie between them , touching Lands contain'd in the Covenants of her Joynture . Rot. Claus. de an . 41. Ed. 3. Henry the Fifth , in a Suit before Him and His Council for the Titles of the Mannors of Seere and S. Laurence , in the Isle of Thenet , in Kent , took order for the Sequestring the Profits till the Right were tryed , as well for avoiding the breach of the Peace , as for prevention of waste and spoil . Rot. Patin . Anno 6. Hen. 5. Henry the Sixth commanded the Justices of the Bench to stay the Arraignment of one Verney of London , till they had other commandment from Him and His Council , because Verney , being indebted to the King and others , practised to be Indicted of Felony , wherein he might have his Clergy , and make his Purgation , of intent to defraud his Creditors . 34. Hen. 6. Rot. 37. in Banco Regis . Edward the Fourth and His Council , in the Star-Chamber , heard the Cause of the Master and Poor Brethren of S. Leonards in York , complaining , that Sir Hugh Hastings , and others , withdrew from them a great part of their living , which consisted chiefly upon the having of a Thrave of Corn of every Plough-Land within the Counties of York , Westmerland , Cumberland , and Lancashire . Rot. Paten . de Anno 8. Ed. 4. Part 3. Memb. 14. Henry the Seventh and His Council , in the Star-Chamber , decreed , That Margery and Florence Becket should Sue no further in their Cause against Alice Radley , widow , for Lands in Wolwich and Plumstead in Kent ; for as much as the Matter had been heard first before the Council of King Ed. 4. after that before the President of the Requests of that King , Hen. 7. and then lastly , before the Council of the said King. 1. Hen. 7. What is hitherto affirmed of the Dependency and Subjection of the Common Law to the Soveraign Prince , the same may be said as well of all Statute Laws ; for the King is the sole immediate Author , Corrector , and Moderator of them also ; so that neither of these two kinds of Laws are or can be any Diminution of that Natural Power which Kings have over their People , by right of Father-hood , but rather are an Argument to strengthen the truth of it ; for Evidence whereof , we may in some points consider the nature of Parliaments , because in them only all Statutes are made . ( 12. ) Though the Name of Parliament ( as Mr. Cambden saith ) be of no great Antiquity , but brought in out of France , yet our Ancestors , the English Saxons , had a Meeting , which they called , The Assembly of the Wise ; termed in Latine , Conventum Magnatum , or , Praesentia Regis , Procerumque Prelaterumque collectorum . The Meeting of the Nobility , or the Presence of the King , Prelates , and Peers Assembled ; or in General , Magnum Concilium , or Commune Concilium ; and many of our Kings in elder times made use of such great Assemblies for to Consult of important Affaires of State ; all which Meetings , in a General sense , may be termed Parliaments . Great are the Advantages which both the King and People may receive by a well-ordered Parliament ; there is nothing more expresseth the Majesty and Supreme Power of a King , than such an Assembly , wherein all his People acknowledge him for Soveraign Lord , and make all their Addresses to him by humble Petition and Supplication ; and by their Consent and Approbation do strengthen all the Laws , which the King , at their Request and by their Advice and Ministry , shall ordain . Thus they facilitate the Government of the King , by making the Laws unquestionable , either to the Subordinate Magistrates , or refractory Multitude . The benefit which accrews to the Subject by Parliaments , is . That by their Prayers and Petitions Kings are drawn many times to redress their Just grievances , and are overcome by their importunity to grant many things which otherwise they would not yield unto ; for the Voice of a Multitude is easilier heard . Many Vexations of the People are without the knowledge of the King ; who in Parliament seeth and heareth his People himself ; whereas at other times he commonly useth the Eyes and Ears of other men . Against the Antiquity of Parliaments we need not dispute , since the more ancient they be , the more they make for the Honour of Monarchy ; yet there be certain Circumstances touching the Forms of Parliaments , which are fit to be considered . First , we are to rememember , that until about the time of the Conquest , there could be no Parliaments assembled of the General States of the whole Kingdom of England , because till those days we cannot learn it was entirely united into one Kingdom ; but it was either divided into several Kingdoms , or Governed by several Laws . When Iulius Caesar landed he found 4 Kings in Kent ; and the British Names of Dammonii , Durotriges , Belgae , Attrebatii , Trinobantes , Iceni , Silures , and the rest , are plentiful Testimonies of the several Kingdoms of Brittains , when the Romans left us . The Saxons divided us into 7 Kingdoms : when these Saxons were united all into a Monarchy , they had always the Danes their Companions , or their Masters in the Empire , till Edward the Confessors Days , since whose time the Kingdom of England hath continued United , as now it doth : But for a Thousand years before we cannot find it was entirely setled , during the Time of any one Kings Reign . As under the Mercian Law : The West Saxons were confined to the Saxon Laws ; Essex , Norfolk , Suffolk , and some other Places , were vexed with Danish Laws ; The Northumbrians also had their Laws apart . And until Edward the Confessors Reign , who was next but one before the Conquerour , the Laws of the Kingdom were so several and Uncertain , that he was forced to Cull a few of the most indifferent and best of them , which were from him called St. Edwards Laws : Yet some say that Eadgar made those Laws , and that the Confessor did but restore and mend them . Alfred also gathered out of Mulmutius laws , such as he translated into the Saxon Tongue . Thus during the time of the Saxons , the Laws were so variable , that there is little or no likelihood to find any constant Form of Parliaments of the whole Kingdom . ( 13 ) A second Point considerable is , whether in such Parliaments , as was in the Saxon's times , the Nobility and Clergy only were of those Assemblies , or whether the Commons were also called ; some are of Opinion , that though none of the Saxon Laws do mention the Commons , yet it may be gathered by the word Wisemen , the Commons are intended to be of those Assemblies , and they bring ( as they conceive ) probable arguments to prove it , from the Antiquity of some Burroughs that do yet send Burgesses , and from the Proscription of those in Antient Demesne , not to send Burgesses to Parliament . If it be true , that the West-Saxons had a Custom to assemble Burgesses out of some of their Towns , yet it may be doubted , whether other Kingdoms had the same usage ; but sure it is , that during the Heptarchy , the People could not Elect any Knights of the Shire , because England was not then divided into Shires . On the contrary , there be of our Historians who do affirm , that Henry the First caused the Commons first to be Assembled by Knights and Burgesses of their own Appointment , for before his Time only certain of the Nobility and Prelates of the Realm were called to Consultation about the most Important Affairs of State. If this Assertion be true , it seems a meer matter of Grace of this King , and proves not any Natural Right of the People , Originally to be admitted to chuse their Knights and Burgesses of Parliament , though it had been more for the Honour of Parliaments , if a King , whose Title to the Crown had been better , had been Author of the Form of it ; because he made use of it for his unjust Ends. For thereby he secured himself against his Competitor and Elder Brother , by taking the Oaths of the Nobility in Parliament ; and getting the Crown to be setled upon his Children . And as the King made use of the People , so they , by Colour of Parliament , served their own turns ; for after the Establishment of Parliaments by strong hand , and by the Sword , they drew from him the Great Charter , which he granted the rather to flatter the Nobility and People , as Sir Walter Raleigh in his Dialogue of Parliaments doth affirm , in these words . The great Charter was not Originally granted Legally and Freely ; for Henry the First did but Vsurp the Kingdom , and therefore , the better to assure himself against Robert his Elder Brother , he flattered the Nobility and People with their Charters ; yea , King John , that Confirmed them , had the like respect , for Arthur Duke of Brittain was the undoubted Heir of the Crown , upon whom King John Vsurped , and so to conclude , these Charters had their Original from Kings de facto , but not de jure — the Great Charter had first an obscure Birth by Vsurpation , and was Secondly fostered and shewed to the World by Rebellion . ( 15. ) A third consideration must be , that in the former Parliaments , instituted and continued since King Henry the First 's time , is not to be found the Usage of any Natural Liberty of the People ; for all those Liberties that are claimed in Parliament are the liberties of Grace from the King , and not the Liberties of Nature to the People ; for if the liberty were Natural , it would give Power to the Multitude to assemble themselves When and Where they please , to bestow Soveraignty , and by Pactions to limit and direct the Exercise of it . Whereas , the Liberties of Favour and Grace , which are Claimed in Parliaments , are restrained both for Time , Place , Persons , and other Circumstances , to the Sole Pleasure of the King. The People cannot Assemble themselves , but the King , by his Writs , calls them to what place he pleases ; and then again Scatters them with his Breath at an instant , without any other Cause shewed than his Will. Neither is the whole Summoned , but only so many as the Kings Writs appoint . The prudent King Edward the First , summoned always those Barons of ancient Families , that were most wise , to his Parliament , but omited their Sons after their Death , if they were not answerable to their Parents in Understanding . Nor have the whole people Voices in the Election of Knights of the Shire or Burgesses , but only Free-holders in the Counties , and Freemen in the Cities and Burroughs ; yet in the City of Westminster all the House-holders , though they be neither Free-men nor Free-holders , have Voices in their Election of Burgesses . Also during the time of Parliament , those priviledges of the House of Commons , of freedom of Speech , Power to punish their own Members , to examine the Proceedings and Demeanour of Courts of Justice and Officers , to have access to the King's Person , and the like , are not due by any Natural Right , but are derived from the Bounty or Indulgence of the King , as appears by a solemn Recognition of the House ; for at the opening of the Parliament , when the Speaker is presented to the King , he , in the behalf and name of the whole House of Commons , humbly craves of His Majesty , That He would be pleased to grant them their Accustomed Liberties of freedom of Speech , of access to his Person , and the rest . These Priviledges are granted with a Condition implyed , That they keep themselves within the Bounds and Limits of Loyalty and Obedience ; for else why do the House of Commons inflict punishment themselves upon their own Members for transgressing in some of these points ; and the King , as Head , hath many times punished the Members for the like Offences . The Power which the King giveth , in all his Courts , to his Judges or others to punish , doth not exclude Him from doing the like , by way of Prevention , Concurrence , or Evocation , even in the same point which he hath given in charge by a delegated Power ; for they who give Authority by Commission , do always retain more than they grant : Neither of the two Houses claim an Infallibility of not Erring , no more than a General Council can . It is not impossible but that the greatest may be in Fault , or at least Interested or Engaged in the Delinquency of one particular Member . In such Cases it is most proper for the Head to correct , and not to expect the Consent of the Members , or for the Parties peccant to be their own Judges . Nor is it needful to confine the King , in such Cases , within the Circle of any one Court of Justice , who is Supreme Judge in all Courts . And in rare and new Cases rare and new Remedies must be sought out ; for it is a Rule of the Common Law , In novo Casu , novum Remedium est apponendum : and the Statute of Westminst . 2. cap. 24. giveth Power , even to the Clarks of the Chancery , to make New Forms of Writs in New Cases , lest any man that came to the King's Court of Chancery for help , should be sent away without Remedy : A President cannot be found in every Case ; and of things that happen seldom , and are not common , there cannot be a Common Custom . Though Crimes Exorbitant do pose the King and Council in finding a President for a Condigne Punishment , yet they must not therefore pass unpunished . I have not heard that the people , by whose Voices the Knights and Burgesses are chosen , did ever call to an account those whom they had Elected ; they neither give them Instructions or Directions what to say , or what to do in Parliament , therefore they cannot punish them when they come home for doing amiss : If the people had any such power over their Burgesses , then we might call it , The Natural Liberty of the people , with a mischief . But they are so far from punishing , that they may be punished themselves for intermedling with Parliamentary Business ; they must only chuse , and trust those whom they chuse to do what they list ; and that is as much liberty as many of us deserve , for our irregular Elections of Burgesses . ( 15 ) A fourth point to be consider'd , is , that in Parliament all Statutes or Laws are made properly by the King alone , at the Rogation of the people , as His Majesty King Iames , of happy memory , affirms in His true Law of free Monarchy ; and as Hooker teacheth us , That Laws do not take their constraining force from the Quality of such as devise them , but from the Power that doth give them the Strength of Laws : Le Roy le Veult , the King will have it so , is the Interpretive Phrase pronounced at the King 's passing of every Act of Parliament : And it was the ancient Custom for a long time , till the days of Henry the Fifth , that the Kings , when any Bill was brought unto them , that had passed both Houses , to take and pick out what they liked not , and so much as they chose was Enacted for a Law : but the Custom of the later Kings hath been so gracious , as to allow always of the entire Bill as it hath passed both Houses . ( 16 ) The Parliament is the King's Court , for so all the oldest Statutes call it , the King in his Parliament : But neither of the two Houses are that Supreme Court , nor yet both of them together ; they are only Members , and a part of the Body , whereof the King is the Head and Ruler . The King 's Governing of this Body of the Parliament we may find most significantly proved both by the Statutes themselves , as also by such Presidents as expresly shew us , how the King , sometimes by himself , sometimes by his Council , and other-times by his Judges , hath over-ruled and directed the Judgments of the Houses of Parliament ; for the King , we find that Magna Charta , and the Charter of Forrests , and many other Statutes about those times , had only the Form of the Kings Letters-Patents , or Grants , under the Great Seal , testifying those Great Liberties to be the sole Act and Bounty of the King : The words of Magna Charta begin thus ; Henry , by the Grace of God , &c. To all Our Arch-Bishops , &c. and Our Faithful Subjects , Greeting . Know ye , that We , of Our meer free-Will , have granted to all Free-men these Liberties . In the same style goeth the Charter of Forrests , and other Statutes . Statutum Hiberniae , made at Westminster , 9. Februarii 14. Hen. 3. is but a Letter of the King to Gerrard , Son of Maurice , Justice of Ireland . The Statute de anno Bissextili begins thus , The King to His Iustices of the Bench , Greeting , &c. Explanationes Statuti Glocestriae , made by the King and his Iustices only , were received always as Statutes , and are still Printed amongst them . The Statute made for Correction of the 12th Chapter of the Statute of Glocester , was Signed under the Great Seal , and sent to the Justices of the Bench , after the manner of a Writ Patent , with a certain Writ closed , dated by the Kings Hand at Westminster , requiring that they should do , and Execute all and every thing contained in it , although the same do not accord with the Statute of Glocester in all things . The Statute of Rutland , is the Kings Letters to his Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer , and to his Chamberlain . The Statute of Circumspecte Agis runs , The King to his Iudges sendeth Greeting . There are many other Statutes of the same Form , and some of them which run only in the Majestique Terms of , The King Commands , or , The King Wills , or , Our Lord the King hath established , or , Our Lord the King hath ordained : or , His Especial Grace hath granted : Without mention of Consent of the Commons or People ; insomuch that some Statutes rather resemble Proclamations , than Acts of Parliament : And indeed some of them were no other than meer Proclamations ; as the Provisions of Merton , made by the King at an Assembly of the Prelates and Nobility , for the Coronation of the King and his Queen Eleanor , which begins , Provisum est in Curia Domini Regis apud Merton . Also a Provision was made 19. Hen. 3. de Assisa ultimae Praesentationis , which was continued and allowed for Law , until Tit. West . 2. an . 13. Ed. 1. cap. 5. which provides the contrary in express words : This Provision begins , Provisum fuit coram Dom. Rege , Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , & Baronibus , quod , &c. It seems Originally the difference was not great between a Proclamation and a Statute ; this latter the King made by Common Council of the Kingdom . In the former he had but the advice only of his great Council of the Peers , or of his Privy Council only . For that the King had a great Council , besides his Parliament , appears by a Record of 5. Hen. 4. about an Exchange between the King and the Earl of Northumberland : Whereby the King promiseth to deliver to the Earl Lands to the value , by the advice of Parliament , or otherwise by the Advice of his Grand Council , and other Estates of the Realm , which the King will Assemble , in case the Parliament do not meet . We may find what Judgment in later times Parliaments have had of Proclamations , by the Statute of 31. of Hen. Cap. 8. in these Words , Forasmuch as the King , by the advice of his Council , hath set forth Proclamations , which obstinate Persons have contemned ; not considering what a King by his Royal Power may do : Considering that sudden Causes and Occasions fortune many times , which do require speedy Remedies , and that by abiding for a Parliament , in the mean time might happen great prejudice to ensue to the Realm : And weighing also , that his Majesty , which by the Kingly and Regal Power given him by God , may do many things in such Cases , should not be driven to extend the Liberties , and Supremity of his Regal Power , and Dignity , by willfulness of froward Subjects : It is therefore thought fit , that the King with the Advice of his Honourable Council should set forth Proclamations for the good of the People , and defence of his Royal Dignity as necessity shall require . This Opinion of a House of Parliament was confirmed afterwards by a Second Parliament , and the Statute made Proclamations of as great validity , as if they had been made in Parliament . This Law continued until the Government of the State came to be under a Protector , during the Minority of Edward the Sixth , and in his first year it was Repealed . I find also , that a Parliament in the 11th year of Henry the Seventh , did so great Reverence to the Actions , or Ordinances of the King , that by Statute they provided a Remedy or Means to levy a Benevolence granted to the King , although by a Statute made not long before all Benevolences were Damned and Annulled for ever . Mr. Fuller , in his Arguments against the proceedings of the High-Commission Court , affirms , that the Statute of 2. H. 4. cap. 15. which giveth Power to Ordinaries to Imprison and set Fines on Subjects , was made without the Assent of the Commons , because they are not mentioned in the Act. If this Argument be good , we shall find very many Statutes of the same kind , for the Assent of the Commons was seldom mentioned in the Elder Parliaments . The most usual Title of Parliaments in Edward the 3d , Rich. 2. the three Henries 4. 5. 6. in Edw. 4. and Rich. 3. days , was : The King and his Parliament , with the Assent of the Prelates , Earles , and Barons , and at the Petition , or at the special Instance of the Commons , doth Ordain . The same Mr. Fuller saith , that the Statute made against Lollards , was without the Assent of the Commons , as appears by their Petition in these Words , The Commons beseech , that whereas a Statute was made in the last Parliament , &c. which was never Assented nor Granted by the Commons , but that which was done therein , was done without their Assent . ( 17. ) How far the Kings Council hath directed and swayed in Parliament , hath in part appeared by what hath been already produced . For further Evidence , we may add the Statute of Westminster : The first which saith , These be the Acts of King Edward 1. made at His First Parliament General , by His Council , and by the assent of Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Earles , Barons , and all the Commonalty of the Realm , &c. The Statute of Bygamy saith , In presence of certain Reverend Fathers , Bishops of England , and others of the Kings Council , for as much as all the King's Council , as well Iustices as others , did agree , that they should be put in Writing , and observed . The Statute of Acton Burnell saith , The King , for Himself , and by His Council , hath Ordained and Established . In Articuli super Chartas ; when the Great Charter was confirmed , at the Request of his Prelates , Earls and Barons , we find these Passages . 1. Nevertheless the King and His Council do not intend by reason of this Statute to diminish the Kings Right , &c. 2. And notwithstanding all these things before-mentioned , or any part of them ; both the King and his Council , and all they that were present at the making of this Ordinance , will and intend that the Right and Prerogative of his Crown shall be saved to him in all things . Here we may see in the same Parliament the Charter of the Liberties of the Subjects confirmed , and a saving of the Kings Prerogative : Those times neither stumbled at the Name , nor conceived any such Antipathy between the Terms , as should make them incompatible . The Statute of Escheators hath this Title , At the Parliament of our Soveraign Lord the King , by his Council it was agreed ; and also by the King himself commanded . And the Ordinance of Inquest goeth thus , It is agreed and Ordained by the King himself , and all his Council . The Statute made at York , 9. Ed. 3. saith , Whereas the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses desired our Soveraign Lord the King in his Parliament , by their Petition , that for his Profit , and the Commodity of his Prelates , Earls , Barons , and Commons , it may please him to provide remedy ; our Soveraign Lord the King desiring the profit of his people by the assent of his Prelates , Earles , Barons , and other Nobles of his Council being there , hath ordained . In the Parliament primo Edwardi the Third , where Magna Charta was confirmed , I find this Preamble , At the Request of the Commonalty by their Petition made before the King and His Council in Parliament , by the assent of the Prelates , Earles , Barons , and other Great Men Assembled , it was Granted . The Commons presenting a Petition unto the King , which the King's Council did mislike , were content thereupon to mend and explain their Petition ; the Form of which Petition is in these words , To their most redoubted Soveraign Lord the King , praying the said Commons , That whereas they have pray'd Him to be discharged of all manner of Articles of the Eyre , &c. Which Petition seemeth to His Council to be prejudicial unto Him , and in Disinherison of His Crown , if it were so generally granted . His said Commons not willing nor desiring to demand things of Him , which should fall in Disinherison of Him or His Crown perpetually , as of Escheators , &c. but of Trespasses , Misprisions , Negligences , and Ignorances , &c. In the time of Henry the Third , an Order or Provision was made by the King's Council , and it was pleaded at the Common Law in Bar to a Writ of Dower . The Plantiffs Attorney could not deny it , and thereupon the Iudgment was ideo sine die . It seems in those days an Order of the Council-Board was either parcel of the Common-Law or above it . The Reverend Judges have had regard in their Proceedings , that before they would resolve or give Iudgment in new Cases , they consulted with the King 's Privy Council . In the Case of Adam Brabson , who was assaulted by R. W. in the presence of the Iustices of Assize at Westminster , the Judges would have the Advice of the Kings Council : For in a like Case , because R. C. did strike a Juror at Westminster which passed in an Inquest against one of his Friends , It was adjudged by all the Council that his right hand should be cut off , and his Lands and Goods forfeited to the King. Green and Thorp were sent by Judges of the Bench to the Kings Council , to demand of them whether by the Statute of 14. Ed. 3. cap. 16. a Word may be amended in a Writ ; and it was answered , that a Word may well be amended , although the Statute speak but of a Letter or Syllable . In the Case of Sir Tho. Oghtred , Knight , who brought a Formedon against a poor Man and his Wife ; they came and yielded to the Demandant , which seemed suspitious to the Court , whereupon Iudgment was stayed ; and Thorp said , That in the like Case of Giles Blacket , it was spoken of in Parliament , and we were commanded , that when any like Case should come , we should not go to Iudgment without good advice : therefore the Judges Conclusion was , Sues au Counseil , & comment ils voillet que nous devomus faire , nous volume faire , & auterment nient en cest case . Sue to the Council , and as they will have us to do , we will ; and otherwise not in this Case . ( 18. ) In the last place , we may consider how much hath been attributed to the Opinions of the Kings Iudges by Parliaments , and so find , that the Kings Council hath guided and ruled the Iudges , and the Iudges guided the Parliament . In the Parliament of 28. Hen. 6. The Commons made Suit , That William de la Poole , D. of Suffolke , should be committed to Prison , for many Treasons and other Crimes . The Lords of the Higher House were doubtful what Answer to give , the Opinion of the Iudges was demanded . Their Opinion was , that he ought not to be committed , for that the Commons did not charge him with any particular Offence , but with General Reports and Slanders . This Opinion was allowed . In another Parliament , 31. Hen. 6. ( which was prorogued ) in the Vacation the Speaker of the House of Commons was condemned in a thousand pound dammages , in an Action of Trespass , and was committed to Prison in Execution for the same . When the Parliament was re-assembled , the Commons made suit to the King and Lords to have their Speaker delivered ; the Lords demanded the Opinion of the Judges , whether he might be delivered out of Prison by priviledge of Parliament ; upon the Judges answer it was concluded , That the Speaker should still remain in Prison , according to the Law , notwithstanding the priviledge of Parliament , and that he was the Speaker : Which Resolution was declared to the Commons by Moyle , the King's Serjeant at Law ; and the Commons were commanded in the Kings Name , by the Bishop of Lincolne , ( in the absence of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , then Chancellour ) to chuse another Speaker . In septimo of Hen. 8. a question was moved in Parliament , Whether Spiritual Persons might be convented before Temporal Iudges for Criminal Causes . There Sir Iohn Fineux , and the other Judges , delivered their Opinion , That they might and ought to be : and their Opinion was allowed and maintained by the King and Lords , and Dr. Standish , who before had holden it ; the same Opinion was delivered from the Bishops . If a Writ of Errour be sued in Parliament upon a Judgment given in the Kings Bench , the Lords of the higher House alone , ( without the Commons ) are to examine the Errours ; the Lords are to proceed according to Law , and for their Judgment therein they are to be informed by the advice and counsel of the Judges , who are to inform them what the Law is , and so to direct them in their Judgment ; for the Lords are not to follow their own Opinions or Discretions otherwise . So it was in a Writ of Errour brought in Parliament by the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield , against the Prior and Covent of Newton-Panel , as appeareth by Record . See Flower Dew's Case , P. 1. H. 7. fol. 19. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A41308-e900 1 Kings 20. 16. Gen. 27 , 29. Notes for div A41308-e3340 Arist. Pol. Lib. 1. c. 2.